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Brother Jonathans Images, No.

9

No. 9. St. Georges Virginia Rifleman
Artist: Richard St George Mansergh St George, 52d Regiment of Foot, 1777
Year: 1777
Collection: Harlan Crow Library, Dallas, Texas (purchased from the estate of Arthur E.
Bye, Bucks County, Pennsylvania)


A Virginian Rifleman, 1777


With thanks to Sam Fore, librarian at the Harlan Crow Library, and Gregory J.W.
Urwin for his biography of Richard St. George in Redcoat Images, No. 83 (Revisited).
_____________________________________

Contents

1. Background
2. Virginia Rifleman, 1777
3. Chosen Men Selected from the Army at large : Rifle-Armed
Companies, Battalions, and Regiments, 1775-1779.

Appendices
A. A Quantity of Tow Cloth, for the Purpose of making of Indian or Hunting
Shirts : Proper Terminology: Hunting shirt, Rifle Shirt, Rifle Frock
B. Letter by Jesse Lukens, describing Pennsylvania riflemen and service at the
siege of Boston, 1775.
C. Capt. William Dansey, 33d Regiment, describes two encounters with rifle
troops.
D. Morgans Rifle Corps: Selected Documents Not Included in the Narrative
E. We returned them a very brisk fire : A Riflemans View of Two
Campaigns
F. He was in that noted Battel in the Bukwheat field with Morgan
Riflemens Pension Service Narratives, 1775-1779
G. The Rebels (Sung to the tune, Black Joak), originally published in the
Pennsylvania Ledger, 1778

Background. In 2007 a collection of 18th century drawings and documents were
offered for sale by Sothebys. The images portrayed scenes from the early years of
the War for American Independence, particularly the 1776 and 1777
summer/autumn campaigns. (Stephen Gilbert notes that the Germantown drawing
was done during the artists convalescence following his wounding in that action, all
the others were likely done while aboard ship enroute to the Chesapeake Bay in late
July and August 1777.) Almost too good to be true, many at first thought them
forgeries, but eventually they were confirmed to be as advertised. For some time the
artists identity remained unknown, there being no signature or other identifying
mark on any of the documents. Eventually, enough clues were gleaned to mark
Richard St. George Mansergh St. George as the culprit. St. George was first an ensign
in the 4th Regiment, dating from 15 April 1776, then lieutenant as of 23 December
1776 in the 52d Regiment, light infantry company (later captain, 31 January 1778).
Fortunately, he was mentioned a number of times by his friend Lt. Martin Hunter, of
the same regiment and company, in his journal (see The Journal of Gen. Sir Martin
Hunter, Edinburgh, The Edinburgh Press, 1894). It was Hunter who wrote of St.
Georges artistic abilities, as well as his character:

St. George and I were great friends. He was a fine, high-spirited, gentleman-like young
man, but uncommonly passionate. He had a little Irish servant, the most extraordinary
creature that ever was. He had been a servant in the family a long time, and was the
ugliest little fellow I ever beheld. He was very much marked with the smallpox, had a
broad white face, little blue eyes, and lank long hair. St. George always called him the
Irish priest. This little man was to the full as passionate as his master, and frequently
provoked him to such a degree that I often expected he would have killed him. St.
George was quite military mad, and the man copied the master in everything. When the
man was fully equipped for action, he was a most laughable figure as was ever seen. He
wore one of his masters old regimental jackets, a set of American accoutrements, a long
rifle and sword, with a brace of horse pistols, and was attended by two runaway
Negroes equipped in the same way. On a shot being fired at any of the advanced posts,
master and man set off immediately the master attended by a man of the Company
named [Corporal George] Peacock, who had been a great deal with the Indians in
Canada, and a famous good soldier. I have often been surprised that they were not
killed. St. George drew caricatures uncommonly well, and I prevailed on him one day to
draw himself and man in a violent passion, which he did so well, and so like, that
everybody knew it immediately. Bernard, his servant, was lying on his back, and St.
George, with one foot on his breast, flourishing a sabre over his head, telling him to say a
short prayer, for that he had not more than a minute to live.

One of the drawings sold by Sothebys shows wounded British soldiers carried in a
two-wheeled cart. At the bottom is written, My Triumphant entry into
Philadelphia. One of two narratives in the collection begins, My Dear Friend West
met me in ye Cart as he was marching with the Grenadiers to support us and took
me by the Hand and wept as I have been since told The figure I intended for West
is execrable I endeavoured to blot out his face but coud not the paper being too thin



General Washington attacked our Lines with a body of about Twelve to fourteen
Thousand Men with all his field artillery at German Town the 4th of October at four
in the morning 1777. The aforementioned friend was Capt. John West, grenadier
company, 4th Regiment. Wests company was in the 1st Battalion British Grenadiers
in 1777. Martin Hunter wrote of St. Georges wounding,

On the first shots being fired at our piquet the battalion was out and under arms in a
minute; so much had they in recollection of Waynes affair [Paoli] that many of them
rushed out at the back part of the [brush] huts. At this time the day had broke about five
minutes, but it was a very thick, foggy morning, and so dark that we could not see a
hundred yards before us. Just as the battalion had formed the piquet ran in and said the
enemy were advancing in force.
They had not well joined the battalion when we heard a loud cry of Have at the
Bloodhounds! Revenge Waynes affair! and immediately fired a volley. We gave them
another in return, a cheer, and charged. As it was at the close of the campaign, our battalion
was very weak. They did not consist of more than three hundred and fifty men, and there
was no support nearer then Germantown, a mile in our rear. On our charging they gave
way on all sides, but again and again renewed the attack with fresh troops and greater
force. We charged them twice, till the battalion was so reduced by killed and wounded that
the bugle was sounded to retreat; indeed, had we not retreated at the very time we did, we

Portrait of Richard St. George as an ensign in the 4th Regiment of Foot, 1776.
Thomas Gainsborough, artist. National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne, Australia

should have been all taken or killed, as two columns of the enemy had nearly got round our
flanks.
This was the first time we had ever retreated from the Americans, and it was with great
difficulty that we could prevail on the men to obey our orders.
It was in the first volley that poor St. George was so badly wounded in the head.

Lieutenant Hunter also recounted that after St. Georges wounding, he was
carried off the field by [Corporal] Peacock. For anyone familiar with the Xavier della
Gatta paintings of the battles of Paoli and Germantown, Richard St. George has long
been considered the man who commissioned them. They were obviously done at the
direction of someone intimately familiar with those actions, given the inclusion of
details only a participant would have known. One example is the portrayal of Corporal
Peacock carrying St. George off the field (see below).



(For more on della Gattas Germantown see, Stephen R. Gilbert, An Analysis of the
Xavier della Gatta Paintings of the Battles of Paoli and Germantown, 1777: Part II,
Military Collector & Historian, vol. XLVII, no. 4 (Winter 1995), 146-162.
http://www.scribd.com/doc/209914033/%E2%80%9CThe-Battle-of-
Germantown%E2%80%9D-by-Xavier-della-Gatta-Stephen-R-Gilbert-
%E2%80%9CAn-Analysis-of-the-Xavier-della-Gatta-Paintings-of-the-Battles-of-Paoli-
and-Ger
_________________________________



Virginia Rifleman, 1777. That said, we now have some context for Richard St.
Georges several extant drawings, for now focusing on his Virginian Rifleman.
Given that St. George served in both the 1776 and 1777 campaigns, just when he
made his rifleman image would be unknown, except for one detail he chose to
include. The soldiers wooden canteen is marked U.S. and conceivably could be
meant to portray U.States, one of the brands commonly used. The original
directive on marking equipment was issued by the Continental Congress on 24
February 1777:

The arms and accouterments belonging to the United States shall be stamped with
the words United States; all arms already made to be stamped on such parts as
will receive the impressions, and those hereinafter to be manufactured to be
stamped with the said words on every part comprising the stand.

An original staved canteen owned by the Museum of the American Revolution is
marked similarly, though the St. George rendering has larger lettering.


(Courtesy of the Museum of the American Revolution)

St. Georges rifleman, like the rest of his work, is crudely drawn, but, based on
what we already know of Continental Army clothing and gear, is a relatively
accurate portrayal. In addition to the marked wooden canteen, the rifleman carries a
hunting pouch, over which is slung a powder horn with the slogan Death or
Liberty engraved on it. All his accoutrements are slung on black leather straps, and
the image shows one shoulder belt leading to something unseen hanging at his left
side, possibly a leather frog holding a tomahawk, the usual personal defense weapon
of rifle-armed troops. His clothing consists of a linen hunting shirt (possibly with
pleated sleeves), trousers (with what looks like fringe), and wide-brimmed black felt
hat, with a light blue hat band. In the left background is a redoubt (so marked in the
image) with a soldier inside on guard. At the redoubts left side stands a pole flying a
striped flag. (For further discussion of hunting shirt terminology see Appendix
A.)
Given the timeframe for this drawing, doubtless based on observations of
captured or dead riflemen, the man pictured perhaps belonged to Col. Daniel
Morgans (Provisional) Rifle Corps, composed of picked men, and formed in June
1777, but could just as easily have been from one of the other Virginia rifle
companies not assigned to Morgan.





Continental soldier wearing a hunting shirt and fringed trousers or overalls, similar
to the garments worn by St. Georges Virginian. Note the short length of the shirt and
what might be a gathered cuff on the sleeve. Detail from Xavier della Gattas Battle of
Paoli. (Courtesy of the Museum of the American Revolution)
____________________________________________

Chosen Men Selected from the Army at large
Rifle-Armed Companies, Battalions, and Regiments, 1775-1779.

The first rifle troops to join the newly formed Continental Army, then investing
British-held Boston, were Col. William Thompsons Pennsylvania Rifle Battalion
(nine companies) and four rifle companies from Maryland and Virginia (two from
each province). That they were hardy men is certain, as proved by the relatively
short time it took them to reach Cambridge. Capt. Michael Cresaps Maryland
company was typical, having traveled approximately five hundred and fifty miles in
twenty-two days, at twenty-five miles a day. Unfortunately, they chafed under the
discipline and inaction of camp life and, according to some accounts, not every
rifleman lived up to their reputation as unparalleled sharpshooters. (Loyalist
Benjamin Thompson noted on 4 November 1775, Of all the useless sets of men that
ever encumbered an army, surely the boasted riflemen are certainly the most so.
When they came to the camp they had every liberty and indulgence allowed them
They had more pay than any other soldiers, did no duty; were under no restraint
from their officers and did almost intirely as they pleased in every respect
whatever. But they have not answered the end for which they were designed in any
one article whatever. For instead of being the best marksmen in the world, and
picking off every regular that was to be seen, there is scarsely a regiment in camp
but can produce men that can beat them at shooting, and the army is now convinced
that the continual fire which they kept up by the week and month has had no other
effect than to waste their ammunition and convince the Kings troops that they are
not really so formidable adversaries as they would wish to be thought.) Still, rifle
armed troops proved effective in the field, given training, discipline, and good
leaders, and were valued by commanders till the wars end. (For two views of
American riflemen see Appendices B and C.)
Of the twelve original rifle companies that marched to Boston in 1775, Daniel
Morgans Virginia company, and William Hendricks and Matthew Smiths
Pennsylvania companies, were chosen to join Col. Benedict Arnolds command on an
overland march through the Maine wilderness to Quebec. Their fate may be read in
Kenneth Roberts March to Quebec: Journals of the Members of Arnolds Expedition
(Doubleday, 1946). Meanwhile, to the southward, Pennsylvania and Virginia were
authorizing new battalions raised on the Continental establishment. Virginias two
battalions each had two rifle companies, filling the role of light infantry. Of the five
battalions apportioned to Pennsylvania, all but the first contained a rifle company,
while the 1
st
Battalion had Nelsons (Berks County) Independent Rifle Company
attached to it for much of 1776.
The first enlistments having expired, 1776 saw a reorganization of the army,
reenlistment (and renaming) of existing units, and the creation of new ones.
Thompsons Pennsylvania Rifle Battalion, was renamed the 1st Continental
Regiment, now commanded by Col. Edward Hand, retaining their rifles, a good
portion of its officer corps, and many enlisted men from the previous year. Rifle
troops were still considered by some an elite corps within the army. Maj. Gen.
Charles Lees Guard comprised over one hundred men in 1776. Of the four company
officers, the captain commanding, James Grier, and one ensign came from Hands 1st
Continental (Rifle) Regiment, as did four of twelve non-commissioned officers. Forty
one of eighty-seven private soldiers in Lees Guard were also riflemen from Hands
unit. Charles Lee himself owned a rifle, likely purchased in 1775 or 1776. In January
1778 General Washington told Jacob Morris, I would have you comply with Genl.
Lee's several requests for his Horses, and for the Hunting Shirt and Rifle (Lee was
then a prisoner of the British in New York city) The Maryland and Virginia rifle
companies formed the core of Col. Hugh Stephensons Maryland and Virginia Rifle
Battalion (after Stephensons death in autumn 1776, Lt. Col. Moses Rawlings took
command; Otho Holland Williams was major); only six of the nine authorized
companies are known to have been raised (five Virginia, one Maryland). Enlisted for
three years, the unit was captured at Fort Washington on 16 November 1776 and
never fully reconstituted. Three companies were not present at Fort Washington
when it was taken, and a number of surviving officers and men served with
Morgans Rifle Corps in 1777 and 1778. (For further details see, Tucker F. Hentz, Unit
History of the Maryland and Virginia Rifle Regiment (17761781): Insights from the Service
Record of Capt. Adamson Tannehill (Richmond, Historical Society, 2007)
http://www.vahistorical.org/research/tann.pdf )

Powder horn carried by William Waller (Wallar), with several mottos engraved on it,
including Liberty or Death, Appeal to Heaven, and Kill or be Killd. Waller was a private in
Stephensons (later Rawlings) Maryland and Virginia Rifle Regiment in 1776. His unit was
captured at Fort Washington on 16 November 1776, but William Wallar was not present being
prevented from crossing the river with his Regiment by some reason which he does not now
distinctly recollect, but thinks he was then on the sick list with yellow jaundice. He later
enlisted for three years in the 11th Virginia Regiment, and was discharged July 1779. (1832
pension declaration, W6396.) Courtesy of the Museum of the American Revolution.

In 1776 the Philadelphia Associators raised five battalions, three musket, one
light infantry, and one armed with rifles (Pennsylvania had no militia law until 1777,
so Military Associations were formed to supply the need). Timothy Matlack
commanded the 5th (Rifle) Battalion from 1775 to 1777. One or several
companies of Matlacks Rifle Battalion may have served with the Flying Camp in
New Jersey in the summer and autumn of 1776. On 27 December of that year Col.
Matlacks riflemen crossed the Delaware River to New Jersey, part of a larger
contingent of Pennsylvania Associators, arriving at Trenton in time to participate in
the Battle of the Assunpink (Second Battle of Trenton) on January 2d. They then
marched with Washingtons forces in the early hours of January 3d, fought at the
Battle of Princeton later that morning, and marched to Somerset and Morristown,
New Jersey, leaving the army at the end of the month.
Pennsylvania authorized a State Rifle Regiment on 5 March 1776. Commanded by
Col. Samuel Miles, this unit consisted of two battalions with six companies each. At
the Battle of Long Island the Pennsylvania Rifle Regiment suffered severe losses
and its commander was captured. Following that action Miles Regiment was
merged with Col. Samuel Atlees State Musketry Battalion as a provisional battalion
under Lt. Col. Daniel Brodhead (Atlee was also captured at Long Island). The
Pennsylvania Council of Safety then created the State Regiment on 25 October 1776
in order to consolidate the remains of Miles and Atlees remaining men into a single
regiment on the state establishment. Of the Pennsylvania State Regiments ten
companies, two were armed with rifles; the unit was placed on the states
Continental establishment as of 10 June 1777. Shortly thereafter the unit became
unofficially known as the 13th Pennsylvania Regiment, and with the expiration of
many enlistments, on 1 July 1778, it was disbanded and the remaining men
absorbed by the 2d Pennsylvania Regiment.
The year 1777 brought a comprehensive reorganization of the Continental Army,
with the eighty-eight battalion resolve and the implementation of long-term
enlistments, for three years or for the war. In this modified army there were no
standing battalions armed completely with rifles, and generally fewer rifle-armed
troops. The firearms still had their place, though, with rifle companies or
sharpshooter contingents existing within some regiments.
Two such companies were Capt. John Paul Schotts Independent Rifle Company
(established 6 September 1776) and Capt. Antoni Selins Rifle Company (10
December 1776), both slated to form part of Nicholas Dietrich, Baron Ottendorfs
three company partisan corps, which itself was authorized on 5 December 1776.
Ottendorfs Corps was to consist of 150 privates, serjeants and corporals included
divided as follows: The first company of 60 men, light infantry, one captain and
two lieutenants; two companies of hunters [riflemen], 45 privates each, to be
commanded each by a captain and two lieutenants Captain Ottendorf [to] have
the rank of major, that he be captain of the light infantry company, and command
the whole. Col. Charles Armand-Tuffin, Marquis de La Rouerie, took command of
Ottendorfs Corps in mid-June 1777, and likely commanded it in the Battle of Short
Hills on 26 June. Captain Schott was captured in that action and the remains of the two
rifle companies, and likely the musket company as well, were consolidated under Selin.
After Short Hills Colonel Armand continued to command the remnants of
Ottendorfs unit, now called Armands Independent Corps. Captain Selin continued
in charge of the rifle company until October 1778 when Captain Schott returned
from his captivity and resumed command. At that time relations between Armand
and Schott were strained at best, and the captain began to petition General
Washington and others to make his company an independent command. On 3
August 1779 Schotts and Selins rifle company was assigned to Brig. Gen. Edward
Hands brigade and embarked on Maj. Gen. John Sullivans campaign against the
Iroquois in northern Pennsylvania and central New York. At the end of those
operations the company joined the garrison at Wyoming, Pennsylvania, and in
February 1780, when Armand was authorized to raise a Legionary Corps, Schotts

The only known detailed map of the Battle of Short Hills by Lt. Friedrich von Wangenheim, Hessian
Jaeger Corps. The Avante Garde des Riflemen dOttendorff is placed on two hills straddling the road a
short distance in advance of the Corps du Genl Stirling (Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord Stirlings
Division. Plan de l'affaire de Westfield & du camp de Raway, 26-27 June 1777. Friedrich Adam Julius
von Wangenheim, pen-and-ink watercolor on tracing paper (38 X 40 cm). Shows troop dispositions in
modern Essex and Union Counties, New Jersey, and location of camps near Rahway, 26 and 27 June 1777.
Call number G3813.E7S3 1777 .W3 LOC Catalog number Gm71000668. Library of Congress Geography and
Map Division, Washington, D.C. http://www.loc.gov/item/gm71000668

company was not included. The command remained in Wyoming under Captain
Schott to the end of the war. In January 1781 Captain Selin was transferred to the
Canadian Regiment.
The Pennsylvania Continental regiments still retained rifle troops, some whole
rifle companies, after the spring 1777 reorganization. In that process the 1st
Continental Regiment of 1776 (formerly Thompsons Rifle Battalion), was added to
its home states Continental line, becoming the 1st Pennsylvania Regiment (all the
other regiments shifted their designation by one; the 1st Battalion of 1776, became
the 2d Regiment in 1777, etc.). Given its origins the 1st Pennsylvania Regiment
retained the greatest number of rifles, but that would change. On 3 June 1777 Brig.
Gen. Anthony Wayne noted:

I now send Major Miller for Arms & Clothing for the first Penna Regiment
Commanded by Col. [James] Chambers they never Recd any Uniform except
hunting Shirts which are worn out and Altho a body of fine men yet from being in
Rags and badly armed they are viewed with Comtempt by the Other troops, and
begin to Despise themselvesThe Conduct of the Pennsylvanians the Other day in
forcing [British Maj.] Genl [James] Grant to Retirehas gained them the Esteem and
Confidence of His Excellency who wishes to have Our Rifles exchanged for good
muskets & Bayonets experience has taught us that [rifles] are not fit for the field
a few only will be Retained in each Regiment and those placed in the hands of Real
marksmen.

Col. James Dunlaps Rifle Regiment was formed for the autumn 1777 campaign
around Philadelphia. (This was likely James Dunlop/Dunlap former major of the 6th
Pennsylvania Battalion as of January 1776, and that October promoted to lieutenant
colonel of the 10th Pennsylvania Regiment, resigned from Continental service 23
January 1777.) Pennsylvania militia general John Armstrong wrote state President
Thomas Wharton, In concert with Genl. Potter I have formed a Rifle Regt, and put
Coll. Dunlap at the head of it, a prudent man, and not unacquainted with the
business of a Partizan This Battn. marches to morrow from Hooke. This morning
Genl Potter sets out to command the first Brigade [of Pennsylvania militia]. One
hundred & sixty from Billingsport to pass this day to Wilmington [Delaware], whom
with the Rifle Battn of 300 privates are exclusive of the number [1,800 militia]
mentioned above.
In his 1833 pension application James Patten, who served with Dunlaps regiment,
testified

That in July 1777 he entered the service of the United States as a private soldier in
the militia of Pennsylvania under the command of Capt John Williams as a drafted
militia man. He rendezvoused with the troops at Carlisle and was marched to
Marcus Hook a little town below Philadelphia on the delaware River. At this point
there was a call for men to volunteer from the ranks of the infantry as Rifle-men &
he volunteered and joined a rifle commanded by Captain [George] Crawford
Dunlap was the colonel of this Rifle Reigt. He was then marched in this Rifle reigt
to Wilmington in Delaware and was then stationed in the Brandy wine Mills about
one mile from Wilmington. General Maxwell had command of this corpse of the
militia. [New Jersey Brig. Gen. William Maxwell commanded the newly formed Light
Infantry Corps, consisting of one Field Officer, two Captains, six Subalterns, eight
Serjeants and 100 Rank and File from each brigade of Washingtons army, plus the
aforementioned Pennsylvania militia.]That while the troops he belonged to were so
quarte[re]d in the mills parties were continually kept out upon the scout watching
the movements of the British & preventing them as far as possible from foraging in
the country. The troops to which this applicant belonged had frequent skirmishes
with the British and amongst the rest a considerable fight at a place called Iron Hill
in which this applicant was engaged [Battle of Coochs Bridge, 3 September]. The
British succeeded in this conflict in driving the American troops and the latter
retreated to a place called Christiana a few miles from Iron Hill. The British just
before that time had landed near the Head of Elk. After that skirmish at Iron Hill this
applicant with the corpse to which he belonged was marched to Chadds ford on the
Brandywine and there encamped all night on the next day the battle of Brandywine
was fought The corpse to which this applicant belonged assisted at this battle in
covering the retreat of General Wayne and aided in drawing his cannon up a hill or
steep to the heighths of that place. After the Battle of Brandywine and during the
same night they retreated to Chester below Philada.

General Washington wrote President of Congress John Hancock about the action
at Coochs Bridge:

This morning the Enemy came out with considerable force and three pieces of
Artillery, against our Light advanced Corps, and after some pretty smart skirmishing
obliged them to retreat, being far inferior to them in number and without Cannon.
The loss on either side is not yet ascertain'd. Ours, tho' not exactly known is not very
considerable; Their's, we have reason to believe, was much greater, as some of our
parties composed of expert Marksmen, had opportunities of giving them several
close, well directed Fires, more particularly in one instance, when a body of
Riflemen formed a kind of Ambuscade. They advanced about two Miles this side of
Iron Hill, and then withdrew to that place, leaving a Picket at Couch's Mill about a
Mile in front. Our parties now lie at White Clay Creek, except the advanced Pickets,
which are at Christiana Bridge.

Dunlaps Rifles went on to fight at the abortive Battle of the Clouds (White Horse
Tavern) and at Germantown. Patten noted of his service, he knew but few of the
regular officers because he was generally kept out upon the wings and in stations
distinct from the regular troops. Following Germantown, The corpse to which he
belonged again retreated to the Trapp and there he remained until he was duly
discharged which he thinks was about the last day of October 1777 and during all
this time he served as a private militia soldier. He thinks it was as early as the 15th
of July that he entered the service as above stated & ... his services during this tour
exceeded three months all of which service he performed as a volunteer Rifleman

Col. Daniel Morgans Rifle Corps, a provisional organization, was the apogee of
rifle units formed during the war. From its inception in June 1777 to the October
1778 disbandment, the Rifle Corps served under competent field officers, Colonel
Morgan (11th Virginia Regiment) being seconded by Lt. Col. Richard Butler (9th
Pennsylvania Regiment), and New Jerseyian Major Joseph Morris (1st Regiment;
Morris died in January 1778 of wounds received in action with the Rifle Corps at
White Marsh on 5 December 1777). Following is an overview of the Corps origin
and service.
1777. Embodied in early June 1777, on the first of that month army orders directed,
The commanding officer of every Corps is to make a report early to morrow
morning, to his Brigadier, of the number of Rifle-men under his command -- In doing
which, he is to include none but such as are known to be perfectly skilled in the use
of these guns, and who are known to be active and orderly in their behaviour -- Each
Brigadier to make a collective Return to the Adjutant General of these men. Daniel
Morgans Corps was organized as follows:

1st Company Capt. Hawkins Boone (12th Pennsylvania Regiment)
2d Company Capt. Samuel Cabell (6th Virginia Regiment)
3d Company Capt. William Henderson (9th Virginia Regiment),
(Henderson resigned 30 May 1778)
4th Company Capt. James Knox (8th Virginia Regiment)
5th Company Capt. Gabriel Long (Virginia)+
6th Company Capt. James Parr (1st Pennsylvania Regiment)
7th Company Capt. Thomas Posey (7th Virginia Regiment),
(Posey promoted to major of the 2d Virginia Regiment 30 April 1778)
8th Company Capt. Van Swearingen (8th Pennsylvania Regiment),
(Swearingen was captured 19 September 1777
+ Long, his company officers, and many of his men had served with Rawlings Maryland and
Virginia Rifle Regiment, and had escaped capture at Fort Washington on 16 November 1776.
(Note: The above organization stands for the 1777 campaign. Capts. Michael Simpson, 1st
Pennsylvania Regiment, and Benjamin Taliaferro, 6th Virginia, commanded Rifle Corps
companies after the wounding and capture of Swearingen at Saratoga, the promotion of
Posey, and Hendersons resignation. Lt. Philip Slaughter is also noted to have commanded a
rifle detachment, possibly due to one company not being full strength in 1778.

