THE DRAVIDIAN KINGDOMS

THE DRAVIDIAN KINGDOMS.*

[* This is a review of the article The Dravidian Kingdoms in the Tamilian Antiquary No. 8. Ed. L. T.]
We have much pleasure in perusing the article above mentioned written by the well
known authors whose opinions on any subject will be gratefully received by the Tamil public.
They have evidently taken the greatest pains in distilling facts from fiction. The masterly way
in which they have handled the subject in its epigraphical and archaeological points of view is
indeed admirable and in it we get a glimpse of our ancient kings in the most critical and
scientific light.
The learned authors have made some conjectures regarding the origin of Pandiyans and
their capital, but we regret that we are not given any clue as to the origin of the other two
Tamilian kingdoms. We are furnished with the derivation of the words Pandiya and Madura
which, with due deference to them, we have to dissent from. And nothing is suggested to us
regarding the names of the other Tamilian kings and their capitals. The Chera country is
practically left out. The Cheras are referred to in our standard works as independent kings, and
Kamban is said to have regarded them as having been superior even to Chola in some respects.
And it is an obvious fact that, during the age of Kamban, the three Tamilian monarchies were
quite independent, none of them accepting any suzerain.
The records that are available in our literature from which we can roughly infer the
history of our ancient and medieval Tamil kingdoms may be classed under three arbitrary
divisions viz., those that relate to the Pandiyans, those that deal with Cholas and those that refer
to Cheras. The first category is pretty large whereas under the second we possess only a
sufficient number, and the third thought we have only a few, has some good points for
comparison. The cause of such a disparity is due to the physical and economic conditions of
the countries. The Chera kingdom consists mainly of mountainous tracts wherein there was a
better scope for physical culture than for the intellectual. Unlike the Chola and the Pandiyan,
there was ever in Chera country a sort of struggle against nature. The power exercised by
Cheras over their hilly tribes seems quite weak, and warfare with them was a matter of daily
occurrence. Hence the Chera Patrons of Literature were few and far between. So there is neither
a regular chronicle nor any continuous tradition of literature in this Tamil kingdom. Yet we can
gather here and there certain facts concerning Cheras.
The earliest Buddhists reference to Cheras is available in Manimekhalai. There we hear
something of the once renowned city of Vanji and the popular Chera King Senkuttuvan.
Whatever may be the date of Manimekhalai, and whether we are at one with Dr. Pope or not
in that controversial matter, it is certain that at least in the first century B.C., Buddhism had
considerable influence in the Chera country. Again some decades after Tiruvacagam we find
there are predominance of Vaishnavitism. The traditions relating to the life
Kulasekara Alvar, show that his courtiers and advisers unsuccessfully attempted to get rid of
the Vaishnavites. Again two centuries later during the time of Sundaramurti Nayanar we hear

THE DRAVIDIAN KINGDOMS

of a Saivite Chera. These facts suggest that there was a conflict of religions even in this
Tamilian Switzerland and Cheras, as a race, had no settles creed throughout.
Regarding the literature of the Chera country we have not much which can be said to
occupy an eminent position in the poetic sphere. Simplicity and straightforwardness seem to
be the distinct characteristics of the whole Chera Kingdom. If Alvars are the true
representatives of their land of birth, certainly the characteristics of Kulasekarar apply to the
whole Chera country. Contrast his poetry in Nalayira Prabandham with the musical and
rhetorical devices of Tirumalisai Alvar, the philosophical poetry of Nammalvar and
Tondaradippodi, and the aesthetic disquisitions of Andal and Periyalvar, and you will find his
poetry standing aloof from the rest by its simplicity of thought and sincerity of feeling.
The Chera kingdom seems to be the earliest Tamilian kingdom in Southern India. There
is some meaning in the compound word
, wherein Chera happens
to be the first word. In our language a certain method is always exhibited in the building of any
compound word. Unlike European languages, we have not so much freedom of choice in Tamil.
A definite purpose always underlies any such action. In compound proper nouns of the
Masculine gender in Tamil, the first word represent the senior the succeeding words being
juniors in order. The order is thus the only permutation permitted in literary use. For instance,
we say and not . And a permutation like

, produces a jarring sensation in our ears.

