Traditional Agroforestry Systems in Java, Indonesia: their importance for

sustainability of rural livelihoods and food security

Introduction
Java is the most populous island in Indonesia. As the fifth largest island of more than
18,000 islands in Indonesia (and fifteenth in the world), Java covers a mere 6.95 %
area (or 132.187 Km2) but support 64 % of the Indonesian population (or 143
million people) (Christanty, et al. 1986; Wikipedia, 2014). Despite this demographic
pressure, no less than 50 known active volcanoes keep their soil fertile to feed the
growing number of the population. Combination of population density and fertile
volcanic soils has encouraged the invention of many traditional farming systems to
support village farms sustainability.
Two types of sustainable farming systems arise as ingenuous solutions to maintain
food self-sufficiency in this island. One is wetland rice monoculture and the other is
a group of mix farming systems known as traditional agroforestry systems. These
two farming systems complement each other through alternate provision of food,
fodder and organic materials throughout both the lean and harvest seasons. These
dominant farming systems can be illustrated from the aerial photograph of typical
villages in Java as green clumps of densely vegetated villages surrounded by yellow
or light-green patches of rice fields (Soemarwoto, et al., 1976).
The types of traditional agroforestry systems in Java can be distinguished from their
modern counterpart through their level of species diversity. Later known
agroforestry system is tumpang sari (taungya), which is a simple agroforestry
system with low species density being introduced by the Dutch colonial government
as planting of annual crops below teak plantations (Michon and de Foresta, 1993).
The Indonesian government continues to adopt this system as the official social
forestry program within state forests since its independence. However, traditional
agroforestry systems excel from this official program as they provide safe havens
from natural and socioeconomic shocks and stresses through a mix of plants and
animals farming.
The focus of this paper is the importance of traditional agroforestry systems in Java
to sustain rural livelihoods and food security. Therefore, the organization of this
paper follows from the evolution of traditional agroforestry systems in Java to prove
that they arise from the demand to provide a support system for Javanese rural
livelihoods. Then I discuss the structures of home garden and mixed gardens as the
two prominent agroforestry systems in Java. Further, I will address the question of
sustainability of these systems to adapt to the current and future challenges. I argue
that commercialization and governments free market policies slowly erode
sustainability of agroforestry systems in Java.
The Evolution of Traditional Agroforestry Systems in Java
The landscape changes from forest into agroforest and permanent agriculture in
Indonesia has been studied extensively. Manurung et al. (2006) argue that shifting
cultivation has facilitated successive changes from forest into agroforestry systems.
Shifting cultivation becomes complementary intermediate between trees and
crops, and between forest and farming, as it accommodates gradual establishment
1

