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http://www.helium.com/items/792357the-amero-should-the-us-support-anorth-american-wide-currency-likethe-euro
There would be very little point in a North American-wide currency, for a variety of
reasons.
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) comprises of the three major
countries - the USA, Canada and Mexico. This is similar to the EU in that there is an
agreement between the countries to engage in free trade, as it is generally thought to be
beneficial to trade along the lines of comparative advantage (i.e. buy from the country
with the lowest cost) and this can only occur with free trade. However, the EU comprises
of 27 countries at the time of writing, 13 of which use the Euro as their currency.
The premise behind this is twofold - firstly a common currency creates certainty in the
business world, as fluctuations in exchange rates will no longer affect import and export
spending and revenues. The Euro was also introduced with the aim of becoming a "hard
currency" on the global stage, allowing better terms of trade for the countries using it, and
again greater stability in their economies. Countries such as Italy and Spain that
previously had very weak currencies benefited greatly from the Euro as a result.
One of the most important parts of Euro membership however is fitting with the
"convergence criteria" - in other words, if countries' economies do not have similar rates
of inflation and are not in a similar position in the economic cycle, they cannot be
allowed to join. This is because monetary policy for the Euro has to be controlled
centrally or the currency would have different values in different countries, but as a result
countries will have no control over their own bank base rate. Thus, if your country is
experiencing serious inflation while all others are having no problems, monetary policy
cannot come to your country's aid, and inflation could become uncontrollable, especially
when countries' fiscal policy is also tied down so harshly.
Now, a North American-wide currency would not cover 3 countries, it would cover 23,
most of which are small Caribbean island nations whose economies are nothing like those
of the USA, Mexico or Canada. Firstly there is little point in introducing a common
currency across these countries as the amount of trade they partake in with the US is
likely to be negligible, but more importantly, there is no convergence between the
economies. A common currency, although beneficial to some, would almost certainly be
disastrous for others.
Instead it could be possible to adopt a common currency across NAFTA. Although
convergence is possible and the volumes of trade between the countries is presumably
quite large, the cost of switching over, although singular would be large. The benefits on
the other hand, would be small. Whilst the Euro is already in 13 countries and likely to be
adopted in more soon, the "Amero" would be unlikely to be adopted in more than 3
countries, and the benefits of stability would be on too small a scale.
Furthermore, the US dollar (although currently overvalued) and the Canadian dollar are
both strong currencies. Scrapping them both for something that could easily go wrong if
not carefully controlled would be incredibly foolhardy.
Therefore I would suggest that although the "Amero" might have limited benefits, there is
really very little point in introducing it, which would be a risky business indeed,
sacrificing participants' sovereignty over their monetary policy, which is not something to
be given up lightly.
2.
http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/nft/2005/EURO/ENG/euroadop.pdf
http://www-ceel.economia.unitn.it/corsomittone/tamborini/pa.pdf
http://eur-lex.europa.eu/Notice.do?
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en
ro
Articolul 1
Obiectul i domeniul de aplicare
Article 1
interiorul Comunitii;
- the cross-border transfers of funds
effected by means of an electronic
payment instrument, other than those
ordered and executed by institutions,
Article 3
Charges for cross-border electronic
payment transactions and credit transfers
1. With effect from 1 July 2002, charges
levied by an institution in respect of crossborder electronic payment transactions in
euro up to EUR 12500 shall be the same
as the charges levied by the same
institution in respect of corresponding
payments in euro transacted within the
Member State in which the establishment
of that institution executing the crossborder electronic payment transaction is
located.
2. With effect from 1 July 2003 at the
latest, charges levied by an institution in
respect of cross-border credit transfers in
euro up to EUR 12500 shall be the same
as the charges levied by the same
institution in respect of corresponding
credit transfers in euro transacted within
the Member State in which the
establishment of that institution executing
the cross-border transfer is located.
3. With effect from 1 January 2006 the
amount EUR 12500 shall be raised to EUR
50000.
