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ETHNOPEDOLOGY AND FOLK SOIL TAXONOMIES

Pavel Krasilnikov
Facultad de Ciencias, Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico, Mexico City, Mexico, and Institute of Biology,
Karelian Research Center of RAS, Petrozavodsk, Russia,
Joseph Tabor
Office of Arid Lands Studies, the University of Arizona, Tucson, Arizona, USA
Keywords: Cultural heritage, indigenous soil taxonomies, vernacular knowledge, soil survey.
Contents
1. What is Ethnopedology?
2. History of Ethnopedology
3. Indigenous Soil Classifications
4. Use of Ethnopedology
5. Indigenous Soil Knowledge in Danger
6. Conclusions
Related Chapters
Glossary
Bibliography
Biographical Sketches
Summary
Ethnopedology is the study of how people understand, view, and manage land at different spatial scales. Local soil knowledge
can be extensive and complex, and it can encompass spiritual, cognitive, and practical aspects, as is documented since ancient
times. The development of scientifically based approaches to understanding, classifying, and managing soils has overshadowed
the value of ethnopedology. People recognize land or soil, and their components as a source of life and livelihoods. They
classify them to aid communication, and develop optimal land management practices for each specific soil and landscape types.
Folk soil classifications can use multiple criteria for naming soils, mostly soil color and texture, but also assign special names,

mainly for soils and landscapes with unique and distinct characteristics. Folk soil knowledge can add insight and value to
scientific methods for soil mapping and land-use planning. Local soil knowledge is vanishing, discarded from one generation to
the next, leading to a loss of a communitys cultural heritage and unique understanding of its land gained over generations. This
knowledge has value and is worth conserving.
1. What is Ethnopedology?
1.1. Scope of Ethnopedology
Ethnopedology is a branch of ethnoecology, coined in 1954 by Harold Conlin, as the study of how people understand
ecosystems and environments in which they live. Ethnopedology, coined in 1981 by Williams and Ortiz-Solorio, uses the term
pedology as its root but has been applied in a much broader context to include how people understand, view, and manage the
land at different spatial scales. It is a scientific discipline that encompasses social and natural sciences. From the cultural
anthropology perspective one looks at how soils and landscapes are viewed culturally. From the soil science perspective one
looks at how soils are valued and managed. Both disciplines look at how soils and land is classified, nominally, descriptively, or
hierarchically within their particular perspective.
Specific interests include the study of: (i) local myths and rituals related to soil, (ii) local soil names, (iii) local perception of soil
and its spatial distribution, (iv) local knowledge of interaction of soils with other components of a landscape, (v) local land use,
management, and conservation practices, and (vi) comparison of indigenous systems of soil classification and land management
with scientific systems, and integration of local soil knowledge into soil surveys and natural resources conservation practices.
The boundaries of ethnopedology as a discipline are still under discussion by some academics. Some view it in very broad
terms to include the study of any knowledge about the land and its management, and others view it limited to folk soil
classification studies since the term pedology is used in soil science to denominate soil genesis, classification and geography
research. Among recent ethnopedological studies, the major part deals with local soil and land classifications (57%), and lesser
parts with mythology or land use practices. The other point under discussion is whether one should limit the scope of
ethnopedology only to existing folk classifications in weakly developed rural areas, i.e. in pre-industrial societies, or also should
include documented soil classifications of the past. In the latter case also a question rises if ethnopedology should include
"official" classifications of the past, which are much better documented than local classifications. Here are some examples of
these documented classifications.
The earliest known soil classification system in the world can be found in the ancient Chinese book Yugong (2,500 years B.P.),
where soils of China were classified into three categories and nine classes based on soil color, texture and hydrologic features.
Elsewhere, proper names were given, for example in Egypt where kemet means fertile black alluvial soils, while deshret means

red desert land. About 3,000 years B.P. different arable soils had also different cost in Egypt, for example "nemhuna" soils
cost three times more than "sheta-teni" soils. Feofrastus, an ancient Greek botanist, described clay, sand, stony, salty, swamp,
soft, and hard soils and their relation to plant cover. In Rome, Cato (234-149 years B.C.) in his fundamental book De agri
cultura described a number of soil types: white clay, red clay, mottled earth (terra cario sam), and friable dark earth (terra
pulla). Mid-American civilizations were also known to develop soil classifications: at least 50 terms for various soils were
documented for pre-Hispanic Aztec culture.
One should, however, be cautious with these ancient classifications because, though the terms used by priests and government
officials were most probably of indigenous origin, the classification itself, its structure (like three categories and nine classes in
Yugong) were created artificially. In the case of ancient Greece and Rome, philosophers developed their own artificial
classifications, though some names were borrowed from folk terminology. These classifications can, therefore, not be regarded
as folk ones, and ethnopedology has little in common with these classification systems. However, the study of folk soil
classifications in a historical perspective helps in understanding the development of soil knowledge in various cultures and, thus,
ancient reports on vernacular soil classifications should be regarded as important sources of ethno-pedological information.
1.2. Philosophical and Ethnological Bases of Vernacular Soil Knowledge
Indigenous soil knowledge has three main components: (i) local beliefs and perception systems, (ii) local cognitive systems, and
(iii) local management and conservation systems. In agricultural societies, the asoil is one of the most important parts of the
human environment and therefore receives a special attention, since the whole life depends on soil fertility. Any agricultural
society has myths and legends, related to soils whereby soil is usually presented as "mother earth", which gives life to all beings,
i.e. soil fertility is stressed as its main characteristic.
A common plot of the myths is that soil fertility originated from the blood of a god or a hero (in some places victims blood was
used to maintain soil productivity), or from the sperm of a god (collective masturbation to fertilize the earth was not uncommon),
or from a magic device. An interesting example of the latter in a Karelian-Finnish epos Kalevala, where a wonderful mill
Sampo has been broken, and its pieces distributed over the shores in order to make the soils more fertile. Likewise has land
degradation in places been associated with poetic and mythological explanations, e.g. in Mesopotamia where soil salinization
was ascribed to the effect of poisoned blood of a terrible dragon, killed by a hero.
Soil knowledge and soil management practices are closely linked in agricultural societies. Unlike special professional activities
(like that of priests, smiths or millers), soil use and management is a common activity for all the members of the community and,
thus, the knowledge on soil is widely shared among the people. They develop the management and conservation practices
together, and also work out a common classification of soils. Classification is one of the basic human mental activities. The
people start classifying objects from early childhood, and keep on doing that for the whole life. Our language itself is rooted in
the classification of the world, where each object should have its own name, and to be grouped with similar objects. The most

important entities need common classification on the level of a community: a family, a tribe, or the whole ethnic group.
The value of a soil is recognized in most agricultural cultures of the world from spiritual, mythological level down to the practical
knowledge. Thus, special names are sometimes developed for identifying soils. These names, on one hand, include soil in the
overall picture of the world, and, on the other hand, provide a necessary communication tool, needed for practical purposes.
Since agriculture is a common activity of the community, soil terminology constitutes a part of common language, and develops
together with the language itself. Unlike special terminology, used, for example, by smiths, it is not restricted to a closed
professional group: that is why sometimes it is difficult to understand local classifications without an overall perception of the
language. However, significant difference in soil knowledge can usually be found among the members of a community according
to their age, experience, gender and social status. Thus, this knowledge may be regarded as a collective wisdom of the
community.
Though soil serves not only for agriculture, the most extensive soil knowledge is found in agricultural societies. Soil knowledge
among nomads and hunters is much more general and their perception of a soil encompasses much larger management units.
2. History of Ethnopedology
2.1. Early Studies of Vernacular Soil Knowledge
The study of folk soil knowledge started in the pre-scientific period, and historical documents show that even in ancient societies
the governors and priests collected information on soil resources, fulfilling a kind of ethno-pedological survey. Little
documentation of folk soil knowledge occurred in post-Renaissance Europe. To some extent it was due to a general tendency
of European scientists to disregard or discredit folk knowledge. This may have been also because soil knowledge was closely
connected with pre-Christian agrarian beliefs, which were not approved by the Church.
Later, for a long period up to the 20th century the general situation with folk soil knowledge might be characterized as
indifference. In Europe, scientific research of soil as a source of food started in 18th century due to the growth of population
and increasing demand for agricultural production. At that epoch the traditional methods of land management were to a great
extent exhausted, and future development was related with novel technologies, like deep plowing and the use of fertilizers.
Traditional knowledge was considered to be useless, since it could not provide further growth, and the peasants were regarded
"ignorant". The same was true for newly colonized territories in Asia, America, and Africa: local agrarian traditions were
regarded as imprecise, "primitive", and were even seen as opposed to scientific knowledge.
In places, mainly in the regions with lesser economic development, folk knowledge was however still appreciated. In Russia, a
systematic survey of folk soil knowledge was started in the 16th century, when special books were created to evaluate soil

