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Introduction

1.
The foreign relations of China, officially the People's Republic of China,
guides the way in which it interacts with foreign nations. Deep-seated resentment
over unequal and unfair treatment by Western powers still rankles, and there are
disputes regarding sovereignty over Taiwan, and border disputes with India and
Japan. However by the 21st century China, with the second largest economy, has
become a major favour in world economic affairs, and is increasingly influential in
Asia and Africa. China officially states it "unswervingly pursues an independent
foreign policy of peace. The fundamental goals of this policy are to preserve China's
independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, create a favourable international
environment for China's reform and opening up and modernization construction,
maintain world peace and propel common development. China has set its foreign
policy in such a fashion that it has a global view and is indeed fostering a ambition of
becoming a super power. We would analyse the international relations of china with
the foreign policy in the background across the world, in the following heads,
(a)

Relation with USA and Caribbean Islands

(b)

Relation with European Union Countries

(c)

Relation with the Arab world & Israel

(d)

Relation with South East Asian countries and Oceania

(e)

Relation with Russia and countries in the Arctic region

(f)

Relation with Iran & Countries in Central Asia

(g)

Relation with African Nations

(h)

Relation with Chinas neighbours

(j)

Where is China Now (IOR, Stings of Pearl etc)

Figure 1 indicates the present geo-political scenario of China, clearly bringing out the
influence of the Chinese economy across the entire globe. The position of the
existing and former superpower (USSR), now Russia is also depicted in terms of the
arms supply.

Figure 1. Chinese Influence across the world


Relation with Caribbean Islands and USA
2.
China Caribbean Islands Relations. Caribbean regional relations with
China are mostly based on trade, credits, and investments which have increased
significantly since the 1990s. For many Caribbean nations the increasing ties with
China have been used as a way to decrease long time over-dependence on the
United States. Additionally, China's policy in the region was the utilisation of "dollar
diplomacy" or the attempts to switch many nations from recognizing Taiwan as an
independent nation instead to the recognition of the "One China" policy in exchange
for Chinese investment. China has led several construction projects in Trinidad and
Tobago and the Caribbean region via Chinese owned construction companies.
Trinidad and Tobago has extensive asphalt export with China and also moots the
idea of starting direct shipments of oil and liquid natural gas. China has been more
sympathetic to the Caribbean position globally and has stepped up military training
exercises in the Caribbean for example in direct response to several sanctions
placed on governments in the Caribbean region for not following the wishes of the
Bush administration. Following the sanctions on Barbados and several other
Caribbean nations by the United States in 2006, the Chinese Government provided
Barbados with the financial assistance in-lieu of the situation. China is Cubas
second largest trading partner after Venezuela. Chinese goods have become the
primary tools both in the planned revitalisation of Cuban transport infrastructure and
in the Energy Revolution of 2006 to provide electricity to the Cuban populace.
SINOPEC, the Chinese state oil company, has an agreement with state-owned
CUPET (Cuba Petroleum) to develop oil resources. China is expanding its militaryto-military contacts in the region. China is training increasing numbers of Latin
American and Caribbean region military personnel, mainly due to a three-year old
U.S. law surrounding the International Criminal Court that has led to a sharp decline
in U.S.-run training programs for the region. Chinese personnel have been operating
two intelligence signal stations in Cuba since early 1999. In 2009 the military units of

Barbados and China have agreed to strengthen their military cooperation. In 2014
both governments signed a visa waiver agreement for nationals from both nations.
3.
China American Relations. Most
analysts
characterize
present
Chinese-American relations as being complex and multifaceted. The United States
and China are usually neither allies nor enemies; the U.S. government does not
regard China as an adversary but as a competitor in some areas and a partner in
others. China's economic rise has led to some geo-political friction between the US
and China in the East Asian region. On the contrary, the Chinese government fears
a US Encirclement Conspiracy. Figure 2 indicate the study view on US checking
Chinas expansion. In response to China's response to the Bombardment of
Yeonpyeong by North Korea, Washington is moving to redefine its relationship with
South Korea and Japan, potentially creating an anti-China bloc in Northeast Asia.
The Republic of China remains a source of tension in relations between the United
States and the People's Republic of China. Although the PRC has never governed
Taiwan, the PRC claims Taiwan as a 23rd province and has repeatedly threatened
to take it by force. The United States exports large amounts of weaponry to the
Republic of China and there is a great deal of sympathy for Taiwan partly because it,
unlike the PRC, has transformed into a pluralistic, liberal democracy and because of
residual sympathy over the Republic of China's anti-communism during the Cold
War. Any accession to the PRC may also change the balance of power in that region
in both political and military terms. This potentiality has been of increasing concern to
Japan, a traditional ally of Taiwan. If one ponders through the trend. China is
continuing to exploit the American errors in various places be it Pakistan post drone
attacks, Iran nuclear program, increasing presence in Caribbean islands and south
east Asian islands. While there are tensions in American-Chinese relations, there are
also many stabilizing factors. The PRC and the United States are major trade
partners and have common interests in the prevention and suppression of terrorism
and nuclear proliferation. The U.S.-China trade relationship is the second largest in
the world, however, trust between the two countries has shrunk. The two nations
have experienced more than a quarter century of varying degrees of amiable or wary
relations over such contentious issues as Taiwan, trade balances, intellectual
property rights, nuclear proliferation, and human rights.