It is probable that the earliest race of the Dravidian invaders from the South is Cheras
who gave up sea faring if any and preferred to lead a jungle life. Perhaps the whole race was
found of Palmyra trees either on account of its juice or fruit being agreeable to the warriors
throughout the Indian summer. In determining the origin and the unknown history of any royal
race, the flag, the garland and other emblems handed down from generation to generation, are
not factors that can be neglected.
It seems that in ancient days there were large tracts of land some hundreds of miles of
Cape Comorin, the ancient abode of the Tamilians which we miss in our modern geography.
We hear of at least three deluges before the fire of Madura spoken of in the Chapter of the
Anklet ( ). When they occurred and how much of the tracts was washed away
and what still remains, remain yet to be discovered. But it is certain that three Tamilian races
invaded the Southern India one after another. Cheras seemed to have occupied at first some
portion of Tinnevelly and then, either owing to further inroads, or for love of adventures in
more fertile regions, they seem to have traced their way safe into the hilly and forest regions
of the Western Ghats, and subsequently kept themselves aloof, joining neither Cholas nor
Pandiyas. Perhaps this neutral nature brought them the name Cherar, a corruption of the Tamil
word (Literally those that will not join). The main root of the word Cherar seems to be

(a pure Tamil word) though the latter half , is capable of being interpreted in many

ways. Whether it is a nickname or not, it is not unusual among the ancient tribes to declare their
policy openly and assume names consistent with it for fear of their being attacked by their more
powerful neighboring tribes.
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The literary lethargy of the Chera Kingdom is perhaps due mainly to the fact that, unlike
the Pandiyan, it had not civilized environments. Yet it was not wanting in its love for our
literature. Poets like Kamban are alleged to have sought refuge in Chera court during their
exile. But great poets preferred richer plains of Chola or Pandiya. The reason seems to be that
Cheras were not rich enough to bestow much wealth on poets and poetry. But deserving men
were not neglected. Hence we find only a minor order of Pandit congregation in the Chera
Durbar, whose ambition was limited, caring more to learn what was created in the adjacent
Nadus, than to create anything worth preserving. Owing to this we are disappointed even in the
works that refer to Cheras to know that we are not able to trace any consistent history of their
past.
The learned article now reviewed has given us an interesting account of Cholas only
from the tenth century A.D., and after. Their history before the tenth century A.D., is not one
totally unknown. Taking the reliable elements in our Puranic accounts, we find that Cholas
were thorns in the side of Pandiyans from time immemorial [i.e., from the time of puranic
accounts, ever since the time Madura had been founded]. There were constant excursions from
the north to the South into the Pandiyan territory. Again and again Cholas were driven out. Yet
it had been the chief object in the life of a Chola King to conquer Madura. This is very similar
to, and reminds us of, the fact in English history that every powerful English King in the middle
ages wanted to recover his lost possessions in France. It is highly probable that the name Chola
( ) means the untiring, symbolized by the Tiger-flag. The sound peculiar only
to the Tamilian is but a corrupted form of as we find such instances in the English
pronunciation of the letter R in words fastly repeated. So it is probable that the name ( )
might have originally been ( ) the indefatigables. Even when the Pandiyan power was
at its zenith, Chola inroads were dreaded at Madura.
Cholas appear to have invaded Southern India by the South and pushed their way
onwards to the North into the plains of the Eastern Ghats. The change of their capital from one
place to another especially from the South to the North implies that there were necessities for
shifting the centre for concentrating the forces of their country. They were practically hemmed
in one both sides the Aryans from the North and Pandiyans from the South. This race was
progressing in spite of the two counter currents that had tried to engulf it. In spite of the very
powerful Aryan influence, Cholas preserved to some extent their individuality, for they had
less affinity with the Aryans than their neighbors the Pandiyans.
In the Chola country, we find purer Tamilian characteristics in arts and literature than
in the Pandiyan. Even in architecture the Pandiyan is different from the Chola. In the one, we
find the richness of beauty par excellence, and in the other, strength combined with moral tone.
In the Chola country, we have the most beautiful varieties of the different classes of land. For
it was neither purely inland nor purely hilly. In Devaram we find excellent tropical sceneries
incidentally described. Of such, those that often invited the observation of our Tamil saints and
stirred up their enthusiasm are generally parts of the Chola country. The nature poetry therein,
besides proposing complex, archaeological problems, instruct us at the present day as to the
state of the Chola country during the 5th and the 6th century A.D. For instance, there are some
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THE DRAVIDIAN KINGDOMS