of forest vegetation on farms, when valuable resources from natural forest are still
needed by local people (Michon and de Foresta, 1995; de Foresta et al., 2000).
I argue that population density plays a substantial role in assisting transition from
forest to agroforest, as the denser the population the bigger the pressure to manage
forestland more intensively. Kosuke et al. (2013) explain that increasing population
density necessitates the shortening of fallow period in a shifting cultivation cycle. If
the fallow period is too short, the forest will end up becoming degraded lands.
However, Kosuke et al. (2013) assert that if the property right of lands and trees are
secure, the shifting cultivators may adopt more sustainable tree management.
Wiersum (2006) adds that gradual transformation of shifting cultivation into
permanent cropping systems reflects general processes of rural transformations as
the remote areas are increasingly connected with national and global markets. He
explains that in Java, gradual division of communal lands among individual
landowners made shifting cultivation virtually disappeared and in areas with
clumps of planted trees on fallow lands, a conversion to tree gardens took place.
The result of this conversion is a diversity of tree gardening or complex agroforestry
systems. According to Wiersum (1982), in the early 1980s, three possible types of
agroforestry systems exist in rural Javanese landscape:
Homegarden (pekarangan):
a land use form on private lands
surrounding individual houses with a definite fence, in which several tree
species are cultivated together with annual and perennial crops, often
including small livestock.
Mixed gardens (kebun campuran): a land use form on private lands
outside the village, which is dominated by planted perennial crops,
mostly trees, under which annual crops are cultivated.
Forest gardens (talun-kebun): a land use form on private lands outside
the village in which planted and sometimes spontaneously grown trees
and sometimes additional perennial crops occurs.
Christanty et al. (1986: 137) provides diagrammatic processes of typical land use
changes in Java following forest clearing (Figure 1). They explain that forestland can
be converted into either huma (dryland rice) or sawah (wetland rice), depending
on water availability. Forestland can also be converted directly into agroforests by
planting annual crops to develop kebun. If bamboo is planted, the kebun becomes
kebun campuran (mixed garden), which will be dominated after several years by
perennials and become talun (perennial crop garden). If farmers want to build a
house on the kebun, kebun campuran, or talun, firstly they will build pekarangan.
Substantial land area is dedicated for these traditional agroforestry systems, which
proves their importance to support traditional livelihoods in Java, in tandem with
rice cultivation. On average, home gardens account for 20 percent of total land area
in Java, while kebun-talun occupy 16 percent of 4.4 million ha area of West Java
(Christanty, et al., 1986).
Traditional agroforestry systems in Java harbor important supplementary and
security functions to rice cultivation. Christanty et al. (1986) underline that while
lowland rice production from sawah (wetland cultivation) provides most of staple
food for the population, pekarangan provides additional food nutrition and kebun-

talun provides cash crops, timber, and industrial crops. They assert that home
gardens cushion Javanese families against food insecurities brought by socioeconomic and environmental crises. When asked if crises would strike and they
have to sell some lands, they replied, the home garden is the last land they would
sell (Christanty, 1986: 138).

Figure 1. Land use changes leading to pekarangan, kebun, and talun after forest
clearing (Christanty et al. ,1986: 137)
Manurung, et al. (2006.: 1-2) are reporting different route for traditional
agroforestry system development in West Java, an agroforestry system called
dudukuhan, depicted in figure 2. They distinguish dudukuhan into 4 types: timber
system, 2) mixed fruit-timber-banana-annual crops system, 3) mixed fruit-timber
system, and 4) fallow system. After shifting cultivation cease to benefit the
population, the abandoned land leads to the development of a fallow system. The
farmers will subsequently plant this fallow land with intercropping of banana dan
annual crops that last for 3 4 years, to establish a huma or tegalan (dryland

farm). After this period, farmers transform their huma into either mixed fruittimber-banana-annual crops system or mixed fruit-timber system. In these systems,
farmers increase biodiversity within the huma by favorite fruit and timber trees
such as Maesopsis eminii Engl., Paraserienthes falcataria (L.) Nielsen, Artocarpus
heterophyllus Lam., Durio zibethinus Murr., Archidendron pauciflorum (Benth.)
Nielsen,
Mangifera
odorata Griff., Euodia
latifolia
speciosa
Both the mixed
fruit-timber-banana-annual
crops
systemDC.,
and Parkia
the timber
systemHassk,
are
an extended
form of
the huma L.,
(tegalan).
But the
timber Noronha.
system could
changed
into huma
Nephelium
lappaceum
and Schima
wallichii
Thebetimber
system
can be
again after
the farmer
has huma
harvested
products.
Mixed fruit-timber-banana-annual
changed
back into
whenthe
thetimber
timbers
are extracted
from the field.
crops system is preferred by the farmer, providing short-term as well as long-term household
Manurung,
et
al.
(2006)
also
relate
the
dudukuhan
system
transformation
with
needs. The farmer harvests bananas and annual crops to meet short-term
needs, and
income
and food Lam.
security.
seebamboo
the popularity
fruit-timber-bananaArtocarpus
heterophyllus
and They
various
species of
for mixed
medium-term
needs. The
other fruit
and
timber
species
provide
for
long-term
needs.
Enrichment
with
fruit
annual crops system over mixed fruit-timber system to the short toand
longtimber
terms
species occurred continuously in the mixed fruit-timber system as an extended form of the
stability
of
income.
Bananas
and
annual
crop
harvests
meet
short-term
needs,
and
mixed fruit-timber-banana-annual crops system. In this situation, farmers would not plant the
Artocarpus
heterophyllus
Lam. tree
and spaces.
various bamboo species for medium-term needs.
bananas
and annual
crops in between
At a certain
time,and
the productivity
of mixed
fruit-timber
system decreased
and failediftothe
The
other fruit
timber species
provide
for long-term
needs. Moreover,
supportmixed
the income
of
the
household.
Then
the
farmer
considered
to
transform
the system
fruit-timber system fails to support livelihood of farmers household
due to
into a huma (tegalan). But if the distance of the mixed fruit-timber system was quite far from
lower
productivity
or
income,
the
farmer
will
opt
to
convert
the
system
back
into
the farmer s house (more than 3 km), the farmer changed the plot into a fallow system. In
if the
distance
quitesystem.
far (more
than
km), the
anotherhuma.
case, However,
the farmers
sonplot
inherited
theisfallow
The
son3 settled
at farmer
the plotusually
and
transformed
it into
a timber
system.
opts to
change
the plot
into a fallow system, and then the cycle may start again.