Figure 2. US views to thwart Chinese Expansion

Relation with European Union Countries


4.
China European Union Countries Relation.
The EU is China's
largest trading partner and China is the EU's second largest trade partner after the
United States. Most of this trade is in industrial and manufactured goods. However,
the EU arms embargo on China was imposed by the EU on the People's Republic of
China in response to its suppression of the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989.
China insists that the embargo be removed, calling it "very puzzling" and amounting
to "political discrimination". However, the EU is currently not planning to remove the
embargo due to the continuing human rights situation in China. The United States,
which also has an arms embargo on China, fears that lifting the embargo will create
a technology transfer that will increase the capabilities of the Chinese army. The US
has been influential in keeping the EU ban in place. Similarly, Japan has been at the
forefront of lobbying efforts against any attempt to remove restrictions on arm sales
to Beijing. Japan fears that any such move will alter the balance of power in South
East Asia strongly in favour of China. China described Japan's position as
"provocative". Whilst the embargo remains, China buys much of its arms from
Russia. China had turned to Israel for surveillance planes, but under pressure from
the U.S., Israel also refused to go through with the deal. Despite the ban, another
leaked US cable suggested that in 2003 the EU sold 400 million of "defence
exports" to China, and later approved other sales of military grade submarine and
radar technology.

Relation with Arab world & Israel


5.
China - Israel Relations. ChinaIsrael relations are diplomatic, economic
cultural ties between the People's Republic of China and the State of Israel. Israel
was the first country in the Middle East to recognize the PRC as the legitimate
government of China. However, China did not establish normal diplomatic relations
with Israel until 1992. Since then, Israel and China have developed increasingly
close commercial, military and strategic links. China and Israel secretly began
building military ties in the 1980s during the Soviet war in Afghanistan, which both
Israel and China opposed. They both supplied weapons to the Afghan mujahideen
and military cooperation between the two began in order to assist the Islamic
resistance against the Soviets. China joined a number of nations who established
ties with Israel after the initiation of a peace process between Israel and the PLO in
the early 1990s. China has looked to Israel for the arms and technology it cannot
acquire from the United States and Russia. Israel is now China's second-largest
foreign supplier of arms (following Russia). China has purchased a wide array of
military equipment and technology, including communications satellites. Growing
military cooperation and trade has softened China's historic anti-Israeli policy.
Israel's increasing defence cooperation with China has caused concern in Western
nations, particularly the United States. The United States has pressured Israel
against selling sophisticated equipment and technology to China. In 2000, Israel
cancelled the sale to China of the Israeli-built Phalcon Airborne Warning and Control
System (AWACS) in the wake of pressure from the U.S, which threatened to cut off
US$2.8 billion in yearly aid if the deal went through. Chinas record of proliferating
arms and weapons systems has also concerned U.S. planers, as the U.S. worries
that China may repackage advanced Israeli defense technologies for resale to

Americas rivals and nations hostile to it throughout the world. Despite close relations
between the two nations, China and Israel continued to remain divided on the issue
of Palestine, Israeli settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, economic
blockade of Gaza, and the Israeli security fence. China has criticized Israel's
construction of settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. After the victory of
Hamas in the 2006 elections in Gaza, China acknowledged Hamas as the
legitimately elected political entity in the Gaza Strip despite Israeli and U.S.
opposition. When it comes to China-Israel political ties, however, the question of Iran
remains a major stumbling block. Israel considers a nuclear-armed Iran to be an
existential threat. China has been unwilling to push for harsher sanctions against
Iran, especially given its lucrative oil deals with Tehran. China hopes to maintain ties
with Iran while also improving relations with Israel.
6.
China- Palestine Relations.
China had been a strong champion of Third
World causes until the 1970s. Today, China strongly supports the Middle East peace
process and it also supports lasting peace between both the Palestinians and the
Israelis. After formation of PRC in China, it had first recognized the Jewish State of
Israel. But after Israel became mostly a pro-Western and American ally China began
to support the Arabs and the cause of the Palestinians. After the Sino-Soviet split
during the 1960s China began to support the cause of the Palestinians more than
ever. China had strongly supported Yasser Arafat and the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO). On November 29, 2012, China voted in favor of UN General
Assembly Resolution 67/19 Palestine to non-member observer state status in the
United Nations. As Chinas energy interests in the region grow, China wants to play
a bigger role in Middle East affairs, including the Holy Grail of Middle East
diplomacy: Israel-Palestine negotiations.