hints in Devaram that Cholas encouraged ship-building. Perhaps they had to protect themselves
even in the sea. The Bay of Bengal, now a quiet water, was turbulent once and some sea-coast
towns had to float in water for days together.
Leaving aside all traditions and Puranas, and confining ourselves to the internal
evidence furnished by Tirunavukkarasu Nayanar Devaram, we find that Saint Appar was a
true representative of the Chola kingdom. During his time the Chola country was something
like a neuron irregular in shape, and capable of contracting and projecting its branches. But in
the whole country, we find certain uniform characteristics that stand in contradistinction with
those of the Pandiyan. Though in this country, Buddhism and Samanam had great influence, it
was yet the stronghold of the Saivaites. Herein Sivam with stood the attacks of other
religionists. In one of its sea-port towns was born the sage Jnana Sambandhar. Many a saint
was born, and brought up here, and even now here are innumerable Hindu shrines by no means
less important than any in other parts of the Tamilian work.
Even during the Sangam ages, the Chola country was in no way illiterate. In learning
as in other respects, it was a worthy rival of the Pandiyan. In the story of Tamil-Ariyum
Perumal (
), Narkirars success was by no means fairly won. Rejecting
the unrealistic elements in the story, what can safely be extracted from it, is that the Panditstandard in the Chola Durbar was as efficient as, if not better than, that of Madura Sangamboard. Tiruvalluvar and his sister the grand old lady may be said to have imbued with the Chola
spirit.
For at least four centuries after the abolition of the last Tamil Sangam at Madura, there
is a dark gap in our literature. Nothing but unrest in both the Chola and Pandiyan kingdom
could have been its primary cause. The conflict of religions and their interference in politics
had much to do with it. Though we have strong grounds for presuming that many works were
then brought out, it is indeed deplorable that not even a single work can, with any amount of
certainty, be pointed out as belonging to the first four centuries A.D. (after the death of
Tiruvalluvar). From the past we open our eyes as if awakened from a dream like the China
wood-cutter enchanted in the demon-cave and are puzzled with a future which cannot logically
be linked with the past. The dying distinctions between the Aryan and the Dravidian were
buried and forgotten. And even the races were completely mixed up and coalesced with one
another. It is to this coalescence we have to trace the folly of our myths in the wrong
identification of our Tamilian kings with Kshatriyas, Velalas with Vaisyas or Sudras and their
eighteen servant castes with Sudras and so forth.
In determination the age, history or chronology of any ancient Tamil king, it is
extremely dangerous to rely upon the accounts given either in the Sanskrit or in the Tamil
Puranas. For their origin is comparatively late and they embody only certain fantastic flights
of imagination in matters unknown. They were produced at a time when facts were not critically
examined. It is an admitted fact that the Tamilian was earlier than Aryan in Southern India. Yet
its literary growth was very much facilitated by the Aryan from the very beginning of our
literature. The first (known) Tamil grammarian and the president of the first academy of
Madura was one of the Sapta Rishis (seven immortal Aryan Sages). The Aryan or rather the
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Brahmanic influence in Southern India was all-absorbing. Their slow and steady pouring into
the credulous ears of the Tamil kings that they are descendants of the famous Kshatriya races,
lunar or solar, according to their temperaments, flattered them to the highest pitch. Thus arose
various traditions which were multiplied in infinite varieties and were subsequently absorbed
in the Aryan and Tamil Puranas. Yet there are small facts inseparable from the ancestry of our
Tamil kings which negative the assumption of Puranas that the Tamil kings belonged either to
the lunar or to the solar race.
In discussing this question we are sorry we have to differ from the views expressed in
the learned article as to derivation of the words Pandiya and Madura. The derivation of such
old words is always puzzling, and many suggestions* may be made as to the origin of those
words, but the correctness of any cannot be guaranteed. [* Panars ( ) or the abbreviated
caste seem to be a Tamilian tribe. In Malabar we find a caste known by the name Tiyars who by their complexion
and their rank below Brahmans and Nayars (the descendants of Brahmans) seem to be a Tamilian race put down
by the Brahmanic influence. Perhaps Pandiyan may be a combination of

. But this is a matter that

demands considerable research before expressing any definite opinion on the point.] The name Pandiya has