Article 4
Clauza de revizuire
Article 7
Compliance with this Regulation
Article 8
Intrarea n vigoare
Review clause
Pentru Consiliu
Preedintele
The President
N. Fontaine
--------------------------------------------------
5.
http://www.islamic-world.net/economics/islamic_money_against_euro.htm
Until the end of World War II the Western Hemisphere has been engaged in the most heinous kinds of wars
and civil strife within itself. Yet through the Bretton Woods Institutions established in 1944, followed by a
number of economic and monetary unions between the members of the Western Hemisphere, these same
warring nations could rise to a social contract that eliminated wars and political dissensions between them. It
was indeed a civil accord enacted within the institution of democracy that did the work for the Western
Hemisphere.
The Muslim World -- with its teeming millions, vast resources, and above all with the greatest miracle, the
Qur'an, along with the guidance of the Prophet Muhammad, Sunnah, the great Islamic legacy of Shura
(consultation, discourse and interactions), Ijtihad (epistemological inquiry) and Ijma (consensus), all of which
are premised on the exercise of deep Islamic knowledge, tolerance and discourse -- could not realize its
unity. What are then the structural issues according to which Europe could unite and the Muslims could not?
It will be too shallow an answer to this question to differentiate the Western World in respect to its
democracy and the Muslim world as being bereft of democracy. Democracy is a political philosophy that
flourishes on the principles of conflict guiding markets in the form of competition and capitalism that thrives
on the power of corporations and the acquisitive passion for wealth. Politically, democracy thrives on the
back of institutions that muster power and hegemony by majority rule. Any moral value of doing things and of
directing economic resources is subsumed within market consequentialism.
There is no other premise from which democracy derives its rules of conduct than the collective power of
individuals let loose in a world of competing behavior. Such is the nature of individualism that aggregates
itself from the level of individuals to institutions, to governments and to the global capitalist order. On such a
utilitarian world view thrives the Western meaning of democracy.
Now take away from democracy the ultimate supremacy of the individual, the powerful lobby groups and
thus of governments so formed. We will find that democracy and capitalism weaken into dysfunctional
states. With this weakening comes about the collapse of the entire economic, social and political edifice on
which democracy, capitalism and western institutionalism confiscate on others to survive.
Thus the imitation of Western democracy is as self-defeating as is the present days' Muslim political vacuity
in the absence of a well-defined Muslim social contract. On the other hand, the divide between Islam and the
West is based on two polar world views that cannot cross lines for a permanent convergence. Any crossfertilization between the two can only be in terms of mechanical methods that we can share. It can never be
in terms of the core methodology of understanding and conducting life in comprehensive ways. When
Muslim forgot this subtle difference for a long time now they became blind to the many trappings of Western
ways of thinking while being unable to understand this inimical culture, and thereby, being unable to adapt to
it. When rulers and demagogues in the Muslim World imitate the Western designs and prevail over their
citizenry, they try to lock nations into expensive bottlenecks of development, costly technological change,
unequal distribution of power, deprivation of freedom and rights to the masses. Western lobbying is
perpetuated through this machinery of autocratic governance as also by the Muslim World's lethargy and
subservience to the costly technology, de-equalizing market processes and the concomitant governance of
the West genre. To live a day in such inhuman bondage is yet another moment of increased slavery of the
Muslim mind, body and soul to Western masters.
The European Monetary Union on which is premised the Euro was greatly financed by Petro-dollars that
were held as assets by the wealthy Muslim rulers in EMU. By the same token, when the capital surplus Arab
countries bought assets in the International Monetary Fund, they in turn tightened the grips of the IMF over
these assets by securing Arab capital in Western capital markets instead of in the Muslim Countries.
Consequently, the double whamy fell on the Muslim World. On the one hand, the absence of any
expectations for good financial support could not generate the investment climate in the Muslim World. On
the other hand, there was never enough liquidity available to support investments in the Muslim World.