Relation with South East Asian countries and Oceania


7.
China - South East Asian Countries. Since 2010, ASEAN as a whole has
become Chinas fourth-largest trading partner after the European Union, Japan and
the United States. Among ASEAN member countries, Indonesia was Chinas fourthlargest trading partner, according to data as of May 2010 from the Ministry of
Commerce of the Peoples Republic of China, amounted to USD 12.4 billion, after
Malaysia (USD 22.2 billion), Singapore (USD 17.9 billion) and Thailand (USD 15.7
billion). China's transformation into a major economic power in the 21st century has
led to an increase of foreign investments in the bamboo network, a network of
overseas Chinese businesses operating in the markets of Southeast Asia that share
common family and cultural ties. China has also been one of Indonesias key major
trading partners in recent years, serving as the countrys largest export and import
market. China is becoming Indonesias most important source of imports, reaching
USD 19.6 billion in 2010. The balance however was in favour of China as Indonesia
booked trade deficit USD -4.7 billion in 2010. However the free trade with China has
caused much anxiety in Indonesia, since inflows of cheap products from China could
harm Indonesian industry. Apart from trade the military ties and disputes among
these nations in the South China Sea is a point which needs deliberation. During
President Jiang Zemin's state visit to the Philippines in 1996, leaders of the two
countries agreed to establish a cooperative relationship based on goodneighbourliness and mutual trust towards the 21st century, and reached important

consensus and understanding of "Shelving disputes and going in for joint


development" on the issue of South China Sea. Relations between the two countries
gradually improved over the years since the initiative of Philippine President
Ferdinand Marcos. However in diplomatic relations between the two countries
suffered due to worsening South China Sea dispute. In view of the on-going
territorial dispute of China and the Philippines (such as Scarborough Shoal),
Chinese-Filipinos prefer a peaceful solution through diplomatic talks while some view
that China should not extend its claims to other parts of South China Sea. The two
countries have disputes over the sovereignty of some islands and shoals in the
Spratly Islands. The United States has a Mutual Defence Treaty with the Philippines,
making the region turmoil if China would attack the Philippines over the disputed sea
and islands. Malaysia has been China's top trading partner within ASEAN for five
years in a row since 2008. Former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad said
that China was not a threat to anyone and was not worried about aggression from
China, accusing the United States of provoking China and trying to turn China's
neighbours against China. Malaysia had no problem with China patrolling the South
China Sea, and telling ASEAN, America, and Japan that "Just because you have
enemies, doesnt mean your enemies are my enemies.
8.
China Oceania Relations.
Oceania is, to the People's Republic of
China (PRC; "China") and the Republic of China (ROC; "Taiwan"), a stage for
continuous diplomatic competition. The One China Policy dictates that no state can
diplomatically recognize the sovereignty of both the PRC and the ROC, as they both
officially claim to be the legitimate Government of China. As of 2009, eight states in
Oceania recognise the PRC, and six recognise the ROC. These numbers fluctuate
as Pacific Island nations re-evaluate their foreign policies, and occasionally shift
diplomatic recognition between Beijing and Taipei. The issue of which "Chinese"
government to recognize became a central theme in the elections of numerous
Pacific Island nations. Although both Australia and New Zealand have long
recognized the PRC and maintain stable and cordial relationships, the PRC and the
ROC continue to actively court diplomatic favours from small Pacific island nations,
which commentators have referred to as "chequebook diplomacy", usually in the
form of developmental aid, or in the case of the PRC, by providing assistance in
building large government complexes, stadia, or infrastructure. China is Australia's
biggest trading partner mainly due to China's strong demand for iron ore, coal and
liquefied natural gas. Exports to China helped Australia escape the worst effects of
the global economic meltdown over the past two years. Australia has been a haven
for Chinese migrants for centuries who have, in the modern day, established
themselves as a significant minority group in Australian society. Sino-New Zealand
relations, bilateral relations between New Zealand and China, are excellent, with
ever greater trust being developed and shared between the two countries. A free
trade agreement (FTA) between China and New Zealand was signed on 7 April
2008, under which, about one third of New Zealand exports to China will be free of
tariffs from 1 October 2008, with another third becoming tariff free by 2013, and all
but 4% by 2019. In return, 60% of China's exports to New Zealand will become tariff
free by 2016 or earlier; more than a third are already duty-free. Investment,
migration, and trade in services will also be facilitated

Relation with Countries in Arctic Region and Russia


9.
Arctic Policy.
As of 2010, Chinese leaders promote cautious Arctic
policies so as to not provoke negative responses from the Arctic states. At the same
time, China is trying to position itself and not to be excluded from access to the
Arctic. China appears particularly wary of Russias Arctic intentions. Chinese
observers have noted Russias decision to resume bomber flights over the Arctic and
the planting of a Russian flag on the Arctic seabed in August 2007. As of March,
2012, there was no authoritative statement of policy from the Chinese government
on the Arctic, although Chinese scientists and academics increasingly are active in
the region, and suggesting policies for the nation.