no doubt a sound similar to that of the Sanskrit Pandavas. But similarity of sound is often
misleading especially in our Etymology. Even in Mahabharata, Arjuna is alleged to have
married a Pandiyan princess which presupposes that even if she were a relative she was beyond
the prohibited degrees of consanguinity to him. The Puranic accounts only point out that
Pandiyans were as ancient a race as that which ruled over Hastinapura. Marco Polos reference
of Sundar Bandi gives us no idea of anything pre-Aryan as the word Sundar itself is a Sanskrit
word and the five brothers might have been named after the Pandavars long after the
introduction of the Aryan civilization and religion. Our scholars contend that the word Pandiya
is of a pure Tamil origin like the names of the other Tamil kings and the other names of
Pandiyan.
There is some peculiarity about the Margossa garland of Pandiyas. It is neither noted
for its smell nor for beauty nor is it invested with any sacred quality by the Sastras. It is sacred
only to one deity which is, in all probability, pre-Aryan. It is popularly known in our parts as
Mari-Atta ( ). In our parts we find even now the reminiscence of this deityworship. She is a sort of Diana (Artemis) or a Kali wielding influence over epidemics like
cholera, small pox etc., and protecting her devotees and doing a good lot of functions imposed
upon her by the whims of superstition. A (or a mid pot) is the vehicle with which
she is worshipped and perhaps the worshippers of this deity were styled Pandiyas. This
suggestion is not only strengthened by the peculiar garland but also by the Pandiyan fish-flag.
Among the Dravidians the pictures in the flag were not drawn at random and we generally find
some meaning and purpose in them. As for instance, the flag of Velalas contains representation
of the implements of husbandry indicating their occupation. The original occupation of
Pandiyas might have been fishing in the seas, for even in later days Pandiyas had control over
several fisheries which were their main source of income. The virgin of the seas (worshipped
by the Hindu fisherman) to whom Margossa is sacred, is undoubtedly a pre-Aryan deity
worshipped even now by the fishermen of the Coromandal coast. So, whatever may be the
origin of the word Pandiyan, it may be stated with a greater amount of probability that it has
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THE DRAVIDIAN KINGDOMS