Finally, when global capitalism in its oppressive attire of global governance over markets and institutions
arose from the West, investment capital entered Muslim countries as speculative short-term capital. These
were riddled and driven by interest rate instability and proved to be unsustainable both in terms of projects
and in capital markets.
Thus the alienation of the Muslim World from its own fundamental roots of understanding and doing things
and its enslavement to the alien culture drifted the Muslim World from its solidarity, which could otherwise
have seen the rise of parallels like the Euro and the Dollar in terms of the Islamic Money, Islamic Currency,
Integrated Islamic Capital Markets and a Globally Interlinked Islamic Common Market. Herein, would be
solved the present days problems of economic instability, currency run-off, investment needs, political
subservience, inequity and poverty, all of which plague the Muslim World today. Along with this
reconstruction would arise the political stability and organization for the spread and practice of Islamic
Transformation. Thus, it would arise the Muslim march toward the Ummah as the Islamic globalization
process.
The Islamic globalization process of Ummah as the goal of the Muslim World would look at markets in ways
contrary to the capitalist greed and human deprivation now being unleashed upon the Muslim World. The
irony is abhorring that in the face of exorbitant wealth possessed by a few, wealth that lies in the hands of
and are controlled by Western masters, there continues to be abject deprivation and impoverishment among
the majority of Muslim populations.
Islamic Money would be based on the 100 per cent reserve requirement linking monetary valuation with real
sectoral activities and not with speculation or promissory notes. The productive yield arising from such a real
monetary mobilization would solve the problem of low productivity among factors of production. The
participatory enterprises in the midst of these transformations and real monetary linkages would remove the
relevance of interest rates. Such a system would replace interest transactions with resource mobilization into
participatory enterprises. Consequently, economic efficiency, distributive equity, ownership, property rights
and empowerment would increase across participatory enterprises. Poverty would be eradicated and
alleviated through the force of such participatory entrepreneurial activity and by the direct linkages between
money and real sectoral activity.
This freedom of participatory decision-making and ownership of assets would mean the rise of the Islamic
Social Contract based on the process of Shura (discourse and interaction) which is organized and realized
by the understanding and application of the Precept of Unity of Allah (Tawhid) in all walks of life and thought.
Such a focus will turn away the Muslim global order from the anthropocentric character of conflict,
competition and individualism that grounds democracy as a political philosophy in the West. The reversal will
instead be towards ethical governance of markets and exchange under the enlightened process of learning
by doing by discourse, complementarily and integration as created by Islam.
The Islamic Common Market and the Islamic Capital Market would be a global integration of various regional
Islamic blocs on the basis of the coordinating mechanism of the Islamic Social Contract in terms of the
money-real sectoral linkages, inter-communal trade and institutional guidance of these across the Muslim
World. The effect of this interrelated monetary and real sectoral activity would be the formation of the Islamic
currency revolving around the financial and economic instruments that establish the money-real sectoral
linkage. Thereby, an increase of spending in the Islamically recommended good things of life would create
the environment of abundance in life-fulfilling goods. This in turn would generate income and wealth from
real returns.
The abolition of speculation and its replacement by long-term Islamic investments in diverse Islamic
opportunities, complementary possibilities and technological outlets, in government and consumer spending
across the populous Muslim World, will bring about the much needed stability in markets for financial
instruments and real goods and services. Hence a productivity linked stable exchange rate will emerge from
such a stable market order. The enhancing effects of stable exchange rates and prices will revert to further
resource mobilization, wealth, growth, development and social well-being.
Zakat will arise from the growing wealth of such a dynamic social economy and would be increasingly
channeled into productive outlets for ameliorating the poor and guaranteeing those human resources and
basic needs. Institutions for mobilizing Zakat as an international resource will create microenterprises and
human resource development for poverty alleviation. The great institutions of social well-being based on the
mobilization of Zakat into human development for achieving security, dignity and productive transformation
of the recipients, while always allocating a part of it in current consumption, for the destitute, the sick and the
old, would generate industry and enterprises around such uses of the Zakat Fund. Gross unemployment and
income disparity will thus be eliminated. With social security thus returning to the Muslim nations, social
malaise will also decline. Much will be saved for directing into the higher pursuits of life.