Figure 3. China plan to secure its future energy demands


10
China Russian Relation.
Diplomatic relations between People's
Republic of China and the Russian Federation dramatically improved after the
dissolution of the Soviet Union and the establishment of the Russian Federation in
1991. The two countries share a long land border which was demarcated in 1991,
and they signed a Treaty of Good-Neighbourliness and Friendly Cooperation in
2001. On the eve of a 2013 state visit to Moscow by Chinese President Xi Jinping,
Russian President Vladimir Putin remarked that the two nations were forging a
special relationship. Since the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, energy relations
between China and Russia have been generally marked by cooperation and a
regard for mutual geopolitical and strategic interests. China's fast-growing economy
places increasing pressure on itself to secure energy imports, while Russia's
economy is largely driven by the demand for the export of natural resources. Figure
3 shows the Eastern SiberiaPacific Ocean oil pipeline exporting Russian crude oil
to the Asia-Pacific markets (Japan, China and Korea). The pipeline is built and
operated by Russian pipeline company Transneft. Despite frequent declarations of
goodwill and bilateral energy cooperation, Chinese-Russian energy relations since
1991 have been limited by mutual suspicions, pricing concerns, inadequate
transportation infrastructure, and competition for influence in Eurasia. China's
growing oil and gas partnerships with former Soviet Central Asian republics like
Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan have also been a source of conflict, as

Chinese policy makers act warily in this region given Moscows traditional dominant
regional influence. After the EU arms embargo on China imposed after the
Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, China became a reliable client for Russian
military exports, making up 2550% of all foreign military sales. Among the military
arrangements was a 1 billion dollar Israeli Russian sale of military aircraft to China,
which were to be jointly produced by Russia and Israel. However, in 2004, the
Russian Foreign Ministry blocked both the sale of the Su-35 and Tupolev Tu-22M
bombers to China over concerns about the arrangements for Chinese production of
the Sukhoi Su-27SK. Originally, the licensing agreement required that engines and
avionics be sourced by Russian suppliers; however by 2004 these components were
being produced domestically.

Relations with Countries in Central Asia & Iran

Figure 4. Oil pipelines from Central Asia to China


11.
China - Central Asia Relations. The collapse of the Soviet Union made it
possible for these Central Asian states namely, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan,
Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan to develop independent relations with the
rest of the world. However, the emerging economic and geopolitical significance of
these five republics to China is currently defining the international relations of these
republics. Kazakhstan in particular has attracted the interest of the Chinese
government, with the steady growth of the Chinese economy and its energy
demands. The KazakhstanChina oil pipeline is China's first direct oil import pipeline
allowing oil import from Central Asia. It runs from Kazakhstan's Caspian shore to
Xinjiang in China (fig 4). The pipeline is owned by the China National Petroleum
Corporation (CNPC) and the Kazakh oil company KazMunayGas. It is not only
energy demands that draw China to Kazakhstan, but also security concerns.
Politically, Kazakhstan is still a dictatorship. China, unlike the United States and
European powers, registers no objections to the Kazakh governments human rights
abuses. This makes Chinas political and economic transactions with the Kazakh
government much easier. The western province of ChinaXinjiang or the New

Territorieswas annexed to the Chinese empire in 1884. However, ever since its
addition to the empire, the [Muslim] Uyghurs, the natives of the province, have been
trying to separate and create their own independent state. Briefly the Uyghurs broke
away and created an independent Xinjiang, but Mao crushed the Uyghurs and reannexed Xinjiang. Many of the Uyghurs in Xinjiang left China and settled in these
five Central Asian republics. China has been working with the Central Asian states to
avoid political problems and to extinguish the remnant of Uyghurs aspirations for an
independent Xinjiang. China has been working on many infrastructure projects in
Kazakhstan: roads, railroads, bridges, airports, and pipelines. These efforts further
demonstrate the importance of Central Asia to the Chinese government.
12.
China Iran Relations. China finds in Iran a permanent partner for its
exports and a source for its growing energy demand. One of the main pillars of the
relationship is oil and gas. China switched to petroleum primarily to get their energy
supply off of coal. There was a rapid increase in oil importation from 1974 into the
1990s. Now, it is seen that Iran relies upon Chinas membership and especially
Chinese veto power on the Security Council to protect it from UN or US led action.
China is known for its opposition of sanctions against another state and favours
diplomatic efforts. China is believed to have helped Iran militarily in the following
areas: conduct training of high-level officials on advanced systems, provide technical
support, supply specialty steel for missile construction, provide control technology for
missile development, build a missile factory and test range. It wasnt until the 1990s
that the relationship between China and Iran came under close scrutiny by the
United States. In 2005, 7 Chinese firms were suspected of selling nuclear weapons
technology and all 7 had sanctions placed upon them. Those firms were banned
from trading with the United States for two years. In 2010, the United Nations
Security Council passed Resolution 1929, imposing a fourth round of sanctions
against Iran for its nuclear enrichment program. According to the New York Times,
Israel lobbied for the sanctions, explaining to China the impact of any pre-emptive
strike on Iran would have on the world oil supply, and hence on the Chinese
economy. It was not until 2010 that China entertained the idea of joining in on the
economic sanctions presented against Iran. China supported the 2010 UN sanctions
caused some tension and revaluation of Iranian-Chinese relations. In retaliation, Iran
briefly aroused interest in the plight of Muslims in China.