Fallow system

Bananasannual crop

Mixed fruit-timber-bananaannual crops system

Timber system

Mixed fruit-timber system

Figure 2. Transformation
of dudukuhanofinto
4 types of
agroforestry systems
Figure 4. Transformation
dudukuhan
types
Source: Manurung, et al. (2006)
The regression analysis was conducted to describe the relationship between the
profiles of dudukuhan and the number of species and the number of trees. In the regression
equation, the number of species and the number of trees function as the Dependent Variable
(y); but the dudukuhan size, tree density, basal area, elevation, and also the number of fruit-

10

Javanese Home Garden System (Pekarangan)

There is no clear distinction between many types of traditional agroforestry systems
in Java. Wiersum (2006) underlines that the distinction among different types of
agroforestry systems above is often diffuse and may be related to location than to
vegetation structure. Even Terra, the first authority in the literature about home
garden, interchangeably used the term mixed garden to refer to home garden in
his early writings about agroforestry in Java in 1950s (Soemarwoto et al., 1976)
Many factors influence farmers decision to choose combination of trees and other
crops in Javanese home gardens. Soemarwoto et al. (1976) underline that both
ecological and cultural factors determine vegetation structure of home gardens in
Java. Christanty, et al. (1986: 143) elaborate the association of ecological and
cultural factors with home gardens plant diversity into the following factors:
Altitude-There is a greater diversity in lowland areas than in upland
areas (Karyono et al. 1977).
Homegarden size-The larger the homegarden, the greater the number
of plant species (Karyono et al. 1977, Stoler 1981, Abdoellah 1980).
Cash crops-The number of vertical layers and the number of crop
species are less when cash crops predominate.
Labor-When labor is scarce, people plant more perennials and fewer
annuals and crop diversity is lower (Stoler 1981). .
A population density-at high population density there is a tendency to
grow cash crops, so the diversity of plants in the garden is reduced.
However, sometimes the land is used more intensively for subsistence
purposes, and the diversity of plants increases (Penny and
Singarimbun, 1973).
Employment-When people do not have good outside jobs, they may
concentrate their labor on their homegardens, and the crop diversity
increases (Penny and Singarimbum 1973).
Economic status-Poor people plant many kinds of subsistence plants
in their homegardens, especially fruits and vegetables. Rich people
have a tendency to plant more ornamental plants, as well as more
cash crops (e.g., cloves) that have higher economic value (Achmad et
al. 1978).
Wiersum (2006) cites the home gardens differentiation by Kehlenbeck and Maas
(2004) , which divide home gardens into 4 typical categories according to age, size,
and level of plant diversity:
1. Small, moderately old species and tree-poor spice gardens
2. Medium-sized, old, species-rich tree gardens
3. Large, rather young, species- and tree-poor garden of
transmigrant families
4. Diverse assemblages of rather old, individual gardens with very
high crop diversity.
Wiersum (2006) explains that the types 2 and 4 represent vegetation structure of
more traditional home gardens. No. 3 is the type of home gardens developed by