Correspondence and general orders reveal some interesting details. On 13 June
General Washington informed Morgan, The Corps of Rangers newly formed, and
under your Command, are to be considered as a body of light Infantry and are to Act
as such It occurs to me that if you were to dress a Company or two of true Woods
Men in the right Indian Style and let them make the Attack accompanied with
screaming and yelling as the Indians do, it would have very good consequences
especially if as little as possible was said, or known of the matter beforehand. The
commander-in-chief also noted, I have sent for Spears, which I expect shortly to
receive and deliver you, as a defence against Horse; till you are furnished with these,
take care not to be caught in such a Situation as to give them any advantage over
you. On the 20th of the month Washington discussed several modifications with the
Board of War: The Spears have come to hand, and are very handy and will be useful
to the Rifle Men. But they would be more conveniently carried, if they had a sling
fixed to them, they should also have a spike in the but[t] end to fix them in the
ground and they would then serve as a rest for the Rifle. The Iron plates which fix
the spear head to the shaft, should be at least eighteen inches long to prevent the
Shaft from being cut through, with a stroke of a Horseman's Sword. Those only,
intended for the Rifle Men, should be fixed with Slings and Spikes in the end, those
for the Light Horse need neither. There will be 500 wanting for the Rifle Men, as
quick as possible.
Proper firearms were also needed for Morgans men, as 13 June army after orders
attest: Head-Quarters, Middle-Brook Such rifles as belong to the States, in the
different brigades, to be immediately exchanged with Col. Morgan for musquets.
Officers commanding brigades are desired to pay attention to this matter, as the
nature of the service requires the utmost dispatch. If a sufficient number of rifles
(public property) can not be procured, the Brigadiers are requested to assist Col.
Morgan, either by exchanging, or purchasing those that are private property. Those
brigades that have not furnished the number of riflemen, returned to the Adjutant
General, for Colonel Morgan's Corps, are desired to send them immediately.


Jacob Bower rifle, circa 1765. This pre-Revolutionary War American rifle is
attributed to gunsmith George Schroyer, working in Reading, PA until about
1768. Based on the inscription found on the underside of the patchbox door,
we know it was carried by Capt. Jacob Bower, [6th Regiment] of the
Pennsylvania Line, during the war. Partial gift of Wallace B. and Elizabeth P.
Gusler; acquisition funded by the Friends of Colonial Williamsburg
Collections, Acc. No. 2010-130. (Courtesy of Colonial Williamsburg).
Below: Inscription inside patchbox cover, "Jacob Bower Sept. 6, 1777."



Board of War letter to Gen. George Washington, 23 June 1777, with sketch and
description of the riflemans folding pike.

Drawing of folding pike. Detail from 23 June 1777 Board of War letter.

Morgans Rifle Corps skirmished with Crown forces in north Jersey, between
Amboy and New Brunswick, and as far east as Van Nests Mill on the Millstone River.
It also saw action at the Battle of Short Hills on June 26th. In August the Continental
Congress directed that Morgan and his men be sent to northern New York:

In Congress 16 August 1777
Resolved That general Washington be informd that in the opinion of Congress, five
hundred riflemen under the command of an active & experienced officer should
immediately be sent into the Northern department to assist in opposing the incursion
of the enemy in that quarter.
Extract from the minutes
Chas Thomson jur.
By order of Congress
John Hancock Presidt.

Washington informed Gov. George Clinton of New York the same day In addition to
the two Regiments that are gone from Peekskill, I am forwarding, as fast as possible,
to join the Northern Army, Col. Morgan's Corps of Riflemen, amounting to about 500
Men. These are all chosen Men Selected from the Army at large; well acquainted
with, the use of Rifles and with that mode of Fighting, which is Necessary to make
them a good Counterpoise to the Indians, and have distinguished themselves on a
variety of occasions Since the formation of the Corps, in Skirmishes with the Enemy.
I expect the most eminent Services from them and I shall be mistaken, if their
presence does not go far towards producing a general Desertion among the Savages.
I should think it would be well, even before their arrival to begin to circulate these
Ideas, with proper Embellishments, throughout the Country, and in the army and to
take pains to communicate them to the Enemy. It would not be amiss, among other
Things, to magnify Numbers. In the coming days and weeks the commanding
general would regret sending the Rifle Corps north; on 24 September he wrote
General Gates, This Army has not been able to oppose Genl. Howe's with the
success that was wished and needs a Reinforcement. I therefore request that you
will order Colo. Morgan to join me again with his Corps. I sent him up, when I
thought you materially wanted him, and if his services can be dispensed with now,
you will direct his immediate return. You will perceive, I do not mention this by way
of command, but leave you to determine upon it according to your situation. Gates
sent back, Since the Action of the 19th Instant, the Enemy have kept the Ground
they Occupied the Morning of that Day; and fortified their Camp. The Advanced
Centrys of my picquets, are posted within Shot, And Opposite the Enemy's; neither
side have given Ground an Inch. In this Situation, Your Excellency would not wish
me to part with the Corps the Army of General Burgoyne are most Afraid of."
Colonel Morgan and his rifle troops did indeed prove themselves invaluable in the
actions leading to the surrender of Lt. Gen. John Burgoynes army in mid-October. Of
the Freemans Farm battle (First Saratoga) on 19 September 1777, Lt. William
Digby, grenadier company, 53d Regiment of Foot, noted,

19th. At day break intelligence was received, that Colonel Morgan, with the advance
party of the enemy, consisting of a corps of rifle men, were strong about 3 miles
from us; their main body amounting to great numbers encamped on a very strong
post about half a mile in their rear; and about 9 o'clock we began our march, every
man prepared with 60 rounds of cartridge and ready for instant action. We moved
in 3 colums, ours to the right on the heights and farthest from the river in thick
woods. A little after 12 our advanced picquets came up with Colonel Morgan and
engaged, but from the great superiority of fire received from himhis numbers
being much greaterthey were obliged to fall back, every officer being either killed
or wounded except one, when the line came up to their support and obliged Morgan
in his turn to retreat with loss. About half past one, the fire seemed to slacken a
little; but it was only to come on with double force, as between 2 & 3 the action
became general on their side. From the situation of the ground, and their being
perfectly acquainted with it, the whole of our troops could not be brought to engage
together, which was a very material disadvantage, though everything possible was
tried to remedy that inconvenience, but to no effect, such an explosion of fire I never
had any idea of before, and the heavy artillery joining in concert like great peals of
thunder, assisted by the echoes of the woods, almost deafened us with the noise. To
an unconcerned spectator, it must have had the most awful and glorious
appearance, the different Battalions moving to relieve each other, some being
pressed and almost broke by their superior numbers. This crash of cannon and
musketry never ceased till darkness parted us, when they retired to their camp,
leaving us masters of the field; but it was a dear bought victory if I can give it that
name, as we lost many brave men, The 62nd had scarce 10 men a company left, and
other regiments suffered much, and no very great advantage, honor excepted, was
gained by the day.

At Freemans Farm British officers were singled out as special targets. General
Burgoyne noted later, The enemy had with their army great numbers of marksmen,
armed with rife-barrel pieces. These, during an engagement, hovered upon the
flanks in small detachments, and were very expert in securing themselves, and in
shifting their ground. In this action, many placed themselves in high trees in the rear
of their own lines, and there was seldom a minutes interval of smoke in any part of
our line without officers being taken off by [a] single shot.

(Previous page) Situation at the close of the Battle of Freemans Farm, 19 September
1777. The positions of Morgans Rifle Corps and Dearborns Light Infantry are
marked by clusters of blue dots.
_________________________

The culminating clash of the campaign, called the Battle of Bemis Heights or
Barbers Wheatfield, occurred a week and a half later. Lt. Col. James Wilkinson, of
Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates staff, noted of this second action,

on the afternoon of the 7th October, the advanced guard of the centre beat to arms;
the alarm was repeated throughout the line, and the troops repaired to their alarm-
posts. I was at head-quarters when this happened, and with the approbation of the
General, mounted my horse to inquire the cause some person had reported the
enemy to be advancing against our left. I proceeded over open ground, and,
ascending a gentle acclivity in front of the guard, I perceived, about half a mile from
the line of our encampment, several columns of the enemy, sixty or seventy rods
from me, entering a wheat-field which had not been cut, and was separated from me
by a small rivulet I could distinctly mark their every movement. After entering the
field, they displayed, formed the line, and sat down in double ranks with their arms
between their legs. Foragers then proceeded to cut the wheat or standing straw, and
I soon after observed several officers, mounted on the top of a cabin, from whence
with their glasses they were endeavouring to reconnoitre our left, which was
concealed from their view by intervening woods.
Having satisfied myself, after fifteen minutes' attentive observation, that no attack
was meditated, I returned and reported to the General, who asked me what
appeared to be the intentions of the enemy. 'They are foraging, and endeavouring to
reconnoitre your left; and I think, sir, they offer you battle.' 'What is the nature of
the ground, and what your opinions? 'Their front is open, and their flanks rest on
woods, under cover of which they may be attacked; their right is skirted by a lofty
height. I would indulge them.' 'Well, then, order on Morgan to begin the game.' I
waited on the colonel, whose corps was formed in front of our centre, and delivered
the order; he knew the ground, and inquired the position of the enemy: they were
formed across a newly cultivated field, their grenadiers with several field-pieces on
the left, bordering on a wood and a small ravine formed by the rivulet before alluded
to; their light infantry on the right covered by a worm-fence at the foot of the hill
before mentioned, thickly covered with wood; their centre composed of British and
German battalions. Colonel Morgan, with his usual sagacity, proposed to make a
circuit with his corps by our left, and under cover of the wood to gain the height on
the right of the enemy, and from thence commence his attack, so soon as our fire
should be opened against their left; the plan was the best which could be devised,
and no doubt contributed essentially to the prompt and decisive victory we gained.
This proposition was approved by the General, and it was concerted that time
should be allowed the Colonel to make the proposed circuit, and gain his station on
the enemy's right before the attack should be made on their left; Poor's brigade was
ordered for this service, and the attack was commenced in due season on the flank
and front of the British grenadiers, by the New Hampshire and New York troops.
True to his .purpose, Morgan, at this critical moment, poured down like a torrent
from the hill, and attacked the right of the enemy in front and flank. Dearborn [with
his light infantry], at the moment when the enemy's light infantry were attempting
to change front, pressed forward with ardour, and delivered a close fire; then leaped
the fence, shouted, charged, and gallantly forced them to retire in disorder; yet,
headed by that intrepid soldier, the Earl of Balcarras, they were immediately rallied,
and re-formed behind a fence in rear of their first position; but being now attacked
with great audacity in front and flank by superior numbers, resistance became vain;
and the whole line, commanded by Burgoyne in person, gave way, and made a
precipitate and disorderly retreat to his camp, leaving 2 twelve, and 6 six-pounders
on the field, with the loss of more than 400 officers and men killed, wounded, and
captured The ground which had been occupied by the British grenadiers,
presented a scene of complicated horror and exultation. In the square space of
twelve or fifteen yards, lay eighteen grenadiers in the agonies of death, and three
officers propped up against stumps of trees, two of them mortally wounded,
bleeding, and almost speechless I then proceeded to the scene of renewed action,
which embraced Burgoyne's rightflank defence, and extending to his left, crossed a
hollow, covered with wood, about forty rods to the entrenchments of the light
infantry: the roar of cannon and small-arms at this juncture was sublime, between
the enemy, behind their works, and our troops, entirely exposed or partially
sheltered by trees, stumps, or hollows, at various distances, not exceeding 120
yards. This right-flank defence of the enemy, occupied by the German corps of
Breyman, consisted of a breastwork of rails, piled horizontally between
perpendicular pickets, driven into the earth, formed en potencc to the rest of the
line, and extended about 250 yards across an open field, and was covered on the
right by a battery of two guns. The interval from the left to the British light infantry,
was committed to the defence of the provincialists, who occupied a couple of log-
cabins. The Germans were encamped immediately behind the rail breast-work, and
the ground in front of it declined in a very gentle slope for about 120 yards, when it
sunk abruptly; our troops had formed a line under this declivity, and, covered
breast-high, were warmly engaged with the Germans. From this position, about
sunset, I perceived Brigadier-General Learned advancing towards the enemy with
his brigade, in open column; I think with Colonel M. Jackson's regiment in front, as I
saw Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, who commanded it, near the General when I rode
up to him: on saluting this brave old soldier, he inquired, 'Where can I put in with
most advantage?' I had particularly examined the ground between the left of the
Germans and the light infantry, occupied by the provincialists, from whence I had
observed a slack fire; I therefore recommended to General Learned to incline to his
right, and attack at this point: he did so with great gallantry; the provincialists
abandoned their position and fled; the German flank was by this means uncovered;
they were assaulted vigorously, overturned in five minutes, and retreated in
disorder, leaving their gallant commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Breyman, dead on
the field. By dislodging this corps, the whole British encampment was laid open to
us; but the extreme darkness of the night, the fatigue of the men, and the disorder
incident to undisciplined troops after so desultory an action, put it out of our power
to improve the advantage; and in the course of the night General Burgoyne broke up
his camp, and retired to his original position, which he had fortified, behind the
great ravine.

Of the first part of this action, Thomas Tipton (pension S16274) recalled being in
the noted Battel [battle] in the Buckwheat field with Morgan and had Severel Bulet
hols shot through his hat that day.
Sgt. James Selkirk, of Col. James Livingston's Battalion (formerly known as the 1st
Canadian Regiment),
that memorable day the seventh of October when our army was again rallied for
battele about twelve oclock our tents wer struck and baggage wagons loaded and
every thing made ready every man drawed a gill of rum and were ordred to march
for the field of action which had already commenced we hurried on with all speed
till we came where the battle was flying thick and fast we made a short halt in a
meadow where we were wholly exposed to the fier of the enemy we immeadiatly
marched on jumped over a brush fence and commenced fier the smoke was very
thick and the enemy was just before us we had not fiered above two shot the man
before mentioned who wished to be killed the first engagement he was in received a
ball in his arm which went through his body he turned round on his feet and fell
down deadclose by where I stood the battele became severe a field peace was taken
and retaken two or three times with great bravery every man at it being killed at
last our brave men keept it the battele by this time became generale we wer
reinforced and the militia coming on in the rear and with their fiering and holloring
made the woods resound from right to left the enemy terified now began to retreat
with great precipitancy faling behind logs and getting behind tress to save their lives
many wer killed and wounded of the enemy a house where they keept their
picquete guard was filled with men we took them prisoners and we pursued the
retreating army till they got into their camp and behind their breast works but our
officers and men was in high spirits when the enemy got into their works we took
our stand on a small hill in front of their batteries and fiered into their works
nothing could exceed the bravery of both officers and men standing on this
eminence and exposed to the goling fier of the enemy ball and grape shott flying
thick upon us but night coming on something more valient must yet be don the
brave Colonele Morgan with his rifel men was ordered to flank them on their right
the command was no sooner given then it was executed the infantry was ordered to
go right on and storm them the command was obeyed the workes was stormed and
we possession of their cannon tents and baggage General Arnold was wounded
through the leg and his horse shot under him the hessians retreated into Burgoyns
camp and we keept possesion of the works it was now near dark many wounded
officers and men was in camp a hessian Major being mortally wounded informed us
if they could have possibly got away they would have been with us long ago I went
and spoke to a poor hessian grenadier that was very badly wounded through the
groine looking wistfully at me asked me in broken language if I had any water seeing
a canteen about my neck he said he was almost faint I told him I had some rum if he
would drink some of that I should make him welcom he thankfully accepted my
offer and drank what he pleased but I never seen a man so thankfull as he was quite
refreshed and offred to give me his grenadiers cap for he had nothing else to give me
now returned to our camp victorious although greatly fatigued






The Battle of Barbers Wheatfield, also known as the Battle of Bemis Heights or
Second Saratoga.

Morgans men finally marched south on 18 October, the day after the British
surrender, but were held by Maj. Gen. Israel Putnam in the Hudson Highlands. The
reason for the halt was the October 6th Crown forces capture of Forts Montgomery
and Clinton, and their movement upriver to Esopus [modern-day Kingston], which
they burned on the 15th. British general Sir Henry Clintons forces remained in the
area until 16 October, but their intentions were uncertain, and Colonel Morgans
Corp was not released to march south until the 31st. The exact date of their reunion
with Washingtons army is uncertain, but likely not before 10 November. On the 22d
of the month the commander-in-chief informed Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene, There
are not more than one hundred and Seventy of Morgan's Corps fit to march, as they
in general want Shoes, they went Yesterday and will join you I suppose this day,
and the day after wrote President Hancock, Genl Greene is still in Jersey and when
Glover's Brigade joins him, if an Attack can be made on Lord Cornwallis with a
prospect of success, I am persuaded it will be done. About a Hundred and Seventy of
Morgans Corps are also gone to reinforce him. (A General Return of the Army
Commanded by Major Genl. Gates at the Convention of Saratoga Octor. 17 1777
shows Morgans detachment with one colonel, one lieutenant colonel, two majors,
eight captains, twenty subalterns, one adjutant, two quartermasters, one surgeon,
thirty seven sergeants, and four hundred seventy seven corporals and privates present
fit for duty. Also listed we sixty five sick present, one hundred sixty two sick absent,
seven on command, and one on furlough, for a total of seven hundred and twelve rank
and file. It is not known if numbers of men left the corps on the march from New York,
or upon arrival returned to their parent units.)
Nothing came of Greenes late November operations in New Jersey, but Morgans
Corps did see action the following month at White Marsh, Pennsylvania. General
Washington to Hancock, 10 December 1777:

in the course of last Week from a variety of intelligence I had reason to expect that
General Howe was preparing to give us a general Action. Accordingly on Thursday
night [December 4th] he moved from the City with all his Force, except a very
inconsiderable part left in his Lines and Redoubts, and appeared the next Morning
on Chesnut Hill, in front of, and about three miles distant from our Right wing. As
soon as their possition was discovered, the Pennsylvania Militia were ordered from
our Right to skirmish with their Light, advanced parties, and I am sorry to mention,
that Brigadr. Genl. Irvine, who led them on, had the misfortune to be wounded and
to be made prisoner. Nothing more occurred on that day. On Friday night the Enemy
changed their Ground and moved to our left within a mile of our line, where they
remained quiet and advantageously posted the whole of the next day. On Sunday
[December 7th]they inclined still further to our left, and from every appearance,
there was reason to apprehend they were determined on an Action. In this
movement their advanced and flanking parties were warmly attacked by Colo.
Morgan and his Corps, and also by the Maryland Militia under Colo. Gist. Their loss I
cannot ascertain, but I am informed it was considerable, having regard to the
number of the Corps who engaged them. About Sun set, after various marches and
countermarches they halted, and I still supposed from their disposition and
preceding Manoeuvres, that they would attack us in the Night or early the next
morning, but in this I was mistaken. On Monday afternoon, they began to move
again and instead of advancing filed off from their Right, and the first certain
account that I could obtain of their intentions was, that they were in full March
towards Philadelphia by Two or Three Routes. I immediately detached light parties
after them to fall upon their Rear, but they were not able to come up with them. The
Enemy's loss, as I have observed, I cannot ascertain. One account from the City is,
that Five hundred wounded had been sent in; Another is that Eighty two Waggons
had gone in with Men in this situation. These I fear are both exaggerated and not to
be depended upon. We lost Twenty Seven Men in Morgans Corps in killed and
wounded, besides Major [Joseph] Morris [of the Rifle Corps] a Brave and gallant
Officer, who is among the latter.

On 19 December Washingtons troops reached the site of their winter cantonment
at Valley Forge. A few days afterwards Morgans Corps was sent to interdict a mixed
force of British and German troops at Darby, across the river from and southwest of
Philadelphia. On 22 December Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord Stirling, wrote from
"Genl. [James] Potters Qrs./Radnor/ ... 5 oClock" that "I have arrived here with my
division about an hour ago ..." Lord Stirling's division consisted of Brig. Gen. William
Maxwell's New Jersey brigade and Brig. Gen. Thomas Conway's Pennsylvania brigade,
and was augmented by a contingent from "Each brigade thro' the line." The added
detachments each comprised "a good partizan Captain, two Sub[altern]s, three
Serjeants, three Corporals and fifty privates, all picked men, fit for annoying the enemy
in light parties."
Capt.-Lt. John Peebles, 42d Regimen, noted the force that marched for Darby:

Sunday, 21 December 1777: "... preparing for a forageing party. Orders - The following
Corps are to hold themselves in readiness to march by the left on the shortest notice in
the followg Order - 1st. & 2d. Light Infantry - British Grenadrs - Hessian do. Half of the
Corps of Yagers Mounted & dismounted - 3d. Brigade 17th. 42d. & 44th. with 4 six
po[unde]rs. - 4th. Brigade 33d. 46th. & 64th. with 2 6 pors. 5th Brigade 7th. 26th. &
63d. with 4 3 pors. Two Battns. of Anspach with yr. Guns, - 2d. Brigade 5th. & 27th.
with 2 6 pors. - 1st. Brigade 28th. & 49th. with 2 6 pors. - 1st Battn. Guards with their
Guns Grenr. & Light Infantry Compys. - 4 light 12 pors. from the Park at the head of the
3d. Brigade - 2 howitzers at the head of the Guards - 17th. Dragoons at the head of the
British Grrs. - 16th. Dragoons in the rear of the Guards to take with them their
Carrabines & swords only an Offr. & 12 from each regt. Dragoons to be left here - Each
Corps to take with them the whole of their Waggons, two of which may be loaded with
Baggage, ye others empty ... The Genl. Offrs, that march with the Army are Major Genls.
Grant & Gray & Brigr. Genl. Leslie, His Excelly Genl. Kniphausen to take the Command
of the lines & Garrison with Major Genl. Sterne & Brigr. Mathew - After Orders ... The
Troops under Orders of March are to be in readiness to move tomorrow Morng. at day
break, the Corps that remain behind are also to send all their Waggons except one pr.
Battn or Corps - all the ... Waggons to be drawn up on ... the road leading to Grays ferry
..."

On December 23d Lord Stirling told General Washington, "I find Colonel Morgan
went out Early this Morning (with his own Corps, the fifteen parties detached last
Night & part of Genl. Potters [Pennsylvania] Militia) towards the Enemy ... by what I
can Collect the Enemy are Encamped with their Right at the Sweeds Church, & their
left at Darby, which makes a front of about a Mile & [a] Quarter. They keep Close to
their line, no Waggons appear on this side of them; on the Whole I believe they are
busy Carrying off the Hay & forrage from the Neck & the Islands between Derby Creek
& [the] Schuylkill, as their position Covers that part Compleatly.
What was likely the most exciting incident during the operation occurred on the
24th, when Captain Peebles noted, "this Morng. the Rebels catched 10 or 12 of our
Light Dragoons, who were out on a scout, & fell in with a Post of the Rebels, who
pursued them into a swamp ..." Lord Stirling wrote of the incident the same day,
"Yesterday Afternoon a party of the Enemy's light horse (abt 10 of them) took two of
Capt. [Henry] Lee's light horse [1st Continental Dragoons], one of whom made his
Escape, between Darby & Chester; this one gave Intelligence of this party to Col.
[Richard] Butler [of the Rifle Corps] who was out with a party in that Quarter, on
which he proceeded towards the White Horse on that Road, & discovering a Vadet
[vidette] near the House, Col Butler diveded His troops so to shut up every Avenue
except towards the Meadows. The Enemy were soon Alarmed, and finding their
Retreat Cut off every other Way betook themselves to the Marsh, and passed Several
Ditches, but at last Comeing to a Wider One, only five ... Could Clear it, Among whom
were the Officers, ten Riders & Eleven Horse were Taken, two Horses remain in the
Marsh ...











Capt. John Andrs map of the Darby foraging operation, showing troop dispositions, 25
December 1777.