Relation with African Nations


13.
China African Relations.
The establishment of modern Sino-African
relations dates back to the late 1950s when China signed the first official bilateral
trade agreement with Algeria, Egypt, Guinea, Somalia, Morocco and Sudan. Zhou
Enlai made a ten-country tour to Africa between December 1963 and January 1964.
Relations at that time were often reflective of China's foreign policy in general: China
"began to cultivate ties and offer economic, technical and military support to African
countries and liberation movements in an effort to encourage wars of national
liberation and revolution as part of an international united front against both
superpowers". There are an estimated 800 Chinese corporations doing business in
Africa, most of which are private companies investing in the infrastructure, energy
and banking sectors. One-third of China's oil supplies come from the African
continent, mainly from Angola. Investments of Chinese companies in the energy

sector have reached high levels in recent years. In some cases, like in Nigeria and
Angola, oil and gas exploration and production deals reached more than $2 billion.
Many of those investments are mixed packages of aid and loan in exchange for
infrastructure building and trade deals. There are a variety of critical perspectives
scrutinizing the Chinese role in the relationship focused on the balance of the power
relationship and human rights. Western countries have been the main source of
accusations that China is a neo-colonist in Africa. As a response to such criticism,
China issued the Nine Principles to Encourage and Standardise Enterprises'
Overseas Investment, a charter and guide of conduct to Chinese companies
operating abroad. Military cooperation goes back to the Cold War period when China
was keen to help African liberation movements. Apart from some traditional allies
such as Somalia and Uganda, China also had military ties with non-aligned countries
such as Egypt. China is Sudan's largest economic partner, with a 40% share in their
oil, and also sells Sudan small arms. The China-Zimbabwe relationship drew the
attention of such critics. Military equipment worth $142 million was sold to African
countries between 1955 and 1977. China was accused of supplying Zimbabwe with
jet fighters, vehicles and other military equipment. China declared in 2007 that it was
dropping all kinds of assistance and limiting assistance to humanitarian aid. In July
2008, the Chinese diplomacy asked Mugabe "to behave" though critics see that as a
way for China to protect its own interests in this country should a regime change.
Human rights groups criticized China for its supportive relationship with the
government of Sudan, which is accused of mass killings in Darfur. In 2004, China
deployed around 1,500 soldiers under the UN umbrella, dispatched between Liberia
and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. China is also present via its military
attachs; as of 2007, it has 14 attachs in 14 different African countries while there
are 18 African countries who maintain their attachs in Beijing. Apart from
peacemaking, China provides military training and equipment to a few countries,
though this does not require military forces to be deployed. An increasing number of
African countries have shifted their source of supply from traditional providers such
as Russia to China due in part to the competitive prices offered by Chinese
suppliers. Arms sales by China to some African states have troubled Western critics
who point out some buyers like Sudan are accused of war crimes.

Relations with Neighbours


14.
China-Japan Relations. China and Japan are geographically separated by
the East China Sea. When Western countries such as the United Kingdom and the
United States forced Japan to open trading in the mid-19th century, Japan moved
towards modernization, viewing China as an antiquated civilization, unable to defend
itself against Western forces. The relationship between China and Japan has been
strained at times by Japan's refusal to acknowledge its wartime past to the
satisfaction of China. Both China and Japan claim sovereignty over East China Sea
islets that Japan calls the Senkaku Islands and China calls the Diaoyu Islands.
Tensions have risen since September 2012, when the Japanese government
purchased three of the islets from a private Japanese owner, leading to widespread
anti-Japan demonstrations in China. Then-Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda purchased
the islets on behalf of the central government to pre-empt Tokyo Governor Shintaro
Ishiharas plan to purchase them with Tokyo municipal funds.

15.
China South Korea Relations. The international relations between China
(the People's Republic of) and South Korea were formally established on August 24,
1992. Throughout the 1950s, 60s, 70s, and 80s the PRC recognized only North
Korea while South Korea in turn recognized only the Republic of China in Taiwan. In
recent years China and South Korea have endeavoured to boost their strategic and
cooperative partnership.
16.
China - North Korea Relations. ChinaNorth Korea relations are bilateral
between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea). China and North Korea have, in the past,
enjoyed close diplomatic relations. At the time, at the height of the Sino-Soviet
standoff, China adopted a flexible position in order to break out of its international
isolation and to win Kim Il-sung's regime over to its cause. In spite of the Soviets'
tough stance after 1949 in the face of the territorial claims made by its neighboring
countries, Premier Zhou Enlai advised the Chinese delegation to be receptive to
North Korea's demands. China is North Korea's largest trade partner, while North
Korea ranked 82nd on the list of China's trade partners. China's major imports from
North Korea include mineral fuels (coal), ores, woven apparel, iron and steel, fish
and seafood, and stone. North Korea's imports from China include mineral fuels and
oil, machinery, electrical machinery, vehicles, plastic, and iron and steel. China is a
major source for North Korean imports of petroleum. However, in recent years there
has been growing concern in China over issues such as North Korea's nuclear
weapons program, their sinking of the ROKS Cheonan, their impoundment of
Chinese fishing boats, and their bombardment of Yeonpyeong.
17.
China Pakistan Relations.
ChinaPakistan relations began in 1950
when Pakistan was among the first countries to end official diplomatic relations with
the Republic of China on Taiwan and recognize the PRC. Since then, both countries
have placed considerable importance on the maintenance of an extremely close and
supportive relationship. China has become Pakistans largest supplier of arms and
its third-largest trading partner. China supports Pakistan's stance on Kashmir while
Pakistan supports China on the issues of Xinjiang, Tibet, and Taiwan. Military
cooperation has deepened with joint projects producing armaments ranging from
fighter jets to guided missile frigates. Chinese cooperation with Pakistan has reached
economic high points, with substantial Chinese investment in Pakistani infrastructural
expansion including the Pakistani deep-water port at Gwadar. Pakistan has also
served as a conduit for China's influence in the Muslim world. There are strong
military ties between People's Republic of China and the Islamic Republic of
Pakistan. This alliance between two neighbouring Asian nations is significant geopolitically. The strong military ties primarily aim to counter regional Indian and
American influence, and was also to repel Soviet influence in the area. China has
played a major role in the development of Pakistan's nuclear infrastructure,
especially when increasingly stringent export controls in Western countries made it
difficult for Pakistan to acquire plutonium and uranium enriching equipment from
elsewhere. A subsidiary of the China National Nuclear Corporation contributed in
Pakistan's efforts to expand its uranium enrichment capabilities by providing 5,000
custom-made ring magnets, which are a key component of the bearings that
facilitate the high-speed rotation of centrifuges. China has also provided technical
and material support in the completion of the Chashma Nuclear Power Complex and
plutonium reprocessing facility. Pak-China Economic Corridor is under construction.