Javanese settlers in other islands, where they establish new home gardens that are
dominated by food crops to ensure food provision in their new villages.
Even though variations exist, a typical structure of Javanese home garden has been
developed to help the agro-climatic description and analysis. Christanty, et al.
(1986: 140) develop typology of Javanese home garden based on Iskandars profile
diagram (1980, figure 3). They divide vertical layers of Javanese home garden into
cascading stories of vegetation that mimic the structure of natural forest. This
layered structure of home gardens is important to maximize the ability of plants to
harvest the sunlight. The lowest layer (less than 1 meter) is composed of Starchy
food plants, vegetables, and spices (e.g., sweet potatoes, taro, Xanthosoma, chili
peppers, eggplant, and Languas). The dominant species in the subsequent layer at
the height of 5 10 m is also starchy food plants (e.g., ganyong [Canna edulis],
Xanthosoma, cassava, and gembili [Dioscorea esculenta]). Small fruit trees such as
bananas and papayas dominate the next story at 2-5 m heights. The taller fruit
trees (e.g., soursop, jackfruit, pisitan [Lansium domesticum], guava, and mountain
apple) or other cash crops such as cloves dominates the subsequent zone (5-10 m).
Tall timber trees such as albizzia and coconut dominate the top zone at 10 m or
above.

Figure 3. Profile Diagram of a typical home garden

Source: Iskandar (1980)
Javanese System of Mixed Garden-Tree Plantation (Kebun Talun)
Talun-kebun is the adaptation of shifting cultivation in a densely populated area
with less available forestland. Despite popular belief, shifting cultivation is a
sustainable farming system provided population density is still low. Kosuke et al.
(2013) conclude that shifting cultivation has a particular threshold of around 25-30
people/km2 before the system collapse into degraded land. Furthermore, the
cleared land can only be cultivated for 3 5 years before the next cycle begin after
8-15 years of fallows. Excess population will result in shorter fallow period and
consequently increase land degradation.
6

Soemarwoto (1984) dub talun-kebun as shifting cultivation practiced in a manmade forest. He makes his case from the structural division of this system into two
distinctive landscape features of talun and kebun. Talun is a canopied area consists
of various perennials with annual crops undergrowth. It analogues to the forest
stage in shifting cultivation but has an additional economic value to complement its
ecological value (Soemarwoto, 1984). kebun is a cleared area within talun on which
annual crops other than dryland rice are planted, primarily for sale to support
family income (Kosuke et al., 2013). While shifting cultivation is developed for
subsistence purpose, kebun-talun is developed for economic purpose. Clearly, the
difference of this system with shifting cultivation is that talun-kebun system is
geared towards market economy (Soemarwoto, 1984).
Christanty et al. (1986) elaborate succession in kebun-talun, which also illuminate
its successive functional changes. They divide the succession into three stages of
kebun, kebun campuran, and talun as illustrated in figure 4. At the first stage, high
valued annual crops dominate kebun to provide cash income for farmers. This kebun
will gradually evolve into kebun campuran when perennials planted along the
annual crops reach juvenile stage. In this stage, its ecological functions for soil and
water conservation are emphasized than its decreasing economic value. After
harvesting the annuals, the field usually is abandoned for two to three years to
become dominated by perennials. This stage is known as talun, and this stage has
both economic and biophysical values (Christanty et al., 1986: 135)
In addition to its economic benefits, taluns ability to maintain its ecological values is
worthy of emphasis. Soemarwoto (1984) relates this ability with the distinct taluns
features. He identifies talun as privately owned lands with the average area of 1-2
ha/family, which usually located in the higher slopes above the village bordering the
state forests. [M]ultistorey structure of the canopy and the layer of litter on the
talun floor help prevent soil erosion, even under the heavy rainfall at the steep
taluns slope (Soemarwoto, 1984: 97).