resources of the state; these books were prepared by interviewing the peasants about the quality and productivity of their lands.
These books mainly included short characteristics of soils, like poor sandy soils, clayey or stony soils, fat loams etc. Later, in
19th century, the survey became more regular, and perennial data were published in a series of books "Materials on Statistics of
Russia", where a number of local folk soil names were listed. These materials were also used for preparing the first soil maps of
Russia which, in fact, were mainly based on an ethno-pedological survey. Also, in India and Africa, British and French
researchers paid attention to soil knowledge of local population, but the research was done mostly from an ethnographic point
of view.
2.2. Recent Developments in Ethnopedology
In 20th century, the interest to indigenous soil knowledge increased. Most authors consider the seminal paper of Conklin on
shifting agriculture in the tropics to be an important milestone of ethno-pedological and ethno-agrarian science. In fact, it was
not the first paper devoted to ethnopedology: a number of research works had already been published on vernacular soil
knowledge in East Africa, Bulgaria, New Zealand and Russia before that period. However, it was the first time scientists
understood that local traditional soil management practices, having been blamed to be primitive and even destructive, were
much better fitted to local conditions than the methods developed by trained agronomists.
The increased interest to ethnopedology was inspired by the growing understanding of the importance of soil conservation,
land-protective and environment-friendly management practices. Local soil knowledge appeared to be a valuable source of
information for land management planning, especially in developing countries. Also, in the 20th century the value of cultural
diversity was recognized, and soil knowledge was also appreciated as a part of this cultural heritage. Special attention was paid
to indigenous soil terminology.
Many internationally recognized soil names, such as chernozem, solonetz, solonchak, rendzina, terra rossa, and many others
were derived from folk terminology of European peasants. Also, for soils of newly investigated territories some researchers
proposed using local vernacular names rather than applying the terms similar to already known soil objects. Although the
suggestion was not approved by the soil science community, this example shows the interest of pedologists to folk soil
knowledge. The attention to ethnopedology was increasing during the whole 20th century. To the beginning of the third
millennium more than a thousand of ethno-pedological papers and reports have been published.
3. Indigenous Soil Classifications
3.1. Aims and Purposes of Folk Soil Classifications
Three main branches currently exist in ethnopedology: the study of indigenous land management and conservation practices, the

research on soil-related myths, and vernacular soil classifications. The first branch is a practical discipline, which helps planning
optimal land use, the second one is aimed at better understanding of the cultural system of an ethnic group, and the third one
constitutes the nucleus of ethnopedology in the strict sense. The classifications of lands and soils do not only exist for fun, but
fulfill certain functions in human societies. The aim of most indigenous soil classifications is to provide a basis for land use;
however, a number of other objectives exist.
3.1.1. Agricultural Classifications
Land users classify soils according to their agricultural productivity and suitability for certain crops. However, this does not
mean that soil names themselves reflect the productivity of soils: most indigenous classifications use internal soil attributes, but
peasants know well the correspondence between certain soils and their crop productivity. In Bulgaria, productive soils are
called korava; soils where crops ripen earlier are identified as barzitsa; those that are easy to cultivate are tatliya, halva or
ryadka; those that are difficult for cultivation are stigmata, aurtoprak or usuka; the unsuitable ones for cultivation are
muhlevina; those easily deflated by wind are named studena.
In Turkmenia, the most productive soils are named kara-upa (kara means black), less productive soils charchin, saltaffected, but still productive soils are dzhaksy-kebir, and completely infertile saline soils are dzhaman-kebir. At Trobrian island
in Papua-New Guinea, kwala is a productive black soil, suitable for all crops; sawewo are soils formed on coral reefs, suitable
for yams; dumya is a clayey bog soil, suitable for taro in dry season, but unsuitable for yams; malala is a poor sandy soil,
unsuitable for taro, but suitable for yams.
The examples above show that farmers know a rather wide complex of properties associated with each soil, including their
productivity, suitable crops, time of ripening, and resistance to wind and water erosion. This knowledge serves as an important
basis for decision-making in land management in every rural community.
3.1.2. Landscape Classifications
In non-agricultural societies, among hunters and nomads, soil knowledge is usually more general than in agricultural societies.
For people who do not use soil as a mean of livelihood it has minor importance. However, in places one can find very
interesting observations on soil-landscape relations under non-agricultural conditions. For example, Evenks in Eastern Siberia
call kudu a salted soil (solonchak), used by animals as a source of salt. In the Ural mountain region people call aray low
flooded meadow land, covered with harsh unproductive grasses with rare trees of Alnus and Salix species. In Finland a
classification of forested wetlands includes neva, being forestless Sphagnum bogs on peat ombrotrophic soils; letti, being open
bogs with grass vegetation on peat-mud-carbonaceous soils; korni, being forest bogs with a dense tree growth of birch or
spruce on soils with shallow mineratrophic peat layer; and turvekangas: dry forested peaty massifs on mineral soils with
shallow peat layer.

In Middle Asia, people distinguish akkum, literally white sands, as loose sands without vegetation, and karakum, literally
black sands, as fixed sandy soils with a fragmental turf layer on the surface. In Northern Africa, different types of deserts are
distinguished: erg a sandy desert, usually situated in a vast depression; feh a soil of the clayey-stony or sandy deserts; regh
a stony gravel desert; serir a stony desert of lowland regions in the Sahara, where the surface is covered with gravel of
dense rocks over a compressed sand or sandstone layer; shott saline soils (solonchaks) of closed depressions, with a bottom
covered with a loose layer of salts, turning into salted lake after rain. In Eastern Africa miombo soils characterize the dry upland
savanna landscape with scarce xerophytic vegetation of southern Tanzania, southern Congo, Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe and
Malawi.
Agrarian societies also consider landscape criteria for soil classification, since the nature of soils in a landscape also affects their
productivity. For example, the term solod, actually used in some scientific classifications for naming soils with excessive surface
humidity and residual salt accumulation, initially meant in folk terminology in Southern Russia "circular wet depressions with
arboreal and shrub vegetation". In Bulgaria, soils formed on upland positions, where crops die in dry and hot periods, are called
prigor or priplavniva. In Senegal, in Peul language there are special names of alluvial soils, based on the periods of flooding,
such as baldiol: periodically flooded cultivated clayey soils along drains; changoul: silty alluvial soils, periodically flooded by
river waters for a short period of time; and wallere: silty alluvial seldom flooded soil. Thus, the relation between landscape
elements and soil is also well known to the rural communities.
3.1.3. Multiple- Purpose Classifications
People use soil not only for agriculture, but also as a source of construction materials, as painting, for medical purposes, and
even for food. Yoruba people (Nigeria) call ile gamo a silver-grey clayey soil, rich in residues of mica shales; this soil is
considered by the local population as unsuitable for agriculture, but is used as a cementing material. The Indian name rakar
more or less corresponds to the concept of laterite soils, which were named in that way (laterus means brick in Latin) because
the local population used these strongly weathered cemented soils as construction materials. In Central Mexico, cemented
layers of volcanic soils, called tepetates, are also used as bricks and blocks for construction, even for actual urban
construction.
Worldwide, from the Russian plains to the Peruvian Andes, clayey soils are used for manufacturing bricks, both in pure state
and mixed with organic materials (straw). Special attention is often paid to soil materials for pottery: loia de barro in the state
of Paraba, Brazil, is just one of the examples. Soils are also classified in certain cultures, because they serve as painting
materials. In Bulgaria, the name kulesta defines soils used as ochre.
Baruya people in Papua-New Guinea classify some soil according to their agronomic value, and the others based on their
significance as body and shield painting: cheragwaka is a red ochre soil material (sometimes some treatment is necessary, like
burning, to obtain the needed pigment), which is used for depicting the bodies of girls after their first menstruations, women after