It will connect Pakistan with China and the Central Asian countries with highway
connecting Kashgar to Khunjrab and Gwadar. Gwadar port in southern Pakistan will
serve as the trade nerve center for China, as most of its trade especially that of oil
will be done through the port, which is already controlled by Beijing. Currently, sixty
percent of Chinas oil must be transported by ship from the Persian Gulf to the only
commercial port in China, Shanghai, a distance of more than 16,000 kilometres. The
journey takes two to three months, during which time the ships are vulnerable to
pirates, bad weather, political rivals and other risks. Using Gwadar port instead will
reduce the distance these ships must travel and will also enable oil transfers to be
made year-round. The support with which China and Pakistan give each other is
considered significant in global diplomacy, and has been compared to Israel United
States relations. In 2010, when a US delegate confronted a Chinese diplomat about
Beijing's uncompromising support for Pakistan, the Chinese reportedly responded:
"Pakistan is our Israel." However, recently, China has become increasing concerned
about al-Qaeda linked terrorism originating in Pakistan and sought help to set up
military bases on Pakistani soil to deal with the problem.
18.
China Srilanka Relations.
Sri Lanka was among the first countries to
recognize the Peoples Republic of China. Sri Lankas relations with the Peoples
Republic of China became stronger; since then, the two countries have regularly
exchanged high-level visits resulting in a variety of agreements. China has provided
economic, military and technical assistance to Sri Lanka. China cooperation with Sri
Lanka has reached high economic points with substantial investment from China in
Sri Lankan infrastructural expansion, including the noted project in the Sri Lankan
port in Hambantota. China and Sri Lanka also share a close military relation, with
China supplying a range of modern armaments to the Sri Lanka Armed Forces. Sri
Lanka offered oil exploration block to china. China National Petroleum Corporation
(CNPC) expected begun oil exploration work in Sri Lanka. China is constructing two
500 MW thermal power plants and a highway in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka Railway
modernizing work begun & China will provide latest railway engines & power sets.
The Hambantota Development Zone, which the China will help build, will include an
International Container port, a bunkering system, an oil refinery, an International
Airport and other facilities. It is expected to cost about US$1 billion and the China are
said to be financing more than 85% of the project. Hambantota Infrastructure will
help service hundreds of ships that ply the waters to the south of Sri Lanka. China
has been a steady source of military equipment supplier to Sri Lanka and has
cooperated with Sri Lanka to modernize and expand the Sri Lanka Armed Forces.
19.
China Burma Relations.
Burma and the People's Republic of China
formally established diplomatic relations on June 8, 1950. China and Burma signed a
treaty of friendship and mutual non-aggression and promulgated a Joint Declaration
on June 29, 1954, officially basing their relations on the Five Principles of Peaceful
Co-existence. Anti-Chinese riots in 1967 and the expulsion of Chinese communities
from Burma generated hostility in both countries. Relations began to improve
significantly in the 1970s. Following the violent repression of pro-democracy protests
in 1988, the newly formed State Peace and Development Council, facing growing
international condemnation and pressure, sought to cultivate a strong relationship
with China to bolster itself; in turn, China's influence grew rapidly after the
international community abandoned Burma. China is the most important supplier of
military aid and maintains extensive strategic and military cooperation. Since 1989,