Figure 4. Successional stages of the kebun-talun system

Source: Isnawan, 1980
7

Sustainability of Javanese Traditional Agroforestry systems

Several factors have been identified to determine sustainability of Javanese
traditional agroforestry systems. Arifin et al. (2012) account the interface of
biophysical and socio-economic-cultural dimensions that determines future
trajectories of agroforestry systems. They translate this interface as interconnected
micro system that is self-propagating, self-nourishing, self-governing and self
fulfilling (p. 897). Combination of macro-agroecological (climate, soil, topography
and watershed) parameters and socioeconomic attributes at the community and
regional level, such as employment opportunities, wage rates, credit access, input
availability and cost, production efficiency and marketing determine their
sustainability (p.898).
I would argue that sustainability of these systems rest in the ballast point where
their ecological values balance their socio-economic benefits. Michon et al. (1983)
conclude that farmers economic decisions determine ecological sustainability of
these systems. They reveal several risks associated with successional cycle within
the establishment of traditional agroforests in Java. As mentioned earlier, there are
some stages of development in Javanese traditional agroforests such as in talunkebun system. Michon et al. (1983) warn the implications of economic pressures to
eliminate some stages of agroforestry development, hence endanger sustainability
of the whole agroforestry system. For instance, if farmers decide to eliminate the
talun stage to perpetuate kebun stage, full vegetative cover will not realize so that
long-term ecological benefits such as erosion prevention will not materialize to
avoid soil degradation. Further, they expose the systems fragility at the initial stage
of the cycle, because the availability of open areas after land clearing may lure
farmers to establish monocrop gardens (for instance clove gardens) to obtain fast
cash income (p. 125).
Special attention has been expended to assess sustainability of Javanese traditional
agroforestry systems, as these systems harbor the ultimate defense for the existence
of rural livelihoods in Java. Kumar and Nair (2004) scrutinize sustainability of home
gardens in Java through social lens. They see land fragmentation as the biggest
threat to species loss in Javanese pekarangan. They relate the specific inheritance
system in an Islamic society, where a property is divided equally among their heirs,
as the primary cause of pekarangans fragmentation. Moreover, they also see
acculturation, the social transformation of a society through adoption of cultural
traits from another society, as another driver of species loss in home gardens. They
list the impacts of acculturation to reduce home gardens species diversity through
dietary changes from traditional to modern food, the spread of modern medicines
and healthcare facilities in place of traditional medicines, and the introduction of
non-native species as ornamental plants. In addition, they argue that
commercialization of home gardens produce may erode social resilience of rural
societies. They see the danger of nutrition deficiency when home gardens produces
are more sold than consumed. They also see negative impact of home gardens
commercialization through erosion of its traditional role to maintain equitability
among rural villagers. [T]he traditional rights of the poor through sharing of
home gardens produce may disappear if the traditional homegardeners are all
transformed into modern urbanites (p. 147).
8

However, I argue that acculturation does not fully explain the shift of home gardens
species diversity in Java since it jeopardizes nutritional and economic resilience of
rural livelihoods, and because acculturation in Java happens since time immemorial
without adversely impacting agricultural sustainability. I find Doves (1990)
argument more compelling, which exposes the paradox of production, consumption
and marketing of produces between Javanese pekarangan and wet rice cultivation.
His point is based on his critical review of Penny and Gintings (1984) research
about correlation of farmers, pekarangan, and poverty in Sriharjo Village, Central
Java. Penny and Ginting posit two important findings; that productivity of
pekarangan in Java is far exceeding wet rice fields production; and that the poorest
households involve more in marketing of home gardens input and output than the
wealthier families. The findings reveal, that an average holding of 0.23 hectare of
wet rice contributes 35 per cent of the household's income, whereas an average
holding of 0.10 hectare of home garden contributes 49 per cent. They also reveal
that it is the poorest farmers in Sriharjo (and hence the farmers with the fewest