child-birth, and for initiation of witch doctors; biwaka greenish-grey soil material, collected by the indigenous population in
marshy places, which is used for painting sick parts of the body (because evil spirits cannot see greenish colors); dawaka
light-yellowish-brown soil material, turning white after burning or drying, includes the material of some anthills, which is used by
women for coloring string; eogwaka red-colored clay, which is used by the indigenous population as a pigment for the body
of children and on the third stage of initiation; gwegwaka light-grey clay, which is used by the indigenous population on some
stages of initiation, and as shield and body in time of war; ikulukwaka a strawberry-pink clay used by the indigenous
population as a pigment for body in various ceremonies; numbuchukwaka red clay, which is used by the indigenous
population as a body pigment at dances and initiation and for war-paint.
Finally, some soils are eatable: Quechua people in Southern Peru distinguish qulpa a special type of soils, most probably
containing smectitic clays, used as food by local population; that soil is used as an adsorbent for phytotoxins abundant in local
food.
3.2. Criteria for Soil Designation
The diagnostics of soils in vernacular classifications may be based both on internal soil attributes, and on perceptive criteria,
such as soil position in a landscape, productivity, temperature and susceptibility to degradation. The most frequently used
criteria for folk soil classifications are color and texture. In some classifications they are combined with each other, and with
other criteria.
3.2.1. Color
Color is the most common criterion used for naming soils in most cultures. The reasons for the popularity of color as a
diagnostic attribute are the following. First, it is the most evident soil property, which can easily be observed by any person
without any experience. Second, soil color determines the temperature and moisture conditions of the soil: the darker the
surface, the warmer is the soil, and this feature is important in cold and temperate regions. In arid regions, in contrary, darker
soils may heat up faster, thus causing dry conditions and loss of yield. Third, soil color is usually related to organic matter
content: in most classifications black soils are considered the most fertile, because of their high humus content. Fourth, the
presence of specific colors may indicate particular soil properties: for example, greenish and bluish colors indicate water
stagnation (reduction of iron), and intensive red color in places indicates oxidation of iron and strongly weathered soils, poor in
nutrients. Finally, for the communities that use soil as a painting, soil color is the decisive attribute for selecting proper objects
for use.
However, in some folk classifications the use of color for naming soil is more complex. In many languages, on a local or regional
level, color means not just a characteristic of the object, but also a unique name of a unique object. A similar situation can be
observed in folk biology. Blackbird is not just any black bird, but a particular species. In a similar way, the word chernozem

(black earth in Russian) does not mean any dark-colored soil, but a particular soil with a complex of attributes. Many wellknown indigenous soil names, even those used actually in scientific classifications, were derived from the color of the surface or
subsurface soil horizons. For example, the Japanese name for dark volcanic ash soils, kuroboku, means literally black as ink.
Linguistically, it is not uncommon to use comparative metaphoric names for indicating soil colors. The Russian name podzol
means literally ash beneath, and indicates whitish-grey material exposed at the soil surface after plowing. In that case the color
of the soil material is compared to wood ash. In Bulgaria galcha means soil "black as a craw", vinozem means a soil, "red as
vine", kravenitsa a soil "red as blood", and bakarliya a soil "reddish as copper". In Cuba the name tierra negro-clara, literally
black-white earth, does not mean that the soil has white and black spots, but that it is the "earth with a color of a mulato skin,
in other words of a person whose parents were a negro and a white". Most metaphoric names of soil colors indicate soils with
particular properties, which have properties distinct from the other soils of the same color.
3.2.2. Texture
Soil texture is one of the most important soil attributes, which determine physical, hydraulic and some chemical properties.
Sandy soils have a low water-holding capacity, high infiltration rate, and are generally poorer in nutrients than heavier-textured
soils. In most cultures these soils are considered less fertile, but in humid areas they can locally be more productive than clayey
soils, because the latter may be permanently saturated with water. For some crops, such as potatoes or banana, sandy soils are
suitable because of their relatively high content of mica, which is a source of potassium. In places, sandy soils are even
subdivided into groups according to their size of sand grains and the presence of finer particles. For example, in North-Western
and Central Senegal dior means coarse sandy soil, while dek stands for fine sandy soils with high silt contents and dek-dior for
soils which are transitional between the two groups.
Clayey soils are more difficult to plow, because in wet seasons they are water-saturated due to low infiltration rate. However,
they can retain moisture for a longer period in the dry season, and are generally rich in nutrients. Clay soils may locally also be
important as sources of material for pottery and construction (Bulgarian grancharska kal soils are hard and heavy-textured,
and are literally called "potters mud"). Such words as glina in Russia, tierra de barro in Mexico, llinki in Peru, or boi in
Sudan mean literally "clay". It is important to note that heavy smectitic clays, which crack in the dry season, usually have special
names in vernacular classifications.
Almost worldwide the soils of intermediate loamy texture are considered to be the best for cultivation. The words suglinok or
uglinok (Russia), dihashko (Georgia), tierra baya (Mexico), lima, limosa (various Latin American countries), llampu
(Cochabamba, Bolivia), buoogo (Burkina Faso, Mossi people), alaadun (Nigeria, Yoruba people), and maikon (Peru,
Shipobo people) indicate exactly soil texture with a balanced proportion of sand, clay, and silt particles. In places the word
"loam" is used as a synonym of soil on the whole.

3.2.3. Stoniness, Hard Rock and Cemented Horizons

One of the limiting factors for agricultural production is soil stoniness and the presence of consolidated rock or a cemented layer
at shallow depth. That is why almost all ethnic groups are using this attribute for soil names, with an exception of the
communities that live in areas with no stony or shallow soils. Stoniness hampers soil plowing and increases water infiltration.
Stony and gravelly soils are called barda or kameshnik in Northern Russia, bublik in Ukraine, kviani-mitsa or mchate-mitsa
in Imeretia (Georgia), pedregal in various places in Latin America, cascajo in Cuba, bere or koche among Bambara people
(Senegal), zy-kygri among Mossi people (Burkina Faso), malala at Trobrian islands in Papua-New Guinea, one kokopu
among Maori in New Zealand. All these names mean more or less stoniness and hardness in native languages.
In places stony soils have many synonyms, not only because of linguistic diversity, but also because stoniness is indicated
indirectly (by a typical sound of a plough against big stones), or because stony soils are subdivided according to stone content,
size, and stone to fine earth ratio. For example, in Bulgaria several words are used for stony soils: dradorak and muhlevina are
native Bulgarian words, and koprak, alicheva, tashlak are of Turkish origin. Also Bulgarians use some other words for stony
soils: skripavitsa means a stony soil, where a plow is creaking against stones, kartel is a soil, where plowing exposes stones on
the surface, kayalyk is a stony soils, where fine earth is washed out by water, and gustchernitsy means stony infertile soils,
where lizards live (in Bulgarian gustchery means lizard).
The presence of consolidated rock is also indicated in indigenous soil classifications. Shallow soils are called dargel in Bulgaria,
gede in Senegal (Soninke people), chamlimani, changarawe, mashishiwe and mashololo in Tanzania, rukangarahve in
Zimbabwe (Shona people). In Bulgaria also a subdivision of shallow soils exists: the name draskoloto means a soil less than
10cm in depth, and lezga is a shallow (20-30cm) soil, which is usually clayey and overlying solid rock.
For shallow soils on limestone debris special names exist. The Polish word rendzina, actually used in many scientific soil
classifications, is the name for shallow sticky soils on limestone; the name is an imitation of a sound of plough touching stones. A
similar meaning exists for the words areshnic (Northern Russia), pok choch (Guatemala) and kifusi or kinamo (Zanzibar
island).
The presence of cemented layers is also abundant in local soil classifications, where such layers are present. Tropical soils in
places have iron-cemented "lateritic" layers, which can originate from strong weathering or from groundwater iron oxides
accumulation (plinthite). More complex concepts of soils are also found in indigenous classifications: in Tanzania, the word
ibambasi means a saline soil, having plinthite at less than 50 cm depth. Soils with such a layer are called yangi by Yoruba
people in Nigeria and zyka by Mossi people in Burkina Faso. Soils with an extremely hard layer cemented by silica are called
dorbank in South Africa. Layers, cemented by calcium carbonates, are called kempyrtash in Kirgizia, kersh in Southern
Kazakhstan, nari in Israel, shijang-tu in China, and caliche in Latin America. Soil horizons, cemented by gypsum, are named
arzyk in Uzbekistan.