China has supplied Burma with jet fighters, armoured vehicles and naval vessels and
has trained Burmese army, air force and naval personnel. Access to Burma's ports
and naval installations provide China with strategic influence in the Bay of Bengal, in
the wider Indian Ocean region and in Southeast Asia. China has developed a deepwater port on Kyaukpyu in the Bay of Bengal. It has also built an 85-metre jetty,
naval facilities and major reconnaissance and electronic intelligence systems on the
Great Coco Island, located 18 kilometres from India's Andaman and Nicobar Islands,
giving China capabilities to monitor India's military activities, including missile tests.
China assists in constructing a naval base in Sittwe, a strategically important sea
port close to eastern India's largest city and port, Kolkata. Beijing also funds road
construction linking Yangon and Sittwe, providing the shortest route to the Indian
Ocean from southern China. In recent years, Burma has moved to develop strategic
and commercial relations with India, with which it shares a long land border and the
Bay of Bengal. Increasing trade and military cooperation with India and developing
bilateral relations with Japan and within the Association of South East Asian Nations
(ASEAN) shows a shift in Burma's foreign policy to avoid excessive dependence on
China. In recent years, China has shown a lack of willingness to back the Burmese
government and has attempted to stabilize the political situation in Burma. Infact,
China and Russia once vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution designed to punish
Burma.
20.
China India Relations. Cultural and economic relations between China
and India date back to ancient times. Relations between contemporary China and
India have been characterised by border disputes, resulting in three major military
conflicts the Sino-Indian War of 1962, the Chola incident in 1967, and the 1987
Sino-Indian skirmish. However, since the late 1980s, both countries have
successfully attempted to reignite diplomatic and economic ties. In 2008, China
emerged as India's largest trading partner and the two countries have also attempted
to extend their strategic and military relations. Despite growing economic and
strategic ties, there are several hurdles for India and the PRC to overcome in order
to establish favourable relations. The two countries have failed to resolve their longstanding border dispute and Indian media outlets have repeatedly reported Chinese
military incursions into Indian territory. Both nations have steadily established heavy
military infrastructure along border areas. Additionally, India remains wary about
China's strong strategic relations with Pakistan while China has expressed concerns
about Indian military and economic activities in the disputed South China Sea. China
is courting Narendra Modi. The Indian leader became prime minister last month after
his Hindu nationalist party won a landslide victory, and in his campaign he promised
to take a tougher stand toward China. India says China occupies 38,000 square
kilometers (about 15,000 square miles) of its territory in the northern state of Jammu
and Kashmir. China says no, India is the guilty party because 90,000 sq. km. of land
in the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh are actually Chinese. China made progress
toward settling the dispute under Modis predecessor, the Congress Partys
Manmohan Singh. Following Congresss humiliating defeat in the elections, the
Chinese need to work harder to prevent relations from deteriorating anew. Any deal
would provide a much-needed diplomatic victory for China. With Chinese and
Vietnamese ships ramming one another in the South China Sea and Chinese and
Japanese planes confronting each other in the skies over the East China Sea, the
Chinese government has enough territorial disputes threatening to escalate into fullblown crises. Compared to the disputes with Vietnam, the Philippines, and Japan,

Chinas squabble with India seems as if it could be relatively easy to resolve. Unlike
the South China Sea, where uninhabited islands are up for grabs, both sides have
been entrenched on the border for decades. The growing cooperation between India
and China is evident in the proposed plan of routing the oil pipeline from Iran to
China through India (fig 5). Though bilateral trade has continuously grown, India
faces massive trade imbalance heavily in favour of China. Further, the growing
influence of China in Bay of Bengal has brought about a suspicion of encirclement,
but the economic benefit seem to overweigh it and so India is concentrating in
modernizing the military capability to generate deterrence.

Figure5. Indo China Cooperation for a secure future energy demands


Present Stand
21
Growing Economy and Trade. The air-sea balances that affect the overall
flow of trade and petroleum are a critical factor shaping the overall strategic impact
of the IOR on the global economy. These balances are now dominated by the level
of US power projection from outside the IOR. The US is now the dominant outside
power in the Gulf and Middle East backed by limited support from Britain and
France. The US is also the dominant power in projecting air-sea forces into the
Indian Ocean from the East. It is China and the Asian powers, however, which now
are most dependent on Gulf oil exports and supplies from the IOR, and this
dependence is projected to increase massively over the next few decades. China is
gradually becoming modern blue water navy, and is playing a growing role in the
Indian Ocean. It may become a competitor to the US and India. Japan and South
Korea are even more dependent than China, but currently have limited power
projection capability even near or beyond the Strait of Malacca. The String of Pearls
(fig 6) refers to the network of Chinese military and commercial facilities and
relationships along its sea lines of communication, which extend from the Chinese
mainland to Port Sudan. The sea lines run through several major maritime choke
points such as the Strait of Mandeb, the Strait of Malacca, the Strait of Hormuz and
the Lombok Strait, as well as other strategic maritime centers in Pakistan, Sri Lanka,
Bangladesh, the Maldives and Somalia. The emergence of the String of Pearls is
indicative of Chinas growing geopolitical influence through concerted efforts to
increase access to ports and airfields, expand and modernize military forces, and

foster stronger diplomatic relationships with trading partners. The Chinese


government insists that Chinas burgeoning naval strategy is entirely peaceful in
nature and designed solely for the protection of regional trade interests. An analysis
by The Economist also found the Chinese moves to be commercial in nature.