With such momentous changes in the Muslim World towards the Ummah, the Dollar and the Euro will prove
to be weak currencies before the Islamic Money and Islamic Currency, for they will continue to be engulfed
in instability caused by interest rate movements. These will permanently disturb their currency values. The
Dollar and Euro will thus continue to be simply monetary units governed by uncertain interest rate and
exchange rate mechanisms. Monetary policy will remain independent of real sectoral activities. Price
movements will thus be affected by the uncertainties ensuing from the monetary sector. Such an adverse
effect of the monetary sector on the real sector will cause instability in both the real and the financial sectors.
Such instabilities will remain as the great predicament of the Euro and Dollar. The contrary is true of a
competing monetary system and its currency that can deliver a 100 per cent reserve requirement while
interconnecting money with real sector activities. Here then lies the ultimate financial architecture by means
of Islamic Money, Islamic Currency, Islamic Capital Market and Islamic Common Market .These mark the
worldly model of the Ummah. In it the lure for wealth is strategically replaced by the goals of production and
distribution of wealth through the money-real sector linkages. This abolishes interest rates from economic
transactions and premises human well-being on resource mobilization into Islamic possibilities.
Let Muslim around the world, nationally, sub-nationally and collectively take up serious work in this direction
of Islamic Transformation toward the Ummah in the new millennium. Let this invocation remain our
Ramadhan Resolution 1419H for its active emulation into the new Islamic millennium. May Allah help us in
our rightful endeavor
6.
http://english.hotnews.ro/stiri-politics-7082834-imf-chief-recommendedromania-delay-joining-the-euro-zone.htm
"It is not me who needs to decide. The Government needs to do it, but adopting the euro is
not an independent target, it is a target because Romania chose to have a convergence
programme for the euro zone. And adopting the euro should not be just for one year, but
sustainable", Dominique Strauss Kahn explained.
Macroanalitica Managing partner macro-economist Laurian Lungu told HotNews.ro that the
risks of a premature adoption of the euro risks a Greek crisis.
"A forced shift to euro - with an economy which is not ready from a structural point of view inevitably creates the premises of a crisis similar to the Greek, Portuguese or Spanish crisis.
Judging by the way the economic conjuncture looks like, I'd say that Romania needs at least
three to four years to have a macroeconomic stability, necessary for adopting the euro."
"Even if 2014 needs to remain the target for joining the euro zone, the adoption of the euro
needs to happen only when the economic performance is sustainable. From this perspective, a
delay of one or two years would be totally justified", Laurian Lungu believes.
Applied Economics Group economist Liviu Voinea told HotNews.ro that "we can still catch
2015, but I, too, believe, and I have repeatedly said this, the adoption of the euro needs to be
a consequence of a macroeconomic stability and of the structural reforms, not an independent
target. Anyhow, the situation of Greece, but also Spain and Portugal show that the euro zone
has not automatically been the umbrella that some expected."
"I think we should take advantage of the foreign currency and monetary policy independence
as much as we can for the next two years", Liviu Voina claims.
Raiffeisen chief-economist Ionut Dumitru opinionated that "we will probably be never 100%
ready to join the euro. And it is not only about us, but there have been others as well, even
euro zone nucleus states, but I think we should analyse the advantages and disadvantages of
this club's membership. And from this point of view, 2015 is still feasible and seems the best
decision", Dumitru claims.
To his mind, everything is down to how we will join this project and how we will manage to
fulfil the convergence criteria. "It is mainly about the criteria addressing public finance and
inflation, but especially the preparation of the real economy through structural reforms, so
that it copes successfully with the unique currency zone membership.