Many classifications do not pay attention to the origin of the consolidated material under shallow soil layers, and give the soil the
same name if either the rock or the cemented layer is present. In the Andean region, the word pea means rock or soil with a
duripan, i.e. a hard cemented horizon. In Mexico, the word tepetate (from Nahuatl words tepetl meaning stone or rock, and
petate meaning straw bed) is used in scientific literature for naming cemented horizons in volcanic soils, but it has multiple
meanings in folk classifications. On one hand, it is used for hardened soil layers of various origins, where silica, iron, carbonates
or gypsum serve as cementing agents. On the other hand, it means a specific landscape with outcrops of hardened soil layers or,
alternatively, consolidated rock.
In a similar way, in Tanzania the names ingongho or lugulu are used for extremely shallow stony soils in combination with
outcrops of parent rocks or ferrous crusts; the depth of soils is not more than 10 cm. In some folk taxonomies, soil names
indicating stoniness or the presence of consolidated rocks or horizons are used together with the words, pointing on the texture
and/or color of the soil, thus serving as an additional soil characteristic.
3.2.4. Specific Physical Properties
There is a general rule in folk soil terminology that soils with regular productivity are called mainly by their texture and/or color,
but the most and the least productive soils, with strongly expressed positive or negative properties, have special terms.
Linguistically, some of these names are related to objects resembling particular soils in properties, like the word smolniza used
in the Balkans for soils, swelling when moist and cracking when dry: the word is derived from smola resin. The Russian
word solonchak for saline soils is derived from the connotation sol salt.
Soil physical properties are determined by soil texture and structure. As mentioned above, heavy-textured soils are usually
named by words that mean clay. However, soils with extremely high clay contents, and especially soils containing swelling
minerals (smectites) have distinct names. These soils, called Vertisols in internationally recognized scientific soil classifications,
have more indigenous synonyms, than any other soil type. Vertisols form mainly in heavy clayey sediments of marine or
lacustrine origin. However, there are also Vertisols formed on weathered volcanic ashes or extrusive volcanic rocks. A high
content of clay particles dominated by smectites (clay minerals swelling when moist and contracting when dry) results in
particular physical properties of these soils. In the dry season they are extremely hard and compact, and have deep and broad
cracks; in the wet season they are plastic and sticky.
Smectites form organo-mineral complexes with humus; these complexes give a dark color to these soils, even when the total
content of organic matter is low. Most of these soils are found in tropical environments with contrasting seasons, though they
occur also in subtropical and temperate belts. In the dry season Vertisols are almost impossible to plow; they are dangerous for
construction because of their instability; they are also unsuitable for pottery. On the other hand, most Vertisols are rich in
nutrients and, when properly managed, may be rather productive. Just some of the terms used for naming Vertisols in folk
classifications include: smolnitza (Balkans), smonitsa (Austria, Croatia), paklavitsa, natsepena, lyuta, kipra, kara-suluk,

sakyztoprak or stikliva (Bulgaria), morogan (Romania), barros (Portugal, Spain), kankar, karail, mar, regoor, regar or
regada (India), tierra negra (various parts of Latin America), tierra masa or gumbo (Cuba), sonsocuite (Nicaragua),
cuacab li choch (Guatemala), massape or coroa (North-Eastern Brazil), pradera negra (Uruguay), tirs (Algeria, Tunis,
Marocco), badobe, dian-pere or teen suda (Sudan), mursi (Mali, Sudan), firki (Nigeria), kaamba (Congo), dambo or
fadamma (Eastern Africa), kadondolyo, mbuga, wapi, lukanda or manda (Tanzania), gova, isidhaka or dhakiumnyama
(Zimbabwe), flei, vley or fley (South Africa), and gilgai (Australia).
Other physical soil properties are not so widely presented in folk classifications. In some localities just hardened soils, without
cementation or swelling clays, are specially named, like tverdozem, zhestel, ikritsa or kirza in Russia, kale or sedinyak in
Bulgaria, rumiyakk in Southern Peru, kerematua in New Zealand and some others. Also, some soils when moist are turning
almost liquid and extremely sticky. In fact, this attribute depends both on physical and chemical properties of the soil (mainly
related to the presence of sodium in the exchangeable complex). In some classifications these soils have special names like:
seybo (Senegal, Soninke people), which are dry upland soils that are unsuitable for agriculture and turn into mud after a rain
storm more readily than other soils.
Soils with specific structures are even less represented in folk classifications. In Russia, a special name orehovyje zemli is used
for soils with nut-like structure; in the Central Mountains of New Guinea the name pubuti means plastic soil with small grain
structure. In Bulgaria, a number of terms are used: grudliva means a well structured soil; grahchata is a soil with a small
cloddy structure, resembling bread crumbs; grashovitsa is a soil with a "pea"- like grained structure; buchesta is a soil with a
cloddy structure; bulgurliya corresponds with a soil, having a small grain structure, resembling wheat grains.
3.2.5. Specific Chemical Properties
Folk soil classifications generally reflect the most pronounced chemical properties that limit the growth of plants. Except for
water, the main limiting factor for crop production in semiarid and arid environments is the presence of soluble salts. Numerous
terms exist for naming saline soils: solonchak, usol, podsolonok or rebrovnik (Russia), solaneva, solena, solanic, solenitsa,
solinets, solistshe, geren, inya, belozemna, byala prast or tuzla (Bulgaria), sharatur (Romania), shoraket, shoran, shorlag
or shurezar (Azerbadzhan), hak or shor (Middle Asia), xiantian (China), karl (Northern India), shott (Northern Africa),
isimunyu (Zimbabwe, Ndebele people) and gokoro (Zimbabwe, Shona people).
Soil salinity is also reflected in the language of hunters communities, because salts attract game animals. Good examples of this
are reflected in the wording of various ethnic groups in Eastern Siberia: kudu (Evenks), kuzhur (Tuva people), huzhar
(Buryats) and huchur (Hakasians).
Another chemical property often reflected in folk taxonomies is the presence of calcium carbonate accumulations. To some
extent, the presence of carbonates affects soil productivity, because CaCO3 maintains soil reaction neutral or slightly alkaline,

and provides (free) calcium necessary for plant growth. However, it seems that the presence of carbonate concretions attracts
peoples attention more by its evident morphology (white spots on darker soil matrix) rather than by understanding its
importance for crop growth. Some of the names are rather illustrative: in Bulgaria soils having calcium carbonate accumulations
are called kush-boku which means "birds excrements" in Turkish. Some other names used for these carbonate-containing soils
are: meldovataya zemlya (Russia), kirecava, varovita, varovitsa, varnitsa, varenitsa, vernitsa, varovitnyak, varovista
zemlya, kekez, yoren-toprak (Bulgaria), mtredis-peri-mitsa (Kahetia, Georgia), shoh (Middle Asia), bhangar (Bengal), and
weinjuna (New Guinea, Baruya people).
Soil reaction (acid, alkaline, or neutral) is seldom annotated in folk classifications, because it is difficult to measure. Also, at local
scale, soils have more or less similar reactions since parent material and bioclimatic conditions are quite similar. However, spots
of alkaline soils are often well distinguished, like solonetz in Russia or chivavane in Zimbabwe (Shona people). Acid soil
names are less abundant: in Russia the soils where acidophilic grasses grow are called kislitsa. A unique classification of soils
according to their various reactions at short distance is found in Malaysia, whereby people first determine the soil reaction by
taste, and then divide the soils into acid tana masan, sweet (alkaline) tana payan, and neutral units tana tawah.
The origin of some soils is also sometimes difficult to find out. For example, the Dutch name for acid sulfate soils
"kattekleigronden" means cat clays. The origin of this name lies in the belief that a cat always interferes with magic, and
coastal acid sulfate soils, when exposed to air, turn extremely acid (the pH value drops down below 3) in a couple of days and
make suddenly crops die. Of course, in medieval epoch the phenomenon was attributed to witchcraft.
The meaning of every word should be analyzed separately for every classification, as there are no universal keys. For example,
in Bulgarian folk soil classification the name machkan, derived from machka (a cat) means a productive soil "black as a cat".
Some of the terms, in fact, may be derived from secondary soil attributes, like color or texture. In that case the names black
earth or clay do not mean any black or clayey soil, but a particular object with specific complex of properties, i.e. that serve
as a term. Finally, there are soil names, which have no relation to existing common words, or this relation is unknown. For
example, in Russian folk terminology, it is difficult to understand the origin of the names kuliga (forest soil with a mixture of
charcoal) or barda (infertile gravel and stony soils).
3.2.6. Water and Temperature Regimes
Water and temperature regimes have a decisive importance for crop production. However, many terms used in folk
classifications for excessively humid soils have landscape meaning, and mean literally bog, moor or swamp. These objects
are usually not regarded as soils in peoples perceptions. Also, the soils with a certain water regime are often named by their
morphology or position in the relief rather than by their water content directly. For example, the word gley is used in many
scientific classifications for mineral soils with excessive humidity, which results in iron and manganese reduction and, hence, in
the formation of specific grayish, bluish, and greenish colors in the soil. Initially the term was understood in folk terminology in