The Crown forces returned to the city on Sunday, December 28th , as noted by
Captain Peebles: "it snow'd all last night & was very cold, - the Troops march'd in the
Morng. & after seeing all the Waggons over the Pontoon Bridge at Grays ferry the
Bridge was taken up, & the troops with their Guns came by the Bridge at Middle ferry
& return'd to their respective old ground at the lines [of redoubts above
Philadelphia] - it snow'd all day & it was Eveng. before we got home - a small party of
Rebels [was] taken to day / Thus ended the long foraging party which continued a
Week, in which time it is suppos'd was carried into Town between 3 & 400 ton of Hay
every day, which makes above 2000 ton ..."
1778. The new year found Morgans Corps still at Radnor. Their colonel wrote
General Washington on January 5th that the Pennsylvania militia and Continental light
horse were leaving that day, which will leave this post very weak. It seems the Rifle
Corps as a whole never quartered at Valley Forge, instead being relegated to outpost
duty until the army marched from their winter camp in June 1778. Daniel Morgan took
of absence at the end of January and turned over command to one of his field officers
or the senior captain. The commander-in-chief notified Congress on the 29th, Colo.
Morgan, when he left camp, desired to know whether he might engage any good
riflemen to serve during the next campaign in the light corps. He thinks he should be
able to procure many, under assurances, that they would serve with him and be
dismissed at the end of the campaign.
The rifle troops also spent the winter obtaining some portion of much-needed
clothing, procured through their regiments of origin. Without doubt Morgans Corps
was reduced in numbers that winter and needed to be built back up in anticipation
of another summer campaign. The Board of War was informed on 23 May that two
Continental regiments, the 8th Pennsylvania and 13th Virginia, were ordered to
march immediately to Fort Pitt, Washington noting that, the 8th Pennsylvania Regt.
were also raised to the Westward and are a choice Body of Men about one
hundred of them have been constantly in Morgans Rifle Corps, continuing, I can
very illly spare the Troops which I have sent, especially the 8th Pennsylvania Regt.
which composed the greatest part of Morgans Corps
On 18 June 1778 British, German, and Loyalist forces abandoned Philadelphia and
began their march through New Jersey to New York. With his command posted at
the Gulph, Morgan was informed that day by the commander-in-chief, As the Army
is to march to morrow morning at 5 O'Clock, towards Coryells ferry, you are to cross
the Schuylkill with your detachment and the horse annexed to it, at Matsons ford
[present-day Conshohocken], and direct your course in such a manner as to
intersect our line of march and fall in on our rear. After the army crossed the
Delaware River into New Jersey, the Rifle Corps was strengthened:

Head Quarters, Coryell's Ferry, Monday, June 22, 1778.
Each Brigade is to furnish an active, spirited Officer and twenty five of it's best
marksmen immediately; These parties to join Colo. Morgan's Corps and continue
under his command 'till the Enemy pass thro' the Jerseys after which they are to
rejoin their Regiments without further orders.
After orders The Officer and twenty five men from each Brigade who are to be
annexed to Colo. Morgan's Corps are to be sent to his quarters early tomorrow
morning about a mile in front of the Army.
The two Light Infantry Companies in the North Carolina Brigade will be attached to
Colo. Morgan's Corps instead of the twenty five therefrom, mention'd in the first
order of this day. [Washington noted the Rifle Corps augmented field strength in a 1
July letter to Congress, The Army having proceeded to Coryell's ferry and crossed
the Delaware at that place, I immediately sent off Colo. Morgan with a select Corps of
600 Men to reinforce General Maxwell, and marched with the main Body towards
Princetown.]

Pvt. Elijah Fisher of the Commander-in-Chiefs Life Guard noted another small
force joining Morgan: The 23d. [June] Capt. Gibbs, Leut. Grimes, four Sarj. And four
Corpl. and seventy-two men of the [Life] guard jined Col. Morgans Party and went
Down to the Lines.


General Washington on June 22d told Maj. Gen. Philemon Dickinson, commanding
the New Jersey militia, The whole army is now across the River incamped about
three miles from it [at Amwell Meeting, present-day Mount Airy, New Jersey].
Tomorrow morning very early, we march towards Princeton All the effective
horse under Colo. Moylan will instantly march to join you. I am augmenting Colo.
Morgans Corps which will also speedily march to your assistance. I need not observe
to you that every thing ought to be done to keep up the spirits of your Militia. Two
days later Washington wrote him again.

Head Quarters, Hopewell, June 24, 1778
Sir: As the several detachments of continental troops employed in harrassing the
enemy on their march, will have the greatest need of intelligent guides, not only for
their own safety but to enable them to direct their offensive operations with greater
precision; it will be necessary that among the Militia which you shall think proper to
annex to each party, there may be persons perfectly acquainted with the Roads and
Communications which it is most interesting to the different commanding officers to
know. The disposition for these detachments is as follows -- Morgans corps, to gain
the enemy's right flank; Maxwells [New Jersey] brigade to hang on their left.
Brigadier Genl. Scott [with a brigade of picked men] is now marching with a very
respectable detachment destined to gall the enemys left flank and rear. Two or three
hundred Continentals and such Volunteers as Genl. Cadwallader has been able to
collect have crossed the Delaware, and are now marching to the enemys rear. Colo.
Whites detachment of horse is to join Genl. Scott.

General Dickinson was next informed of yet another detachment of chosen troops
in a letter headed Head Quarters, Kingston, June 25, 1778 Major General the
Marquis de la fayette is preparing to march with a reinfforcement to the light troops
already detached under the command of General Scott. it is my desire that he should
have a general command over the several detachments as well continental as militia
that are employed immediately to interrupt the enemys march The same day
Washingtons aide Lt. Col. Alexander Hamilton wrote Lafayette from Cranbury,

The enemy have all filed off from Allen Town on the Monmouth road. Their rear is
said to be a mile Westward of Laurence Taylor's Tavern, six miles from Allen Town.
General Maxwell is at Hyde's Town, abt. three miles from this place. General
Dickenson is said to be on the enemy's right flank, but where cannot be told. We can
hear nothing certain of General Scott but from circumstances he is probably at Allen
Town. We shall agreeable to your request consider and appoint some proper place
to rendezvous, for the union of our force, which we shall communicate to General
Maxwell and Scott and to yourself. In the meantime, I would recommend to you to
move towards this place as soon as the convenience of your men will permit. I am
told Col. Morgan is on the enemy's right flank. He had a slight skirmish with their
rear this forenoon at Robert Montgomery's, on the Monmouth road leading from
Allen Town. We shall see General Maxwell immediately and you will here from us
again. Send this to the General [Washington]. We are just informed that General Scot
passed by Hooper's Tavern, 5 miles from Allen Town, this afternoon at 5 OClock.

On the 27th Morgan wrote from Squan swamp 2 OClock I arrived at this
place yesterday encampd in the woods sent out small parties capt [unclear] fell
in with fifteen granadeers and made them prisoners deserters are continually
coming in I have several small parties out whom I expect something from I
shall continue on the enemies Right till I have orders to the contrary They keep in
so compact a body that it is impossible to do them much damage However I will
annoy them as much as possible ...
When the armies clashed at Monmouth Courthouse the next day, the Rifle Corps
was still on the right flank and unable to take part in the action. General Washington
sent Morgan this note at midday on the 28th.

Head Quarters, Sunday, half after 12 0Clock,
Sir: I have just received your Letter by the Dragoon; as your Corps is out of
supporting Distance I would have you confine yourself to observing the motions of
the Enemy, unless an opportunity offers of intercepting some small Parties; and by
no means to come to an Engagement with your whole Body unless you are tempted
by some very evident advantage.
Genl. Greenes Aide de Camp has already written to you to this effect, but the
orders are repeated to guard against accidents.


When, on the morning of June 29th, it was discovered the British Army had left
Monmouth Courthouse, Morgans force was detailed to shadow them. Moving by
way of Middletown, Clintons columns camped and set up defensive positions in the
highlands near Sandy Hook on July 1st; all were aboard ship and bound for New
York by July 5th.
After the British embarkation the Rifle Corps rejoined the main army and was
reduced as the various added detachments rejoined their regiments. A set of
instructions to Brig. Gen. James Clinton give evidence to Morgans service on the
lines in August and September 1778.

Head Quarters at the White plains, July 31, 1778.
Sir: With the Detachment under your Command, which is to comprehend the
Corps now advanced (by) [with] Colo. Morgan, you are to move towards Kings
bridge and the Enemys lines thereabouts.
The principal objects in view are, to cover the Engineers and Surveyors, while
they reconnoitre, and as far as time will permit, Survey the Ground and Roads in
your rear, and in front of this Camp, (Give a spring to) [to countenance] and
encourage that Spirit of Desertion which seems so prevalent at present. To
discover, if possible, those unfriendly, and ill disposed Inhabitants who make a
practice of apprehending, and conveying within the enemy's line, such Deserters
from their Army as [happen to] fall into their hands, and (are desirous of leaving
their Service; and) with such (evidences) [Witnesses] as are necessary, to illucidate
the facts, send them to the head Quarters of this Army, and lastly to try what effect
this detachment's approach may have upon the Enemy.
I do not mean, or wish that you should incamp very near the Enemy of Nights, but
wherever you do incamp, to be [that you do it] in a proper order of Battle, [so] that
your Officers and Men may rise at once upon the ground they are to defend. Your
Flanks and front should be well secured by Patroles of Horse and foot, sufficiently

A rifleman of one of the remaining two companies of Morgans Rifle Corps, then
serving against the Iroquois in New York under Maj. Thomas Posey. Slung at his back
is a folding spear for self defense.
(Painting by Don Troiani, www.historicalimagebank.com )
advanced upon every possible approach; always remembring how disgraceful a
thing it is for an Officer to be Surprized, and believing that if the Enemy are in force
at the Bridge they will certainly attempt it.
When I speak of your Flanks, I have an eye particularly to the North River, as the
Enemy can, with facility, move with both secrecy and dispatch by Water, if they are
provided with Boats at, or near the Bridge, or even at the City, so as to be upon your
right flank and even rear, without much difficulty or notice.
Have your Evening's position well reconnoitred before hand. Unless there are
good reasons to the contrary, I would advise against kindling fires at Night, as the
Weather is warm, and your position would be discovered, and advantages taken
from the knowledge of it.
You may continue out with this Detachment two or three days and Nights
according to the state of your provisions and other circumstances and when you
return leave an Officer and sixteen dragoons of Colo. Sheldons Regimt. with Colo.
Morgan who with the Detachment under his immediate Command are to remain till
further Orders.

Daniel Morgan continued in command of what remained of his Rifle Corps until
late September 1778, when he rejoined the Virginia Division and assumed
temporary command of Brig. Gen. William Woodfords brigade.
In mid-July Capt. Thomas Posey led a portion of the Corps northward. On 18 July
General Washington wrote in response to Brig. Gen. John Starks plea for
reinforcements at Albany and nearby posts in light of recent incursions by the
Iroquois.

I this day received your Letter of the 14th. Instant, and am sorry to find you so
circumstanced as to render a Reinforcement necessary which I can badly spare in
the present critical and interesting State of things; I have however, ordered Colo.
[William] Butler with the 4th. Pensylvania Regiment and a part of Morgan's Riffle
Corps to March to the Village Wawarsink in Ulster County, from whence they may be
call'd either to Albany or farther to the Westward as the Exigency of affairs will
point out. These, with the Troops which Genl. Gates informs me, are to March to
your assistance, will I expect prove sufficient to repell every attack which may be
made upon you, and I hope in a little time to be in a Situation that I can give you
every necessary support.

Poseys portion of the Rifle Corps, two companies totaling approximately eighty
men, were in the Albany area until late November or early December 1778, when
they marched along with Colonel Butlers regiment to Wyoming, Pennsylvania.
There they remained until the gathering elements of Maj. Gen. John Sullivans army
began straggling in in June and July of 1779. Then commanded by Major James Parr,
formerly a captain commanding one of Morgans rifle companies, he led the rifle
companies (including Capt. Anthony Selins independent company) on Sullivans
expedition against the Iroquois in late summer and autumn of 1779. In addition to
himself, Major Parrs rifle companies were officered by Capt. Michael Simpson, Lt.
Thomas Boyd, and Ensign Benjamin Chambers. Parrs (late Morgans) rifle
companies returned to the main army that November. Army orders noted their
arrival:
Head Quarters, Moore's House, Sunday, November 7, 1779 ... The officers and
privates composing the rifle corps under the command of Major Parr, are all to join
their respective regiments. The Major will see that all the rifles and their proper
bullet moulds &c., are collected and numbered to prevent their being mixed or
seperated, and have them then delivered to the Commissary of Military Stores and
take his receipt for the same. The Commissary is to cause the rifles &c. to be
carefully boxed up and is not to deliver any of them without an order from the
Commander in Chief. Muskets are to be drawn for the men in lieu of the rifles. The
General cannot dissolve this corps without offering his particular thanks to the
officers and soldiers remaining in it for their long, faithful and important services.
(Note: Selected letters and army orders pertaining to Morgans Rifle Corps may be
viewed in Appendix D)

Light Infantry Replace Riflemen. After the 1779 campaign, rifle units, standing or
provisional, were not again formed for service with Gen. George Washingtons main
army in New York and New Jersey. Militia rifleman did serve in considerable
numbers in the Carolina and Virginia campaigns of 1781, and, when deployed
according to their abilities, performed well. Likely, one reason Continental rifle
troops fell out of favor was the difficulty procuring and keeping sufficient numbers
of rifled longarms in store.
More importantly, after 1778 the embodied Continental light infantry corps made
a rifle corps like Morgans unnecessary. The Continental Army reorganization of
1778/1779, in conjunction with Maj. Gen. Friedrich Wilhelm de Steubens
standardized training system, led to a more thoughtful arrangement and use of light
infantry. While Dearborns Light Corps performed well during the Saratoga
campaign, Maxwells 1777 Light Infantry seemed to have done less well, being
raised quickly, on the fly, and soon after thrown into battle. The Monmouth
campaign saw the use of picked, provisional battalions, which, on the whole, did
good service, retreating in good order during the early-battle debacle on 28 June,
and attacking with effect later that day. While not light infantry, their organization
and deployment was similar to those of the ensuing provisional light battalions, and
likely had some influence on them. Brig. Gen. Charles Scotts Light Infantry Corps
was the beginning of the new model light corps, and spent the campaign year
working on the fundamental and necessary duties of light troops.

Head Quarters, W. Plains, Saturday, August 8, 1778.
After Orders For the Safety and Ease of the Army and to be in greater readiness to
attack or repel the Enemy, The Commander in Chief for these and many other
Reasons orders and directs that a Corps of Light Infantry composed of the best, most
hardy and active Marksmen and commanded by good Partizan Officers be
draughted from the several Brigades to be commanded by Brigadier General Scott,
'till the Committee of Arrangement

shall have established the Light Infantry of the
Army agreeable to a late Resolve of Congress The details of the several Brigades
are to be draughted and got in readiness as soon as possible.

General Washington to Charles Scott, 14 August 1778, Sir With the detachment of
light troops under your command you are to take post in front of our camp and in
such a position as may appear best calculated to preserve the security of your own
corps and cover this army from surprise.
For more on the light infantry corps in 1778, see:
Peter Comtois, Development of the Tactical Doctrine of the United States
Corps of Light Infantry, 1777-1778 (thesis submitted to the Faculty of State
University of New York College at Oneonta, Cooperstown Graduate Program in
History, Museum Studies, 1975), Traces the early growth and development of
the U. S. Corps of Light Infantry. Although the history of the Corps runs from
1777 to 1783, this paper covers its formative years of 1777 and 1778. The
only known study of the light infantry embodied under Brig. Gen. Charles Scott
during the summer and autumn of 1778.

Also, J.U. Rees, `Their presence Here Has Saved this State : Continental
Provisional Battalions with Lafayette in Virginia, 1781
Part 1. `This Detachement is Extremely Good : The Light Battalions Move
South
A. `The Fire of the Light Infantry cheked the Enemys Progress : Light
Battalion Composition and Service
B. `Ill founded jealousies, and groundless suspicions. : Unrest in the
Light Battalions
C. `The Cloathing you long ago Sent to the light infantry is not Yet
Arrived.: Apparel and Equipment
http://revwar75.com/library/rees/pdfs/light.pdf

_______________________























Appendices

Appendix A

A Quantity of Tow Cloth, for the Purpose of making of Indian or Hunting Shirts
Proper Terminology: Hunting shirt, Rifle Shirt, Rifle Frock

So, given that the coat pictured on St. Georges Virginian Rifleman was the military
garment most symbolizing the War for American Independence, and widely worn by
Continental soldiers and militia alike, from 1775 to 1783, what was the term most-
used when referring to it? The appended study addresses this question by looking at
correspondence and army orders in the George Washington Papers
(http://international.loc.gov/ammem/gwhtml/gwhome.html), and searching for
specific words or phrases. The results are given below.



Search Terms

Rifle shirt, no items
(Note 1: Don Hagist found a 4
th
Pennsylvania Regiment deserter notice in the 5
February 1777 Pennsylvania Gazette with rifle shirt; see below.)
(Note 2: Eric Schnitzer found the term rifle shirt used exclusively on six 1777
clothing returns for Massachusetts and New Hampshire troops, and three 1777
clothing returns for Massachusetts troops using the terms rifle shirt and hunting
shirt interchangeably; see below.)

Rifle frock, 1 item
(31 July 1779)

Hunting frock, 1 item
(G.O. 29 February 1780)

Frock (only references that definitely or probably refer to hunting shirts), 10 items
(6 in 1777; 1 in 1779; 1 in 1780; 2 in 1782)
(20 May 1777; 8 June 1777; 10 June 1777; 10 June 1777; 20 June 1777; 23 June
1777; 31 July 1779; 29 February 1780; 5 June 1782; 31 July 1782)

Hunting shirt, 38 items (11 in 1775; 2 in 1776; 5 in 1777; 2 in 1778; 11 in 1779; 1
in 1780; 2 in 1781; 5 in 1782)
(6 February 1775; 25 April 1775; 10 July 1775; 4 August 1775; 4 August 1775; 7
August 1775; 11 August 1775; 14 August 1775; 23 August 1775; 31 August 1775;
21 September 1775; 6 May 1776; 24 July 1776; 7 June 1777; 8 June 1777; 8 June
1777; 10 June 1777; 13 June 1777; 27 January 1778; 2 June 1778; 20 March 1779;
21 March 1779; 26 March 1779; 8 April 1779; 20 April 1779; 22 April 1779; 23
May 1779; 24 May 1779; 14 June 1779; 21 August 1779; 24 July 1780; 20 April
1781; 22 April 1781; 30 July 1782; 31 July 1782; 3 August 1782; 18 August 1782;
27 August 1782)

Dual references in same document
10 June 1777, hunting shirts and frocks used to refer to same garment.
31 July 1782, hunting shirts and frocks used to refer to same garment.

For more information see, Neal Thomas Hurst, Kind of armour, being peculiar to
America: The American Hunting Shirt
http://www.academia.edu/3336557/_kind_of_armour_being_peculiar_to_Ame
rica_The_American_Hunting_Shirt
____________________________




Appended are selected documents. All the documents located and used in this
study may be viewed at:
A Quantity of Tow Cloth, for the Purpose of making of Indian or Hunting Shirts
Proper Terminology: Hunting shirt, Rifle Shirt, Rifle Frock ?
http://www.scribd.com/doc/241410261/A-Quantity-of-Tow-Cloth-for-the-
Purpose-of-making-of-Indian-or-Hunting-Shirts-Proper-Terminology-
Hunting-shirt-Rifle-Shirt-Rifle-
Frock?secret_password=B5Ass1zGmYgykkILpBjz

*********************************
From Don N. Hagist (http://redcoat76.blogspot.com/ )
I have a file of several hundred runaway ads (about 1400) from
American newspapers all over the colonies, covering the years 1775
through 1783. A quick search of this file reveals the frequency of the
following terms:

hunting shirt: 74
hunting frock: 4
rifle shirt: 1 (the ad using this term appears below)

This is a quick and dirty survey, but it does suggest that "hunting
shirt" was the most common terminology, and that "hunting frock" and
"rifle shirt" were known terms but seldom used.
Don N. Hagist
22d Regt. F.

February 5, 1777
The Pennsylvania Gazette
Philadelphia, January 1, 1777 .
THIRTY DOLLARS Reward.
DESERTED from the fourth Pennsylvania regiment, under the command of
Col. ANTHONY WAYNE, a certain WILLIAM BAKER, born in England, about 5
feet 8 inches high, of a fair complexion, short light coloured hair,
had been in the British service a short time, is extremely handsome
and very active, was inlisted the beginning of last month at Sussex
court house, in New Jersey; Had on when he deserted, a rifle shirt,
but it is probable may have changed his dress. JOHN STEVENS, born in
Culpepper county, Virginia, about 5 feet 8 inches high, of a dark
complexion, short black hair, was inlisted in Philadelphia the
beginning of last month; had on when deserted, a new brown coat and
jacket , leather breeches, and an old felt hat. JOHN LOWE, and
Irishman, about 23 years of age, 5 feet 10 inches high, of a fair
complexion, brown hair, has been formerly in the first regiment of
Yorkers, a very likely fellow, was inlisted in Philadelphia the middle
of last month; had on when he deserted, a brown broad cloth coat, a
pair of white overhauls, &c. Whoever will take up and secure said
deserters, in such a manner that their commanding officer may have
them again, shall have the above reward, or Ten Dollars for any one of
them. Francis Johnston, Lieut. Col. 4th Pennsylvania Regt.
*********************************


Information courtesy of Eric Schnitzer.
New Hampshire and Massachusetts clothing issued by the Albany (New York) Public
Store, 1777.

1st New Hampshire Regiment: no cloathing return found while battalion was under
Cilley's command
1st Massachusetts Regiment: two "rifle shirts" issued
2d New Hampshire Regiment: 51 "rifle shirts" issued
2d Massachusetts Regiment: 102 "hunting shirts" and "rifle shirts" issued (the phrases
were used interchangeably on their return)
3d New Hampshire Regiment: 69 "rifle shirts" issued
3d Massachusetts Regiment: none issued
4th Massachusetts Regiment: none issued
5th Massachusetts Regiment: 203 "hunting shirts" issued out of Boston; 94 "hunting
shirts" issued out of Fishkill
6th Massachusetts Regiment: none issued
7th Massachusetts Regiment: none issued
8th Massachusetts Regiment: 119 "rifle shirts" issued
9th Massachusetts Regiment: 136 "hunting shirts" and "rifle shirts" issued (the phrases
were used interchangeably on their return)
10th Massachusetts Regiment: 48 "rifle shirts" issued
11th Massachusetts Regiment: no cloathing return found yet
12th Massachusetts Regiment: 64 "hunting shirts" and "rifle shirts" issued (the phrases
were used interchangeably on their return)
13th Massachusetts Regiment: none issued
14th Massachusetts Regiment: 2 "hunting shirts" issued to every man out of the stores at
Boston or Fishkill
15th Massachusetts Regiment: 1 "rifle shirt" issued
Note: The information above was gleaned from a number of sources. Most clothing
returns are located in The National Archives and Records Administration, Revolutionary
War Rolls, 1775-1783 (M246). The documents are filed under their respective corps
names, excepting some were misidentified by the National Archives when they assembled
the microfilm and guide, which admittedly makes some of these very difficult to track if
anyone uses the M246 microfilm guide. For example, in the guide, two 15th MA
Regiments were listed simultaneously; the second of the two is actually the 11th MA
(Francis's/Tupper's). The Albany Public Store returns for Shepard's (4th MA) and
Wesson's (9th MA) Regiments are located in The National Archives and Records
Administration, Miscellaneous Numbered Records (the manuscript file) in the War
Department collection of Revolutionary War Records, 1775-1790s (M859).