Aside from that, if we don't have recovered the public finance quickly on healthy grounds
(especially the social side funded by the budget), the target for joining the euro zone will be
pushed further away", Dumitru believes. According to him, an extremely important factor is
the future appetite of the euro zone to welcome new members, after all discussions these days
on the economic and financial situation of some member states.
What does Romania need to join the euro zone?
Theoretically, in order to adopt the euro, Romania needs several "aesthetic surgeries". The
economy should be flexible to shocks, to strong fiscal policies which should allow the
stabilisers' automatic functioning and a low inflation to minimise the dissimilarities with the
European Central Bank's monetary policy.
For example, European Central Bank's researchers that in the case the exchange rate is
associated either with a rather high rate or with a lower economic growth, losing the monetary
policy independence is not going to result in advantages, but costs, The counter-argument is
valid as well.
Usually, in the period ahead of joining the euro zone, there are speculations on the exchange
rate, but this is not the main issue. The serious part seems to be making the economy ready
in the run for joining the euro. And the major aspects are: the fiscal position, the work force
labour market conditions, the financial markets' resistance and strength and the accession
conditions imposed by the EU (the Maastricht criteria).
Romanian Central Bank sources told HotNews.ro that the IMF's chief message actually means
that Romania needs to make the reforms to join ERM II in 2012.
7.
http://www.bis.org/publ/econ2.htm
Introduction
The basic premise of monetarist doctrine is the proposition, lent support by extensive
empirical research, that the income velocity of money behaves in an essentially stable
way. That is, technically expressed as a "money demand function", the demand for
money has been found in a number of countries to be closely, and principally, related to
changes in interest rates and the level of income. Broadly speaking, rising interest rates,
at short and/or long term, tend to reduce money demand by inducing a shift towards
alternative financial assets, while rising income leads to an increase in the demand for
cash balances for transactions purposes. In the monetarist view, control over the money
stock is therefore seen as the most effective way, making allowance for variable and
sometimes lengthy lags, of controlling final demand and, in particular, the price level.
Moreover, the monetary authorities in various countries, though rather more sceptical of
the stability of money demand, have used estimates of money demand functions,
together with projections of actual and desired levels of final demand, in formulating
policies with respect to money growth.
In the inflationary environment of the 1970s the monetarist approach to economic
stabilisation would appear to have found increasingly wide support. Yet its basic
theoretical premise - the stable demand for- money function - has seemed at times, in
different countries, to rest on shifting sands. Previous demand-for-money relationships
have tended to break down as a result of rapid institutional and technological change
and the growing sophistication of both bank and nonbank market participants in
cushioning themselves against the impact of monetary control provisions or
circumventing such measures. Problems have arisen not only in the choice of
appropriate operating and intermediate target variables but also with regard to the
technical control instruments themselves. At the same time, new questions have been
posed concerning the appropriate definition and identification of monetary aggregates for
purposes of monetary control.
This broad set of issues also has an important international dimension. It is widely
accepted that claims held in the Euro-currency market, to the extent that they are not
already counted in national money supplies, may serve as a substitute for domestic
liquid balances. It is asserted, in particular, that a certain proportion of Euro-currency
assets should, to all intents and purposes, be viewed as the equivalent of domestic
liquidity. The failure to treat it as such statistically (and to exercise some control over it)
may mean that income velocity measured in terms of the domestic aggregates can at
times increase faster than would otherwise be the case. One clear expression of this
view has been given by Governor Wallich of the Federal Reserve Board, who has
estimated that the monetary-type volume of Eurodollar claims which should be added to
the US monetary aggregates amounts to about $50 billion and is growing at the rate of
about 25 per cent, a year. He concludes that
"... if monetary authorities focus exclusively on the growth of domestic
aggregates, ignoring the effects of the more rapid growth of liabilities to
non-banks that is occurring in the Euro-currency market, they may
facilitate more expansionary and more inflationary conditions than they
intend, or may be aware of. Indeed, there is a risk that, over time, as
the Euro-currency market expands relative to domestic markets,
control over the aggregate volume of money may increasingly slip from
the hands of central banks."
