Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

DOI 10.1007/s12126-009-9026-7

Intergenerational Relationships and Family Care

and Support for Thai Elderly
John Knodel & Napaporn Chayovan

Published online: 4 March 2009

# Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2009

Abstract Intergenerational relations between older age parents and their children
remain pervasive in Thailand. Over 70% of older persons live with or next to a child.
Material assistance from children remains substantial. Desertion of elderly parents is
quite rare. Family members, particularly children, are the main persons providing
assistance to frail older persons. Nevertheless, co-residence with children has
declined and living alone or only with a spouse has increased. Given projected
smaller family sizes of future cohorts of older persons and the increasing migration
of their children, these trends are certain to continue. Widespread access to telephones helps elderly parents to maintain social contact with distant children. Still,
reduced numbers of adult children and their increased migration pose challenges for
personal care of the elderly. Clearly adaptations by family and state are needed if the
quality of life of Thai elders is to continue to improve.
Keywords Thailand . Ageing . Family support . Living arrangements . Older persons
In Thailand, as in Southeast Asia generally, informal systems of social and economic
exchange within the family impact the well-being of the older age population (World
Bank 1994). In this paper, we examine the nature and extent of family support in
terms of living arrangements, caregiving, material support and social contact. We
also assess the extent of desertion of Thai elderly parents by their adult children. The
analysis focuses on persons age 60 and older and is based on the nationally

J. Knodel (*)
Population Studies Center, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan,
P.O. Box 1248, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1248, USA
e-mail: jknodel@umich.edu
N. Chayovan
College of Population Studies, Chulalongkorn University, Visid Prachuabmoh Building,
Bangkok 10330, Thailand
e-mail: Napaporn.C@chula.ac.th

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Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

representative 2007 Survey of Older Persons in Thailand conducted by the National

Statistical Office (2008).1

Living Arrangements
Living arrangements influence many aspects of the well-being of older persons. In
Thailand, as in most of East and Southeast Asia, living with or nearby adult children,
typically in a stem-family configuration, is a predominant pattern that establishes
family support (Cowgill 1968, 1972). Childlessness is not a common limitation for
such arrangements since only about 5% of current Thai elders do not have living
children. Extensive qualitative research has documented that older Thais themselves
often view living arrangements that permit frequent access between the two
generations as crucial to their own well-being (Knodel et al. 1995). Co-residence
can benefit both generations but the balance typically shifts over the life course until
eventually parents reach ages in which their contributions are diminished and they
become largely dependent on others for care and support. In contrast, living alone is
usually viewed as a disadvantage. Not only is it likely to be associated with less
frequent interpersonal interactions, and hence feelings of loneliness, but there is also
a greater chance that urgent needs for assistance, created for example by an acute
health crisis or accident, will go unnoticed longer than if others are present in the
household. In some cases, living alone may even signify desertion by others.
Although living only with a spouse also indicates that adult children or other
younger generation kin are not present in the household, a spouse can be a principal
source of emotional and material support and personal care during illness or frailty.
Table 1 presents several indicators of living arrangements for the population age
60 and older based on household composition. The top panel reveals a clear decline
in co-residence with children during the last two decades falling from 77% in 1986
to only 59% by 2007.2 In contrast, living alone or living only with a spouse
increased during the last two decades. These two measures combined indicate that
by 2007 almost one-fourth of older Thais live independently, up from 11% in just
over two decades earlier.
Table 1 also shows living arrangements by age, gender and area of residence. Coresidence and living alone increase with the age of the elderly person while living
only with a spouse deceases. The proportions who live with a child and who live
alone are higher among elderly women. In contrast, elderly men are more likely than
women to live only with a spouse, a result of higher male remarriage and the greater
likelihood that women will outlive their husbands. Urban elders are more likely to
co-reside with children than rural elders probably reflecting differences in land
availability and housing styles between urban and rural areas. Having separate
dwelling units within the same compound or nearby is more feasible in rural villages
1

Most findings presented in this article are based on original tabulations by the authors and were
conducted in conjunction with a report on population ageing commissioned by the UNFPA country office
(see Knodel and Chayovan 2008).
2
In the vast majority of cases, coresidence involves at least one adult child. For example, in 2007, less
that 2% of coresident elderly lived with children who all were under age 18.

Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

17

Table 1 Living arrangements of

persons age 60 and older,
Thailand

% coresident
with a child

% live alone

% live only
with spouse

Trend (all persons 60+)

1986

76.9

4.3

6.7

1994

72.8

3.6

11.6

2002

65.7

6.5

14.0

2007

59.4

7.6

16.3

6069

56.6

6.2

18.5

7079

61.9

9.6

14.6

80+

68.1

9.9

8.2

Male

57.4

6.0

21.3

Female

60.9

8.9

12.3

Urban

64.6

7.4

12.9

Rural

57.3

7.7

17.7

Age (2007)
Sources: 1986 Survey of
Socio-economic Consequences
of Ageing of the Population in
Thailand; 1994, 2002 and 2007
Surveys of Older Persons in
Thailand; 2002 Labor Force
Survey, 2nd round.
Coresidence for 2002 includes a
small number who live with a
child-in-law but not a child
(Knodel et al 2005).

Gender (2007)

Residence (2007)

than in towns or cities where land and housing prices make such arrangements
prohibitive for many. There is little difference between rural elders and urban elders
with respect to the proportion who live alone, but the former are more likely to live
only with a spouse than the latter.
Living independently does not necessarily mean geographical isolation from
children (or other relatives) some of whom may live nearby. Table 2 shows that in
2007 about one-third of both elders who live alone or only with a spouse have a
child living next door and slightly over half have a child living locally, either next
door or elsewhere in the same village or municipality. In some cases independent
living among the elderly results from being childless, especially among the 8% who
never married. Taken together, 30% of those who live alone have no child within the

Table 2 Persons age 60 and older who live alone or only with a spouse, by location of nearest child,
Thailand 2007
Location of nearest child

Lives alone

Lives with spouse only

% distribution

cumulative %

% distribution

cumulative %

Next door

33.4

33.4

32.0

32.0

Same village or municipality

18.1

51.5

21.9

53.9

Same province

17.2

68.7

20.5

74.4

Outside province

17.8

86.5

21.8

96.2

Has no children

13.5

100.0

3.8

100.0

Total

100

Source: 2007 Survey of Older Persons in Thailand

100

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Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

same province either because they are childless or are separated by substantial
geographical distance from their nearest child. Among elders living only with a
spouse, almost one-fourth have no children living in their province.
In part, the trend away from co-residence reflects the reduction in the average the
number of children of older persons. For example, the mean number of living children
among the population 60 and older in 2007 is 4.1 down from 5.1 in 1994. This
reduction is the result of the process of cohort succession by which cohorts who bore
their children after the onset of the fertility decline beginning in Thailand in the late
1960 s did so at older ages and over time replace cohorts who bore their children prior
to the fertility decline. Although most of the current generation of older age persons
have at least several children, this demographic will change in coming decades.
Probably an even more important process underlying declining co-residence is an
increase in the migration of adult children, often from rural to urban areas to find
employment. Evidence from national surveys reveals not only that migration of the
adult children of older persons is extensive but also that it has increased substantially in
recent years. Figure 1 shows the percentage of children of persons age 60 and older
who live outside the parents province in 1995 and 2007. In both years, substantial
proportions lived outside the province of their parents and the percentages are greater
for children of rural than urban elderly. This trend likely reflects the better
employment opportunities available in urban areas and thus the greater need for
rural compared to urban young adults to migrate to take advantage of them.
45.0%
40.0%

37.6%
35.6%

35.0%

out of province

30.0%

29.0%

29.4%

28.4%

2007

1995

25.6%
25.0%
20.0%
15.0%
10.0%
5.0%
0.0%
1995

2007

Children of rural elderly

1995

Children of urban elderly

2007

Children of all elderly

Sources: 1995 Survey of Welfare of Elderly in Thailand; 2007 Survey of Older Persons in
Thailand
Fig. 1 Percent of children of persons age 60+ who live outside their parents province. Sources: 1995
Survey of Welfare of Elderly in Thailand; 2007 Survey of Older Persons in Thailand

Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

19

While many adult children who migrate are single when they depart their parental
households, some are also married and others marry later in their place of destination
after migrating. Young children of migrants are sometimes placed under the care of
the grandparents, especially in the rural areas. Thus, given the increased migration of
adult children, it is not surprising that the percent of older persons living in skip
generation households, i.e. households with a grandparent and a grandchild but no
adult married child or child-in-law, increased from 10.5% to 14.3% between 1995
and 2007 (Knodel and Chayovan 2008). Moreover the increase is greater in rural
than urban areas. Caring for grandchildren left by absent migrant children, however,
is not always a burden for the grandparents. Grandchildren who are old enough can
help their grandparents with household chores and provide company for them.
Moreover, the absent parents themselves are the main financial supporter of the
grandchildren in the large majority of cases (84%), not the co-resident grandparents.
A similar finding emerged from a recent survey addressing the impact of migration
of adult children on their older l parents living in rural areas (Knodel et al. 2007).
This undoubtedly reflects an ability to send remittances to parents by those who
migrated elsewhere to find employment.