Southern Russia and in Ukraine as bluish clay, mostly found in depressions. Thus, the name was derived from soil color rather
than from humidity.
The same is true for some other names, like sinyuha in Russia or sinya in Bulgaria: both names are derived from the same root
and relate to their blue color. However, in Russia also soil names directly indicating excessive moisture exist, like: potnaya
zemlya (sweating earth) always wet, moist soils, mainly due to springs; plaun sticky moist white soils of spruce forests;
zhem moist mineral soils with water appearing on the surface; tyushklevataya zemlya moist, cloggy earths, inconvenient
for cultivation.
In boreal regions, excessive moisture is also associated with colder soils and, thus, with low soil productivity. In Russia, special
names exist, such as zahlest sandy soils, underlain with clay at a depth of 0,3-2 m, where due to the presence of a waterimpermeable horizon the soil often turns wet; "heavy, cold" zamoristyje zemli wet soils, where crops can be frozen;
pripadlivaya zemlya excessively humid acid soils, where wheat easily falls. In temperate and tropical areas, in contrary,
moist soils are considered to be productive, and their names have a positive meaning, like modra (Bulgaria) or tanah gembur
(Western Java, Indonesia).
However, excessive water content can result in an oxygen deficit for plant roots and in iron and manganese toxicities for crops.
Thus, some of the definitions of excessively humid soils have a negative meaning, like lengjintian (China) puddy soils, fed
with cold springs; sab ru li choch (Guatemala, Quieqchu) bog, permanently excessively moist soil; and one kopuru (New
Zealand, Maori people) excessively moist soil.
Dry soils are regarded in all climatic zones as unproductive and/or affected by wind erosion. The examples are: zola or suhmen
(Eastern Russia) dry soils, where crops are affected by wind; podsushliva (Bulgaria) stony, light-textured soils, rapidly
drying after rain; tanah gersang (Western Java, Indonesia) dry unproductive soils; and chaki choch (Guatemala) dry
soils, productive only in the rainy season.
The temperature regime alone, with no reference to water regime or internal soil attributes is seldom reflected in folk soil
classifications. The examples can be found mainly in cold and temperate areas. In Russia, cold soils are called holodnaya
pochva, kritsa or zolnik. In Bulgaria, the classification of temperature regimes is more complex and detailed. For example, the
name prigor means soils, where plants dry in hot weather; prazharitsa poor soils, where plants die during droughts; martlyk
soils which can be cultivated in March because of rapid drainage and quick heating in spring; yurganplak soils melting later
in spring.
3.2.7. Complex Criteria
Apart from simple diagnostics (color, texture, specific property) as described above, there are soils named by a complex of

attributes. Every name has a terminological significance, i.e. indicates a rather narrow class of objects, though linguistically it
might be derived from a single attribute. These terms in some classifications reflect complex concepts, which include several
substantial characteristics of soil, the position in the landscape, and even the potential uses. For example, the name chinchiburi
(Guriya, Georgia) means clayey heavy light-colored soil with an insignificant content of humus, with a clayey impermeable
subsoil; and lami (Kahetia and Kartalinia, Georgia) means light-colored carbonaceous alluvial soils of broad river valleys.
In Bulgaria, the word tospa is a name for soil cover, but in the depressions the soils are called cinnamonic, with impeding
moisture and easy cultivation, while on the uplands the soils are eroded and with a yellow and white color. In Eastern China, the
name sajong is applied for soils of alluvial plains, situated in the meadows of river valleys, affected by annual flooding, with a
dense carboniferous horizon and Fe-Mn concretions close to the surface. Bambara people in Senegal call fara hydromorphic
clayey soils with concretions and grey mottles, as well as clayey compact soils with a different degree of hydromorphism,
including alluvial ones. The name nkanka is used in Northern Zambia for red-colored usually clayey upland soils with a
significant productivity for most tropical crops.
All these examples show that soils can be differentiated by a number of criteria. The difference may be positive (high
productivity or a special use of soil material), negative (low productivity or rapid degradation), or neutral (unusual features that
do not affect soil productivity, but attract peoples attention). However, one should be cautious with these complex specific soil
names. Though complex concepts do exist in folk classifications, some research papers complete soil characteristics given by
local people with the results obtained by professional pedologists. Thus, sometimes we find a combination of folk knowledge
(probably, distinguishing soils by only one attribute) and scientific study, providing some extra details.
3.2.8. External and Perceptive Criteria
The most abundant external criteria for naming soils in folk classifications are the crops or natural vegetation that grows on the
soil. In many cultures there are wheat soils, rice soils, cotton soils, forest soils" etc. For natural vegetation, some
classifications apply more detailed criteria, like the words poddubitza dubnyazhny, or dubovitsy used in Northern Russia for
clay soils forming under oak forests.
Some soil names are formed on the basis of perceptive criteria, if the soil is "good" or "bad", with no reference to particular soil
properties. Sometimes these terms give also details of soil management practices or crop growth. For example, in Central
Russia the word buda means a productive soil on burned forest meadow. In Bulgaria, leka stands for a rather productive soil,
easy in cultivation, and kasnitsa for a soil where crops ripen later. In the Andes of Southern Peru among Quechua people
allin halpa is just a good, productive soil.
All these terms are difficult to correlate with soils with particular attributes. In some cultures, the perceptive criteria are
somehow difficult to interpret without a close insight into the mythology and rituals of the ethnic group. For example, Shipobo

people in Peru strictly separate the soils around their village, which are believed to be under auspices of good spirits, and forest
soils, where evil spirits live. These soil names are of great interest for ethnographic research, but are almost useless for
correlation of folk and scientific classifications, because the soils found under the same vernacular name differ in properties
between the localities.
3.3. Structures of Folk Soil Classification
It can be difficult to identify a classification structure beyond an individual naming of soils. Local classification systems are
artificial and based on values of the classifier, and in the case of descriptive names such as a black sandy soil, may be more
influenced by the style and grammar rules of the language than any other rationale. That is why a classification system assigned
to local soil names by an ethnopedologist may be an artifact of the scientists perspective and biased, if not carefully and
thoroughly analyzed.
Recent findings show that some folk classifications are not completely flat, i.e., they have some hierarchical organization. In fact,
the majority of indigenous classifications of animals, plants and other objects have a certain hierarchy. For living beings there are
six possible ranks in folk classifications: kingdom, life form, intermediate, generic, specific, and varietal. Of course, not every
classification has all possible ranks.
Most folk soil classifications are flat. In the most complex cases, the number of ranks is limited to kingdom, generic, specific and
varietal levels. Generally, people do not try to group soils into "life form" entities, since the number of soils in a given area is
usually limited. For cognitive reasons, the objects should be grouped if their number exceeds 30 units; otherwise no grouping is
needed. The number of units on specific and/or varietal level may be greater; the number of objects at the lowest level of
classification is called the breadth of classification, while the number of ranks is called the depth of classification. In folk
classifications, as a rule, the names at specific and varietal level are formed by the name of the generic level with a modifier.
The important issue is that for incomplete classifications it is difficult or even impossible to establish the structure. To obtain
complete data the members of a community should be carefully interviewed and the results should not be mixed with the terms
received from other communities. Unfortunately, earlier reports on folk soil terminology did not follow this procedure: soil
names were collected occasionally, with no context. The people who collected soil terminology reported the results for the
whole area, or even for the whole country, sometimes with no indication of the places, where every term was collected. These
data cannot be used for reconstructing folk soil taxonomies, even approximately.
3.3.1. Simple One-Level Classifications
Simple one-level, or flat classifications exist in some societies with general or limited interest in soils, for example, in foraging
communities. Few single names exist for specific soils of interest, like saline soils, where animals appear to eat salt, or bogs and