nothing to do with Pandu or Pandavas. It is doubtful whether any Aryan royal race had anything
to do with the industries connected with the sea or its production.
The learned authors deduce the word Madura form Muttra. Whether Muttra was named
after the Pandiyan Capital which was very flourishing in ancient days, or the latter was named
after the former, is not an easy matter to conjecture. Arguments are not wanting on both sides.
Perhaps the coincidence is accidental. The word may be derived even from Tamil roots as the
formation of the word itself is so very plastic, that it may be cast into different moulds.
The historic Ugra Pandiyan, the contemporary of Tiruvalluvar, ought not to be confused
with the mythical Ugra of our Puranas. The mother of this Romulus Tadatagai Piratti, is
alleged to have ruled the whole of India and waged war with God Siva in the Mount Kailas.
Her rule over the Pandiyan Kingdom is symbolic of the sway of the virgin goddess referred to
(to whom Margossa was sacred), and her subsequent union with Siva represents the adoption
in the Tamil land of the Aryan Saiva Religion. The blending of the two religions represents the
marriage of Siva with Tadatagai Pirattiyar. Beyond this inference, we have only extremely
dangerous grounds to tread upon. How many Ugras ruled after the mythical Ugra is one which
cannot be determined for want of any reliable source. What we now possess are bits of
historical information collected around the leading Tamil poets. We know something of
Pandiya a little before the Christian era (the final stage of the third Sangam). Again for four
centuries till the rise of Manikkavacagar, we have a big gap in the history of our literature itself.
Again for a century till the rise of Muvar or the three saints, we have a small gap and after
them till the tenth century A.D., we have no history. These gaps demand further research in the
field of Tamilian Archaeology.
The inscription taken notice of by the learned authors of the article supplement certain
facts that we had already learnt about the triad of the golden age of our literature. Ottakuttan,
Kamban and Pugazbendhi, the bards of the Chola court, have left us permanent monuments in
our literature during the twelfth century A.D. The history of their lives is closely connected
with the history of the Tamil kings. One of them at least was not a mere Court bard but virtually
a minister or the ruler of the Chola state. Allowing a certain margin for the omnipresent
hyperbole in all the writings of that period in prose or in poetry, the inscriptions corroborate
certain results achieved with great difficulty by our scholars regarding the date etc., of Kamban
and his contemporaries. When we survey the state of southern India during the period, we shall
understand how these inscriptions help us in our researches.
The beginning of the ninth century A.D., marks the commencement of a new era in the
history of Saivaitism in Southern India. It marks the complete annihilation of Buddhism and
Samanam in the Tamil countries. Even in Sundaramurti Nayanars Devaram, we breathe the
calm atmosphere of religious peace. There, we do not find the volleys of Sambandar or his
pungent criticisms of other faiths nor the mild but biting sarcasms of Appar on Samanam and
the Atheistic Buddhism. If we pass thence to Sekkizhar we suspect a tendency in his age for a
revival of an imperfect Samanam which found no toleration. Hence we find a caricature of that
religion even in Peria Puranam. The compilation of Tirumurai (
) shows the peace
of mind in the Tamil kingdoms and an ardent desire to know something about the past when
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our religion passed through the greatest ordeals. On the whole, we have almost a continuous
period of literature from Sekkizhar to Kamban which implies that there were not long and
continuous wars between the Chola and the Pandiyan kingdom.
Among the industrial arts that found patronage in the Tamil kingdoms and obtained
distinct individually, is the art of Sculpture. Though Sculpture seems to have flourished in India
some centuries before Christ, it had been one in the hands of a select few who undertook works
form kings. During the time of our early Tamil Saints, it was chiefly in the hands of the
Samanas and Buddhists. The unrest of our country referred to hindered its progress. When
Hinduism was permanently established, the long desired peace was obtained. During the tenth
century A.D., Sculpture became less costly and different classes of sculptors arose who
undertook works in various departments of their art for moderate changes. It found field side
by side with Architecture and the building of various temples were undertaken by wealthy
citizens or from subscriptions collected from the people. The Puranas that were patronized by
our saints found real representations in temples and other places of worship. The unused rocks
were well used by our artists. A tendency for laying foundation for the construction of history
began to show itself. This is the reason why we find some good and useful inscriptions from
the tenth century and after. Our peoples attention towards arts shows that the Tamil nation was
at its equilibrium. As we pass on from the medieval world of Devaram to the almost modern
days of Ottakkuttan, we find a tendency for a thorough change in fashions and the degeneracy
of peace slowly setting in.
Behind the curtain of traditions narrated in Peria Puranam, we see some glaring facts.
We can infer from them that even the hunchback Pandiyans Durbar was in a precarious state.
In it he had many conflicting uncontrollable elements. It is the genius of his minister that had
much to do with the success of Sundara Pandiyan as a sovereign. It seems that the same
degeneracy continued unto the last and the dissensions in the Pandiyan Royal family were quite
common, and consequently there were innumerable intrigues with the Cholas. And these seem
to be the cause of Cholas success in the Pandiyan territories. But the Chola wars and invasions
never seem to have been systematic or continuous. For the policy of Cholas from the time of
Karikalan and his successors was almost identical with that of Chingis Khan or Timur.
Kalingattuparani would make them gods in human form. Perhaps it was sung by a bard who
travelled gods in human form. Perhaps it was sung by a bard who travelled with Gangi Kondan
Cholas in the campaigns against the valleys of the Ganges. The inscription of the Conjiveram
temple may refer to one of such campaigns against the Pandiyas and a Pandiyan might have
been killed in a skirmish. One such fact would be sufficient for his courtiers to style him with
the name Madurantaka. For in the past Cholas, according to the Puranic accounts, never seem
to have had any success over the Pandiyans. As observed before, a margin ought to be allowed
for the exaggerative character of any writing of this period.
The life of Ottakkuttan, in spite of gross injustice done to him by our scholars, gives us
some clue as to the state of the Chola country during the early part of the twelfth century A.D.
There is no doubt about his great statesmanship. It was he who induced his Chola (?) to marry
a Pandiyan princess. To carry out this piece of diplomacy he was sent as an ambassador to the
Pandiyan court. There is a deeper and an inner meaning in the stanza uttered by him in the
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Pandiyan court which was parodied by Pugalendi. There was a definite important motive in the
very proposal of the match. Ottakkuttans expression was really intended to give hints to the
Pandiyan that the Chola help may be indispensable to him at some moment and that he should
consider that he is fortunate in his alliance with the Chola.
The probable date of this marriage seems to be the middle of the 12th century A.D. The
war between the Chola and Pandiyan Kingdoms that resulted in the breaking down of the
Pandiyan power seem to have commenced after the publication of Kamba Ramayanam. For we
have no clear account of the closing period of the lives of the triad that ornamented the Chola
court. Kamban is alleged to have been murdered by a Pandiyan. Even as to this point there is a
difference of opinion. There are two readings for the stanza

which
Kamban is alleged to have sung when he breathed his last. One set of Pandits prefer the reading
and the other
of which the former is said to refer to Chola. Of
the last part of the lives of the two other poets we do not know this much at least. We have no
information as to how Ottakkuttan and Pugalendi ended their lives. The inscriptions mentioned
in the learned article help us to understand the reason why it is so. There ought to have been a
sudden outburst of some war in the Tamil states which diverted the attention of the people to
more important and inspiring themes than the devotion to poetry and its imaginative realms.
In conclusion, we are only sorry that the part I alone of the interesting essay on the
Dravidian Kingdoms has been published by the Secretary of the Tamilian Archaeological
society. It is always highly desirable that such learned essays ought not to be published
piecemeal. So we hope an early publication of the remaining part or parts.
E. N.T.