other alternatives) who sell the greatest percentage of their home garden produce
to the market (as opposed to consuming it themselves) and who also buy the most
inputs, while the wealthiest farmers consume the greatest percentage of garden
yield within the household and purchase the fewest inputs (pp. 130-32, 157).
Dove (1990) successfully explains those phenomena according to the
interdependence of invisible subsistence economy with the visible market
economy. He rightly points out that farmers conceal a larger proportion of home
gardens production from the hands of market and the government, hence securing
their self-provisioning system. It can be done through obscuring the real
production and importance of home gardens in household economy from
governments statistics, hence avoiding taxation and over-extraction. On the other
hand, they leave the smaller proportion of rice production for market access and
exchange with other marketed goods. Subsistence production from home gardens
serves as a safety net to enable farmers involve in market economy of rice
production. This idea is in line with Carpenters (2001: 13), who suggests the
division of peasants economies into a risk-averse, subsistence sector, and a
market-oriented sector where risks are acceptable.
Sustainability of traditional farming systems lies in the balance of those two
household economies. Dove (1990) translates the increasing percentage of home
gardens produce sold in Sriharjo as a sign of rural livelihoods deterioration.
Rural subsistence economy is indeed deteriorating in the face of free-market
economy. As the result of governments free market policies, subsistence
production is no longer feasible. Carpenter (2001: 18) points out that
development institutions aim to commercialize subsistence activities, even
though to be sustainable, development must help peasants maintain a subsistence
sector without commercializing that sector.
Therefore, I conclude that commercialization of traditional agroforestry systems in
Java is the biggest threat for their sustainability. Kumar and Nair (2004: 147)
agree that commercialization has caused a decline of the structure and functions
9

of Indonesian pekarangan and kebun systems. They assert that changes in land
use patterns are coming from government policies and demographic pressures.
Yapa (1993, in Carpenter, 2001: 14) warn the negative impacts of government
policies to introduce green revolution technology into farming systems. He
emphasizes transformation of crop farming systems through commercialization
and development makes them vulnerable to a host of risks, including the market
bust and pest destruction cycles that typify the green revolution. Moreover,
because of the demographic pressure, deteriorating resiliency of subsistence
economy within traditional agroforestry systems will become a powerful driver for
increasing urbanization.
Hence, I argue that without subsistence orientation, profit maximization in free
market economy will result in the thinning of species diversity in the agroforestry
systems to support cash crop production. Moreover, more inputs will be needed to
increase production and to cover soil degradation, so that farmers need more cash
income to buy those inputs. The result is more urgency to convert their
agroforestry systems into cash crop monocultures. Logically, sustainability of
traditional agroforestry systems can only be achieved through changes back to the
subsistence orientation, which support rural livelihoods through food sovereignty.
Conclusion
From the description and analysis above, we can conclude that the diversity of
Javanese traditional agroforestry systems arises from the need to sustain rural
livelihoods and food security. Different from other islands in Indonesia, Java has
been heavily populated for centuries and has to develop sustainable agricultural
systems to replace shifting cultivation. Complex agroforestry systems are suitable
to cushion rural families against socio-economic and ecological shocks that
threaten wet-rice cultivation.
Different agroforestry systems in Java have been developed to adapt to specific
biophysical and socio-economic spectrum of rural Java. The dynamic changes in
their vegetation structures represent adaptation that mimic revolving cycle of
shifting cultivation in the natural forest. This paper features two prominent
Javanese traditional agroforestry systems, the pekarangan and kebun-talun
systems to highlight their relative importance in Javanese rural livelihoods.
Sustainability of traditional agroforestry systems in Java is under the threat of
commercialization. Population pressure and governments free market policies
increase vulnerability of subsistence economy under traditional agroforestry
systems. As the result, species diversity under those agroforestry systems is
declining to support cash crop production.

10

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