swamps, where particular plants and animals can be met. However, flat classifications can sometimes be found in agricultural
societies where attention is paid to specific soil properties, insofar that the soil may receive its own specific name. This can
occur in small mainly island or mountainous localities, where the number of soils is limited. For example, in the Central
Mountains of New Guinea tugke means dense greenish clayey soils, containing ochre concretions; pubuti are chocolate-brown
plastic soils with small grain structure; and aoai are dense reddish-brown clayey soils. Note that every name gives a complex of
soil properties and no one is a subgroup of another group of soils.
At Trobrian islands (Papua-New Guinea) galaluva stands for a black dry soil of heavy texture; sawewo is a soil that forms in
ponors of forested coral reefs, suitable for yams; malala are poor stony soils, unsuitable for taro, but suitable for yams; kwala
are black soils near coral reefs, fairly productive, and suitable for cultivation of all crops; dumya are clayey bog soils, suitable
for taro in the dry season, but unsuitable for yams; and butuma are red-colored light-textured soils near coral reefs, unsuitable
for taro cultivation, but favorable for yams. It is important that the names in flat classifications indicate specific physical or
chemical soil properties and perceptive soil criteria. One should, however, be cautious with flat classifications, since the
hierarchy may be neglected because of incomplete reports.
3.3.2. Hierarchical Classifications
Many researchers try to find hierarchical structures in folk soil classifications. Sometimes these attempts are speculative, since
the hierarchy in indigenous taxonomies is not very strict, and the peasants do not think much about the priority of soil attributes.
For some local classifications clay could be the class and red the modifier but for others it could be the other way around.
Linguistically, it seems that "clay" is a class, and "red" is a modifier, because the first is a noun, and the latter is an adjective, but
not all languages give a chance to solve the problem easily.
Most folk soil classifications were reported to have two ranks, which indicate soil texture and color. In places, soil color serves
as a universal modifier for soil names of the higher rank, which includes terms derived from soil texture and specific physical and
chemical properties. In Bulgaria, the words chervena (red), cherna (black), zholta (yellow) or byala (white) are used with
various soil names, for example, chervena prast (red earth), chervena zemya (red earth), chervena glina (red clay),
chervena gnilesta (red clay), chervena klisa (red clay), cherven kazlach (red-red soil), chervena smolnitsa (red swelling
clay soil), chervena kapsida (red alluvial soil), chervena ilovitsa (red heavy clay soil), cherven pesak (red sand), chervena
propuskliva (red gravelly sand soil), chervena varovita (red soil with carbonates).
In other classifications the upper rank is soil texture and the modifiers use color and other criteria, such as stoniness. In Nigeria
Yoruba people call bole clayey soil, bole alaadun heavy loamy soil, bole dudu dark heavy loamy soil, bole funfun lightcolored clayey soil, bole olokuta stony clayey soil, and bole pupa reddish-brown clayey soil. In the same manner, the
name yanrin is used for coarse sandy soil, yanrin dudu dark sandy loamy clay soil, yanrin funfun light-colored sandy soil,
yanrin ogidi light, bleached coarse sandy soil, and yanrin pupu reddish-brown sandy loamy clay soil.

3.3.3. Complex Classifications

Some classifications have a hierarchical structure, dividing soils according to their color and texture, but also have special terms
for soils having particular properties. These classifications have practically the same structure as hierarchical taxonomies. The
general rule is that soils with intermediate properties are classified according to their color, texture and stoniness, while soils with
the best or the worst properties have special names.
3.4. Geographical Distribution of Known Indigenous Soil Classifications
More than 200 ethnic groups were surveyed for their local soil knowledge and classification. However, these constitute less
than 5% of the 5,000 existing languages. Considering that almost every ethnic group should have at least a primitive concept of
soil, one can hardly recognize that the studied indigenous soil classifications are representative. To a great extent the geography
of ethno-pedological studies depends on the accessibility of the region, scientific fashion (some regions are popular among
anthropologists, and others are not), and on the existence of local ethno-pedological communities. In Mexico, where several
research groups are interested in ethnopedology, folk soil classifications of more than 40% of ethic groups are documented, and
in Papua-New Guinea, where more than 1000 languages exist, the classifications of only 15 ethnic groups were studied.
Though ethno-pedological surveys do not represent a real distribution of soil knowledge around the world, it gives a general
idea of the most important locations of soil knowledge. Generally, the widest diversity of local soil classifications is found in
dominantly agricultural societies, while industrial, nomad, and hunting-oriented communities have less interest in soils. Urban
populations in developed industrial countries may as well have very limited interest about soils, if at all. For example in Malibu,
California, USA some residents identify a soil "Malibu blue clay" because it limits property values due to poor infiltration
characteristics for septic tank absorption fields.
Farmers in developed industrial countries are more likely to use scientific soil information, knowledge, and classification system
promoted by agronomists and pedologists, than indigenous systems if they exist. In agricultural societies, the major diversity is
found in areas with a prolonged settling of the same ethnic group. Some of these areas correspond to the world centers of plant
domestication, and thus, to the most ancient agricultural civilizations: South Mexico-Central America, South America (Peru and
Bolivia), Southern Brazil-Paraguay, West Africa, India-Burma, and the Indo-Malayan center.
Also, the diversity of folk classifications depends on linguistic diversity. The countries with high linguistic diversity such as
Papua-New Guinea, Indonesia, Mexico and India, contribute significantly to the overall number of known local soil and land
classifications. Also, biodiversity and diversity of environmental conditions may have an effect on the number of folk soil
classification on a certain territory.
3.4.1. Europe

In Europe, most countries are industrialized and almost no folk soil knowledge persists. During the last century there was a
drastic decrease in the number of rural communities. Only 8% of the total ethno-pedological studies were made in Europe. Less
than 100 years ago more than 200 local soil names were documented in Russia, and currently almost no one can be found. In
the 1950s a detailed study of folk soil terminology in Bulgaria showed the presence of almost 500 soil names, derived from
Bulgarian, Turkish, Greek, and Romanian languages. Nowadays, very few of these names are still alive.
Many scientific soil names were derived exactly from European folk classifications, such as rendzina shallow soil on
limestone, podzol strongly leached soil with whitish surface horizon, chernozem dark humus-rich soil, gley watersaturated grey and blue soil, marsh marine meadows and related soils, gyttja mud or clayey soils of sea and lake banks,
terra rossa red-colored weathering soils formed on carbonaceous rocks, till glacial sediments with boulders and soils
formed on it, and many others. However, in actual folk languages these names are not used, or are used in their new scientific
meaning. Nowadays, only in Southern Europe, especially in the Balkans, is it still possible to find communities with limited
traditional soil knowledge.
3.4.2. Asia
Asia is a traditional center of agriculture, where until now most countries have still an agriculture-based economy. A significant
part (26%) of enthno-pedologic studies was conducted there. The most diverse and studied countries are Nepal (30 ethnopedological reports) and India (21 ethno-pedological reports). Also a lot of studies (more than 10 for each country) were made
in The Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand. These countries are known for their millennium-long agricultural history and for high
linguistic diversity. However, it seems that it would be possible to extract much more local soil knowledge in Asia.
China is still poorly studied from an ethno-pedological point of view. The Middle East has almost no reports, though these
zones are important centers of agriculture. Far East folk soil knowledge was not studied at all. Some scientific names from arid
zones of Middle Asia were accepted in scientific literature, such as takyr (desert soils with clayey surface, broken with cracks
into polygonal structure) or arzyk (gypsum crust accumulated in soils of toeslopes). It seems that in most countries of Asia it is
still possible to find communities that possess indigenous soil knowledge.
3.4.3. North and Central America
On the North American continent, most folk taxonomic research appears in Mexico, which takes the first place in ethnopedological studies in the world. More than 70 publications on folk soil classifications and management practices were
published on Mexico, apart from numerous theses of students of various levels. The high amount of reports on ethnopedological research in Mexico are due to the high ethnic and linguistic diversity, the relatively well-preserved system of
ownership and management practices from pre-Hispanic epoch, and to the existence of several research groups of specialists
working in ethnopedology in this country.