Rifle Frocks/Hunting Shirts
Head Quarters, West point, July 31, 1779.
Sir: I duly received your several letters of the 6th. 7th. and 25th Instant. The
Batallion Hats mentioned in the first, may remain at Springfield for the present, as I
would not wish any more stores to be with the Army than are absolutely essential,
and the number is so small that a distribution of them would rather serve to excite
uneasiness. It will be well, if you can, to procure more.
The Commissary of Hides at Albany was appointed, I imagine, by the Board of War
or by the State in consequence of some requisition by Congress, and probably
received Instructions from the authority by which he was constituted. It was
necessary that the Troops under Genl. Clinton should have been supplied by him. I
will write to him and know the footing upon which his appointment stands and the
conduct which has been prescribed to him, that I may be able to give any farther
directions that may be necessary.
You will send on the Rifle Frocks, Shirts and Shoes. The Shirts are most essentially
wanted, there being many Soldiers unfit for duty on account of the deficiency.
With respect Mr. Henry Pynchon, I have no objection to his remaining with you as an
Assistant, as you must have some, and they are so difficult to procure. It will not
oblige the state to furnish a Man more. I do not mean however, that this should
infringe or counteract in the smallest degree any Law of the State that may affect Mr.
Pynchon or subject him to any fine for any previous conduct or non compliance with
them and my permission for his staying is to be considered under those restrictions.
I am, &c.
38

[Note 38: The draft is in the writing of Robert Hanson Harrison.
An undated order, in the writing of Harrison, indorsed "July, 1779", to George
Measam, desiring him, by Washington's direction, to "deliver Major Benjamin
Whitcomb Thirty One Coats, Jackets, Breeches and Blankets, Sixty two Shirts, Sixty
Two pair of Shoes, 31 pair Stockings, Thirty one pair of Overalls and Thirty One
Hunting Shirts and Thirty one Hats for the Men under his command. 15 Shirts for
himself and Officers, 10 pr Stockings, 10 pr Shoes; paying three Hundred pr Cent on
the Stirling Cost". is in theWashington Papers, Three hundred per cent on the
sterling cost then equaled the dollar estimated at 7 shillings 6 pence for 1 stirling.]
**********************************
Hunting Frocks
Head Quarters, Morristown, Tuesday, February 29, 1780.
Parole Lincoln. Countersigns Law, Logic.
Regimental returns of cloathing actually wanting, to be made as soon as possible to
the Adjutant General.
The State Cloathiers or their Assistants are also to make exact returns to the
Cloathier General of all cloathing in their hands.
9

[Note 9: According to Assistant Clothier Gen. John Moylan's letter of Mar. 1, 1780, to
Tench Tilghman, the clothing then in store amounted to: "4050 Coats. 3146 Vests.
2977 Breeches and Overalls. 9330 Hose. 10730 Shoes. 7916 Shirts. 7504 Hatts. 205
Blankets. 340 Pair Boots. 840 Cloaks and Watch Coats. 1422 Leather Breeches. 6856
Wollen Caps. 2794 Mitts. 254 Linnen Caps. 437 Hunting frocks. 2634 Canvas
Overalls. 4834 Pair Buckles. 401 Sword Belts. 6134 Socks, 2396 Stocks." Moylan's
letter is in theWashington Papers.]
******************************************
Frocks
George Washington to Israel Putnam, June 10, 1777
Head Quarters, Middle Brook, June 10, 1777.
Dear Sir: This will be delivered to you by Mr. Young who is sent up by the Clothier
General to issue Clothing to the Troops at Peeks Kill. I beg you will give him your
Countenance and assistance in seeing that none are allowed to draw but such as are
really in want. Some Regiments not content with a complete Suit of Uniform, have
drawn a Frock, Waistcoat and Overalls, by which means they are doubly clad
while others are perishing. This must not be allowed in our present scarcity, and I
therefore beg that you will be particularly careful that none but the needy are
Supplied. There are among the Clothing 350 Coats, Blue and Red which were made
up purposely for Colo. Daytons Regiment of Jersey, and of which they are in great
want, they must come on immediately. I am etc.
P.S. Yours of the 8th. is just come to hand. Mr. Young will make the necessary inquiry
about Clothing, it is very extraordinary that Genl. Gates should undertake to Stop the
Clothing of those Regiments that are at Peeks Kill; that accounts for the deficiency.
Colo. Saml. B. Webb has drawn a vast deal more than he has men to put them on, I
have desired him to bring the overplus to Peeks Kill and deliver it up and I beg you
will see it done.
27

*******************************
George Washington to Charles Young, June 10, 1777
Head Quarters, Middle Brook, June 10, 1777.
Sir: Upon your arrival at Peeks Kill deliver the inclosed to Genl. Putnam who
commands there. I have desired him to see that those Troops, who drew their
Cloathing before they marched, do not come in for a share of this, except it may be
for Shoes or some few things absolutely necessary. What you are particularly to
guard against is, to prevent those who have drawn compleat Suits of Uniforms,
from taking another of Hunting Shirt, Waistcoat and Overalls. Some Regiments
have done so in a very unwarrantable manner. There are about 350 Coats blue and
red intended for Colo. Dayton's Regiment of Jersey, which must come immediately
on. Endearour to find out how many of the Troops, coming in from Massachusetts,
will want Clothing, and, if possible, reserve Sufficient for them. The Frocks and
overalls at this Season, are far preferable to Uniforms which Mr. Mease says he
will have ready by the Fall. The State of Rhode Island has not only had a large
allowance, but have lately stopped 1000 Blankets and 20 Bales of Cloth; their
Troops therefore have no claim, if they want any thing their Officers must send
home for it. As Mr. Mease has always assured me that a full proportion of Clothing
was left at Boston for Massachusetts, endeavour to find out the reason of their
Troops being the only ones who have come on naked. I am etc
*******************************



Hunting Shirts
George Washington to Continental Congress, July 10, 1775
Camp at Cambridge, July 10, 1775.
I find the Army in general and particularly the Troops raised in Massachusetts
Bay very difficient in necessary Clothing: Upon Inquiry it appears there is no
Probability of Obtaining any supplies in this Quarter; upon the best consideration of
this matter, I am able to form, I am of Opinion that a number of hunting Shirts, not
less than 10,000, would in a great Degree remove the difficulty in the cheapest and
quickest manner. I know nothing so trivial in a speculative View, that in Practice
would have a happy Tendency to unite the men and abolish those Provincial
distinctions which lead to Jealousy and Dissatisfaction.
**********************************
George Washington to Jonathan Trumbull, August 4, 1775
August 4, 1775.
Sir: My last Letter from the Honble. Continental Congress, recommends my
procuring from the Colonies of Rhode Island and Connecticut, a Quantity of Tow
Cloth, for the Purpose of making of Indian or Hunting Shirts for the Men, many of
whom are destitute of Cloathing. A Pattern is herewith sent you; and I must request
you, to give the necessary Directions throughout your Government, that all the Cloth
of the above kind may be bought up for this Use, and suitable Persons set to work to
make it up, As soon as any Number is made, worth the Conveyance, you will please
to direct them to be forwarded. It is design'd as a Species of Uniform, both cheap and
Convenient.
*******************************
Head Quarters, Cambridge, August 7, 1775.
Parole Newcastle. Countersign Maldin.
It is in an especial manner recommended to the Commanding Officer of each
regiment, to see that a Store of shoes and shirts, are laid in for the Men, as those are
at all times necessary. The General also recommends it to the Colonels, to provide
Indian Boots, or Leggins, for their men, instead of stockings; as they are not only
warmer, and wear longer, but (by getting them of a colour) contribute to uniformity
in dress; especially, as the General has hopes of prevailing with the Continental
Congress, to give each Man a hunting shirt.
*******************************
George Washington to Nicholas Cooke, August 14, 1775
August 14, 1775.
Sir I have sent by this Opportunity a hunting Shirt, as a Pattern. I should be glad
you would inform me of the Number you think I may expect.
************************************
George Washington to Continental Congress, September 21, 1775
The Season advances so fast, that I have given Orders to pre pare Barracks and other
Accomodations for the Winter. The great Scarcity of Tow Cloth in this Country, I
fear, will totally disappoint us in our expectations of procuring Hunting Shirts.
Govr. Cooke informs me, few or none to be had in Rhode Island, and Govt. Trumbull
gives me little Encouragement to expect many from Connecticut.
************************************
Head Quarters, New York, May 6, 1776.
Parole Virginia. Countersign Lee.
The Colonels, and commanding Officers of Regiments are again reminded, of the
propriety of immediately providing their men with cloathing, and necessaries; that
they may be ready to march, or embark, upon the shortest notice; The General
wishes to impress this strongly, upon the minds of the Colonels; because no Excuse
will be taken to delay their departure, the moment that it becomes necessary. It is
recommended to those Corps which are not already supplied with Uniforms, to
provide hunting Shirts for their men.
**************************************
Head Quarters, New York, July 24, 1776.
Parole Virginia. Countersign Wales. The General being sensible of the dificulty,
and expence of providing Cloaths, of almost any kind, for the Troops, feels an
unwillingness to recommend, much more to order, any kind of Uniform, but as it is
absolutely necessary that men should have Cloaths and appear decent and tight, he
earnestly encourages the use of Hunting Shirts, with long Breeches, made of
the same Cloth, Gaiter fashion about the Legs, to all those yet unprovided. No
Dress can be had cheaper, nor more convenient, as the Wearer may be cool in warm
weather, and warm in cool weather by putting on under Cloaths which will not
change the outward dress, Winter or Summer--Besides which it is a dress justly
supposed to carry no small terror to the enemy, who think every such person a
complete Marksman.
***************************************
George Washington to Charles Young, June 10, 1777
Head Quarters, Middle Brook, June 10, 1777.
Sir: Upon your arrival at Peeks Kill deliver the inclosed to Genl. Putnam who
commands there. I have desired him to see that those Troops, who drew their
Cloathing before they marched, do not come in for a share of this, except it may be
for Shoes or some few things absolutely necessary. What you are particularly to
guard against is, to prevent those who have drawn compleat Suits of Uniforms, from
taking another of Hunting Shirt, Waistcoat and Overalls. Some Regiments have
done so in a very unwarrantable manner. There are about 350 Coats blue and red
intended for Colo. Dayton's Regiment of Jersey, which must come immediately on.
Endearour to find out how many of the Troops, coming in from Massachusetts, will
want Clothing, and, if possible, reserve Sufficient for them. The Frocks and overalls
at this Season, are far preferable to Uniforms which Mr. Mease says he will have
ready by the Fall. The State of Rhode Island has not only had a large allowance, but
have lately stopped 1000 Blankets and 20 Bales of Cloth; their Troops therefore
have no claim, if they want any thing their Officers must send home for it. As Mr.
Mease has always assured me that a full proportion of Clothing was left at Boston
for Massachusetts, endeavour to find out the reason of their Troops being the only
ones who have come on naked. I am etc.
***********************************



Head Quarters, V. Forge, June 2, 1778.
Parole Montgomery. Countersigns Mercer, McClary.
At a General Court Martial, Colo. Chambers, Presidt. 29th. May Lieutt. Webb
6
of
the 7th. Virginia Regiment was tried for disobedience of Orders for going upon duty
in a hunting shirt after confessing he had a Coat and being desired if he had no
regard for his own Appearance to have some for the Credit of his Regiment and
therefore not to appear in so unofficer like a manner; found guilty and sentenced to
be reprimanded by the Officer commanding the Regiment to which he belongs in
presence of the officers of the Regimt.
[Note 6: Lieut. Isaac Webb, He was transferred to the Fifth Virginia Regiment in
September, 1778; promoted to captain in 1781; served to the close of the war.]
The General approves the sentence and orders it put in Execution tomorrow
morning at Roll Call.
***********************************
Head Quarters, Tuesday, August 27, 1782.
Parole Bermuda. Countersigns St. Kitts, Nevis. Before the troops remove to their
new position it will be proper for the mens baggage and effects to be thoroughly
inspected and the articles pointed out which they are to carry with them; they may
take all their regimentals into the field; but when they are compleated with hunting
shirts it is expected the uniform coats will not be worn so long as the warm
season continues, except on particular occasions, such as on guards formed on the
grand parade, Inspections, reviews &c.
To keep the Cloathing in the best possible order has become an object of so much
attention that the general thinks it almost superfluous to repeat his
recommendations especially as it is now universally considered that not only the
comfort and conveniece but even the reputation of a corps depends essentially upon
keeping every article belonging to the soldiers in the most perfect state both for
service and appearance.
***********************************


















Appendix B

Letter by Jesse Lukens, describing Pennsylvania riflemen and service at the siege of
Boston, 1775.
(My thanks to Steve Rayner for sharing this.)

(Note: Jesse Lukens, son of Jesse Lukens was a son of Surveyor General John Lukens. He
returned from Boston in the winter of 1775. Thomas Lynch Montgomery, ed., Pennsylvania
Archives, 5th series, vol. II (Harrisburg: Harrisburg Publishing Company, State Printer,
1906), 9.)

Jesse Lukens to John Shaw, Jr. (From the original manuscript in the Boston Public Library.)
"Prospect Hill Septr. 13th 1775
Dear Shaw
I had this morning the honor of yours by Mr. Lawrence - Why you dear dog, was there not
time enough from the 21st. to the 29th of Augt. to write more than 7 lines? And those 7 to
inform me you intended to have sent me 4 1/2 lines by Captain Wharton - If we were not, as
I apprehend, on the eve of some important event, you should receive a Rowland for your
llVs lines; but as the case now stands & God only knows what a chasm there may be in our
Correspondence, will forget your unkind negligence & excuse you on the supposition that
the Lovely Widow, had some willing commands for you to execute, & you know I allow
every thing to give way to her Supremacy. -

I suppose Patton received a confused heap of Lines wrote the Day we took possession of
Plow'd Hill, while the thundering of Cannon & whizing of 24 lb. Bullets took up much of the
attention of an unfleshed Soldier - he must on that score excuse all faults - That was on
Sunday - in the evening the fire of the Artillary ceased and on Monday morning we saw the
Red Coats busy in throwing up a Parapet within their former Lines, but so much higher on
the Hill that the Cannon mounted there could fire at the same time & over those they had
fired with on Sunday - this new l'arapet had six Embrasures - On Monday evening they
threw four Bombs from their new Battery & a few Guns from it, the old Battery & the Mud
Lark in Mystic River without doing any harm - Over against Bunker Hill on the other side of
Mystic River is Winnisimit Hill at the foot [of] wch. stands a large House & Farm called
Chelsea, here we have abt. 200 men as a Guard, but no Works or Cannon. On the side of
Bunker Hill next here & in full view, is the Regular Tents, being on the opposite side & out of
the way of our Guns on Prospect & Plowed Hills - On the Top of this Winnisimmit Hill we
had a parcel of straw, etc. to set fire to as a signal whenever they saw the Regulars in motion
- Accordingly on Tuesday about 10 o'Clock we saw the Fire, our Drums beat to Arms, all
[p. 23.]
[p. 24.]
our lines were mann'd - & we Riflers were left at full liberty to range at large & take what
ground we pleased - Col Thompson therefore posted us in the Seat of honor, that is,
between all our Works & Bunker Hill, behind Stone Walls & in the Indian Corn patches, to
receive and return with Interest their first fire & I think it impossible for men to behave
better than Our Riflers did - 300 of them lay in a meadow, in full View of Bunker hill & with
in Point Blank Shot - 'before their Eyes in opposition sat grim death.' altho we lay in this
position & the Officers with myself were walking about, viewing and marking the most
advantageous ground to act upon they fired but seven large Guns & 30 or 40 Plattoons of
Small arms all the Day, some of which knocked the stones about our Ears but hurt none of
us except one man a slight wound in the thigh - One 24 Pounder flew over our heads &
killed a poor fellow walking along the Road half a mile behind us - The alarm proving false,
we marched home about sunset & our Generals placed a strong Guard of Musket Men in the
lines, since which every thing in that Quarter hath been quiet - we call 6, 8 & 10 Guns a Day
nothing & 3 or 4 Bombs are only sport, just enough to keep us from falling asleep - We have
had several Deserters from Roxbury & from the Mud Lark in Mystic - 4 poor fellows came
off at one time & swam to shore unhurt, amidst a thousand Shot, tho' they say it was agreed
with their companions left on board to fire over their Heads. - You must now set down a few
false alarms wch. took us out of our Beds into the trenches at midnight, & some other
matters of no great moment, until last Sunday, & I feel myself blush with shame and
indignation at what I am forced to relate.

Our Camp is Separate from all others ab1. 100 yards - all our Courts Martial and duty was
separate - we were excused from all working parties, Camp Guards, & Camp duty - this
indulgence together with the remissness of discipline & care in our young Officers had
rendered the men rather insolent for good Soldiers - they had twice before broke open our
Guard House & released their Companions who were confined there for small crimes - &
once when an Offender was brought to the Post to be whipped, it was with the utmost
difficulty they were kept from rescuing him in the presence of all their Officers - They
openly Damn'd them & behaved with great insolence - however the Col was pleased to
pardon the man & all remained quiet - but on Sunday last the Adjutant having confined a
Serjeant for neglect of duty & murmering - the men began again, & threatened to take him
out - the Adjutant being a man of Spirit, seized the principal Mutineer & put him in also - &
coming to report the matter to the Col, where we all sitting after dinner, were alarmed with
a Huzzaing & upon going out found they had broke open the Guard House & taken the man
out - The Col & Lieut. Col with several of the Officers & Friends seized the fellow from
amongst them & ordered a
[p. 24.]
[p. 25.]
guard to take him to Cambridge at the Main Guard which was done without any violent
opposition, but in abl. 20 minutes 32 of Capt Ross's Company with their loaded Rifles, swore
by G-d they would go the Main Guard & release the man or loose their lives & set off as hard
as they could run - it was in vain to attempt stoping them - We stayed in Camp and kept the
others quiet- Sent word to General Washington, who reinforced the Guard to 500 men with
fixed Bayonets & loaded pieces - Col Hitchcock's Regt, (being the one next us) was ordered
under arms & some part of General Greens Brigade (As the Generals were determined to
subdue by force the mutineers & did not know how far it might spread in our Battalion)
Generals Washington, Lee, & Green came immediately, & our 32 mutineers who had gone
about half a mile towards Cambridge & taken possession of a Hill & Woods, beginning to be
frighted at their proceedings, were not so hardened but upon the General's ordering them
to Ground their arms they did it immediately - The General then ordered another of our
Companys (Capt Nagles) to surround them with their loaded Guns which was immediately
done, and did the Company great honor - however to convince our people (as I suppose,
mind) that it did not altogether depend upon themselves, he ordered part of Col Hitchcocks
and Col Littles Regiments to surround them with their Bayonets fixed and ordered two of
the ring leaders to be bound- I was glad to find our men were all true and ready to do their
duty except these 32 Rascals - 26 were conveyed to the Quarter Guard on Prospect Hill and
6 of the principals to the Main Guard.- You cannot conceive what disgrace we are all in &
how much the General is chagrined that only one Regiment should come from the
Southward & that set so infamous an example; and in order that idleness shall not be a
further bane to us, the General Orders on Monday were 'that Col Thompsons Regiment shall
be upon all parties of Fatague (working parties) & do all other Camp duty equal with any
other Regiment'

The men have since been tried by a General Court Martial and convicted of Mutiny - & were
only fined 20/. each for the use of the Hospital - too small a punishment for so base a crime -
& mitigated no douht on account of their having come so far to serve the Cause & its being
the first crime - The Men are returned to their Camp, seem exceedingly sorrow for their
misbehaveour & promise amendment. - This will I hope awaken the attention of our officers
to their duty (for to their remissness I charge our whole disgrace) & the men being
employed will yet no doubt do honor to their province - for this much I can say of them that
upon every alarm it was impossible for men to behave with more readiness or attend better
to their duty - it is in the Camp only that we cut a poor figure - tomorrow morning or some
time in the Day may perhaps restore our honor, if we behave in the Day of Battle as well as I
hope we shall - you must
[p. 25.]
[p. 26.]
know that this is a conjecture of my own & founded on no better materials than a poor
inexperienced judgement. -

On Monday last Col Arnold having chosen 1000 effective men, Consisting of two Companies
of Rifle men (about 140) the remainder Musketeers, set off for Quebec as it is given out (&
which I really believe to be their destination). for we have intelligence that the Indians
except 30 have deserted from General Carleton & that he hath not more than 700 effective
men in Canada all which except one Company is at St. John's & Montreal to oppose General
Schuyler - If this should be the Case & Col Arnold meet with a ready march, Quebec will
undoubtedly fall into our Hands - for those people who have gone to sound the disposition
of the Inhabitants report that they are generally in our Favour, & that no opposition will be
given by the country to our measures. I accompanied on foot as far as the Town of Lynn (9
miles) Doctr. Coates who goes as Surgeon, Mr. Matt. Duncan, Mr. Melcher & several other
Southern gentlemen as Voluntiers - [Hand symbol] here I took leave of them with a wet eye
- the Drums beat & away - they go as far as Newberry Port by Land from there they go in
Sloops to Kennebeck River, up it in Batteaux & have a carrying place of abt. 40 miles (over
which they must carry on their Shoulders their Batteaux & Baggage - Scale the Walls and
spend the winter in joy and festivity amongst the sweet Nuns. - Yesterday the wind being
high & the Tide driving in, a Boat with a Serjeant & 5 men drove ashore and were taken by
our people - the Serjeant seems a very intelligent person for his station - he says a Vessel
arived at Boston a few days before & brought answers to letters sent out after the Bunker
Hill Battle, but knows nothing of what they contain - he says that he was Orderly Serjeant a
few days ago, and saw in Major Sheriffs Office (Muster Master or Commissary) a return of
the killed and wounded at Bunker hill, being 1435 men. - It is amazing to me that so many
were hurt there - for not more than 700 of our Men were in the Battle, but the most of them
fired 30 rounds, as they say - I must from this conclude that they will hardly attempt our
Lines in the Day time, or without a very heavy set of Artillary. -

Saturday 16th Prospect Hill
Here we are yet & all as peaceable as so many Lambs. I began this letter in the evening & as
we were ordered to lie on our Arms kept on scribling until 1 o'Clock - On Thursday at firing
the morning Gun we were ordered to Plow'd Hill, where we lay all that day - I took my
paper & Ink along as you once desired I would, but found so much to do beside writing, that
you had only a few lines manufactured (in the face of 18 battering Cannon) on a pile of
timber intended for a Bomb-proof & just where you see the [Hand symbol] a Bullet from the
Foway
[p. 26.]
[p. 27.]
disconcerted all my Ideas, altho' it did not come near me. - I tho't the Banquette a safer place
& took my station accordingly just in the Angle of a Traverse & was as safe as a thief in a mill
- but there was too much noise for writing & the Generals appearing in sight I tho't it not
quite so decent a Posture of a SOLDIER, thrust my writing materials under an old Blanket,
Shouldered my firelock, and strutted with all the parade of a careful Lad. - a deserter is just
taken in to General Greens - I attend & will inform you what he says - a good hearty looking
Lad from Limerick - it is deserters intelligence therefore place what Credit to it you please -
he informs that there are 3000 men on Bunker hill - that all the Grenedier and Light Infantry
Companies are made up to their full complement & encamped there - all the Light-Horse he
says are also on the Hill - but that they have no intention of coming out & keep very strong
picquets every night to prevent our surprising them - that great numbers of deserters
would come over, hut the Soldiers are made to believe that a compact is agreed on between
ours and their Generals to give up all deserters at the end of the Campaign, & that they will
hang without mercy all such as desert from them - he also says there is a great coolness
between the Irish & English Soldiers, but I am apt to believe without any foundation - he
says there are Barracks going to be built on Bunker Hill immediately, by wch. we conclude
they intend wintering there, & that there is talk of 6 Regiments coming over to reinforce
them - but that the people of Ireland have stoped the Artillary & all their recruits - so much
for this Lad - One came out this morning from Roxbury & brings nearly the same
intelligence except that he say's they are to give us Battle tomorrow, which we are always
prepared for but don't believe a word of - they will not catch us asleep come when they
please.

I hate all hasty conclusions, & therefore am pleased with the modesty of my expressions in
regard to the Battle I prophecyed on Thursday last - I had many concuring circumstances in
regard to their uncommon movements to suspect something was going on-but as nothing
has been done, shall only say in future what hath been actually done & not what may
probably happen.

I have many things that I could write & which I know would give you pleasure, or at least a
right idea of this Army of 20,000 men - but it would not do that the Letter should fall by
accident into the hands of- infidels or the Heathen - such Sermons, such Negroes, such
Colonels such Boys & such Great Great Grandfathers. -

This I may safely say, that such a cursed set of sharpers cannot be matched - every article of
convenience or necessaries, are raised to double the former price - but I hope a proper
enquiry will be made before the accounts are passed - and that whatever falsehoods their
news-papers may be stuffed with will be disregarded.
[p. 27.]
[p. 28.]
Sunday Evening
All's well. - From my Tent door on this Hill I have a full view of all the Enemies Batteries &
Works on Boston neck & also our own; about 8 o'Clock this morning I saw a small
Cannonade begun by our people with two large Guns & were immediately answered by two
from our Antagonists - our people gave them about a dozen more & only received 3 in
return. What the matter was, or what occasioned so small a spell of smart firing I have not
had curiosity to enquire - for I have been so busy in hearing a most excellent Sermon from
our Dear Mr. [Samuel] Blair & in viewing some works on Leechmore point (I might as well
have said Cul de Sac for anything you will understand by it) that I had not before an
opportunity of examining with attention - that I am tired & sleepy wch you have no doubt
concluded before you were informed. -

Monday Morning.
I am just informed by one of our Officers that General Schuyler hath taken St. Johns by
assault with only the loss of 300 men & that he hath taken 1700 Prisoners - this being post
day I set off for Cambridge & if the news is true will put this in the Post Office contrary to my
first intention to send it by Mr. Willing, but as there is no knowing when he will set off,
cannot keep such good news from you a moment. -

Noarth who informs me he is writing to you is to relate all the little nannygotes with that
humour wch will make them agreeable - my department is meer matters of fact.

Since I wrote the last two lines 20 cannon have been fired at Roxbury & they are firing now
ding dong. -
Gen. Washingtons 11 o'Clk

The above St. Johns account is all a falsehood from first to last, & now I set my nose to
Roxbury & will inform you why the Serpents fire so very briskly at Roxbury -

Roxbury 1 o'Clock
I met on my way hither a Bror Voluntier Mr. Dan'l Dorsey of Maryland who informs me he is
going to leave the Camp tomorrow morning for your city - the firing at this place was not
occasioned by any uncommon movement but just by the way of Sport - We fired no Guns
this morning - nor by 100 Guns wch. they have fired hath one man been killed or hurt, altho'
the Guard House & other Houses full of men have been shot thro' & thro' - The wind of a 24
Pounder knocked down a man & horse, struck the Limb of an apple tree & threw it against
Dr. Hubley knocked him down & did none of them any kind of harm, except frightening
them soundly. -
[p. 28.]
[p. 29.]
Peacock, Jamaica Plains 4 o'Clk
The firing at Roxbury hath ceased & all is quiet again. I came here from Roxbury with some
of the Rifle Gentn. of that Division to ask Capt Cresap how he does who lies here sick, & for
no other reason as Smith can well inform you - Mr. Conner is with me & begs his
Complements be put in to you & the Club & if I know any thing of the matter, you might with
ALL HIS HEART, present them to, [some words struck out] if mortal man can say which that
is - & now to conclude if all this will not draw a line from you I can only say you are a very
Lazy fellow, or that the Widow hath an undue influence on the friend of
Your Hble Servt
Jesse Lukens

You need not write as I set off from here before yours can possibly leave Philada. - To Mr.
John Shaw Jr

Monthly Bulletin of Books added to the Public Library of the City of Boston, vol. 5 (Boston:
Published by the Trustees, 1900), 23-29.
Appendix C

Capt. William Dansey, 33d Regiment, describes two encounters with rifle troops.