These broad issues, domestic and international, pose analytical problems of kinds which
cannot easily be taken into account in the usual demand-for-money analysis. On the
international side, there is no easy answer to the question whether individual countries
should include some portion of Euro-currency claims in their national money supplies
and, if so, to what extent. Moreover, on the domestic side it would appear that factors
relating to competition and equity have, independently of interest rates as such,
significantly influenced the changing pattern of financial intermediation. This would seem
to be true both of changes in the regulatory framework and of the development of new
financial instruments and payments practices. In some countries, particularly the United
States, the banks' recourse to "liabilities management", with a view to minimising the
cost and increasing the availability of funds, is a special case in point.
For these reasons, I have found it helpful, as an alternative to the conventional demandfor-money approach, to use a broader, if less rigorous, income-velocity framework - one
which can be more directly related to changing patterns of financial intermediation. The
paper draws primarily on the experience of the United States, for which comprehensive
data on sectoral flows of funds are available. Among other things, it examines some of
the links between the Euro-dollar market and US domestic monetary conditions.
In terms of its theoretical foundations, the analysis in this paper leans towards those
views which place emphasis on the demand for credit as distinct from the demand for
money. Basically, it sides with the Gurley/Shaw "new view" of financial markets, which
stresses the need for a financial policy designed to enhance credit creation over financial
markets as a whole instead of a monetary policy focusing on the control of specific
banking-sector monetary liabilities. On the banking-sector level, the approach is
consonant with the "European" (and IMF) view of money creation, which underlines the
relative exogeneity of changes on the assets side of the banks' balance sheet: credit to
the private sector, credit to the public sector and net foreign assets. A closely related
view, of course, is the "monetary approach to the balance of payments", which highlights
the role of external flows in equating money-supply creation, as it derives from domestic
credit expansion, to the actual demand for money.
The evidence presented in this paper suggests that since the 1960s, in contrast to
earlier years, changes in the income velocity of M, in the United States can be ascribed
largely to variations in the growth of total domestic credit-market debt in relation to the
money stock. In behavioural terms it would appear historically that the income velocity of
total credit, i.e. the relationship between financial wealth and income, has become
increasingly stable. From the early 1960s onwards the ratio of total credit-market debt to
gross national product fluctuated fairly narrowly around a zero trend, even declining
slightly during later years when the Euro-dollar market was growing very rapidly. With
regard to the domestic expenditure effects of the Eurodollar market, this behaviour
suggests one of two things. On the one hand, viewed independently of US credit-market
developments, it could mean that any marginal influence that increased non-bank
holdings of Euro-dollar claims have been up to now at the domestic level deflationary
rather than inflationary. On the other hand, viewed in conjunction with US credit-market
developments, it could mean that US monetary conditions have given sufficient
encouragement to domestic credit creation and net expenditure abroad to outweigh any
domestic expenditure effects deriving from the growth of non-bank Euro-dollar activity.
8.
http://eudirect.ro/pdfs/ref_3.pdf
http://ideas.repec.org/a/eko/ekoeko/3_41.html
Tomasz Lyziak
Abstract
The creation of the Economic and Monetary Union on the 1st January 1999 and the
introduction of the common currency euro enlivened the discussion on the subject of the
theory of optimum currency area and their practical applications. The opinions appeared
that the countries of the euro zone do not fulfill the criteria of optimum currency area,
and therefore the conducting of a uniform money policy and an irrevocably stiffening of
the currency rates inside this area may considerably hinder the efficient functioning of the
particular economies, especially in a situation of asymmetrical disturbances. This article
presents against the background of the theories of international economic relations a
historical outline of the process of economic integration in Europe. Moreover there are
discussed criteria serving to evaluate the optimality of the currency area and also there
are compiled the results of empirical research concerning the degree of fulfilling of these
criteria by the Euroland countries. The conclusion of the article is the statement that
within the euro zone there are economies to a different degree predestined to stiffen the
rates of their currencies with respect to the euro and to resign from soverainty in the
scope of money policy. The requirements of the optimum currency area are fulfilled to
the largest degree by Germany, Austria and Belgium, to the least degree by Finland and
Portugal, whereas the remaining countries of the Economic and Monetary Union are
situated on intermediate position.