In Central America and the Caribbean the number of works on indigenous soil knowledge is much lower. The number of folk
classifications should not be very high in Caribbean islands, since the population is relatively recent, consisting of migrants for the
last 500 years, who speak mainly European languages. Thus, both low linguistic diversity and the lack of traditions do not
permit the development of numerous folk classifications. However, several examples in Cuba show that the people do have
knowledge about soils, and potentially both in Caribbean islands and in Central America one could find still undiscovered
vernacular systems of soil knowledge.
3.4.4. South America
In South America, ethno-pedological studies have been carried out in most countries. Though all the studies made in North and
South America together, constitute only 23% of the ethno-pedological studies, the number of studies per country is relatively
high (since the states are bigger and fewer in South America than for example in Africa). The most addressed countries are Peru
and Brazil. Wide range of environmental conditions (from cold mountainous to hot tropical rain forest), high biodiversity,
linguistic diversity, and relatively preserved cultural traditions in most countries result in richness of local soil knowledge.
3.4.5. Africa
More than 40% of the total amount of ethno-pedological studies was made in Africa. Most studies were conducted in the Sahel
zone (Nigeria, Burkina Faso, Mali and Senegal) and Eastern Africa (Tanzania and Kenya). These are important areas of
agricultural production, while desert regions of Northern and Southern Africa mostly have nomad cultures, and Equatorial
Africa has less developed hunters communities. Ethic diversity and traditional way of soil use permit maintaining various
indigenous soil knowledge systems in Africa. Also, the anthropological research is traditionally active on this continent.
However, until now a significant part of local soil knowledge is still unknown to the scientific community.
3.4.6. Australia and Oceania
In Australia, no research has yet been published on folk soil knowledge. The aborigines of this continent, hunters and gatherers,
did not create a system of soil knowledge, since their living hardly depended on soil properties. In Oceania, most studies were
made in Papua-New Guinea, but only a small part of the existing soil knowledge has been documented. Only 15 publications
are available on local soil knowledge in this country, while the number of linguistic groups is estimated about 1,000 there. Even
less information is available on soil knowledge of the islands of Oceania. Generally, the Pacific region is the most neglected in
ethno-pedological studies: only about 5% of the total amount of publications on the subject deal with the data obtained in
Oceania.
4. Use of Ethnopedology

4.1. Soil Knowledge as a Cultural Heritage

Folk soil knowledge is an important part of the world cultural heritage. Local knowledge on plant and animals (ethno-botany
and ethno-zoology) is recognized by anthropologists as a valuable source of information on the spiritual life of an ethnic group.
Nowadays, more and more people recognize that soil knowledge as well is a basic source as well for understanding the way of
thinking of a community. Agrarian and soil-related myths form a fundamental layer of collective understanding of the world.
Ignoring the soil component would definitely impoverish our knowledge on the diversity of mainly rural cultures. The destruction
of traditional ways of life results both in the loss of the diversity of languages and the loss of soil knowledge in ethnic groups.
This valuable knowledge should be documented and preserved for future generations.
4.2. Indigenous Soil Classifications Use in Soil Survey
Starting from the 1990s, the use of ethno-pedological information in soil survey attracts special attention. The idea is not new:
in places, even in 18-19th centuries soil mapping have been done by interviewing farmers, until it was replaced by "spade and
auger" survey. For a long time folk soil information was considered to be imprecise and "non-scientific". However, present soil
surveyors face the necessity for mapping vast areas in completely unknown regions in developing countries. In that case, folk
soil information can help traditional soil survey: several research works made in Africa and Mexico showed impressive outputs.
Using folk taxonomies can assure the quality of land assessment by survey teams. Over a relatively brief period, outsiders can
learn about soil characteristics throughout the year and over decades, and assure that seasonal changes in soil characteristics are
considered as well as those expressed only during climatic extremes. This approach saves time in conducting a resource
inventory, assures that inventory and development of local resources will be culturally relevant.
Technicians with limited soils training can be used to conduct soil surveys once reconnaissance surveys establish general
lexicons, mapping legends, and/or correlations of classifications. Community members can identify what soils are typical and can
help mapping their soils; the pedologist only needs to verify the information. Soils that are identified by farmers may closely
resemble those of scientific systems. In some cases folk taxonomies have made finer distinctions between soils than would
normally be made by pedologists. For example, farmers and pastoralists in drought-prone Mali, Mauritania, and Senegal make
very fine distinctions between soils with respect to their frequency and period of flooding, which would be difficult for a
pedologist to determine from a site visit.
Collecting soil and other natural resource information would require a large amount of time and expense if pedologists work
independently of farmers and pastoralists. Folk taxonomies can guide to separate soils in the landscape for mapping and to
identify class separation of characteristics used in classification. For example, women peanut farmers in the Senegal select soils
with a textural range that are unlikely to crust and allow peg penetration. For these women farmers class boundaries of surface
texture need to coincide with those they use in order to be functional.

Pedologists tend to be biased towards the soil classification system they know and commonly delimitate soils based on their
systems class breaks. This can complicate the soil survey with irrelevant information or disregard soil boundaries that are
important to land-users. Indigenous soil classifications are locally valid. Hydrology, geology, topography, and other factors
affect the development of soils and change from community to community and local classifications may not consistently
represent the same soil characteristics. For example, the characteristics of a black sandy soil in one community are likely to
be different than that of another community. To overcome this type of limitations ethno-pedological surveys can be regionalized
and present locally specific information as annexes.
The problem of cross-referencing local classifications to regional and scientific classifications can be surmounted by using a GIS
and relational databases to access soil information.
4.3. Indigenous Soil Knowledge and Soil Management and Conservation Practices
Natural resource development projects financed by donor organizations (e.g. United Nations, World Bank, US Agency for
International Development) are requiring improved reporting of project impacts in order to justify funding. Many projects use
monitoring methodologies that are based on interviewing land managers. Minimal field validation is employed (e.g. plot-based
observations) to keep monitoring costs small relative to funds used to achieve projects goals. Socio-economic tools used for
project monitoring and evaluation, such as household surveys, have well developed methodologies. They provide part of the
context for which land management decisions are made. However, they neither document with sufficient accuracy the quality of
natural resources that are managed nor the location of project activities.
Only large impacts on agricultural productivity and natural resources are detectable at specific locations. Extrapolation of sitespecific impacts to the entire project area is often weak. When perceived land values by the local population and pedologists
are very different then major opportunities or constraints for development interventions can be identified. For example, in the
West African Sahel, eroded, sandy soils (e.g. karan karan) form a crust and are abandoned even though they would be
productive if more intensive management is used.
The perceived low value of this eroded soil by local people contrasts strikingly with a pedologists perspective. This contrast in
perceptions helps to identify potential interventions that would produce large beneficial impacts, such as water conservation
techniques. In another example, the Zuni Indians of semi-arid New Mexico, US, have a known history of rain-fed agriculture
using water conservation and have indigenous soil taxonomy to differentiate the important characteristics of their soils. Ironically,
US government pedologists described their land as non-arable, even though the Zuni have been farming the land for over 2000
years.
An ethno-pedological reconnaissance survey of a project area could determine if indigenous knowledge was sufficient to
support a monitoring program as well as to provide a good understanding of local natural resource management. If indigenous