William Dansey to his mother, Hills on Long Island near New York Septr. 3d. 1776
writing of the Battle of Long Island, I was lucky in my Escape for I had my right hand
Man wounded and left hand Man killd, I had three killd and Six wounded in my
Company in about three minuits having fallen in with about 400 Rifle men unawares,
they are not so dreadfull as I expected or they must have destroyed me and my whole
Company before we were supported by anybody else, afterwards they were all either
killd or taken, my Company tho obliged to Retreat (not having 20 Yards the Start and
being only thirty men) killd two Officers and two men before we gave way

William Dansey to his mother, Newport Rhode Island, 10 January 1777, writing of
American rifle troops, tho theres no people in the World can shoot Black Ducks
better than they can, but the Ducks carry no Firelocks and Bayonets; its astonishing
to think how the Leaders of this Rebellion have made the poor ignorant People
believe, because they are brought up to Gunning that they must be at everything,
but now they are convinced that being a good Marksman is only a trifling requisite for
a Soldier, indeed I myself saw then beat as Marksmen, at Frogneck [New York] I was
engaged (having mine own and another Company under my Command) with a 150 or
200 Riflemen for upwards of seven hours at their favorite Distance about 200 Yards,
they were better coverd than we were having a house a Mill and a Wall we had only
Trees, they got the first fire at us before I saw them, I bid my Men cover themselves
with the Trees and Rocks and turn out Volunteers among the Soldiers to go to the
nearest Trees to the Riflemen and keep up the Fire with the Hessian Riflemen who
came to us but did not stay above an Hour, I continued the popping fire at them and
they at us we had the Satisfaction of knocking several of them down and had not a
Man hurt, this kind of pop[p]ing continued two or three Days between the Light
Infantry and rif[lemen] across a Water till we had kild an Officer of theirs besides
several Men and had not one of ours wounded, and they at last fairly gave up firing
finding themselves beat in their own way, which shewd a cool Soldier with a good
Firelock was beyond a Rifleman with all his Skill but such a Bugbear were they at first
our good Friends thought we were all to be killd with Rifles.
"The 'Dansey' Letters", part IV, The Iron Duke: The Regimental Magazine of the Duke
of Wellington's Regiment, no. 84 (January 1952). Also, Letters of William Dansey
(Light Infantry Company, 33rd Regiment of Foot) 1776-1783, Historical Society of
Delaware.











Appendix D

Morgans Rifle Corps: Selected Documents Not Included in the Narrative

Writings of Washington, Vol. 8: To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS
Head Qurs., Middle Brook, 11 O'Clock P.M., June 22, 1777.
Sir: I have the honor and pleasure to inform you, that the Enemy evacuated
Brunswick this Morning and retired to Amboy, burning many Houses as they went
along. Some of them from the appearance of the Flames were considerable
Buildings. From several pieces of information and from a variety of Circumstances, it
was evident that a move was in agitation, and it was the general Opinion, that it was
intended this morning. I therefore detached three Brigades under the command of
Major Genl. Greene, to endeavour to fall upon their Rear, and kept the main body of
the Army paraded upon the Heights to support them, if there should be occasion. A
Party of Colo Morgan's Regt. of light Infantry attacked and drove the Hessian Picket
about Sunrise, and upon the appearance of Genl. Wayne's Brigade and Morgan's
Regiment (who got first to the ground) opposite Brunswick, the Enemy immediately
crossed the Bridge to the East side of the River and threw themselves into Redoubts
which they had before constructed. Our Troops, advanced briskly upon them, upon
which they quitted the Redoubts without making an opposition and retired by the
Amboy Road. As all our Troops, from the difference of their Stations in Camp, had
not got up when the Enemy began to move off, it was impossible to check them, as
their Numbers were far greater than we had any Reason to expect, being, as we
were informed Afterwards, between four and five thousand Men. Our People
pursued them as far as Piscataway, but finding it impossible to overtake them, and
fearing they might be led on too far from the main Body, they returned to
Brunswick. By information of the inhabitants, Genl. Howe, Lord Cornwallis and Genl.
Grant were in the Town when the Alarm was first given, but they quitted it very
soon after. In the pursuit, Colo Morgan's Rifle Men exchanged several sharp Fires
with the Enemy, which it is imagined did them considerable execution. I am in hopes
that they afterwards fell in with Genl Maxwell who was detached last Night with a
Strong Party, to lay between Brunswick and Amboy to intercept any Convoys or
parties that might be passing. But I have yet heard nothing from him. Genl Greene
desires me to make mention of the Conduct and bravery of Genl Wayne and Colo.
Morgan and of their Officers and Men upon this occasion, as they constantly
advanced upon an Enemy far superior to them in numbers and well secured behind
strong Redoubts. General Sullivan advanced from Rocky Hill to Brunswick with his
division, but as he did not receive his order of March till very late at Night, he did not
arrive till the Enemy had been gone some time. I have sent down Lord Stirling's
Division, to reinforce Genl. Maxwell, and in the morning I shall move the Main Body
of the Army to some secure Post nearer Amboy, from whence we can with more
ease annoy the Enemy than from this distance. I am inclined to think they mean to
cross to Staten Island, if they do, we may perhaps find an Opportunity of making a
stroke upon their Rear. At any rate we shall have a chance of obliging them to make
a total evacuation of the State of Jersey. I have the Honor to be &ca.
His Excellency having been on Horseback from 3 o'Clock in the Morning and
much fatigued, rather than disturb his Rest, I take the Liberty to close the Letter
without his Name. I am etc.
********************
Writings of Washington, Vol. 9: To CAPTAIN VAN SWEARINGEN *
[* Note: Of the Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment, He was wounded and taken prisoner at
Stillwater, N.Y., on September 19; resigned in August, 1779; captain of Kentucky Militia in
1791; killed at St. Clair's defeat on November 4 of that year.]
Head Qutrs., Bucks County, August 18, 1777.
Sir: It being represented, that several of the men in a Detachment under your
Command, as Captain from the Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment, which composes part
of the Corps commanded by Colo. Daniel Morgan, made up of Detachments from
Several Regiments, have claims against the United States for Horses and other
necessaries furnished the said Regiment, for which they have received no
satisfaction; Also, that you and the Officers under you, in the said Detachment, have
charges of the like nature and for money advanced some privates of the said
Regiment, who have died, been killed, or taken prisoners. And it being impracticable
at this time, to examine and adjust the said Claims, as the said Corps Commanded by
Colo. Morgan is under orders to march and join the Northern Army. These are to
authorize and require you, to state and Settle the said Claims before Colo. Morgan,
Lieutt. Colo. Butler and Major Morris, or any two of them, who are empowered to
liquidate the same, producing to them such Vouchers, as you are possessed of, and
making such proofs to the Account, as may be deemed necessary; Which being done
and Certified under the Hands of them, or any two of them, you will advance, of your
own Money, to your Officers and Men such Sums, as shall appear to be due them on
the said Settlement. And I do hereby agree, on behalf of the United States of America,
that the Money so advanced, with what shall appear on the said Settlement to be due
yourself, shall be paid to you or your Order.


********************

Writings of Washington, Vol. 9: To LIEUTENANT COLONEL ALEXANDER HAMILTON
Head Qurs., Philada. County, October 30, 1777.
Dear Sir: It having been judged expedient by the members of a Council of War
held Yesterday, that one of the Gentlemen of my family should be sent to Genl. Gates,
in order to lay before him the State of this Army and the Situation of the Enemy, and
to point out to him the many happy consequences that will accrue from an
immediate reinforcement being sent from the Northern Army; I have thought
proper to appoint you to that duty, and desire that you will immediately set out for
Albany, at which place, or in the neighbourhood, I imagine, you will find General
Gates.
You are so fully acquainted with the two principal points on which you are sent,
namely the "State of our Army and the Situation of the Enemy" that I shall not
enlarge on those heads. What you are chiefly to attend to, is to point out, in the
clearest and fullest manner, to Genl. Gates, the absolute necessity that there is for his
detaching a very considerable part of the Army at present under his command to the
reinforcement of this. A measure that will in all probability reduce Genl. Howe to the
same situation in which Genl. Burgoyne now is, should he attempt to remain in
Philadelphia without being able to remove the obstructions in Delaware, and
opening a free communication with his shipping.
I have understood, that Genl. Gates has already detached Nixon's and Glover's
Brigades to join Genl. Putnam, and Genl. Dickinson informs me, that by intelligence,
which he thinks may be depended upon, St. Henry Clinton has come down the River
with his whole force. If this be a fact, you are to desire Genl. Putnam to send the two
Brigades forward with the greatest expedition, as there can be no occasion for them
there.*


I expect you will meet Colo. Morgan's Corps upon their way down; if you do, let
them know how essential their Services are to us and desire the Colo. or
commanding Officers to hasten their march, as much as is consistent with the health
of the men after their late fatigues.
At the request of Govr. Clinton, I have transmitted a Copy of his letter to me, giving
an account of Genl. Vaughan's expedition up the North River, after the Capture of
Fort Montgomery, and of the destruction committed by his Troops in burning
Kingston and the houses and Mills on the River. According to the latest advices, they
have returned again, and it is reported, that they have destroyed the Barracks and
Forts and gone to New York, But this is not confirmed.


[*Note: On October 26, after demolishing Forts Clinton and Montgomery and burning the
barracks at Peekskill, Clinton retreated down the Hudson. Poor's, Warner's, Learned's, and
Paterson's brigades were on their march to join Putnam, and these, exclusive of Morgan's
riflemen, brought Putnam's total strength to about 9,000. Putnam called a council of war
(October 31), which decided that 4,000 should move down to Hayerstraw, 1,000 should
remain in the Highlands, and the remainder should move down toward Kings Bridge, while
Morgan's corps should join Washington at once. The proceedings of the council are in the
Washington Papers in the Library of Congress.]
********************
George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799: Series 4. General
Correspondence. 1697-1799
Horatio Gates to George Clinton, November 2, 1777. Making plans in case General
William Howe should move his forces into New Jersey, The Governor of the Jerseys
should at the same time, be requested to order the Militia of that state to second the
Motions of our Army. If Col. Morgan and his Rifle Regiment are marched it would
be right to send an Express to stop them at Van Camps [possibly Van Camps fortified
house, along the Old Mine Road, which runs for 40 miles through the Delaware
Water Gap National Recreation Area, along the northwestern edges of Warren and
Sussex Counties leading to Kingston, New York] and order him to march from
thence to Sussex Court House [present-day Newton, Sussex County, New Jersey]and
to Morris Town.
********************
Writings of Washington, Vol. 10: To GOVERNOR PATRICK HENRY
Head Quarters, White Marsh, December 10, 1777.
Sir: I was honored with yours of the 22d Ulto. on Wednesday last; but the
Situation, which the Army has since been in, has prevented me from answering it
before. Genl Howe had been for some time preparing for a move, which every
account from the City, informed me was intended against this Army. On thursday
Evening he advanced as far as Chesnut Hill and in the Morning he appeared upon
the Heights about three Miles in our front. There was a small Skirmish between the
Enemy's advanced Corps and the Pennsylvania Militia, in which Brigr. General Irvine
of that State was unfortunately wounded, thrown from his Horse and taken
Prisoner. Having reconnoitred our Situation all that day, and I suppose not liking the
appearance of our right Wing, they moved on Friday night about three miles to our
left. They lay still on saturday, and on sunday about noon intelligence was brought
that they were in full March towards our Camp. As soon as they began to move Colo.
Morgan with the light Corps under his Command and the Maryland Militia
attacked their right flank, and I am informed did them a good deal of damage,
considering the Number of Men that engaged. About sunset they halted again, their
left wing being about one Mile from our line. From this Manoevre I expected an
Attack in the Night, or by day break and made disposition accordingly. On Monday
Afternoon they began to move, but instead of advancing, they filed off from their
right, and the first Certain Account, that I could obtain of their intentions was that
they were in full March towards Philadelphia; I immediately dispatched light parties
after them, but such was the rapidity of their movement, that they could not even
come up with their rear.
********************
Writings of Washington, Vol. 11: To THE BOARD OF WAR
Head Quarters, Valley Forge, May 23, 1778.
Dear Sir: I have been favd. with yours of the 19th with its inclosures on the
subject of the Indian ravages upon the Western Frontier. Previous to the Receipt of
it, I had put that part of the 13th Virginia Regt. which remained here under
marching orders, with an intent of sending them to Fort Pitt, as they were raised in
that Country. Immediately upon receiving the account of the alarming situation of
the Frontier inhabitants from you, I ordered the 8th Pennsylvania Regt. to march.
They were also raised to the Westward and are a choice Body of Men about one
hundred of them have been constantly in Morgans Rifle Corps. These two
Regiments will march full the number of 250 Men from hence. There are upwards of
one hundred of the 13th Virginia now at and near Fort Pitt, and many deserters
belonging to both will come in, when they find their Regiments are to do duty in that
Country. As Colo. Russell of the 13th Virginia Regiment is already at Fort Pitt and
Colo. Brodhead commands and goes up with the 8th Pennsylvania, it was impossible
to give the command of the detachment to Lieut. Colo. Butler. Indeed he does not
seem to wish to go upon the expedition, as he says his influence is not so great
among the Inhabitants of the back Country as the Board imagine. From his
knowledge of the Indian Country, their language and manners, he certainly would be
very useful and I shall therefore either send him or Colo. John Gibson up, who I am
informed can render equal service. I can very lily spare the Troops which I have
sent, especially the 8th Pennsylvania Regt. which composed the greatest part of
Morgans Corps, as the Draughts and Recruits from the different States, not only fall
short of the stipulated numbers, but come in extremely slow. if Colo. John Gibson
goes up, he will take the Command of the 13th Virginia Regiment pro tempore, and
Colo. Russell will come down to Gibson's. There is a dispute subsisting between
Colo. Russell and Colo. William Crawford for the 13th. Virginia Regiment, and I do
not mean, that this temporary appointment of Colo. Gibson, to the command of it,
should prejudice Colo. Crawfords claim, should he incline to prosecute it hereafter. If
the two Regiments to be raised upon the Frontiers are not disposed of, I would
recommend Colo. Crawford to the command of one of them. I know him to be a
brave and active officer and of considerable influence upon the Western Frontier of
Virginia. I am &ca.
********************
Writings of Washington, Vol. 12: To MAJOR GENERAL PHILIP SCHUYLER
Head Quarters, White Plains, July 22, 1778.
Dear Sir The parties of Indians and others, under Butler and Brandt, have
already done considerable mischief on the North East corner of Pennsylvania;
having cut off the inhabitants, and destroyed the Settlement of Wyoming. Upon a
representation from Govt. Clinton, I have sent up Lieutt. Colo, Butler with the 4th.
Penna. Regt. and Capt. Posey with a detachment of Morgans Rifle Corps to assist
the Militia of New Jersey and New York in repelling their farther incursions. If the
expedition agt. the Seneca Country is to be prosecuted, I imagine you and the
Gentlemen joined with you in the commission for Indian Affairs will hear more of it
from Congress and those who at first had the management of it.
[Note: Maj. John Butler, of Butler's Rangers, and Joseph Brant, the Mohawk chief.]
********************
Writings of Washington, Vol. 13: To CAPTAIN ASA COBURN [Seventh Massachusetts
Regiment.]
Head Quarters, Fredericksburgh, October 17, 1778.
Sir: You will proceed to Springfield and apply to Mr. Measam for the following
articles of cloathing, which he is hereby directed to furnish you out of the cloathing
at that place.
For Col. Aldens Regiment, 300 suits of Uniform, a proportion of Shirts and
stockings and 200 blankets and 200 pair of shoes.
For the Regiment under the command of Lieut. Col. Butler, 150 suits of Uniform,
a proportion of shirts and stockings and 100 blankets, and 100 pair of shoes.
For the detachment under the command of Major Posey, 80 suits of
Uniform, a proportion of shirts and Stockings and 50 Blankets and fifty pair of
shoes.
With these you are to proceed with all dispatch to Albany, and deliver the several
quantities to their respective regiments; taking proper receipts as vouchers for the
delivery; you will have the cloathing packed up in separate parcels and marked for
the corps to which they belong.
You will apply to the Quartermaster at Springfield for the means of
transportation; and will use the greatest care and diligence in getting the cloathing
to the place of its destination. I am etc.
********************
Writings of Washington, Vol. 13: To LIEUTENANT COLONEL WILLIAM BUTLER
Head Quarters, November 12, 1778.
Sir The arrangements for the winter being not yet complete your regiment will
wait further orders. 63 In the mean time I would be glad to know in what time you
think your regiment and Colo. Morgan's corps could move to Wyoming; you will
also mention the difficulties and the best course for such a march at this season of
the year.
In case I find it expedient to remove these two corps to Wyoming, your presence
will be necessary during the march. But when this is over, or if it should not take
place I have no objection to complying with your visiting your family. This will be
ascertained by the time I have your answer, when I shall write you further on this
subject. [Note: Butler was then at Schoharie, N. Y.]
********************
Writings of Washington, Vol. 13: To MAJOR THOMAS POSEY [Seventh Virginia
Regiment]
Middle Brook, December 20, 1778.
Sir: Your presence with the Regt. to which you belong is now necessary, you will
therefore on the receipt of this repair here. I have written to the commanding
Officer at Albany, if he thinks the corps you command can be spared to order the
Troops that compose it to join their respective Regts. of this you will be informed,
but you will lose no time in coming yourself. I am &ca.
[Note: Washington forwarded this letter to Posey, through Brig. Gen. James Clinton, in a short
note of this same date (December 20) in which he expressed a desire to have the ranger corps,
to which Posey had been detailed, disbanded, if its services could be dispensed with and the
detachments composing it returned to their respective regiments, "but this is left for yourself
to decide according to the occasion you may see for detaining it. I am however anxious it
should take place." This letter is in the Washington Papers.]
********************
To BRIGADIER GENERAL WILLIAM MAXWELL
Head Quarters, West point, November 1, 1779.
Sir: I was yesterday favd. with yours of the 30th. by Captain Wool acquainting me
with your being upon the upper Road, which is rather unlucky [as it has
disconcerted me in many respects]. I yesterday wrote to General Sullivan to detach
your Brigade to Westfield to cover the forage in that quarter. Should the troops not
have marched from Warwick towards Sufferans when this reaches you, you will be
pleased to observe the following directions. March with your own Brigade to
Westfield, order the Regiment late Aldens, and the Rifle Corps under the command
of Major Parr to [this place by the rout of] New Windsor, and halt all the remainder
of the troops at Warwick, [till further orders.] But should you have passed Warwick,
you are to continue the march to Sufferans, filing off with your own Brigade to
Westfield at the most convenient place.
The cover of the forage under the Mountain is to be the principal object of your
attention, for which purpose, and as circumstances may require your moving again
from thence at a moments warning, you will keep your Officers and Men together,
and all things in the most perfect readiness. [If the Scotch plains, or any position
thereabouts will afford a better, and more general cover to the forage than West-
field, you may make choice of it; the forage Master in that part of the County will be
able to give you the necessary information of the places where it principally lays; the
State Regiment will (I presume) continue at their present posts; I would not
therefore have any part of your Brigade moved down to Elizabeth Town or those
places but Posted in such a manner as best to answer the purposes above
mentioned.] Wherever this may meet you I would wish you to halt the Troops, and
inform me immediately of it, provided they can be tolerably well supplied with
forage. Your own Brigade, Alden's Regt. and the rifle corps will proceed as before
directed.
********************
Appendix E

We returned them a very brisk fire
A Riflemans View of Two Campaigns

William Grant left a far-ranging account of the first two years of the war as
experienced by a Virginia soldier, and a rifleman at that. Sergeant Grant was one of
those who remained with main army when Morgans Rifle Corps headed north in
August 1777, and gives some idea of the number of Virginia riflemen serving in the
Philadelphia campaign that September and October.
Narrative of William Grant, late a Serjeant in the Rebel Army, dated 24th Novr
1777, from on board the Queen Indiaman at Gravesend, Documents relative to the
Colonial History of the State of New York, vol. 8 (Albany, 1857), 728-734.

Sir, About the beginning of July 1776, the Cherokee Indians, excited by a number of the
friends to Government, in that place commonly called Tories, who had fled from North
Carolina, fell upon the Western frontiers of Virginia; whereupon the Committees of the
several Counties detached severall small parties of militia to stop their progress thro' the
Country, untill such time as an army could be raised to oppose them, which at that time was
very difficult, as the major part of the youth who were zealous for the cause, were already in
the service against the King's troops. In this juncture they were obligated to have recourse
to the Militia law, which compels every male from the age of fifteen to sixty, after having
settled three months in one place, to take up arms against all enemys, upon their refusal
they forfeit the sum of 20 of that currency. By virtue of which law they collected about
1200 men before the middle of August, the chief command of which was conferred upon
Col. Smith, a native of that country. He immediately assembled his new Army at Staunton, a
small town in Augusta County, lying about 20 miles to the Westward of the South Mountain,
from whence he marched August 18th and proceeded directly to Holstein, a settlement
upon the frontiers where the Indians were then ravaging, bat upon the approach of the
army retreated with their booty. The Col. finding they would not come to a decisive
engagement so far from home, determined to pursue them to their towns, to expedite which
he encamped his army on an island formed in the river Holstein, generally known by the
name of the Long Island, untill such time as he could be reinforced with provisions and men,
upon which there were severall draughts taken out of the Militia, General Washington at the
same time petitioning for more troops, and a draught of the Militia being granted, it fell to
my lot to go as one. At that time I taught a school in Augusta County, but being zealous for
government was determined not to go, but finding I was not able to withstand their power,
which was very arbitrary in that part, I thought it better to enter into the service against the
Indians than to go into actual service against my Countrymen. Accordingly some troops
were raising at that time by Act of the Convention of Virginia (to be stationed at the
different passes on the Ohio to keep the Shawneese &ca in awe and to prevent their
incursions) upon these terms, vizt that they should enlist for the term of two years, that
they should not be compelled to leave the said frontiers or be entered into the Continental
service without their own mutual consent, as also that of the legislator. Taking this to be the
only method of scree[n]ing myself from being deemed a Tory and also of preventing my
being forced into the Continental service, I enlisted the third of Septembr into Capt. Michael
Bowyers's Company of Riflemen, to be stationed at the mouth of the Little Kennarah upon
the River Ohio. Soon after we marched in company with 150 militia, to the assistance of Coll.
Smith, who still continued on the Long Island.
We had several skirmishes with the Indians during our march, without any considerable
loss on either side. Sept 20th we joined the main body, and on the 22nd decamped and
proceeded towards the Cherokee towns. The enemy continued to harrass us in our march
with numberless attacks, sometimes appearing on our front, sometimes upon our flank, so
giving us a brisk fire for some minutes, would immediately retreat into the woods. Thus we
continued our march thro' the woods the space of three weeks, about which time we
received intelligence from our spies and from some prisoners that had escaped, that the
Indians had removed every thing from their towns into the mountains, had cut down their
corn & set fire to every thing they could not carry away which they thought might be of
service to the white army. Upon the confirmation of this account Coll. Smith being
persuaded they would never hazard a general engagement, and knowing that his army was
but badly supplied with provisions, sent severall companys back into the different
Settlements where the Savages were still making incursions and murdring the inhabitants;
the Company to which I belonged was one of this number. We were sent to a place lying in
the Allegany mountains (upon the banks of the River Monongalia) known by the name of
Tygar's Valley where we were ordered during the winter, in order both to defend the
Inhabitants and to make canoes to carry us down the river to the place where we were to be
stationed the ensuing Spring, in which place I was made Sergt' in which I continued during
my stay in the army. In the mean time the Indians, finding the Virginians fully bent to search
them out and an army of Carolina troops approaching on the other side, sent Deputies to
Col. Smith to sue for peace, which was granted upon their delivering up the prisoners, and
restoring the goods that they carried out of the Settlements. Hereupon the Militia was
disbanded, and the other troops that were enlisted on the aforementioned terms were
distributed amongst the frontier settlements during the winter.
About this time the war was very hot in the Jerseys, and the Congress determining to
recruit their army as soon as possible in the Spring, sent a remonstrance to the Convention
of Virginia, alledging that they had a number of troops on their frontiers that were of very
little or no service to the country, as the Indians were peacably inclined. Therefore they
desired that they should be sent to the assistance of the Continental army as early in the
Spring as they possibly could. The Convention immediately repealed the Act on which the
troops were raised and directly entered them into the Continental service, and issued forth
commissions for the raising of six new Battalions, amongst which the troops formerly raised
for the defence of the back frontiers were to be distributed. Agreeable to this new Act we
received orders to march to Winchester, there to join the 12th Virga Regt commanded by
Col. James Wood in pursuant to which orders we marched from Tygar's Valley in the
begining of April, and proceeded with all expedition; which march we compleated in the
space of eight days; after having rested a few days at Winchester we proceeded to join the
Continental Army, which at that time lay partly in Morristown, partly at Boundbrook a small
town on the Rarington river about 6 miles from New Brunswick, where His Excellency
Generall Howe had his head quarters. May 19th we joined the grand army which then
consisted of 20000 foot (chiefly composed of Virginians, Carolinians, and Pennsylvanians,
the major part of whom were
volunteers, altho' for the most part disaffected to.the rebel cause, they being for the most
part convicts and indented servants, who had entered on purpose to get rid of their masters
and of consequence of their commanders the first opportunity they can get of deserting)
and about 300 light horse commanded by General Washington assisted by Lord Stirling,
Major Generalls Stephens, Keyn[?], Sullivan, Brigadiers Weeden, Millenberg [Muhlenberg],
Scott, Maxwell, Conway, which latter is a French man. Likewise a number of French officers
who commanded in the Artillery, whose names or ranks I never had an opportunity of being
acquainted with.
Nothing worthy of notice happened until the 30th of that Inst on which the Continental
Army decamped and retreated about 2 miles into the Blue Mountains and incamped at
Middle Broock, where they were joined in a few days by the other part of the army that lay
at Morristown. Here they lay for some considerable time, during which they were employed
in training their troops who were quite undisciplined and ignorant of every military art.
Their Officers in general are equally ignorant as the private men, through which means they
make but very little progress in learning. Wherefore it is generally believed by the
unprejudiced part of the people that the rebells never will hazard a generall engagement,
unless they are so hemmed up that they cannot have an opportunity of waving it; from
which reason and the deplorable state the Country in generall is now reduced to, which in
many places near to the seat of war is entirely destitute of labourers to cultivate the ground,
insomuch that the women are necessitated for their own support to lay aside their wonted
delicacy and take up the utensils for agriculture. From these and many other weighty
reasons it is generally supposed that they cannot continue the war much longer. Nothing
material was transacted on either side till about the 24th of June, when a party of General
Howe's army made a movement and advanced as far as Somerset, a small town lying on the
Rarington betwixt Boundbroock and Princetown, which they plundered, and set fire to two
small churches and several farm houses adjacent. General Washington upon receiving
notice of their marching, detached 2 Brigades of Virginia troops and the like number of New
Engld to Pluckhimin, a small town about 10 miles from Somerset, lying on the road to
Morristown. Here both parties lay for several days, during which time several slight
skirmishes happened with their out scouts, without any considerable loss on either side. On
the 29th the enemy retreated to Brunswick with their booty and we to our former ground in
the Blue Mountain. Next day His Excellency General Howe marched from Brunswick
towards Bonumtown with his whole army, which was harassed on the march by Col.
Morgan's Riflemen. As soon as General Howe had evacuated Brunswick, Mr Washington
threw a body of the Jersey militia into it, and spread a report that he had forced them to
leave it. July 2nd there was a detachment of 150 Riflemen chosen from among the Virginia
regiments, dispatched under the command of Capt. James Dark a Dutchman, belonging to
the eighth Virginia Regt [William Darke was a captain in the 8th Virginia Regiment in 1776,
promoted to major of the 4th Virginia in January 1777] to watch the enemy's motions. The
same day this party, of which I was one, marched to Quibbleton, and from thence proceeded
towards Amboy. July 4th [the date was actually June 25 1777] we had intelligence of the
enemy's being encamped within a few miles of Westfield that night we posted ourselves
within a little of their camp and sent an officer with 50 men further on the road as a picquet
guard, to prevent our being surprised in the night. Next morning a little before sun rise the
British army before we suspected them, were upon pretty close on our picquet before they
were discovered, and fired at a negroe lad that was fetching some water for the officer of sd
guard, and broke his arm. Upon which he ran to the picquet and alarmed them, affirming at
the same time that there was not upwards of sixty men in the party that fired at him. This
intelligence was directly sent to us, who prepared as quick as possible to receive them and
assist our picquet who was then engaged, in order for which, as we were drawing up our
men, an advanced guard of the enemy saluted us with several field pieces, which did no
damage. We immediately retreated into the woods from whence we returned them a very
brisk fire with our rifles, so continued firing and retreating without any reinforcement till
about 10 oCIock, they plying us very warmly both with their artillery and small arms all the
time, about which time we were reinforced with about 400 Hessians (who had been taken
at sea going over to America & immediately entered into the Continental service) [likely a
reference to Ottendorfs Corps] and three brass field pieces under the command of Lord
Stirling. They drew up immediately in order to defend their field pieces and cover our
retreat, and in less than an hour and a half were entirely cut off; scarce sixty of them
returned safe out of the field, those who did escape were so scattered over the country that
a great number of them could not rejoin the Army for five or six days, whilst the Kings
troops marched off in triumph with three brass field pieces and a considerable number of
prisoners, having sustained but very little loss on their side. [The action described here by
Grant was the Battle of Short Hills, 26 June 1777.] This was the last engagement that
happened in the Jerseys before General Howe embarked at York. During this time the rebel
army advanced as far as Quibbletown where they lay three days, then countermarched back
to the Blue Mountains and there continued untill they recd an account of embarkment of the
enemy at York. Capt. Dark collected the remains of his shattered party in the best manner he
possibly could and continued to execute his orders in reconnoitring and sending
intelligence to the Camp, untill Generall Howe crossed over in Strattan Island, at which time
we returned to the Camp with scarce two thirds of the men we took away, where we
remained 4 or 5 days, then decamped and marched to Morristown and lay there untill we
received certain intelligence that, the army had gone on board and stood out to sea bearing
to the Northward. Upon this news we instantly decamped and marched toward the North
River, and encamped at the Clove, about 12 miles South from King's Ferry, where Generall
Sullivan left us with about 5000 men and crossed the Ferry. Soon after we again decamped
and proceeded further up the River towards Albany. The weather being excessive rainy we
were obliged to halt several days during which time we recd an account of Genl Howe's
appearing in the Bay of Delaware, which caused us a very hard and fatiguing march, often
marching at the rate of thirty miles per day, which killed a number of the men. It was no
uncommon thing for the rear guard to see 10 or 11 men dead on the road in one day
occasioned by the insufferable heat and thirst, likewise in almost every town we marched
through, their Churches were converted into hospitals. Another great hurt to the army was
the scarcity of salt and bread, the former of which was not to be had at any rate, for at that
time in the Jerseys it sold for 20 dollars pr bushel, as to the latter they were almost in the
same condition, altho' they had plenty of flour they had not time to bake it. Thus we
marched till we came to Germantown a village about 6 miles from Philadelphia, where we
encamped for severall days, and we[re] reviewed by the Congress.
In the interim the British fleet stood out to sea again and steering to the Northward as at
first, we again removed and marched to the Cross roads in Bucks County, about 20 miles to
the Northward of Philadelphia, and there we pitched our tents, expecting every day to hear
of their landing at York, or in some part of the Jerseys. During our stay here we were joined
by the 13th Virga Regt a small body of new raised troops to the amount of about 200. About
this the Rebel army was very sickly, occasioned greatly by the scarcity of salt, and the great
fatigue they had sustained, during the late hard and fatiguing march, which was soon
followed by another as hard tho' not so long. August 22nd we recd an account that Generall
Howe had landed in Virginia. Next day we decamped and marched 15 miles towards
Philadelphia and prepared to march through the City next day, which we did in the best
order our circumstances could permit,
and proceeded towards Virginia with all expedition; but received soon after a true account
of his being at the head of Elk in Maryland. General Washington, being determined to stop
his progress towards Philadelphia, posted a body of millitia at Ironhill an eminence about
three miles from General Howe's out posts. He also posted three brigades of Virginians with
6 field pieces at Christian Creek about 8 miles from Wilmington, from each of which they
detached a party of 100 light armed men, as scouts, under the command of Col. Crawford.
Among this number I had the good fortune of being one, as I was determined to embrace the
first opportunity of escaping, which I fortunately effected. General Washington with the
remainder of his army (which in whole by his own account only consisted of 13000 men)
and the artillary park, which consisted of 15 brass field pieces and severall howitts[ers],
encamped at Brandywine Creek about 12 miles from Eiktown where General Howe held his
head quarters. On Saturday August 30th we received intelligence by some prisoners that
General Howe intended to make an attack on Ironhill next day. Accordingly next morning
between two and three o'Clock, we marched over the hill, and formed our selves into an
ambuscade, in which position we continued till five, when being persuaded that no attack
would be made, a party of 150 men was immediately chosen and sent under the command
of the aforesd Capt. Dark, to reconnoitre. In this party I went as a volunteer, fully resolved
never to return unless as a prisoner. However, marching from thence, took several by roads,
untill we had got past several of the Hessians posts undiscovered, and proceeding toward
an iron work where they had another post, we discovered a few of the Welch fusileers
cooking at a barn in the middle of a large field of Indian Corn. Capt Dark resolved to take
them if possible, on which account he divided his men into 6 parties of 25 each, under the
command of a Lieut and 2 Serjeants. The party on the left to which I belonged, he ordered to
surround the field, which we did, but were discovered by those whom we thought to
surprise, who were only a few of a party consisting of fifty that were out foraging. They
drew up immediately and marched out of the field, upon which our Lieut and 4 of his men
fired upon them, which they returned with a whole volley, and plyed us very warmly from
among the trees for some considerable time, untill the other parties came up and attacked
them in the rear, whom they also gallantly repulsed and put to flight. The party I belonged
to upon the approach of the rest, retreated, at which time I left them, and made the best of
my way to the English Camp. In my way I saw severall of the rebells lying dead, and was
afterwards informed that a number more of them fell in that action; which in every
probability will be the fate of the whole, if they come to a generall engagement, which of
necessity they must in a short time, as it is impossible they can sustain the war much longer,
the Country being entirely laid waste, the inhabitants disaffected and entirely wearied of the
war, and independency; numbers of them are detained from coming to the Royal Standard
only through fear of being detected by General
Washington's army, the army small, undisciplined, disaffected to the cause, badly paid, in
very dull spirits, being certain they are far inferior to the British troops in every point, and
entirely destitute of every necessary for carrying on the war, having neither arms nor
ammunition, but what they receive from the French or Dutch. From these and many other
cogent reasons it is highly probable this unhappy war will soon be terminated to the honour
of His Majesty and a terror to all other who may attempt to rebell in like manner for the
future.
Thus Sir I have given you a short narrative of the facts that came to my knowledge during
my stay in the rebell army, and hope it will give your Honour the satisfaction required. I
think myself happy in having the honour of serving you in this manner and of subscribing
myself

Your most obedient & humble Servt
Ship Queen, Indiaman William Grant
at Gravesend Novr 24th 1777


Appendix F
He was in that noted Battel in the Bukwheat field with Morgan
Riflemens Pension Service Narratives, 1775-1779

All pensions gleaned from Southern Campaign Revolutionary War Pension
Statements & Rosters
(World Wide Web) http://www.southerncampaign.org/pen/
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Pension application of William White S1735 fn19VA
Captain Bufords Virginia Rifle Company, 1775
(White was 21 years old at the time of his first service in 1775)
(Transcribed by Will Graves, last revised 6/3/11)
State of Tennessee Lincoln County: County Court: October term, 1832
On this 17th day of October, 1832, personally appeared before the justices of the
County Court of Lincoln County, Tennessee, William White, a resident of said county
and state, aged about 78 years the 10th of January next, who being duly sworn
according to law, doth on his oath, make the following declaration in order to attain
the benefit of a provision made by act of Congress passed June 7
th
, 1832. That he
entered the service of the United States under the following officers and served as
herein stated, viz.: That he volunteered in Colonel Stephens Regiment of
Minutemen in Fauquier County, Virginia some time in the month of September
in the year 1775 (as he thinks), Major Thomas Marshall also commanded in
said regiment. The company to which I belonged was commanded by Captain
John Shelton who was afterwards killed at the Battle of Brandywine or
Germantown (I now forget which) and also by Lieutenant John Marshall, son of
Major Thomas Marshall, and now Chief Justice of the United States. In the
same month we marched from our county to Culpepper Courthouse in
Virginia, where we commenced building barracks, but before we completed
them an express arrived for us to go to the lower country where Gov. Dunmore
was raising a disturbance. We immediately marched to Williamsburg, and
were there stationed in the Capitol three or four weeks during the time our
regiment was stationed at Williamsburg. I volunteered and went with a rifle
company commanded by a Capt. Bluford [Abraham or Henry Buford] to
Hampton Road and at Hampton we had an action with five small British
vessels called tenders lying in a creek a small distance away from the bay,
one of which we took and drove the others off. From Hampton we marched
back to Williamsburg and I joined my regiment. We then started towards
Norfolk, where Gov. Dunmore had established himself, and came to a bridge
about 14 or 15 miles from Norfolk, called at that time the long bridge at
which place was a British fort about 5 miles below the bridge at a ferry which
was guarded by some Tories and Negroes. Genl. Scott, being with our army at
his time, beat up for volunteers to storm the lower fort, and I and several of
my company besides others went and stormed the forts dung the night. We
completely routed them and took several Negroes and one white man
prisoner. We marched back to the long bridge and raised breastworks against
the fort where Fordyce [Charles Fordyce] commanded. In 3 or 4 days
afterwards, Fordyce marched out of the fort to storm our breastworks, and we
killed, wounded and took prisoner his whole company except one Ensign who
made his escape. Capt. Fordyce was shot through the body with ten balls. We
then marched to Norfolk against Dunmore who retreated to his vessels and set
fire to the town. We lay at Norfolk a few weeks and were then marched back
home where we were discharged about the middle of April, having been in
service between 7 and 8 months.
C. Leon Harris notes: A size roll of noncommissioned officers and privates
compiled at Chesterfield Courthouse, Virginia, lists the following: William
White, age 24, height 6' 1", dark hair, dark eyes, dark complexion, planter,
born and residing in Fauquier County where he enlisted as a substitute on 5
March 1781 for 18 months. Sized on 27 April 1781.
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Pension application of James Fergus W255731
Lt. Col. Frederick Watts Regiment of Cumberland County, Pennsylvania
Associators, 1776
(Fergus was 20 years old at the time of his first service in 1776.)
(Transcribed and annotated by Will Graves )
Amended Declaration
State of Tennessee, Carroll County
On this 13th day of June personally appeared in open court before the Court of Pleas
and Quarter Sessions of said County, now sitting, James Fergus, a resident of said
County and State aged 76 years in November last, who being first duly sworn
according to law doth on his oath make the following amended declaration in order
to obtain the benefit of the act of Congress passed June 7, 1832.
Quest. 1st: When and in what year were you born?
Answer: From the account of my parents, I was born in the County of Chester &
Province of Pennsylvania in the year 1756 & month of November, the day not
recollected.
3rd Where were you living when called into service? Where have you lived since the
Revolutionary War and where do you now live?
Answer: I was living with my Father in a part of Cumberland called Sherman's Valley
in the State of Pennsylvania & after the summer campaign of '76 & winter campaign
of '76-7 (account of which will be given hereafter) I undertook to study Physic
under Dr. William Clunie, who at that time boarded at my Father's and in December
1777, I went with the Doctor into Virginia & in Augusta County we stopped. The
Small Pox had broke out there & appeared to be fatal. In Augusta & Albemarle
Counties, I assisted the Doctor in the Inoculation of the Small Fox of several hundred
Persons, none of whom died. In the spring of 1778, we went to South Carolina,
where I had a Brother living in what was then called the New Acquisition, Camden
District. The Doctor taking to hard drinking, I quit him & returned to Pennsylvania.
My Father, at the encouragement of my Brother who lived in Carolina, had sold his
land & had determined to move there, which we did in the fall of '78. (At this time
the Tories were getting very troublesome). I continued to live in this state until the
death of my Father & Mother. I married in the year 1783. In 1794, I moved to
Kentucky near Lexington where I lived three or four years & then moved to
Cumberland County Kentucky where I continued to live until December last. I then
moved to this place, viz., Carroll County, W. Tennessee where I arrived in March [of]
the present year 1832.
4th How were you called into service; were you drafted; did you volunteer, or
were you a substitute and if so for whom did you substitute?
Answer: The Militia of Pennsylvania; to what Regiment I do not recollect; was
called out and out of one Battalion of Colonel Watts' Regiment of Cumberland
County of the Pennsylvania Militia Eighty four men of us turned out volunteers
to march to camp, no drafted men nor substitutes among us.
5th State the names of some of the Regular Officers who were with the troops
where you served, such Continental and Militia Regiments as you can recollect
and the general circumstances of your service.
Answer: Being in the 76th year of my age, I find my memory very defective &
having no written documents preserved of the transactions or campaigns of
which I am now about to give an account, after the lapse of so many years, I
may in some things be mistaken but I will give a statement of the tours of duty
to the best of my recollection in which I have served my country. I think it was
in the month of June '76 that we enrolled ourselves as a volunteer Rifle
company, 84 in number including Officers in Colonel Frederick Watts' Militia
Regiment; every Officer in the Battalion enrolled themselves as privates &
then we elected by vote our Officers to command us in the present tour. Our
uniform was a dark purple coloured Hunting shirt & pantaloons, a good Rifle
& Powder horn & shot pouch, Tomahawk & butt were our equipment, all
furnished by ourselves. Our marching Officers were Thomas Clark, Capt;
Lieutenants Samuel Ross, James Fisher & a third one I do not now remember
for we had no Ensign. From Sherman's Valley we marched to Carlisle Town,
the seat of our County. We lay there five days to complete our equipments;
thence moved on to Harris's ferry on Susquehanna [River]; thence to
Middleton, Lancaster & to Philadelphia; thence went on a sloop up [the]
Delaware River to Trenton; thence to Maidenhead, Princeton, Kingston,
Brunswick & to Perth Amboy where we joined a number of Troops who lay
there watching an English Camp on Staten Island opposite to Amboy. It
appeared to me these troops were chiefly Militia. If there were any Regulars I
do not now recollect. Col. Watts who commanded our Regiment was here with
us. General Roberdeau [Daniel Roberdeau], I think from Philadelphia, is all
the general officer whose name I can now recollect. While we lay here one
evening we received orders to prepare with the rest of the Troops to march in
the night & cross the sound into Staten Island in order to surprise & attacked
the British camp. I would here observe that we did not lie in Town but about
half a mile out on the West side. About dusk, we moved into Town but a heavy
cloud with thunder & a strong wind & torrent of rain put a stop to our going
on; the scheme was abandoned, nor was it attempted afterwards while we lay
here. The enemy sometimes incommoded us by firing from two Field pieces
off the Island into the Town, but fortunately did us little damage. How long we
lay here I cannot now say, it was however until the Battle of Long Island; we
heard the firing of the Cannon all day although at 30 miles distance. The next
day an express came to us with orders to march to New York & I think in the
evening we went on, past Elizabeth Town & Newark & to Bergen where our
company was stationed. We here lay until the British took possession of New
York, doing duty at Powles Hook. We had a fair view of the British Frigates
firing on our boats that were bringing the Ordinance & stores off from
Governor's Island in the day. I think two days were spent before the Island
was fairly evacuated. We had a Galley stationed to cover our boats who fired
incessantly so that the smoke while the air was calm enveloped the boats &
they escaped wonderfully.
While we lay at the Hook, two Frigates passed us up the River. Our Battery
opposite the City opened [fire] on them & they [fired] on us, until they entirely
passed; what damage we did them, we knew not, if any & we received none to
speak of. When the British took possession of the city, our company was the
last on the ground at Bergen & the Hook, the rest of the Troops were gone.
While we knew not what to do, a gentleman came to us who announced
himself Major Josephs [?], a supernumerary who had no special command; he
asked our Captain why we stayed here. The Captain said we were stationed
there & could not retreat without orders. The Major replied it was a pity so
find a company should be lost which undoubtedly would be the case if we
stayed much longer where we were & though he had no special authority, he
would take the responsibility on himself to order us off & we accordingly
marched off to Hackensack old Town.
After we left Bergen & Powles Hook & got to Hackensack old Town, I cannot
recollect how we maneuvered about afterwards except I very well remember
we were encamped at Newark at the time of the fire in New York. It shone very
bright & we were in hopes it was the British fleet on fire but we soon learned
otherwise. How long we lay here, or what time we were dismissed, I cannot
now recollect. I think it was sometime in October we got home, but what time
of the month I cannot say. Before we arrived at home many of the Company
were ill of the Yellow Jaundice, myself among the rest, but in course of about
three weeks I got it removed.
About the last of November, I think it was, news came to us Genl Washington
with the Army was flying before the enemy through the Jerseys & for all in
Pennsylvania that would volunteer their service to come immediately. No
draft was talked of & I think a bounty was offered to such as would be in
Philadelphia before Christmas. 30 of us in the Company to which I belonged
turned out, most of whom had been out in the summer campaign with our
brave Captain Clark at our head. We equipped ourselves for the winter
campaign with all the speed in our power & moved on to Philadelphia. The
weather was very severe between Carlisle and Susquehanna. We met Genl
Mifflin [Thomas Mifflin] on his way through the state to hurry the volunteers
on that were on their way & to encourage others to turn out. There was snow
on the ground; we crossed the River at a Ferry below Harris's & in the
afternoon it came on a thick and heavy snow, but we went on through it till we
got into Middletown. We lay there all night & it continued to snow all night &
near the middle of the day it cleared up. This was the deepest snow I ever had
seen, it was near 4 feet deep on the level ground. Our baggage wagon could not
move till we broke the road before it. We labored on through it with all
possible diligence. The first day we went 3 miles, the next 7 miles and the
third 9 miles. By this time we got into Lancaster. The snow now got shallower
& the road somewhat broke. We arrived in Philadelphia between Christmas
and New Year's Day. The Hessian prisoners taken at Trenton were yet in the
city, but shortly after they were sent on to Lancaster. The weather [being]
severe, we rested a day or two & then moved on to Trenton. The Battle of
Princeton was over. Trenton was evacuated & partly desolate, I think it was
General Greene [Nathanael Greene] we met here, we lay all night in the Town
& next day we were ordered on to a little village or hamlet called Crosswicks
where we lay in the snow a few days, perhaps a week, with some Troops &
then moved to Princeton & lay under the command of the brave old veteran
General Putnam [Israel Putnam] until near spring. There was but one
company of Regulars with us here, the rest [were] volunteers or militia. There
was some Jersey Artillery with us, also some Light Horse, perhaps 60 or 70.
The ground was frozen so hard and deep we could not bury the dead; the sick
and wounded some of whom died every day or night, we had to throw in the
trenches of the redoubts until the ground thawed in the spring. We however
buried Colonel Haslet [John Haslet] of the Delaware line who fell in the Battle
of Princeton with the honors of War & I think a Major Fleming [sic, Captain
John Fleming] of Virginia, if I mistake not. The British lay at Brunswick that
winter & we had a picket guard placed at Kingston then about 3 miles from us
on the Road to Brunswick. One day the British drove in our picket & the
General expected we would be attacked. The alarm guns were fired, the drums
beat to arms, the wagons were quickly loaded with baggage & stores & drove
off towards Trenton, all was hurry, but not confusion. We were marched out of
Town into the Plain on the side next to Kingston, the way we expected the
Enemy to meet us & formed into a line of battle. One company of Regulars with
muskets & bayonets; one Regiment & Colonel Tarbott's [?] volunteers with
rifles and some others with the Jersey artillery & our few Light Horse
comprised our line. We were in expectation of an attack & kept on the ground
until dark. No enemy appeared & then returned to our quarters; lay on our
arms all light and were in the line of battle in the morning by daylight &
continued on the ground till eight or nine o'clock of the day. We continued this
course for a week or more. We understood afterwards by deserters what
saved us from an attack was the fear that the firing might bring General
Washington who lay in Morristown with the Army on their backs & intercept
them before they could get back to Brunswick. Numbers of Hessian deserters
came to us while we lay here. The spotted Fever & the small Pox prevailed
among us & many of our men died. The winter was extremely severe, but we
had good quarters in Town, however we frequently went in parties and drove
in the British sentries at Brunswick and harassed them more than they did us.
What time we were dismissed from here, I do not recollect. Several of our
company died here, two of the smallpox and others of the spotted Fever, one
in Philadelphia where the Fever was raging & very fatal, another on the road
before we got to Lancaster, some got home with the Fever in them & died
shortly afterwards. I think it was sometime in March when we arrived at
home, but cannot ascertain the particular time. Of the 30 who marched out of
our home Company in December, 16 died, 14 survived. I served as orderly
sergeant on this tour. I have no documentary evidence neither of this nor the
former tour nor do I know any Person in this part of the country who can testify to
my having served the aforesaid tours. There was I understand last summer a Mr.
Robinson living not far from Lexington, Kentucky, who if he is alive must be now
about 80 years of age, who knows of my serving as above. Lexington is upwards of
300 miles from this place where I now live. A Brother of the said Robinson was
living last summer in Tipton County about 100 miles from here, as I have
understood, who served with me in the same company the summer campaign of 76.
He was about one year older than myself. These are all I have any knowledge of that
may yet be living that could testify of my above services & whether they are yet
living, I know not. As I went out with Captain Clark in both the aforesaid tours &
returned home with him, I received no discharge in writing. The discharge was oral.
I do not recollect the names of any of the officers here this winter but what I have
mentioned above as they were strangers to me then & perhaps I never saw them
afterwards. I find my memory has failed more in recollecting names than any thing
else.
In the Autumn of the year 1778, my Father moved to South Carolina and settled in
what is now York County, then called New Acquisition, Camden District.
[Note: James Fergus went on to serve with the South Carolina militia, and in
his narrative left descriptions of the 1779 campaign, including the Battle of
Briar Creek and the Siege of Savannah.]
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Pension application of Jacob Shade S6082 f19VA
Capt. Michael Cresaps Maryland Independent Rifle Company, 1775
and 1st Lt. Adam Groshs Independent Rifle Company, Lt. Col. Henry Shryocks
Battalion Maryland Flying Camp.
(Shade was 17 years old at the time of his first service in 1775.)
(Transcribed by Will Graves 1/29/12)
State of Virginia Frederick County Sct.
On this 4th day of February 1833 personally appeared in open Court before the
Court of the County of Frederick now sitting, Jacob Shade a resident of the County of
Frederick and State of Virginia aged seventy-five years, who being first duly sworn
according to law, doth on his oath make the following declaration, in order to obtain
the benefit of the Act of Congress passed June 7th 1832: that he entered the
service of the United States in the month of June 1775 in Frederick County
Maryland as a volunteer under Captain [Michael] Cresap, who was on his way
to Boston that he marched from Woodstock Frederick County Maryland
through York, Lancaster, Philadelphia, New York, Connecticut and part of
Massachusetts to the neighborhood of Boston, when they found General
Washington, General Putnam and a number of other Officers whose names he
does not recollect any state in several places about Boston until the spring of
the year 1776 when they marched to New York where they were discharged in
the latter part of the month of May 1776 and then returned home having been
gone twelve months. In the beginning of July 1776 he entered the service as a
volunteer near Frederick town in Maryland in a Rifle Company under Captain
Crush [Adam Grosh]in the Regiment called the Flying Camp commanded by
Colonel [Henry] Shryock marched from Fredericktown to Annapolis where we
staid several days, and then hearing that the British ship Roebuck lay at the
mouth of the Potomac we were ordered there and went to Leonardtown,
where they heard that the Roebuck had sailed, returned to Annapolis then
went on board a sloop and sailed to the head of Elk [River], and from there
went to Philadelphia, then to Trenton in New Jersey then to Brunswick and
from thence to New York and marched up the North River 10 or 12 miles to
the head it quarters of the Army where General Washington and a number of
other Officers were. On this tour we had a skirmish with the enemy. From
there we went above Kingsbridge the British having landed about that bridge
from there to the White Plains [October 28, 1776] where an action was
fought from thence we crossed the North River at Peekskill then marched
down to Fort Lee from there to the neighborhood of Morristown near
Hackensack, then went to Trenton and on to Philadelphia where we were
discharged in the month of December 1776. He was at Trenton when the
Hessians were taken [December 26, 1776] he was discharged before that but
he volunteered to go to Trenton where he was engaged between three and
four weeks late in the month of November 1777 he went with a volunteer Company
commanded by Captain Schley in the Regiment commanded by Colonel Beatty from
Fredericktown Maryland through York and Lancaster to Philadelphia and from
thence to Germantown then to Chestnut Hill and then marched back to
Fredericktown where they were dismissed in the month of January after having
served just two months.


A solder of one of the 1775 Continental Independent Rifle Companies
(Pennsylvania contributed nine companies, and Maryland and Virginia two
each.) (Painting by Don Troiani, www.historicalimagebank.com )

Morgans Rifle Corps, 1777-1779

Pension Application of George Key W10162
Also served in the 6th Virginia Regiment 1776
Key was 23 years old at the time of his first service in 1776
(Transcribed and annotated by C. Leon Harris)
State of Missouri }
County of Callaway }
& Callaway Circuit Court } Sct.
On this fifth day of June 1833 personally appeared before the Honorable David
Todd, Judge of
the circuit court of Callaway County aforsaid George Key a resident of said county
of Callaway and State of Missouri aforsaid aged eighty years, who being first
duly sworn, according to law, doth on his oath, make the following declaration,
in order to obtain the benefit of the provisions made by the act of Congress
passed June 7 1832. That he entered the army of the United States in the year
seventeen hundred and seventy six with Captain Samuel Jourdan Cabell and
served in the sixth Virginia Regiment of Regulars of the continental line, in my
first two years of enlistment under said Samuel Jourdan Cabell Alexander
Rose 1st Lieutenant & Benjamin Toliver 2nd Lieutenant in sd. regiment under
the command of Colonel Stephens. I resided in Buckingham Amherst County
Virginia when I was first enlisted in said company. We commenced our march
from Amherst to old Williamsburg, which was our head quarters after
remaining at Williamsburgh for some time we marched to Gwynns Island to
oppose Lord Dunmore the former Governor of Virginia [Gwynn Island,
Dunmores base May July 1776], and after remaining about a month we
returned to Williamsburgh where we remained until fall, we then started to go
to cross creek [present Fayetteville] North Carolina, where it was supposed
the British were, we got as far as Jamestown, & crossed our baggage over the
river when we were countermanded to Williamsburgh where we remained
until about the 10th of October, when we were ordered to the Jerseys to join
General Washington, we marched through Maryland & Pensylvania into Jersey
& to Burlingtown [Burlington] after marching about & [illegible word] we
were ordered to make our escape from the Brittish, where we retreated
through the Jerseys over the Delaware river into Pennsylvania, where we
remained until Christmas day when we recrossed the Delaware into the
Jerseys marching towards Trenton, we marched most of Christmas night
suffering much, but were told we were going for new clothes, we reached
Trenton between daylight & sun up, & commenced the attack upon the
hessians, & after their surrender on the same evening started back to the
former camping ground & reached the Delaware river on the same evening,
which we crossed next morning, when we discovered two men had froze to
death that night, some short time after this affair we recrossed the Delaware
river into the Jerseys, & by a stolen march in the night we reached Princeton
[3 Jan 1777], & there defeated a small body of the Brittish army. We remained
until in the latter part of spring when I had a three months spell of illness
when I was again fit for duty. After this sometime I think in the month of
September we were attached to [Col. Daniel] Morgans rifle regiment, & was
arched beyond Albany to oppose Burgoynes army at still water [Stillwater].
There a party of Morgans troops were out scouting, & were attacked by the
Brittish, the Brittish killed one man at the first fire, & the party retreated.
Morgan rallied his men & was joined by General [Horatio] Gates. An attack was
brought on between the two armies about 12 oclock, & the action continued
until night parted them. The Brittish kept the ground, & we retired to our old
encampment about 2 miles off. Here we lay for some days & Morgans men
went out of the encampment in the afternoon & were met by the Brittish a
fight ensued between the two armies, & we beat the brittish back to their
temporary encampment or fort. Here the Brittish spiked a part of their
cannon, threw some into the river, & endeavoured to retreat to Saratoga to
cross the river by night. But when they reached the river they found a part of
our army on the other bank ready to oppose their crossing, here there was
some slight skirmishing, but the Brittish finding themselves enclosed between
the two parts of the army surrendered [formal surrender on 17 Oct 1777]. We
then returned to Pennsylvania six miles above Philadelphia to Germantown,
where we staid a few days & passed over the Jersey side & went to Hattenfield
where we whiped a small part of the yaugers [sic: Jaegers: German riflemen] &
that night returned about one or two miles & next morning returned to the
battle ground but was driven off by the shipping, we then returned to
Germantown. We beat about here for some time watching the Brittish in
Philadelphia, who declined giving us battle, & Morgan marched us some
distance off to a private house where we remained until our time expired
having served two years being discharged by Col. [Richard] Butler under
Morgan. I returned home to Amherst County staid a short time & sent to Bedford
county where I remained about until I again joined the army under Captain John
Rogers of the Light Infantry in November 1779.
____________________________________

Pension Application of Reuben Long: S46457
Also served in the Culpeper Minute Battalion in 1775, Stephensons Maryland
and Virginia Rifle Regiment in 1776, and 11th Virginia Regiment of 1777
(Transcribed and annotated by C. Leon Harris)
The following statement of facts, are given in corroboration of what is set forth in
my declaration hereunto annexed: I was born in St. Maries [sic: St. Marys] County
State of Maryland, and at the commencement of the American revolution I lived in
Culpepper [sic: Culpeper] County State of Virginia. I entered into service in support
of the rights of my country, when I was in my nineteenth year and continued from
this period in the discharge of my duty as a soldier in several of the states until the
close of the War, as will be shown. In March 1775 I entered as a private in a
volunteer company, commanded by Captn. Edward Stephens. In this company I
continued until the fall following. I then enlisted as a private in a regiment of [the
Culpeper] Minute Men, which was raised by the counties of Orange, Fauquier and
Culpepper. The period of enlistment was for a year, the company to which I
belonged was commanded by Captn Jno. Jimison [probably Jameson] & the Regt. by
Col. Wm. Talafero [William Taliaferro]. We were in the action at the great Bridge [9
Dec 1775], & I done duty through the winter at Norfolk. In April 1776 I returned
home and in July following enlisted as a private under Captn. John Jimison of
Culpepper County, in a Regiment of Cavalry Commanded by Col. Bland on the
continental establishment Shortly after I had joined this regiment, I was
permitted to withdraw for the purpose of enlisting in a Riffle [Rifle] company
commanded by Captn. G. Long [Gabriel Long]. Which company was attached to
a Regt. command by Col. Stinson, Rollins Lieut. Col. and Otho Williams Major.
In November following we were ordered to join the northern army
commanded by Genl. Washington. We joined the army whilst on its retreat
through the state of Jersey near Elizabeth Town. By the fall of Fort Washington
[16 Nov 1776] our Regt. was greatly reduced by the loss of men, & in
consequence of which Cap. G. Longs company was transfered to the 11th
Virginia Regt. commanded by Col. Daniel Morgan. In june 1777 I was
promoted from the ranks to the rank of a Lieutenant in the line. soon after I
was commissioned a Riffle Regt. was formed by companies taken from the
army & the command given to Col. Morgan. Captn. Longs Company (being an
old Riffle corps) was enlisted & made a part of this Regt. I was with Genl.
[Horatio] Gates army when Genl. Burgoyne surrendered [at Saratoga, 17 Oct
1777]. After this affair we joined the main army under Genl. Washington
encampted at White Marsh [Whitemarsh PA]. I was with Morgan at the battle
of Monmouth [28 Jun 1778] About this time the Regt was reduced in
consequence of the short enlistments to one company of Riffle men. The
command was given to Captn. Thos. Posey in it I retained my commission. The
company was ordered to join the 4th Pensylvana Regt. commanded by Col
[William] Butler. We were ordered to the State of New York to guard its
frontiers & was stationed at Schoharry [Schoharie] Valley. from this station we
were ordered to march to a rendezvous on the Mohawk river. We ascended
this river in Batteaus with the Baggage to a certain point then crossed by land
to the Otsago [Otsego] Lake, down its waters to the mouth of Tusager [sic:
Susquehanna] river to join Genl. [John] Sullivan who was on his Western
expedition against the Indians. Late in the fall of 1779 we joined the army
under Genl. Washington & here I was informed that I belonged to the 7th
Virginia Regt. Decr. 1779 I got a furlough and returned home on foot in company
with five others among whom was our present Chief Justice, Judge Marshall.
Continued at home until Octr. 16th 1780 was then ordered with some recruits to
join the southern army. I arrived at Hillsborough [NC], about the time Genl. Green
took the command of the Southern troops [sic: Nathanael Greene, 2 Dec 1780] &
took command in a company commanded by Capt. Wallace, which company was a
part of what was then called the 1st Virginia Regt. of Beaufort. I was at the battle of
Gilford [Guilford Courthouse NC, 15 Mar 1781]. the Regt. was commanded by Majr.
Ridley. Soon after this action I was ordered with a detachment to join Col [William]
Washingtons Regt. of Horse & to act wt. them as infantry. I was in the action at
Hopkirk Hill near Camden [sic: Battle of Hobkirk Hill, 25 Apr 1781], in this action I
fought under the command of Capt [Robert] Kirkwood of the Delaware Line, under
whom I continued until after the Siege of 96 [Ninety-Six SC, 22 May - 19 Jun 1781]. I
was then ordered to join the Regt. from which I had been detached, which is now
called the 2 Virginia d Regt. I was in the action at the Eutaw Spring [Battle of Eutaw
Springs SC, 8 Sep 1781]. The Regt. in that action was commanded by Majr. Sneed
[sic: Smith Snead]. In 1782 the Virginia Regts. were much reduced, in consequence
of the time for which the men having enlisted being expired, they were permitted to
return home, and I was after permitted to return wh. them & not long after peace
was proclaimed. During the War I received three commissions. I was while in
service particularly careful of them, but what has come of them since I cant say.
[signed] Reuben Long
[25 July 1828]
________________________________________

Pension application of John Ryan S42233 f36PA/VA
Also served in the 1st Continental Regiment, 1776 and the 1st Pennsylvania
Regiment, 1777-1781
(Ryan was 24 years old at the time of his first service in 1776)
(Transcribed by Will Graves 8/21/12)
State of Pennsylvania Lycoming County SS
On this twenty second day of May in the year of our Lord 1818 before me the
subscriber one of the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas in and for said County
personally appears John Ryan aged sixty-six years resident in Lycoming County
aforesaid who being by me first duly sworn according to law, doth on his Solemn
Oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the provision made by the
late act of Congress entitled "an act to provide for certain persons engaged in the
land and naval service of the United States in the Revolutionary war." That he the
said John Ryan enlisted in the year 1776 in the United States Army for three
years, and continued therein until the year 1781 (and got my discharge from
General Wayne at Trenton) when I enlisted I was put under Captain Matthew
Smith in the first Pennsylvania Regiment [then known as the 1st Continental
Regiment, a rifle-armed unit] commanded by Colonel Hand. I was at White
Plains [October 28, 1776] in a Battle seen several killed & wounded in the fall
of 1776. I got wounded in a skirmish at Miles Square New York and sent to the
hospital, got well and in the spring of 1777, a Band of Rifle men was made I
was put into it under Captain Carr in Colonel Morgan's [Daniel Morgan's]
Regmt [sic, Regiment?]

in the course of five weeks we had better than 30
Skirmishes with the Enemy, then orders to march we met our enemy
Commanded by Burgoyne where we attacked them at Baymoss Heights [Bemis
Heights October 7, 1777], we had two battles with them and the [they]
retreated to Saratoga, the [there] he Surrendered to General Gates [Horatio
Gates], where he returned to General Washington's Army & had a Battle at
Edgehill [Battle of Edge Hill for battle of White Marsh, December 5-8, 1777],
there our Major Morris [Joseph Morris of New Jersey] of our Regiment got
mortally wounded & died in three days, then nothing memorable until we
came to the Battle of Monmouth [June 28, 1778] New Jersey General
Washington gave the General Orders General Lee was there & Command
[commanded] in the early part of the day we drove the enemy who retreated
to Middleton Heights, nearly and under cover of their shipping, our rifle
Regiment still kept skirmishing and annoying the enemy, while lying there
until the [they] took to their shipping and embarked at Sandy Hook the
Regiment then got divided Two Companies was sent up to Schoharie, N. W. of
Albany, Captain Par [James Parr] and Captain Long I was then under Captain
Par, we had several scrimmages with the Indians we went and Burnt two
Indian towns, Unandilla & Osquaga on the North branch of the Susquehanna
[River], I was at the Battle of the Tiaga called Newtown New York where
General Sullivan commanded no other memorables I recollect
______________________________________

Pension application of William Sudduth (Subbuth) [Sudith, Suddith] S40538
f43VA
Also served in the 11th Virginia Regiment 1776
Sudduth was 24 years old at the time of his first service in 1776
(Transcribed by Will Graves 5/25/12)
The State of Ohio Pickaway County: SS
Personally came before me John Thompson President Judge of the Court of Common
Pleas in the second Circuit in said State of Ohio William Sudith [sic] a Citizen of the
United States and now a resident of the County aforesaid and with a view of
showing and proving that he is entitled to the benefit of a law of the United States
entitled "An act to provide for certain persons engaged in the land and naval service
of the United States in the revolutionary War" made oath to the following facts and
statements to wit:
That he is sixty-five or six years old, that he was enlisted by Captain William
Blackwell of the 11th Virginia Regiment in the month of August 1776 in
Fauquier County State of Virginia for the term of three years, that in a short
time after his enlistment he was selected by Colonel Daniel Morgan as one of
his rifle Regiment and placed under command of Captain Gabriel Long that he
was in the battle at Quibble Town [June 22, 1777, now New Market New
Jersey] and at the battle at the Bridge near or at Brunswick [June 1777], and at
the taking of Burgoyne [Battle of Saratoga, surrender date, October 17, 1777];
that immediately upon the taking of Burgoyne, the Regiment of Morgan was
marched to Esopus [modern-day Kingston, burned by the British on 15
October], on the North river, to meet the enemy there; that shortly after the
Regiment were marched to the White Marsh Hill [December 5-8, 1777] near
German Town where he joined the Army and shortly after was engaged in two
battles in one day, In this engagement none but Morgan's Corps was engaged.
After this, they encamped for the winter at the White horse while the main
Army lay at Valley Forge. The Spring following they went into the Jersey and
was engaged with the enemy the day before the battle at Monmouth [June 28,
1778], and was at the battle of Monmouth as a reserved Corps. After this they
went to Stony Point under Morgan, where he left them for the Battle. They
then went up to Schoharie under Major Posey and took up winter Quarters.
Then they joined Colonel William Butler's Regiment. The next summer he
joined General Sullivant [Maj. Gen. John Sullivan], at which time, the term of
three years, the time for which he was enlisted, had expired. He then enlisted
under Colonel Butler for five months and marched under him through the
Indian country and was present at the destruction of the Indian Towns &
property along the Cayuga Lake from whence they were marched to
Chestnut Hill near Morristown where he joined his old Regiment & was
discharged January 1st 1780 which discharge is lost, but how this deponent
does not now recollect. That he was in several other skirmishes or fights than
are above enumerated, and during his services was wounded 3 times, and that
from his reduced circumstances, advanced age and being destitute of property he
needs the assistance of his Country for support.
S/ William Su [sic]
[attested May 12, 1818
__________________________________________


Rifleman in gaitered trousers (overalls), likely as worn on Sullivans 1779
campaign against the Iroquis. (Artwork by Don Troiani,
www.historicalimagebank.com )
Pension application of William Moore S16982 f16VA
Also served in the 6th Virginia Regiment 1776
Moore was 19 years old at the time of his first service in 1776
(Transcribed by Will Graves 7/4/13)
State of Missouri Jackson County: SS
On this 7th day of May in the year of our Lord 1833 personally appeared before the
Justices of the County Court of the County and State aforesaid, William Moore a
resident of the same County & State aged Seventy Six years, who being first duly
sworn according to law doth upon his oath make the following declaration in order
to obtain the benefits of the provisions made by the Acts of Congress passed June
7th 1832. To wit, That he enlisted in the United States Army on the 14th day of
February in the year 1776 under the command of Captain Thomas Patterson,
James Burret being Lieutenant in said Company that his enlistment took place
in Buckingham County Virginia in which County & State he then resided, from
his place of his enlistment he was in march[ed] to Richmond from thence to
Williamsburg at which last place the Captain & Lieutenant returned to their
respective homes & were both taken sick & died, he the said Moore was then
commanded by Samuel Cabel [Samuel Cabell] Captain & Reuben J Cabel
[Reuben J Cabell] Lieutenant and was attached to & composed a part of the 6th
Virginia Regiment, and was marched to Springfield Camps below
Williamsburg from thence to Guinns Island [Gwynn or Gwynn's Island], from
thence the Regiment was march[ed] back through Yorktown to Springfield
Camp, from which place the Regiment march[ed] to the North, but this applicant
being sick with the fever & ague embarked on a Brig at a place not recollected on
York River and landed at the mouth [of] Christian Creek in the State of Delaware and
marched to Wilmington about seventy-five miles from Philadelphia and was
inoculated with the Small pox and wintered at Wilmington in the Spring following
being 1777 he the said Moore joined the Army near New York, he was then marched
through Philadelphia, crossed the Delaware River & marched through Trenton,
Princeton, and several other Towns in the State [of] New Jersey the names of which
are not now recollected. In May 1777, the company of the said Moore was
detached to Colonel Morgan's Regiment of Rifle men. The Regiment was
employed in scouring the country through the State of New Jersey & New York
in the month of July as well has now recollected he was march[ed] to Trenton
from thence to Hudsons River [Hudson River] to a place called Pitts Kiln, from
which last place he went on board of a vessel and sailed up the River to near
Albany was landed and march[ed] up to a point called Still Water [Stillwater]
near the Mohawk River, at which place he the said Moore was in the two
engagements against Burgoyne's Army [Battle of Freeman's Farm September
19, 1777 & Battle of the Bemis Heights October 7, 1777]. After the Surrender
of Burgoyne's Army [October 7, 1777] on the same evening, the Regiment with
the whole Army was marched down to Albany, from thence to a place called
the White Marsh a place near Philadelphia, was in the Battle with the British
about five or six miles from Philadelphia at a place called the Chestnut Hill
[December 4, 1777]. After Christmas Morgan's Regiment being the same to
which the said Moore belonged was march[ed]to the Crossed Keys near Valley
Forge, on the 14th day of February 1778 the said Moore's Services having
expired he was honorably discharged from the Army of the United States,
which said discharge (not knowing that it would ever avail him anything) he has
lost. He hereby relinquishes every claim whatever to a pension or annuity except the
present & declares that his name is not known on the pension Roll of any Agency of
any State in the United States. Sworn to & subscribed the day & year aforesaid
S/ William Moore
______________________________________________

Thomas Tipton (pension S16274) recalled being in the noted Battel [battle]
in the Buckwheat field with Morgan and had Severel Bulet hols shot through
his hat that day
Pension application of Thomas Tipton S16274 f49VA
Also served in a Virginia Continental regiment in 1776, and the Virginia
militia, 1781
Tipton was about 38 years old during his service in 1777
(Transcribed by Will Graves 12/15/11)
State of Ohio Champaign County
On this ninth day of March 1838 personally appeared before me John Taylor, an
associate Judge of the Court of Common Pleas of said County, Thomas Tipton, a
resident of the County of Champaign and State of Ohio, aged 100 years who being
first duly sworn according to law, doth on his oath make the following declaration in
order to obtain the benefit of the provision made by the act of Congress passed June
7th 1832 that he volunteered in the Army of the United States in the year of
1776, the last of June or first of July in that year, in what Regiment, or with
whom he does not now recollect; when he entered the service he lived in
Fairfax County Virginia since the Revolutionary war he has resided in various
parts of the State of Kentucky and Ohio and he now resides in Adams
Township, Champaign County of Ohio: he recollects fighting under General
Gates & General Morgan and [indecipherable word1] with General
Washington this Affiant recollects of being at the siege of York as 1st Sergeant
in Captain John Galloway's Company under General George Washington he
was also at the surrender of Lord Cornwallis [October 19, 1781] and was in the
United States service for years, during which time he was not employed in any
civil pursuit: by reason of extreme old age he cannot now recollect positively any of
the circumstances connected with his service during the war, he has however other
testimony than his own, viz.: William Tipton of Montgomery County Kentucky,
whose affidavit is herewith and made part of this declaration this affiant was
regularly discharge from the Service, but is unable to procure his original discharge
this Affiant never received a commission of any kind, although as above stated he
served as first Sergeant in Captain John Galloway's Company this Affiant further
declares that he is known to Charles Wilson, Reuben Clark, John Wall,
AsahelWilkison, Thomas Daniel, John Daniel, and many others, who are his present
neighbors and who have known him for many years as is shown by their statement,
written and subscribed by their own hands mark (B) and who therein this testify as
to his character for veracity and their belief of his services as a soldier of the
Revolution he hereby relinquishes every claim whatever to a pension or annuity
and he declares that his name is not on the Pension Roll of any agency.
Witness S/ John H Young S/ Thomas Tipton, X his mark
Sworn to and subscribed the day and year aforesaid
S/ John Taylor, Associate Judge
Below is the transcript of a two page, very crudely written and spelled
document comprising the statements of four of Thomas Tiptons friends and
neighbors (Charles Wilson, Reuben Clark, John Hall, and Joseph
Newcomb)stating their understanding of the applicant's services in the
Revolution and testifying as to his credibility and good reputation.
Among the statements is the assertion that Thomas Tipton was between the
ages of 90 and 100 and his mind so compromised that he is "a child again."
They state that he has ever been a free Will Baptist. That they do not believe
he ever received a single cent for his services in the revolution; that he was
born in Baltimore in Maryland then lived seven miles from Mount Vernon,
Virginia in Fairfax County; then moved to Frederick County, Virginia near
Winchester then moved to Botetourt County at the time of his last tour.
Related that Tipton said that when he went as first Sergeant in his last tour he
took his own gun, a rifle called the "Ranfro gun." "He says the Reason that he
gat [got] no disCharg [discharge] that he was poisoned and Lay on the field at
York in spelted [?] and parnounsed [pronounced] not to Recover But he was
picked up By a Wagoner that nere [knew] him and Brought him within therty
[thirty] mils [miles] of his home; after that war he moved to Cain Tuckey
[Kentucky] living in many plases [places] ther Last of all he lived in
Mountgomery [Montgomery] County then moved to Ohio lived in diferent
[different] plases and in difirent Countys now Livs [lives] in Champaign County
Adams Township. N. B. he says he was one of the Rangers all throug [through]
that War he was in that noted Battel [battle] in the BuCkwheat [Buckwheat]
field with Morgan and had Severel [several] Bulet hols [bullet holes] shot
through his hat that day he canat [can't] Recalate [recollect] his ofiCers [officers']
names only Washington, gats [Horatio Gates] and Morgan his children says the
[they] heard thir [their] mother often tell them that thir Father Com [came] home 3
or 4 times and she thought evrytime [everytime] the Last time she would se [see]
him he had three Children at that time ."
William Tipton Senior of Montgomery County Kentucky, states that Thomas
Tipton was in Captain Galloway's Company Virginia Militia, at the Siege of
York Galloway's Company was attached to Colonel Lewis' Regiment and all
under command of General Long. This Affiant does not know the precise
length of time the siege lasted, but knows that Thomas Tipton was the first
Sergeant of Captain Galloway's Company during the siege and capture of
Cornwallis. This Affiant states that he with Thomas Tipton marched from Botetourt
County through Bedford and Williamsburg on their way to York. This Affiant also
remembers that shortly after the surrender of Yorktown, Thomas Tipton was taken
sick, and was hauled in the baggage wagon to within 30 miles of his home, from
which place this Affiant took him on a horse. Thomas Tipton is now upwards of 90
years old.
_____________________________________________

Pension application of Anthony Crockett1 S10492 fn42VA
Also served in the 6th Virginia Regiment 1776
Crockett was 20 years at the time of his first service in 1776
(Transcribed by Will Graves, revised 10/3/11)
State of Kentucky, Franklin County
On this 17th day of December 1832 personally appeared in open court before the
Justice of the county court of Franklin now sitting Col. Anthony Crockett a resident
citizen of said county and State aged 76 years who being first duly sworn according
to law doth on his oath make the following declaration in order to obtain the benefit
of the act of Congress passed the 7th day of June 1832. Viz: I Anthony Crockett do
hereby solemnly declare that I am now 76 years of age according to the information
of my parents and being interrogated by the court according to the directory to the
Secretary of War. I further say that I was born in the county of Prince Edward in the
State of Virginia, and when very young I removed with my parents to Botetourt
County of the same state where I resided when the revolutionary war commenced
and that in said county in the month of February 1776 I enlisted for two years in
Capt. Thomas Posey's company of the 7th Virginia Regiment commanded by
Lt. Col. Alexander McClanahan at that time my company marched down to
opposite Gwinn's Island [Gwynn Island] at which place and (old) Point
Comfort we were stationed as a guard, where we remained until after the
Battle of Princeton when my company marched to Philadelphia, where Col.
Morgan raised his rifle regiment by selecting men and officers from the army.
Capt. Posey and many of his men including myself joined Col. Morgan's
Regiment and we were stationed in the vicinity of Philadelphia but were
almost continually in motion, during the spring and summer of 1777, we
marched several times into New Jersey and had several skirmishes with the
British at Bunbrook [Bound Brook April 13, 1777] & Sommersett [Somerset] &
Piscatawa [Piscataway or Piscataqua ] and in the month of August 1777 we
were ordered to the north to aid our Army in opposing Burgoyne, we marched
from near Philadelphia across through New Jersey and struck the North River
at Peakskill [Peekskill] when we went on board sail boats and sailed up to
Albany and from there joined the American army near Still Water, and were
actively engaged in the skirmishes and battles which eventuated in the
Capture of Burgoyne's army the 17th October 1777 -- Soon after which event
we marched back and joined Genl. Washington at White Marsh [December 5-8,
1777] where we had a skirmish with the British who then occupied
Philadelphia and afterwards we attacked some Hessians at a place in New
Jersey called Hatternfield [Haddonfield] about five miles from Philadelphia,
we killed some of them and drove the balance to their boats in the Delaware
near Philadelphia we then returned to White Marsh where I remained until
my time expired and I was honorably discharged and I returned home and in the
fall 1778 I was commissioned 1st Lieutenant in Capt. Jesse Evans company of the
Illinois Regiment raised by Virginia and soon after began to recruit my company
which was done during the war 1778-9 and in the spring 1779 on the 14th March, I
left home and Rendezvoused my company at Long Island on the Holston down
which and Tennessee River we sailed in boats and had several skirmishes with the
Indians, and also down the Ohio and up the Mississippi to Kaskaskia where I was
stationed until August 1779, when I was ordered to Vincennes where we joined Col.
George R. Clarke [George Rogers Clark] and in the winter or late in the fall 1779, I
was ordered back to Virginia by Col. Clarke to recruit more men during the next
summer and in 1780 I recruited more men and was engaged in frequent skirmishes
with Tories and when the Battle of King's Mountain was fought I was in march with
my men to that place and in 1781 I returned to Kentucky and was stationed at
Gordon's Station in Lincoln and was in frequent pursuit of Indians during that year
1782, and in August 1782 I was on the march with Col. Logan to join our troops in
pursuit of the Indians who attacked Bryant's Station [Bryan Station] but the Battle of
the Blue Licks [August 19, 1782] was fought before we got up and it fell to our
melancholy lot to aid in burying the dead and soon after I marched as Lieutenant
with Capt. Ray [James Ray] with Col. Geo. R. Clarke against the Indians on the Great
Miami at Piqua where we burnt many towns, and I continued to serve as Lieutenant
at Gordon's and McGary's Stations until the closing of the Revolutionary War, having
in the whole served two years in the 7th Virginia Regiment and Morgan's Rifle
Regiment and from the month of November or December 1778 as 1st Lieutenant in
Capt. Evans company of the Illinois Regiment until the close of the war of the
Revolution in the uniform. . of the duties of a Lieutenant as I have a stated above. I
further declare that I have no documentary evidence of my age or services having
long since lost my discharge and commission, that my services are well known as a
Lieutenant of the Illinois Regiment to Col. James Ray and John Gritton of Mercer
County and William Robertson of Anderson County whose affidavits have been sent
to the Secretary of the Treasury, in support of my claim on the State of Virginia for
half pay for life, and I hereby relinquish all claim which I may have to a Pension or
annuity from the State of Virginia or the United States since the 3rd day of March
1831, excepted the present, Witness my hand this 17th December 1832
S/ A. Crockett
______________________________________

Pension Application of Humphrey Becket S2066
Also served in the 11th Virginia Regiment 1777
Becket was 20 years at the time of his first service in 1777
(Transcribed and annotated by C. Leon Harris)
Virginia
At a Court held for Albemarle County the sixth day of July One thousand eight
hundred and eighteen
Humphrey Bicket a resident of this County aged sixty one years, personally
appeared in Court,
and being first duly sworn, according to law, on oath doth make the following
declaration in order to obtain the provision made by the late act of Congress
Entitled An act to provide for certain persons engaged in the land and naval service
of the United States in the revolutionary War. That he the said Humphrey Becket
inlisted in the County of Frederick in the State of Virginia, in the Company
commanded by Charles Porterfield of the eleventh Virginia regiment,
commanded by Colonel Daniel Morgan, in the month of January 1777, that he
continued to serve in the said Corps or in the Service of the United States for
three years when he was discharged from said service, honorably in the
County of Frederick & State of Virginia, that he was in the battles at
Sommerset Courthouse [Somerset Courthouse, New Jersey, 14 and 15 June
1777] At Amboy in New Jersey [22 June 1777] and Manmoth Courthouse, New
Jersey [Monmouth, 28 June 1778], that he is in reduced Circumstances, and
stands in need of the assistance of his Country for support, and that he has no
other evidence now in his possession or power of his said service.
Believing that I am the only person living who had access to my Brothers, Captain
Charles
Porterfields, Register of Enlistment, Mr. Becket has applied to me for my certificate
on the subject.
I therefore certify that some time in the Winter of 1776-77 Humphry Becket
Enlisted in Captain Charles Porterfields company in the 11th Virga Regiment
on continental Establishment, commanded by Colo Daniel Morgan, to serve for
the term of three years or during the War. That the said Company and
Regiment joind the main army at Bounbrook [Boundbrook] (State of Jersey) I
think, in the month of April 1777: That during the campaign of that year Colo
Morgan was detachd with a corps of Riflemen to join the Army of the North
(so called) under the command of Genl. Gates That Humphry Becket being
an expert Rifleman was selected as one of said corps, and fought under
Morgan at the Battle of Stillwater [Bemis Heights NY, 7 Oct 1777] &c. until the
surrender of Burgoyns Army at Saratoga [Burgoynes army, 17 Oct 1777], and
that he continued in said Rifle corps, my recollection is, until some time in the
year 1779, when he was ordered by Colo Morgan, as a driver, to take charge of
a waggon and team in the Publick service, drawing the pay, clothing and
rations of a soldier: Thus far within my own knowledge. In the winter of
1779-80 I passed on from the North with the Virginia Troops to Charleston So
Carolina and having shared the fate of the Garrison at that place [surrender
and imprisonment], on the 12th of May 1780 have no farther personal
knowledge of H. Beckets services, but from the best information I have been
able to collect do verily believe that he continued as a waggoner at the Barracs
near Charlottesville [Albemarle Barracks], where Burgoyns Army (prisoners)
were stationed, and on the terms above stated until the end of the war when
he received a regular discharge, which discharge he says was lost in the bustle
of a change of residence he made with his Family To all which he was
desirous of making oath before me, which I declined, presuming it might not
be such evidence as you woud consider admissible:
Nevertheless from my knowledge of his truth and integrity, poor and decrepit
as he is, I am persuaded he would not take a fals oath to obtain any pecuniary
consideration whatever.
A large portion of the Virginia Soldiers were enlisted for the term of 3 years,
or dureing the war, and I am under the impression that at the end of 3 years,
some of the Soldiers so enlisted claimed theire discharge, and that a board of
Officers convened for the purpose, decided against the claim, of which
however from the lapse of time and a declining memory I am not possitively
certain; But this I do know that the survivors of Captn Charles Porterfields
Company continued in service until the end of the war, some of whom were
made prisoners at Charleston Hence I infer the Humphry Becket was equally
bound to the service. I will only add that I could state some of his deeds of
[illegible word] which I had from his Commander, by whose side he fought,
particularly at the Battle of Stillwater; I will not however trouble you with the
detail, but will say that on the score of intrepidity and faithfulness, so long as
he performed the duties of a Soldier there is not one man now living who has
stronger claims on the munificence of his Countery than Humphry Becket.
Most respectfully/ Your obt. humble St Ro. Porterfield/ a Capt. &c [Robert
Porterfield]
_________________________________________________

Pension Application of Henry Wysor S7854 VA
Also served in the 8th Virginia Regiment 1776
Wysor was 22 years at the time of his first service in 1776
(Transcribed and annotated by C. Leon Harris. Revised 1 Sep 2014.)
State of Virginia, Montgomery county Sc.
On this 3rd day of September 1832 personally appeared before the county court of
said county in the
state aforesaid, Henry Wysor (or Weizer) a resident of said county and state, aged
78 years, who being
first duly sworn according to law, doth on his oath make the following declaration in
order to obtain the
benefit of the provision made by the act of Congress passed June 7th 1832. That he
enlisted in the army of the United States in the year 1776 (he believes in the
month of February) under Captain [Thomas] Berry in the county of Frederick
and state of Virginia, and served in the Eighth Virginia regiment of the line,
under the following officers. He was marched from Frederick county to
Jamestown in Virginia, where he joined his regiment commanded by Colo.
Muhlenburg [sic: Peter Muhlenberg] and Colo. [Abraham] Bowman, and from
there they marched to Halifax in North Carolina, from thence to a place called
Pine tree store where we took water in South Carolina, and when we were
landed we were marched by the way of Charlestown to Sullivans Island, and I
was there when it was attacked by the British shipping [27-28 Jun 1776], from
there to Savannah Georgia from thence to Saulsbury [sic: Salisbury NC] where
I was taken sick and lay three months and then returned to Savannah, and got
a Furlow and returned home, where I remained almost three weeks and was
ordered to Philadelphia and from there crossed the Delaware and joined the
main army on the Jersey side and was marched to Genl. Morgans [Daniel
Morgan, Col. at that time] regiment of Riflemen. I was a short time in Capt.
[Gabriel] Longs company and then in Capt. Knoxs company, my Lieutenant
was Craig and Ensign Lively. I was at the taking of Burgoyne [Saratoga NY, 17
Oct 1777] and was in the battle of Valley forge, where my Major (Morris) was
killed [Joseph Morris, mortally wounded at Battle of Whitemarsh, 6 Dec 1777].
I was in several skirmishes at places I do not recollect so as to describe them. I
was discharged I think in February 1778, at a place called the white Horse in
Pennsylvania [White Horse Tavern in Chester County], my discharge I kept
until the return of peace or sometime after, and thinking it would be of no use
to me, threw it away or destroyed it. I returned home and married, and lived
in the county of Frederick till the siege of Little York [Yorktown, 28 Sep -19
Oct] in the year 1781 when I was drafted under Capt. Bell and marched to
Little York, where I was at the taking of Cornwallis and in about six or seven
weeks got a Furlow to return home, and was not after called upon.
Henry Wysor
Virginia. Montgomery County Sct.
On this 4th day of March 1833 personally appeared in open court, being a court of
record, before the Justices of said court, Henry Wysor Senr. who being first duly
sworn according to law made an additional declaration as follows. My Captain
Berry gave me the appointment of Sergeant when I enlisted, and I believe
enrolled me as such, after serving some time, I applied to be released, on the
ground, I was no scholar but was refused, and I continued to do the duties of
Sergeant for some time. I then got my arm broken and was unable to do duty
for some time, we were marched to the South as I have stated in my former
declaration where I was taken sick and lay near three months. I returned
home and was ordered to the North (Philadelphia) but few of my old company
lived to return, and when I joined the main army in the Jerseys I was attached
to a strange company, in a few days I joined General Morgans rifle regiment
Morgan had been a neighbour and acquaintance of mine. I was again
appointed Sergeant and served as such but our company was soon after cut to
pieces and we were consolodated or placed in other companies which was
several times the case, as I do not know how long I served as Sergeant, when I
was drafted in the year 1781. I recollect well of doing the duties of Sergeant at the
taking of Cornwallis. Henry Wysor
_____________________________________________

Pension Application of William Dews S8312
Also served in the 9th Virginia Regiment 1776
Dews was 24 years at the time of his first service in 1776
(Transcribed and annotated by C. Leon Harris)
State of Virginia }
County of Pittsylvania } Sct
On this 20 day of August 1832 personally appeared before the Court of the County
aforesaid now sitting William Dews a resident of the said County of Pittsylvania and
State
aforesaid aged Eighty years who being first duly sworn according to Law doth on his
Oath make
the following declaration in order to obtain the benefit of the provision made by the
act of
Congress passed June 7th 1832 That he enlisted in the army of the United States
in the month of February 1776 for two years with Lieutenant Henderson in
Capt Thomas Walkers Company then stationed at Charlottesville in the County
of Albemarle Virginia. on the 12th day of that month this Company left
Charlottsville [sic: Charlottesville] and marched direct to Gloucester Court
House Virginia and from there they marched to the Chesapeak [sic:
Chesapeake] bay and went across to the County of Northampton and were
there attached to the 9th Regiment of the Virginia line under the command of
Colo. George Matthews and Major Joins[?]. that they were stationed in the said
County of Northampton untill about the 19th or 20th of December 1776 when
they were marched from thence to Morristown in New Jersey and joined the
army under Genl. George Washington at that place in January 1777 where he
had taken up Winter quarters. Early in the Spring following a picked company
was made up from the different regiments and placed under the command of
Lieut Henderson who acted as Captain, of which he said William Dews was
one. this Company was put under Colo. Daniel Morgan who commanded a Rifle
Corps and was with him in three engagements on one day, first at Brunswick
where the British had mustered, the 2nd & third near the same place, that he
continued with Colo. Morgan several months untill he was ordered to Albany
that he left Colo. Morgan near Summerset Court House New Jersey and
returned under the command of Lieut. Martin to the said 9th Regiment under
Colo. Matthews and was stationed at the Cross roads near Philidelphia when
the British arrived at the head of the Elk River [now Elkton Maryland, 28 Aug
1777] He was placed under the command of Colo. Richard Parker and was
with him in the Battle of Brandywine on the 11th of September 1777. Soon
after that he was again transfered to the 9th Regiment with Colo. Mathews and
was with him in the Battle at Germantown when his Regiment was defeated by
the British & he said Dews was taken prisoner on the 4th of October 1777 and
carried to Philidelphia and put in Jail, kept there about eight months & was
then carried by the British to Newyork [New York] and kept under guard 18
days then exchanged at Elizabeth River about the 17th July 1778 then marched
to the White Plains in the state of New York and there discharged about the last of
the same month, the whole of the service rendered under this enlistment excluding
the time of his being a prisoner with the British is two years and about 6 months his
discharge was destroyed by the British Soldiers in the Town of Petersburg Virginia
soon after he obtained it, but the services rendered is proved by the affidavit of
David Street [pension application W6164] and Dudley Callaway [S39282] who were
regular soldiers with him in the Revolutionary War. That he resided in the County of
Albemarle when he entered the service of the United States in the year 1776. After
his discharge from the said service in the year 1778 He resided for some time in the
Town of Petersburg Virginia. He now resides and has lived in the County of
Pittsylvania for about fifty years. He hereby relinquishes every claim whatever to a
pension or annuity except the present and declares that his name is not on the
pension roll of any agency in any state. Sworn to and subscribed te day and year
aforesaid
William hisXmark Dews
Appendix G

The Rebels (1778)
(Sung to the tune, Black Joak)
Originally published in the Pennsylvania Ledger, 1778,
lyrics by Capt. John Ferdinand Dalziel Smyth, Simcoe's Queen's Rangers

Ye brave honest subjects who dare to be loyal,
And have stood the brunt of every trial,
Ye brave honest subjects who dare to be loyal,
And have stood the brunt of every trial,
Of hunting shirts and rifle guns;
Come listen awhile and I'll tell you a song;
I'll show you those Yankees are all in the wrong,
Who, with blustering look and most awkward gait,
'Gainst their lawful sovereign dare for to prate,
With their hunting shirts and rifle guns.
The arch-rebels, barefooted tatterdemalions,
In baseness exceed all other rebellions,
With their hunting shirts and rifle guns:
To rend the empire, the most infamous lies,
Their mock-patriot Congress, do always devise;
Independence, like the first rebels, they claim,
But their plots will be damned in the annals of fame,
With their hunting shirts and rifle guns.

Forgetting the mercies of Great Britain's King,
Who saved their forefathers' necks from the string,
With their hunting shirts and rifle guns,
They renounce all allegiance and take up their arms,
Assemble together like hornets in swarms,
So dirty their backs, and so wretched their show,
That carrion-crow follows wherever they go,
With their hunting shirts and rifle guns.

With loud peels of laughter, you sides, sirs, would crack,
To see General Convict and Colonel Shoe-Black,
With their hunting shirts and rifle guns.
See cobblers and quacks, rebel priests and the like,
Pettifoggers and barbers, with sword and with pike,
All strutting the standard of Satan beside,
And honest names using, their black deeds to hide,
With their hunting shirts and rifle guns.






This perjured banditti, now ruin this land,
And o'er its poor people claim lawless command,
With their hunting shirts and rifle guns.
Their pasteboard dollars prove a common curse,
They don't chink like silver and gold in our purse,
With nothing their leaders have paid their debts off,
Their honor's, dishonor, and justice they scoff,
With their hunting shirts and rifle guns.

For one lawful ruler, many tyrants we've got,
Who force young and old to their wars, to be shot,
With their hunting shirts and rifle guns.
Our good King, God speed him! never used men so,
We then could speak, act, and like freemen could go,
But committees enslave us, our liberty's gone,
Our trade and church murdered; our country's undone,
By hunting shirts and rifle guns.

Come take up your glasses, each true loyal heart,
And may every rebel meet his due dessert,
With his hunting shirt and rifle gun.
May Congress, Conventions, those damned inquisitions,
Be fed with hot sulphur from Lucifer's kitchens,
May commerce and peace again be restored,
And Americans own their true sovereign lord,
Then oblivion to shirts and rifle guns.
GOD SAVE THE KING!
http://www3.sympatico.ca/goweezer/theshack/songs.htm

Historian Todd W. Braisted, (http://www.royalprovincial.com/) noted that Smyth, was
one of the three, and only three, members of the "Royal American Rangers" which he was
supposed to help raise. He raised an independent corps called the Royal Hunters in
September 1777 and was attached to the Queen's Rangers the following month. As soon as
Simcoe took command, the fun started. I'll let you read Simcoe's court martial to get the
rest of the details. I think you will find it fascinating.
Here then are the court martial proceedings:
Court Martial of Capt. John F.D. Smyth, Queens Rangers, 4 to 8 May 1779. Courtesy
of Todd W. Braisted (http://www.royalprovincial.com/)
http://www.scribd.com/doc/241297441/Court-Martial-of-Capt-John-F-D-Smyth-Queen-s-
Rangers-4-to-8-May-1779-Courtesy-of-Todd-W-Braisted-http-www-royalprovincial-
com?secret_password=HsfW9Z3s3dUEqlnPKxrM

You can also read about Smyth's capture, imprisonment and escape here:
Narrative or Journal of Capt. John Ferdinand Dalziel Smyth, of the Queens Rangers,
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, vol. XXXIX , no. 2 (1915), 143-169.
(Smyths narrative is dated New-York, 25 December 1777 and signed, J.F.D. Smyth, Captain
Queens Rangers.)
http://books.google.com/books?id=jtQLAAAAYAAJ&dq=john%20ferdinand%20dalziel%20
smyth&pg=PA143#v=onepage&q=john%20ferdinand%20dalziel%20smyth&f=false
______________________________________

Sources

I apologize for not including numbered citations for this work, but time did not permit it.
Most of the material listed below will answer any questions, or readers may contact me via
email at ju_rees@msn.com
______________

My thanks to Eric Schnitzer for his assistance with the composition of Morgans Rifle
Corps, and soldiers accounts of the Saratoga battles.
____________________________

The letters to and from General George Washington and his staff may be found
online:

George Washington Papers, Presidential Papers Microfilm (Washington, D.C., 1961)
http://international.loc.gov/ammem/gwhtml/gwhome.html

John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original
Manuscript Sources 17451799, volumes 3 to 27 (Washington, D.C.: Government
Printing Office, 1931-1938) http://etext.virginia.edu/washington/fitzpatrick/
______________

A Return of the Honourable Gen. Charles Lees Guard Commanded by Capt James
Grier, New York June 16
th
1776, Revolutionary War Rolls, National Archives
Microfilm Publication M246, Record Group 93, reel 134.

Fred Anderson Berg, Encyclopedia of Continental Army Units: Battalions, Regiments
and Independent Corps (Harrisburg, Pa.: Stackpole Books, 1972)

Chris Coelho, Timothy Matlack: Scribe of the Declaration of Independence (Jefferson,
N.C.: McFarland & Company, Inc. , 2013), 69-80.

William Dansey, "The 'Dansey' Letters", part IV, The Iron Duke: The Regimental
Magazine of the Duke of Wellington's Regiment, no. 84 (January 1952). Also, Letters
of William Dansey (Light Infantry Company, 33rd Regiment of Foot) 1776-1783,
Historical Society of Delaware.

(William Digby), The British Invasion from the North. The Campaigns of Generals
Carleton and Burgoyne from Canada, 1776-1777, with the Journal of Lieut. William
Digby of the 53d, or Shropshire Regiment of Foot. Illustrated with Historical Notes by
James Phinney Baxter, Munsell's Historical Series No. 16 (Albany, N.Y.: Joel Munsell's
Sons, 1887)

Elijah Fisher, Elijah Fishers Journal While in the War for Independence and Continued
Two Years After He Came to Maine (Augusta: Press of Badger and Manley, 1880), 9.

Jim W. Filipski and Steve Collward, A Chronology of the Appointments &
Commands of Captain Antoni Selin and His Association with the Independent Corps
of Captain John Paul Schott, Major Nicholas de Ottendorf and Col. Charles Armand
and their Affiliated Units and Officers During the Revolutionary War (A compilation
of information with annotations and observations) (manuscript, 2003; revised
2005) https://www.scribd.com/doc/241994993/Jim-W-Filipski-and-Steve-
Collward-A-Chronology-of-the-Appointments-Commands-of-Captain-Antoni-
Selin-and-His-Association-with-the-Independent-Corp

Horatio Gates, Report on Continental Army Brigades and Corps, Troop Return at
Saratoga, 17 October 1777 (Morgans Rifle Corps), George Washington Papers, series 4.

Tucker F. Hentz, Unit History of the Maryland and Virginia Rifle Regiment
(17761781): Insights from the Service Record of Capt. Adamson Tannehill
(Richmond, Historical Society, 2007)
http://www.vahistorical.org/research/tann.pdf

Tucker F. Hentz, Use of Longarms by Commissioned Officers in Continental Army Rifle
Units, 1775-1779, Military Collector & Historian, vol. 61, no. 1 (Spring 2009), 12-18
https://www.scribd.com/doc/241934813/Tucker-F-Hentz-Use-of-Longarms-by-
Commissioned-Officers-in-Continental-Army-Rifle-Units-1775-1779-Military-
Collector-Historian-vol-61-no-1

Lees Guard, A Return of the Honourable Gen. Charles Lees Guard Commanded by
Capt James Grier, New York June 16
th
1776, Revolutionary War Rolls, National
Archives Microfilm Publication M246, Record Group 93, reel 134.

Martin Hunter, The Journal of Gen. Sir Martin Hunter, Edinburgh, The Edinburgh Press,
1894), 20-22, 33-35.

John Blair Linn and William H. Egle, Pennsylvania in the War of the Revolution,
Battalions and Line 17751783, vol. I (Harrisburg, Pa.: Lane S. Hart, State Printer,
1880), 395397.

Bob McDonald, The arms and accouterments belonging to the United States shall be
stamped : Markings on Continental Army Muskets
http://www.scribd.com/doc/181283657/Bob-McDonald-%E2%80%9CThe-arms-
and-accouterments-belonging-to-the-United-States-shall-be-stamped-
%E2%80%A6%E2%80%9D-Markings-on-Continental-Army-Muskets

Thomas J. McGuires The Surprise at Germantown, October 4
th
1777 (Gettysburg, Pa.:
Thomas Publications, 1994), 63.



John U. Rees, Large droves of Cattle & flocks of Sheep go dayly into [the] Enemy :
Countering British Foraging at Darby, Pennsylvania, 22 to 28 December 1778
http://www.scribd.com/doc/240762337/Large-droves-of-Cattle-flocks-of-Sheep-
go-dayly-into-the-Enemy-Countering-British-Foraging-at-Darby-Pennsylvania-22-
to-28-December-1778

E.M. Sanchez-Saavedra, A Guide to Virginia Military Organizations in the American
Revolution, 1774-1787 (Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1978)

Matthew H. Spring, With Zeal and Bayonets: The British Army on Campaign in North
America, 1775-1783 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2008), 173.

Charles J. Stille, Major-General Anthony Wayne and the Pennsylvania Line in the
Continental Army, (Port Washington, 1968), 64-65, Anthony Wayne to the Board of War,
3 June 1777.

John B.B. Trussell, Jr., The Pennsylvania Line: Regimental Organization and
Operations, 17761783 (Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Museum and Historical
Commission, 1977)

James Wilkinson, Memoirs Of My Own Times, 3 volumes (Philadelphia: Printed by
Abraham Small, 1816) vol. 1,267-269.
________________________________________

Brother Jonathans Images Consortium
Neal T. Hurst tailor@nhursttailor.com
John U. Rees
R. Scott Stephenson
Matthew C. White

The British were very civil, and indeed they generally were after they had received a
check from Brother Jonathan for any of their rude actions. Connecticut soldier
Joseph Plumb Martin writing in his 1830 memoir of the October 1776 Battle of White
Plains.

It will give you great pleasure to hear that we gave Brother Jonathan a good
trimming the other day we marched [at night] in two columns, so as to be able to
beat up his Lordships [Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord Stirlings] Quarters at day
Break, the Right Column under Lord Cornwallis in which I had taken was to command
an advanced Squadron fell in with just a little after day Break & we drove them Above
the distance of eight Miles from height to height till at last Brother Jonathan thought
better to go quite off, we killed I believe a great many (though I cant say I saw many
as we push[ed] on so quick,) Capt. Thomas Stanley, 17
th
Light Dragoon Regiment,
writing of the Battle of Short Hills on 26 June 1777, from Camp near New York July
15 1777.

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