Figure 6. Chinese political influence or military presence astride oil resources


22.
Growing International Concerns.
The sea lines of communication that
link the Chinese mainland with ports throughout the Middle East and coasts of Africa
have become a major source of conflict with respect to China's future energy
security. The expansion of Chinese naval patrols off the Coast of Somalia, and
Chinas decision to join multi-nation defence patrols in 2010, indicate Chinas greater
assertiveness in the policing of shipping corridors. The critical sea lines of
communication that connect China to Middle Eastern oil-producing states transverse
the South China Sea, making it a key strategic region, and potential trouble spot, for
the Chinese government. Chinese naval vessels heavily patrol South China Sea
waters, and conflicting territorial claims in the region have periodically erupted in
naval confrontations. Chinese efforts to control the South China Sea have therefore
figured significantly in speculations about the wider ambitions of the Chinese central
government in the construction of a power projection chain across Asia. The central
governments efforts to exercise greater control in the region began in earnest after
the power vacuum created by the withdrawal of US forces from the Philippines in
1991. The Chinese government began aggressively asserting its territorial claims in
the region only within the last two decades. Interest in the region has historically
extended to the rich fishing and mineral resources known to exist there. However,
islets in the regions can also be used as air and sea bases for intelligence,
surveillance, and reconnaissance activities, as well as base points for Chinese
ballistic missile submarines and potential aircraft carrier battle groups. The Chinese
naval base on Hainan Island is generally considered the first of the pearls or
potential pearls. Recent construction of an underwater submarine base on Hainan, in
addition to the sprawling facilities already located there, seems to further confirm the
perceived importance of Hainan as a base of control for Chinas claims in the South
China Sea. Woody Island, the largest of the Paracel Islands, hosts an upgraded
Chinese airstrip and has also been identified as a pearl. Sansha, the prefecturallevel city established on Woody Island, maintains a division-level garrison that also

oversees Chinese claims in the Spratly Islands, extending a small but permanent
military presence across Chinese claims in the South China Sea. A $20 billion
Chinese proposal to fund the construction of a canal across the Kra Isthmus, which
would allow ships to bypass the Strait of Malacca altogether, has also broached
concerns of a Chinese-controlled corridor linking Chinese ports and facilities
elsewhere in the South China Sea to the Indian Ocean. Chinese possessions in the
Indian Ocean consist primarily of commercial ports owned and operated by Chinese
firms, as well as resupply stations operating in agreement with the Chinese central
government. The two largest projects consist of a Chinese-financed commercial
shipping center in Hambantota, Sri Lanka and a Chinese-controlled deep-water port
near the mouth of the Persian Gulf in Gwadar, Pakistan. Both sites have raised the
concern of neighboring powers, most significantly India, which fears the possibility of
a string of Chinese bases situated just off its coast. Chinese investment in
Hambantota, and Sri Lankas dialogue partner status in the Shanghai Cooperation
Organisation (SCO), is seen by some Indian analysts as reflective of a wider
encirclement strategy on the part of the Chinese. The port at Gwadar, which is
connected to the Karakoram Highway linking Western China and the Arabian Sea, is
of even greater concern to the Indian government, which views it as powerful
evidence of Chinese and Pakistani collusion against Indian security and economic
interests. Similar port construction projects are also underway in Burma and
Bangladesh. The Chinese government has financed a container shipping facility in
Chittagong, Bangladesh, which is widely identified as a pearl. However, despite
reports of Chittagongs potential military role for the Chinese, the Bangladeshi
government has insisted that the port is of an entirely commercial nature and
declared it off limits to military vessels. Strategists have also identified the Marao
Atoll, in the Maldives, as a potential Chinese military base of operations. China has
also agreed to finance and build a $10 billion port in Bagamoyo, Tanzania, which is
expected to be completed in 2017 and handle 20 million shipping containers
annually. The Chinese government has denied that their investment in the port of
Bagamoyo is intended to create a military capability. The US Navy has unparalleled
power projection capabilities and operational strength, and is the major naval force in
the waters of South and Southeast Asia. However, the Chinese central governments
explicit ambitions for the creation of a new security concept, one that can challenge
US dominance in the region, has precipitated a greater willingness on the part of the
Chinese to challenge US influence in Asia. Chinas renewed assertiveness in the
South China Sea is of particular concern to US officials, who see Chinas rise as a
threat to the United States role as a provider of regional and global stability. The
Pivot to Asia strategy of the Obama Administration is designed to engage China by
consolidating and expanding diplomatic and economic relationships with existing
regional partners, particularly in East Asia and Southeast Asia. This approach has
emphasized multilateralism, as exemplified by increased US engagement with
ASEAN and efforts for the formation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a pan-Asian
free trade deal. However, the US has also sought an expanded and more
cooperative military presence in the region, evidenced by the 2006 Cope India
exercise and others like it. Strong US relations with its key regional allies, including
Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea, have been reinforced by strengthened cooperation
with countries threatened by Chinese control, such as the Philippines. The Australian
government has repeatedly expressed concern about mounting tensions in East Asia
and Southeast Asia, with the security of Australias so-called "Northern approaches"
seen by lawmakers and officials as essential to the security of seaborne trade and

energy supply routes. As a reaction to China's growing influence, and as part of the
United States' proclaimed Pivot to Asia strategy, the Australian government
approved the stationing of US troops and aircraft in the northern Australian city of
Darwin in late 2011.
Conclusion
23.
The fundamental goals projected by Chinese foreign policy are to
preservation of China's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, create a
favorable international environment for China's reform and opening up and
modernization construction, maintain world peace and propel common development.
However, already developed superpower look at this agenda with suspicion due to
conflicting interest and developing nations view it with fear of influenced and
suppressed.

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