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10.
http://econ2.econ.iastate.edu/classes/econ355/choi/cur.htm
____________________________
= 68 countries
Total: 154 countries
The current system is a system of currency areas:
Dollar area (including East Asia that practices dollar invoicing), euro area, SDR
area. Eventually, currencies of Brazil, Russia, India and China will become
increasingly important during the next four decades.
The current system is a managed float, rather than pure or clean float. The amount of
compensatory financing or intervention of national monetary authorities has not declined.
The reasons are:
The response of imports and exports is not spontaneous, but occurs only after a
lag (which can take up to a year or more). During the period of adjustment, some
surpluses and deficits appear in the balance of payments, which must be financed
by the monetary authorities.
Wide fluctuations of exchange rates may have undesirable effects on inflation,
employment and international competitiveness. Thus, central banks may go
beyond smoothing daily and weekly fluctuations and maintain the exchange rates
at target levels. In this sense, the managed float resembles adjustable peg system.
JAMAICA ACCORD
Beginning 1972, US and European countries negotiated on the reform of the international monetary system. A
reached in Jamaica in January 1976.
Floating of currencies had been forbidden under the Bretton Woods system, but was tentatively adopted as a t
established as it appeared as the only viable system for two reasons (i) continued growth of world trade witho
with two oil crises with relative ease.
A new Article IV of Agreement was approved by the Board of Governors in April 1976, and was ratified by 2
(copy) (first permitted creation of SDR) is:
1. legitimizing floating rates. A member country is free to choose its own exchange rate system.
freely floating, managed float, pegged to a currency or a group of currencies or SDR. Not to gold.
2. The Fund will exercise surveillance over the exchange rate policies, and adopt specific principles to gu
3. By an 85% majority, the Fund may reintroduce a system of adjustable peg. However, a member may r
4. downgrade the monetary role of gold (gold cannot be used for international transactions).
5. designate SDR as the principal reserve asset in the international monetary system.
3. A member should take into account the interests of other member countries,
including the countries whose currencies they use to intervene.
Evaluation
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Floating rates have not reduced international trade and investment or caused a disintegration of interna
have not resulted in quick adjustment in trade flows (deficits/surpluses persisted)
exchange rates were volatile.
Increasingly there are economists who claim that there is overmuch instability. The Asian currency cri
It has been argued that only currencies of small countries might be pegged to major currencies such as
dollar. However, G-4 stabilized Japanese yen in the mid 1980s.
6. Pivotal role of $ has diminished (as prime reserve asset => SDR). Whether euro will play a major role
steadily appreciated. This trend will continue until China stops its pegging to USD.
7. IMF does not have any power to discipline members that violate the rules. All it can do is reject loan r
no mechanism to settle currency disputes. Also, international reserve assets of some countries far exce
New Problems
Even though the Group of Seven have stayed away from routine exchange rate
management, there still are a number of countries that peg their currencies to the dollar.
When these pegged currencies are undervalued, such pegging in general causes US trade
deficits. For example, US bilateral trade deficit with China in 2005 was $201 billion. In
July 2005, China adopted a new policy, pegging Renminbi to a basket of currencies
(USD, euro, yen and won), but it is not freely floating vis--vis other currencies. As of
December 2007, international reserve asset of the European Central Bank is only about
360 billion euro, but China's cumulative trade surplus is over $1.4 trillion.
11.
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