Personal Care
Long-term personal caregiving for frail, disabled and chronically ill elderly in Thailand
is traditionally a family matter. Only a few thousand older persons live in governmentsponsored nursing homes. Although accurate statistics on the number of older persons
in private institutions are unavailable, it is believed that the number is quite modest
(Jitapunkul et al. 2002). Focus group discussions with elderly parents make clear that
they feel they need children to depend on, particularly when they are sick. Such care
is seen as repayment for having raised their children. Their adult children generally
share this view and feel a moral obligation to support and care for their parents out of
gratitude (Knodel et al. 1995). Previous surveys also confirm that not only do older
persons prefer family members, particularly spouses or children, to provide care when
ill but that this typically is also the case in practice (Knodel et al. 2005).
The 2007 survey of older persons in Thailand asked respondents to identify who
helped them most with their daily activities. The large majority of respondents (88%)
indicated that the main responsibility was their own, presumably because they felt
they did not need assistance. Only 1% indicated they needed help but did not receive
any. Of the 11% who cited that there was a main person providing help with daily
activities, almost all (96%) named a family member. The majority (over 90%) of
these family caregivers were co-resident and most of the remainder lived next door.
Presumably, an inability to independently eat, dress, bathe or use the toilet by oneself
signifies the most serious limitations to functioning on a daily basis and the greatest
need for assistance. Table 3 shows the percent of elderly who indicated difficulty in
doing at least one of these activities on their own and, among them, the percent who
reported they receive assistance from someone in carrying out daily living activities.
Less than 4% of older persons report limitations with respect to any of these basic
activities; not surprisingly, the percentage increases with age and is higher for those
aged 80 and over compared to younger elderly. Women are more likely than men and

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Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

Table 3 Population age 60 with functional problems and who receive assistance, by age, gender and area
of residence, Thailand 2007
Functional Problem

Total Age

Gender

6069 7079 80+

% who cannot do at least one of three
basic activities

3.7

1.8

4.0

% receiving assistance among those who

cannot do at least one of three basic
activities

82.6

71.6

% who cannot do at least one of three

basic activities and has major mobility
problem

11.8

% receiving assistance among those who

cannot do at least one of three basic
activities and has major mobility
problem

47.4

14.8

Type of area

Men Women Urban Rural

3.2

4.2

5.4

3.1

79.2

93.9 75.5

86.9

84.5

81.3

5.0

16.1

39.4

9.0

14.1

13.6

11.1

39.4

41.7

61.3 46.3

47.9

53.8

44.2

Source: 2007 Survey of Older Persons in Thailand

Basic activities are defined as eating, dressing, toileting and bathing; a major mobility problem is defined
as not being able to both walk 200300 m and climb 23 steps.

elderly urban residents are more likely than their rural counterparts to report at least
one of these basic limitations. One consistent finding across age, gender and area of
residence, however, is that a large majority of those who have one of these basic
functional limitations also have someone who assists them.
Also shown in Table 3 is an expanded definition of having a functional limitation
which includes not only one of the basic limitations mentioned above but persons who
have a serious mobility problem, defined as being both unable to walk 200 to 300 m
and unable to climb two or three steps of stairs on their own. Broadening the definition
in this way more than triples the number of older persons having a functional
limitation to 12%. The differences related to age, gender and area of residence remain
similar for this group of people. At the same time, the percentage receiving assistance
with daily activities from a caregiver among this expanded group is far lower,
constituting slightly less than half overall. Only among the oldest sub-category of
elderly, i.e., those aged 80 and above, do a substantial majority receive assistance.
Table 4 indicates who the primary caregivers are for all older persons who said that
someone assisted them with daily activities. Results are also presented separately for
married and unmarried respondents since spouses can be primary caregivers only for
those who are married. Older persons children or children-in-law are the most
common caregivers constituting almost 60% of those who provide assistance and
almost 80% of caregivers among older persons who are not currently married. Among
married older persons, however, spouses are the most common caregiver.
Substantial differences are evident between older men and women with respect to
caregivers. For men, wives are the most common caregivers while for women children
or children-in-law are most frequently mentioned. Among elderly overall, more than
half of the men with a caregiver indicated that their spouse serves in this role compared

Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

Table 4 Caregivers by gender
and marital status of persons
age 60 and over who receive
assistance with basic daily
activities (% distribution),
Thailand 2007

21

Caregivers

Among all persons who receive assistance

Total

Men

Women

All
Spouse

28.0

53.2

11.5

Child or child-in-law

59.4

39.4

72.5

Other relative

8.6

5.8

10.4

Non-relative

4.0

1.6

Total

100

100

5.5
100

Married
Spouse

60.6

70.6

42.4

Child or child-in-law

36.3

27.0

53.2

2.0

1.3

3.1

Other relative
Non-relative
Total

1.2
100

1.1
100

1.3
100

Not married
Source: 2007 Survey of Older
Persons in Thailand
Basic activities are defined as
eating, dressing, toileting
and bathing.

Child or child-in-law

79.2

77.2

79.7

Other relative

14.4

19.8

13.2

Non-relative

6.4

3.1

Total

100

100

7.1
100

to only 13% of women. A large part of this difference arises because of the higher levels
of widowhood among women, a condition that precludes spouses as caregivers. When
restricted to elderly who are currently married, the difference in the percent of men and
women who cite a spouse as the main caregiver narrows considerably. Still even among
married older persons, wives are more likely to serve as primary caregivers for the
husband than the reverse. Nevertheless, husbands do account for over 40% of the
caregivers of married women. As for unmarried older persons, the dominance of
children as primary caregivers is almost equal for older men and women.
Regardless of marital status or gender almost all caregivers are family members.
Very few married older persons reported a non-relative as a primary caregiver. Among
non-married, non-relatives as primary caregivers are also uncommon although less so
for women than men. In most cases (over 80%) these non-relatives were servants (not
shown in table). Since the survey excluded institutionalized older persons, however,
the role of non-family caregivers is likely understated.

Material Support
Children often are important sources of economic support to elderly parents,
providing money, food and goods. As Fig. 2 shows, in both 1994 and 2007, the large
majority of parents reported that they received income in the prior year from children
and over half indicated that children were their main source of income. Rural-urban
differences are minimal. Particularly striking is the lack of change between the two

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Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

100%
90%

88% 87%

89% 88%
84% 83%

1994
2007

80%
70%
60%

56% 55%

56% 54%

56% 55%

total

urban

rural

50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
total

urban

rural

Any income from children

Children main source of income

Source: 1994 and 2007 Surveys of Older Persons in Thailand

Fig. 2 Parents age 60 and over who reported children provided income during the prior year, Thailand
1994 and 2007. Source: 1994 and 2007 Surveys of Older Persons in Thailand

surveys in either measure. This contradicts impressions promoted in the mass media
that an increasing number [of elderly] do not get support from their younger
relatives. (The Nation 2007).3
Adult children who leave the parental household often provide material support to
their parents. As Table 5 reveals, receipt of money from non-co-resident children is
quite common in Thailand. Almost 80% of parents with non-co-resident children
received money from a non-co-resident child during the past year.4 About half of
these elders received at least 5,000 Baht. Differences by age, gender and urban-rural
residence of parents are modest. Receipt of food from non-co-resident children at
least monthly is common with more than half of elderly indicating they receive some
food during the past year. Over one-third reported at least weekly provision of food
and close to one-fifth received food on a daily or almost-daily basis. Receipt of food,
especially on a regular basis, is associated with increased age of parents and is
somewhat more common among elderly men than women and among rural than
urban residents. Receipt of clothing or goods at least occasionally is also common
but occurs less frequently compared to the receipt of food. Differences by gender,
age and residence are also modest.
3

The lack of change in dependence on children as a main source of income is confirmed by national
surveys in 1986 and 1995 both of which find similar proportions of older persons saying that children are
their main source of income (Knodel et al. 2000).

In some cases, the financial support provided may be to cover expenses for the remitters children who
live with the grandparents and thus may not contribute to the older age parents own welfare.

Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

23

Table 5 Material support from at least one non-co-resident child during the past year among parents with
non-co-resident children, Thailand 2007
Material Support

Total

Age

Gender

Type of area

6069

70+

Men

Women

Urban

Rural

% who received money

Any money

78.8

76.5

82.0

75.4

81.6

72.6

81.0

At least 5,000 Baht

50.7

50.5

51.0

48.8

52.3

49.9

51.0

% who received food

Daily or almost daily

17.8

13.7

23.5

16.3

19.0

14.2

19.1

At least weekly

34.7

29.4

42.0

32.7

36.3

29.0

36.7

At least monthly

55.4

50.2

62.4

52.9

57.4

54.7

55.6

At least monthly

17.7

15.5

20.8

16.3

18.9

23.1

15.9

At least once during year

81.7

79.8

84.2

79.7

83.2

76.2

83.5

% who received clothing/goods

Source: 2007 Survey of Older persons in Thailand

Social Contact
Visits and phone calls For most parents, maintaining contact with children who left
their household is important for their social and emotional well-being, especially if
no other children co-reside or live nearby. Although migration of children to more
distant locations has increased, access to telephones has expanded the ability to
maintain contact over long distances while improved transportation facilitates visits
(Knodel and Saengtienchai 2007).
As Table 6 shows, it is rare for elderly parents with non-co-resident children not
to see them during the year. Over half see one or more at least monthly and almost
one-fourth do so on a daily or almost daily basis, reflecting the fact that a sizeable
share of children who move out remain nearby. Older compared to younger elderly
parents experience more frequent visits from children but there is little difference
between elderly men and women in this respect and differences in the frequency of
visits for urban and rural residents do not follow a consistent pattern.
Phone contact is substantial. Almost two-thirds of elderly speak with one or more
non-co-resident children at least monthly and over one-third have weekly phone
contact. Younger elderly have more frequent phone contact than older elderly.
Gender differences are minimal while urban elderly have more frequent phone
contact than their rural counterparts, likely reflecting the higher proportion who have
telephones available in their household.
Assessing desertion The popular media in Thailand often imply that the social and
economic change is undermining traditional sources of support for older persons.
Migration of adult children is frequently cited as deserting elderly parents left
behind, especially in rural areas. Such concerns are even mentioned in the Madrid
International Plan of Action on Aging (United Nations 2002). There is little

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Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

Table 6 Contact between parents and non-co-resident children during past year, Thailand, 2007
Among elderly with at least one non-co-resident Total Age
child, % who during past year had:
6069 70+

Gender

Type of area

Men Women Urban Rural

Visits from a non-coresident child

Daily or almost daily

24.2

20.8

28.9

23.6

24.8

19.6

25.8

At least weekly

37.8

34.1

42.9

37.1

38.5

36.1

38.4

At least monthly

55.9

52.5

60.6

55.2

56.6

61.0

54.2

At least once during year

84.0

84.3

83.6

83.9

84.1

86.6

83.1

Telephone contact with a non-coresident child

Daily or almost daily

12.0

14.0

9.4

12.5

11.6

16.3

10.6

At least weekly

34.5

38.2

29.4

36.2

33.0

45.2

30.7

At least monthly

63.8

69.7

55.7

66.0

62.0

73.4

60.4

At least once during year

68.8

75.1

60.4

71.2

66.9

77.8

65.7

Source: 2007 Survey of Older persons in Thailand

population-based evidence supporting such alarms. For Thailand, representative

survey data permit a systematic assessment of the issue.
Table 7 shows a cumulative index of social contact with children among older
persons who have at least one living child. Parents who live with or adjacent to a
child presumably see children on a daily basis, and for the rest, frequency of contact
with children can be judged through information on visits or phone calls. Among all
parents, almost 90% have at least weekly contact with a child and 97% have at least
monthly contact. Older elderly parents, women and urban residents have slightly
more frequent contact with at least one child than younger elderly, men and rural
residents. However, with respect to at least monthly contact there is very little
difference by age, gender or residence.
Table 7 also presents summary indicators which represent infrequent contact in
order to assess more directly the extent to which some elderly parents can be
considered deserted by their children. Only 3% have less than monthly contact and
only 1% had no contact with a child during the prior year. However even among
parents with little or no contact, some still report receiving remittances sometimes in
amounts of 5,000 baht or more per month. Only 2% both have less than monthly
contact and do not receive at least 5,000 Baht in remittances per month and only 1%
lacked monthly contact and received no remittances. The proportion is even lower
when considering those who have no contact and either no substantial remittance or
any remittance. Variation by age, gender and area of residence of parents for these
indicators of potential desertion are minimal.
The low levels of potential desertion is directly related to the high percentage of
parents who live with or adjacent to a child or have at least have a child within the
same village or province. Yet even among the 10% of parents age 60 and over whose
children live outside their province, the majority have social contact and/or receive
support from at least one child. For example, only 16% of these parents had less than
monthly visits or phone calls with any of their children and even among this

Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

25

Table 7 Support from and contact with children during past year, parents age 60 and over, cumulative
indices and summary indicators, Thailand 2007
Total

Age
6069

Gender
70+

Men

Type of area
Women

Urban

Rural

Among elderly with at least one child, percent distribution of hierarchical categories
Coresides or lives next to a child

74.8

71.1

80.0

71.7

77.3

77.2

73.8

Almost daily visits or phone calls

82.0

79.1

86.2

79.8

83.9

84.3

81.2

At least weekly visits or phone calls

89.2

87.1

92.1

87.8

90.3

91.5

88.3

At least monthly visits or phone calls

96.7

96.3

97.2

96.5

96.9

97.7

96.3

At least one visit or phone call

98.7

98.7

98.7

98.7

98.8

99.2

98.6

% with less than monthly contact

3.3

3.7

2.8

3.5

3.1

2.3

3.7

% with less than monthly contact and

under 5,000 baht remittances

2.1

2.3

1.7

2.3

1.9

1.6

2.2

% with less than monthly contact and

no remittances

1.0

1.3

0.7

1.3

0.8

1.2

1.0

% with no contact during year

1.3

1.3

1.3

1.3

1.2

0.9

1.4

% with no contact and under 5,000 baht

remittances

0.9

1.0

0.9

1.0

0.9

0.6

1.1

% contact and no remittances

0.5

0.6

0.4

0.6

0.4

0.5

0.5

Summary indicators

Source: 2007 Survey of Older Persons in Thailand

Contact is based on coresidence, adjacent living and visits or phone calls with any child.

subgroup most still received remittances (results not in table). Thus only 2.5% of
parents whose children are all out of the province had neither contact nor received
any monetary support during the prior year.

Conclusions
Intergenerational relations between older age parents and their children remain
pervasive. Over 70% of persons age 60 and over either live with or next to a child.
Material assistance from adult children remains substantial and so far has been
sustained despite extensive social and economic change. Thus the vast majority of
older Thais still receive material support from children and children represent the
main source of income for over half, a pattern that has changed little over recent
decades. Family members, and particularly children, are the main persons providing
assistance to older persons who need help with the basic activities of daily life.
Despite frequent portrayal in the mass media of elderly parents who are deserted by
their adult children, such cases are rare on a population basis.
At the same time, the proportion of older persons who co-reside with children has
steadily declined over the last two decades and the percent who live alone or only
with their spouse has increased. Smaller family sizes of future cohorts of older
persons as well as the increasing migration of their children are likely to impact these

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Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

trends. As a result the proportion of older persons who are geographically separated
from all their adult children will likely increase. These trends do not necessarily
threaten the material support provided by children to older age parents as evidenced
by the persistence of such support despite the changes in living arrangements during
recent years. Indeed, expectations of financial support for elderly parents by children
continue to be widely shared even among young adults (Knodel and Chayovan
2008). Also, the widespread increase in access to telephones, especially cell phones,
has provided a new and effective way for elderly parents and distant children to
maintain social contact. Nevertheless the likely future trends in living arrangements
and reduced family size raise important questions about how the needs for long-term
personal care of the elderly will be met. Can the pervasiveness of family members,
and especially children, as the primary caregivers be maintained? This is one of the
most important challenges that Thai society will face in the future course of
population aging. Hopefully adaptations by family and state will complement each
other and allow the quality of life for its older population to continue to improve.

References
Cowgill, D. O. (1968). The social life of the aged in Thailand. The Gerontologist, 8, 159163.
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Jitapunkul, S., Chayovan, N., & Kespichayawattana, J. (2002). Chapter 6: national policies and long term
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Knodel, J., & Saengtienchai, C. (2007). Rural parents with urban children: social and economic implications
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John Knodel is Professor Emeritus of Sociology and Research Scientist at the Population Studies Center,
University of Michigan. He conducted research in the area historical and social demography. He has
experience in both qualitative and quantitative research in Southeast Asia, especially Thailand, Cambodia
and Vietnam. His recent research has focused on ageing and the situation of older persons including the

Ageing Int (2009) 33:1527

27

impacts of migration on elderly parents left behind and the AIDS epidemic on parents of HIV infected
adults.
Napaporn Chayovan is an Associate Professor at the College of Population Studies, Chulalongkorn
University, Thailand. Her areas of interest are fertility, reproductive health, gender issues and ageing. She
has conducted several national surveys in these areas including two major national surveys on older
persons, one of which is the first national survey in Thailand on older adults. She served in the National
Commission on Elderly in Thailand during 19982002.

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