knowledge provides sufficient information, pedologists can develop a lexicon of soil related terms that could be used in
household questionnaires and for interpreting household reported impacts. Ethno-pedological surveys would allow translation of
local perceptions to scientifically based ones in order to help development workers more effectively implement agriculture and
natural resource management projects.
5. Indigenous Soil Knowledge in Danger
A significant proportion of local soil knowledge has been lost, and even a bigger part is expected to vanish in the near future. Of
the 5000 existing languages about 90% are expected to disappear during the 21st century, mainly those of small ethnic groups.
Cultural erosion has wiped out many folk taxonomies and is threatening many others. Conversion and evolution of
socioeconomic systems have eliminated soil-related knowledge. In industrial societies, farmers depend on scientifically
developed soil management and conservation practices that are more relevant to modern scales of production and productivity
demands; as a result their cultural heritage is not transferred to the next generation.
Scientifically based systems replace indigenous knowledge because it is not considered relevant to new land management
techniques and scale of operations, such as chemical fertilization, mechanized cultivation, new crops, and irrigation that
accompany modern economic systems and world markets. Year after year, local soil names and traditional agronomic
techniques are replaced by scientific classifications and expert recommendations. Farmers tend to follow recommendations of
university-educated specialists. For example, farmers in Mexico call these specialists los que saben (those who know) in
contrast to themselves, los que no saben (those who do not know).
Politically and economically forced migrations of whole communities have eroded site-specific knowledge of soils, which is lost
if its members do not return. Voluntary or imposed changes to the way the land is managed can lead to loss of indigenous
knowledge. Such losses were notably large in the Americas through the extinction and relocation of many cultures and
languages as a result of European colonization. At least 100 of the estimated 300 North American languages are no longer
spoken. In Eurasia, the greatest cultural erosion occurred in countries with planned economy, where the decisions of
governments could not be discussed and no local experience was taken into account. For example, in the 1960s the Soviet
Union leader Khrushchev ordered maize to be cultivated all over the country, even north of the Arctic Circle, without regard to
local experience or common sense; the farmers just had to follow orders.
Migrations result in cultures discarding their knowledge of local soils because it is no longer relevant to their new residence.
Widespread and intensive migrations of indigenous populations occurred in the Americas, and soil knowledge was certainly
discarded. In North America for example, the United States (US) government in 18381839 forced most of the Cherokee
people to move a thousand kilometers west from the forested region of the southern Appalachian Mountains to the wooded hills
of eastern Oklahoma, in what is referred to as the "Trail of Tears". Forced migrations occurred also in post World War II

Europe when Stalin ordered deportation of people belonging to "traitor nations", whose representatives collaborated with Nazi
Germany such as Crimea Tatars, Chechens, and Karachajs, to Siberia and Middle Asia. Traditional knowledge in those lands
and their management was lost. During the same period, lands included in the Soviet Union after the Second World War were
settled by people from other parts of the country that had little knowledge of the land, mostly from Ukraine and southern
Russia. The displaced occupants were quickly relocated, preventing a transfer of indigenous knowledge.
In Africa, civil war, drought, and famine have displaced people from their homes with little hope of returning to their land. The
migrations that have occurred in Sudan and Ethiopia are widely known current examples. Loss of indigenous soil knowledge
will continue to occur with the inevitable expansion of scientific knowledge, migrations of populations, and economic evolution.
Folk taxonomies have current economic, social, and cultural value and need to be documented and studied before they are lost.
They tell us something about the land and the people who manage it.
6. Conclusions
Soil knowledge is an important part of the life of any community. Apart from scientific knowledge, folk soil classification and
management systems should be recognized as an important base for land use and conservation at local scale. Of course, folk
soil knowledge cannot replace scientifically developed systems, but it should be preserved and documented both as a cultural
heritage and as a source of information for decision-making in land management practices.
Related Chapters
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Glossary
B. P.
: Before Present
Ethnoecology : A scientific discipline focused on the indigenous understanding of the environment people live in, and the
relationship of various ethnic groups with these.
Ethnopedology : A scientific discipline at the interface between soil science and cultural anthropology, which studies local
knowledge of soils, their origin, distribution, properties, quality, management, and esoteric significance.
Lacustrine
: Related to lakes; lacustrine sediments deposits at the bottom of the lake.
Mineratropic : Partially decomposed organic material formed in a bog; "mineratrophic" means that a bog has a contact with
peat
mineralized groundwater that results in better decomposition of organic matter and better supply of nutrients.

Pedology
Plinthite

: A branch of soil science that deals with soil genesis, classification, and geography.
: A hard soil horizon, formed due to cementation of kaolinite clay by iron oxides and hydroxides brought by
groundwater; this horizon forms mainly in tropical soils with groundwater level close to the surface.
Ponor
: Karst (carbonate rock dissolution) forms, narrow vertical or inclined holes, originating from cracks crossing.
Smectite clay : Type of clay containing mainly minerals of the group of smectites, which swells when wet and shrinks when
dry.
Swelling
: Clay mineral of the group of smectites (montmorillonite, beidellite, saponite etc.), which swell when wet and
mineral
shrink when dry.
Vernacular
: Indigenous, folk, original.
Vertisol
: Clayey soil, in which the clay fraction (0-2 micron diameter) is dominated by swelling minerals (smectites);
turns hard and forms wide cracks in dry season.
Bibliography
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Barrera Bassols, N. and Zinck, J.A. (2003). Ethnopedology: A Worldwide View on the Soil Knowledge of Local People. Geoderma, 111(3-4), 171195. [Provides the philosophical bases of indigenous soil knowledge, and summarizes the up-to date situation with ethno-pedological research].
Conklin, H.C. (1954) An Ethnoecological Approach to Shifting Agriculture. Transactions of New York Academy of Science, 17(2). 133-142.
[One of the first serious ethnoecological and ethnoagrarian studies].
Holman, E.W. (2005). Domain-specific and General Properties of Folk Classifications. Journal of Ethnobotany, 25(1), 71-91. [An analysis of the
structures and cognitive aspects of folk classifications].
Krasilnikov, P.V. (1999). Early Studies on Folk Soil Terminology. Eurasian Soil Science, 32(10), 1147-1150. [This gives examples of early studies
of folk soil knowledge].
Krasilnikov, P.V. and Tabor, J.A. (2003). Perspectives on Utilitarian Ethnopedology. Geoderma, 111(3-4), 197-215. [A review of the history,
current situation, and perspectives of ethno-pedological research with emphasis on practical applications. Includes also a discussion on the
loss of folk soil knowledge].
Krasilnikov, P.V., Tabor, J.A. and Arnold, R.W. (2009) Folk Soil Terminology, Listed by Regions. In P.V. Krasilnikov, J.-J.Ibez Mart, R.W.
Arnold and S.A. Shoba eds. Handbook of soil terminology, correlation and classification. Earthscan Publ. Co, London, pp. 347-403. [A collection
of about 1500 folk soil names sorted by regions all around the world]
Niemeijer, D. (1995). Indigenous Soil Classifications: Complications and Considerations. Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor,

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Biographical Sketches
Pavel Krasilnikov received his Ph.D. at the Faculty of Soil Science of Moscow State University. He worked as a head of the laboratory of Soil
Ecology and Soil Geography in the Institute of Biology of Karelian Research Center of Russian Academy of Sciences. He is a Full Professor of
the Faculty of Sciences of the National Autonomous University of Mexico. Currently he is a research officer in Teagasc, Ireland. He has more
than 100 scientific publications, mainly in the area of soil genesis, geography, and classification. He published several papers on
ethnopedology, organized session on folk soil classifications at the International Conference "Soil Classification 2004" and at the World
Congress of Soil Science (Philadelphia, 2006). Elected vice-chair of the Commission "Soil Classification" of the International Union of Soil
Sciences.
Joseph A. Tabor has a Ph.D. in epidemiology, M.P.H. in environmental health, M.S. in soil physics, and B.S. in agronomy. He began his
professional career with the United States Natural Resource Conservation Service in Tennessee, where he was mainly active in soil mapping.
He has over 30 years of experience in natural resource management, agriculture, and public health in North America, Caribbean, Africa, and Asia
where he conducted environmental impact assessments, project monitoring, program evaluation, natural resource mapping, project identification
and design, research, training, and teaching. He is currently conducting research at the University of Arizona in Tucson, Arizona, on the
epidemiology and ecology of coccidioidomycosis, a disease caused by the soil borne fungi Coccidioides immitis or C. posadasii.
To cite this chapter
Pavel Krasilnikov, Joseph Tabor, (2009), ETHNOPEDOLOGY AND FOLK SOIL TAXONOMIES, in Soils, Plant Growth and Crop Production,
[Ed. Willy H. Verheye], in Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems (EOLSS), Developed under the Auspices of the UNESCO, Eolss Publishers,
Oxford ,UK, [http://www.eolss.net] [Retrieved February 11, 2014]

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Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems