Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Jordaan
R. Wessing
Human sacrifice at Prambanan
In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 152 (1996), no: 1, Leiden, 45-73
ROY E. JORDAAN obtained his Ph.D. in anthropology from the University of Leiden.
He is currently a private scholar mainly interested in ancient Javanese society and
culture, in particular the position of the Buddhist Sailendra dynasty, and is the author
of In Praise of Prambanan; Dutch Essays on the Loro Jonggrang Temple Complex,
Leiden: KITLV Press, forthcoming.
ROBERT WESSING is an anthropologist who obtained his Ph.D. at the University of
Illinois in Urbana. He has worked for many years on problems surrounding the
relations between people and tigers as well as people and spirits in Indonesia and has
previously published The Soul of Ambiguity; The Tiger in Southeast Asia, and 'The
Gunongan in Banda Aceh, Indonesia; Agni's Fire in Allah's Paradise?'
46
Fig.102
Fig.101
Fig.100
Fig.103
IUustration 1. Plates andfiguresfound in the stone casket undemeath the large statue of Siva (reduced in size). Source: Ijzerman 1891.
Illustration 4. Prambanan. Skeleton to the south-east of the Nandi temple. Source: Oudheidkundig Verslag
1938, p. 22, fig. 11, photo OD 11192 (used by courtesy of the Kern Institute, Leiden).
Fj.93
Fig.92
)
)
i/q&i
/(
/
Fy.99
Fuj.95
\
97
^ c
Illustration 2. Gold and copper plates inscribed with syllables, found in the stone casket undemeath the large statue of Siva (reduced in
size). Source: Ijzerman 1891.
49
Kt
Illustration 3. Cross-sections of the temple pit in Candi B and the Siva temple
(not drawn to scale). Source: Ijzerman 1891.
51
Lately, Bruce Lincoln put forward a near-identical explanation for human sacrifice
in ancient India: 'In practice humans were probably never offered in India, the
purusamedha (sacrifice of a man) remaining only a priest's fantasy of the sacrifice to
end all sacrifice' (quoted by Smith and Doniger 1989:220, n. 31).
52
Illustration 4. Prambanan. Skeleton to the south-east of the Nandi temple. Source: Oudheidkundig Verslag
1938, p. 22, fig. 11, photo OD 11192 (used by courtesy of the Kern Institute, Leiden).
54
55
Possibly the name is derived from Candika, one of the names of Durga, a
goddess who appears to have been closely associated with the dead, and
whose temple is absent from no Balinese burial place down to this very
day. The shift in meaning, from "tombstone, burial monument, mausoleum",
to "sanctuary in general", seems obvious.' (Krom 1923a:143.)
Stutterheim developed the idea of the funerary function of the Javanese
temple into a full-fledged theory (Stutterheim 1931; 1940; 1956). There is
no need to discuss this well-known theory in full here. Suffce it to recall
Stutterheim's statement that the worship of rulers in the form of gods was a
practice that was unknown in India and was attributable solely to the
persistence of ancient Indonesian ancestor worship practices. He believed
the attempt to maintain regular contact with a lofty ancestor, now dressed
in Hindu and Tantric-Buddhist ritual garb, to be a traditional means of
securing the well-being of the descendants, and of the people at large.3 To
Stutterheim, therefore, a Javanese candi was not a temple in the true sense
of the word, but a monument: 'the temple was not a place of worship, but
rather an ancestor house [..,]. Temples in the true sense of the word do not
exist in Java. What is called by that name in ninety out of a hundred cases
is a funerary monument, where the king, now identified with a god,
communicated with his descendants.' (Stutterheim 1931:1; see also
Stutterheim 1956:87-8.)
It was not until well after the Second World War that doubt was cast
upon the funerary thesis. Stutterheim's theory was superseded especially
as a result of research by Bosch (1954), O'Connor (1966), and Soekmono
(1974).4 The main thrust of Bosch's criticism was that Stutterheim had
adopted an extreme point of view, 'which could not be defended against
the testimony of the facts'. One of these facts was the nature of the royalty
3
The Tantric influence that was recognized here related solely to the presence of the
small metal plates in the ritual deposit boxes (pripih), which were inscribed with
various so-called 'mystical' syllables supposedly representing the gods who dwelt in
the temple (Van Eerde 1911:16-8). Viewed as mere 'Tantric trumpery' by Brandes
(see Brandes and Groeneveldt 1887:221) and as 'mildly' Tantric features by Bosch
(1961:488), the true significance of these inscribed objects was never fully
appreciated. Further research is needed, however, to find out whether the Javanese
temple deposits served the same Tantric purpose as that discovered by Treloar in his
chemico-symbolic analysis of the gold foil found in some Malaysian sanctuaries
(Treloar 1967; 1972).
4
In spite of all this, some temples, among them Prambanan, are still occasionally
mentioned as having a funerary function, however, for instance by Ensink
(1978:184), who referred to Prambanan as a mausoleum for King Balitung, and by
Helfritz (1979:112-9), who interpreted this edifice not only as a sepulchral monument
for a deified ruler, but also as a burial shrine for Mahayanic Buddhist monks.
Contrary to Wagner's suggestion (1961:103), there has been no subsequent research
done to find out whether the designation 'sepulchral monument' is a more accurate
one for catydi than 'temple'. Even if it were true that some Javanese temples also had a
commemorative function, this would not, in our opinion, justify their being designated
as 'sepulchral monuments'.
56
cult. Even though the extent to which the Javanese deified royalty may
have been exceptional, Bosch argued, closely related practices were
nonetheless known to have existed both in India and among certain
peoples of mainland Southeast Asia, such as the Cham and the Khmer. To
illustrate his point, he referred to the Indian practice of designating Siva
statues, or linga, by the name or surname (biruda) of their royal founders,
in combination with the word svara, which attests to some kind of
identification of these kings with the god Siva. He also pointed to the
devardja cult evolved by the Angkor kings (Bosch 1954:6-8). The other
fact, which Bosch had discovered after a careful analysis of the information
on freehold foundations (dharmma lpas) given in the well-known
Javanese panegyric text, Ndgarakrtdgama, was that of a total of 1365
Javanese foundations or dharmma, only 12% had been dedicated as royal
funerary temples. The other 88%, which included many temples and
shrines, had been established inter alia to contribute to the maintenance of
particular religious or sectarian communities (Bosch 1954:9-10).
The objections raised by Bosch to the funerary theory were
corroborated by O'Connor's (1966) study on the function and origin of
ritual deposit boxes in Southeast Asian sanctuaries. O'Connor concluded
that 'the existence of ritual deposit boxes in the foundations of ancient
sanctuaries of Southeast Asia can be easily integrated in the religious
traditions of India. It is also evident that the mere existence of such boxes
in a sanctuary does not in itself indicate the practice of enshrining the
ashes of dead kings as in Java, nor is the existence of stone ninechambered boxes in itself any evidence of Javanese cultural influence.'
(O'Connor 1966:60.) One of the religious traditions of India which the
Southeast Asian practices may have been related to or derived from is that
observed in the construction of stpas in the days of Asoka (r. 272-231
B.C.). As is pointed out by O'Connor, the idea behind this, too, was that
'these [buried] objects usually combined with relies or a text gave the
stpa its internal vivifying and spiritual force and were part of the essential
ritual of consecration or pranapratistha. Later Buddhism, the Mahdydna
and especially the Vajraydna [...] codified the ritual of consecration which
does without the presence of a relic. Instead it substituted the liturgical
imposition of a divine spirit.' (O'Connor 1966:60.)
Where O'Connor, on Stutterheim's authority, left room for a deviant
pattern in Java and Bali which he described as 'a local inflection' of an
original Indian tradition, Soekmono believed such an exceptional position
to be impossible to prove and even to be inconceivable. Basing himself on
Bosch' study (1920) on the origin of Hindu Javanese temple architecture,
he observed that precisely in rituals people tend to display a strict
adherence to the rules, so that the Javanese could not have adopted a
variant position with regard to ritual deposit boxes (Soekmono 1974:103).
Indeed, after a thorough analysis of a wide range of archaeological
inscriptions and Old Javanese literary works, Soekmono concluded that
57
there is no real textual evidence that the funeral remains of kings were ever
collected for safekeeping in a temple. Rather, it seems to have been the
custom to throw the funerary ashes and other remains into the sea or in
rivers flowing to the sea. Moreover, the idea of funerary enshrinement is
hardly conceivable to the people of present-day Bali because this would
amount to a violation of the ritual purity of their temples (Soekmono
1974:42, 340).
Regrettably, Soekmono does not report what the Balinese would have
thought of the burial of animal and human remains in temple grounds.
Apparently he himself could not explain this, as is clear from his discussion
of the reports of the excavation of Candi Sojiwan, where he suggests there
was uncertainty about the identification of the human skeleton. If there
was any uncertainty, however, it was only in relation to the charred bones
found in the pit of a lost subsidiary shrine, about which the amateur
archaeological society of Yogyakarta failed to report whether these bones
were those of an animal, of a human being, or of both (see Van Blom
1935:109). The skeleton that was found in the north-western corner of the
temple site was definitely human. Van Blom explicitly refers to 'someone
who had died there [...] whose skull has been fairly well preserved' (Van
Blom 1935:13).5 As for the animal remains found at Prambanan, Soekmono,
in contradiction with his earlier remarks about the strict adherence to the
rules of temple rituals by the Javanese, suggested a possible connection
with the still current village ritual of pndman, involving the sacrificial
burial of a buffalo head on a new building site. This led Jordaan (1993:44)
to remark that: 'Just as a buffalo head cannot simply be equated with the
sacrifice of a dog and an ant-eater, so the sacrifice of a human being at the
central courtyard of one of the most important Saivite temple complexes in
Southeast Asia cannot simply be explained as a Javanese folk-belief. On
the contrary [...] both the practice and the persistent belief in the efficacy
of human sacrifices can only be accounted for as borrowings based on
Indian examples.'
Regardless of the question of the origin of the practice of human
sacrifice - a subject to which we shall return presently - it is clear that the
Javanese temple can no longer be regarded as a royal sepulchral
monument. This conclusion subsequently leads us to suggest that candi in
Javanese, rather than having been derived from a word which Krom
glossed as 'burial monument' or 'mausoleum', perhaps initially referred to
5
Van Blom's information does not indicate whether this skull had been removed
from the skeleton through decapitation. This is regrettable, because such information
would indicate more definitely whether or not the ceremony performed here was a
Tantric one, if there was indeed question of a human sacrifice. As far as the mode of
immolation is concerned, Desmukh (1886:115) has noted that 'In all Vedic sacrifices
animals are killed by suffocating them, while in Tantric sacrifices they are decapitated.
The Vedic mode of killing preserves the blood of the animal in the body, while the
Tantric mode allowed it to run out.'
58
a sanctuary where animals and human beings had once been immolated in
honour of Candika. If this is correct, the word is better rendered as
'sacrificial monument', in addition to Zoetmulder's definition (1982:298)
as 'temple or sanctuary (in which the deity descends, is worshipped, and
contact with it is achieved)'.
New perspectives on Tantrism and human sacrifice
Well before the decline of the funerary theory, changes took place in the
views on 'Tantric religion'. These changes concern both the (earlier) date
at which Tantrism became manifest as a distinct phenomenon in India as
well as in Southeast and East Asia, and the better understanding of the
complexity of this phenomenon, including its symbolic, its psychological,
and, to a much lesser extent, its sacrificial aspects. Pioneered by scholars
like P.Ch. Bagchi, B. Bhattacharyya, Sir John Woodroffe (pseudonym
Arthur Avalon) and S.B. Dasgupta, the study of Tantrism has by now
developed into a respectable branch of Indian studies, producing a rapidly
growing body of literature (see, e.g., Bharati 1975; Goudriaan 1979;
Padoux 1987; Lorenzen forthcoming). Intermittent attempts have also
been made to analyse Borobudur and other Central Javanese Buddhist
temple structures by reference to various Tantric texts (e.g., Stutterheim
1929; Pott 1956; Lokesh Chandra 1979a, 1979b). As regards Hindu
Tantrism and Saktism in ancient Central Java, however, our knowledge is
much more fragmentary.6
In view of this state of affairs, Jordaan (1993:44-46) drew attention
anew to Ijzerman's neglected observations on Prambanan's animal and
human sacrificial remains and to the parallels drawn by the latter with the
practices of certain Tantric sects in India. These Indian parallels seemed
worthy of note again particularly in view of the flaws in Stutterheim's and
Soekmono's interpretations of these sacrifices in terms of Javanese
folklore. As an Indian example Jordaan mentioned the Kapalikas, a sect
that is known to have practised human sacrifice, pointing out at the same
time, however, that not much was known about this long-extinct Saiva
sect except for the data collected by Lorenzen (1972; 1989). Furthermore,
the information we do have is confined largely to the Indian sub-continent
and cannot yet be extrapolated to Southeast Asia. As a systematic study of
religious beliefs and sectarian movements in ancient Java still remains to be
59
The only piece of evidence for the presence of Saiva Tantrics in ancient Central
Java is the poorly recorded discovery near Mount Merapi of a unique bronze skull
cup, a Tantric ritual object which probably dates from between the eighth and tenth
centuries A.D. (Stutterheim 1929:14-5). Though reminiscent of the 'skull-bearing'
Kapalikas, we do not know for certain if this object was once theirs. The Indonesian
archaeologist Hariani Santiko (1987:370; 1990) suggests that the Kapalikas were
perhaps designated as Bhairavas, but this is contradicted by Zoetmulder's (1982 1:797)
mention of the term kapalikabrata as occurring in the Udyogaparwa. The earliest
written evidence on the Bhairavas dates from the East Javanese period.
s
This usage was first criticized by Bosch (1961:487, n. 3), who recommended the
use of a more neutral term like 'casket' rather than 'reliquary', as was done by Lamb in
his report on the excavation of Chandi Bukit Batu Pahat in Kedah.
9
Bondan, Latupapua and Djajadiningrat (1982:87) report that Candi Kalasan was
once 'surrounded by a series of stupas covering the buried ashes of monks, together
with some of their belongings', which were found at the site during excavations 'some
years ago', without any reference to excavation reports or any explanation why the
ashes of these monks would have been buried there, if indeed they were the ashes of
monks.
60
10
Clearly, alcohol drinking and indulgence in sensual pleasures can be qualified as
pahcamakara, or 'the rite of the Five M's' followed by Tantric adepts (Moens
1924:530). Hence, to say that the scnes of Padang Lawas were of a more demoniacal
variety of sadamada ('always drunk') than those of Borobudur is incompatible with
Bosch's (1959) conclusion that the latter monument was free from Tantric influence.
1
' One could also argue that there is a need for a re-assessment of Treloar's dating of
the ritual deposits in Malayan temples in the light of the information yielded by
Prambanan. Besides, references to alchemy in various Buddhist scriptures suggest a
much earlier date for alchemical practices in the Indonesian archipelago than the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, as assumed by Treloar on the basis of the evidence
supplied by Chandi Batu Pahat (see, e.g., Waley 1932:1102-3).
12
Examples from other areas are mentioned by Heine-Geldern (1917:30), according
to whom King Mindon, 'who was otherwise known as a strict Buddhist and opponent
of spirit veneration', had a pregnant woman sacrificed on the occasion of the founding
of the city of Mandalay in 1857. See also Zrcher (1959) for several examples of
such 'heterodox' sacrifices performed by Buddhist monks in early medieval China.
61
who was offered bloody sacrifices, probably even human ones. [...] This
worship of Heruka formed a point of contact between the Indian and the
indigenous rites [...] and gave impulse to the transformed interpretation of
Batak cannibalism into a magie rite of degenerate Buddhism.'13 We shall
look at this explanation more closely in a later section.
Given this evidence, we are unable to corroborate Henniger's
observation on 'tendencies to the spiritualization and ethicization of
sacrifice' in Indian religions, at least as far as those practised outside the
Indian sub-continent are concerned. Nor can we attest O'Connor's abovecited remarks about the process of substitution, which is also described by
Smith and Doniger in their valuable essay focused on sacrifice and
substitution: 'Under the influence of Buddhism or, more generally, of the
doctrine of ahimsd that became part of Hinduism and Buddhism, a
revisionary attitude toward the use of vegetable offerings came to the fore
[...] The carnivorous Vedic gods were replaced by strictly vegetarian Hindu
deities who are said to accept no blood offerings, but only rice, fruits, and
so forth [...] Hindus, Buddhists and Jains all rejected Vedic sacrifice,
especially the animal sacrifice; but they also dressed up their new doctrines
and religious activities in the guise of Vedic sacrifice' (Smith and Doniger
1989:214-5). Rather than substitution, the remains found in Prambanan
and Sojiwan testify to the side-by-side existence of human and various
animal sacrifices.
This does not negate the fact that at both temple sites the human
remains were found not in the main temple, but rather at or near a
subsidiary one. It seems quite likely to us that the officiating priests, in their
choice of location, wished to give covert expression to the subordinate
nature of the role played by human sacrifice in the ritual of consecration of
the temple. In support of this argument, we would cite von Glasenapp, one
of the few scholars to appreciate the less attractive side of Vajrayana
Buddhism, including its sanctioning of animal sacrifices and even murder
(von Glasenapp [1940]: 145-6). Von Glasenapp noted that in later
Bengalese and Tibetan Vajrayana Buddhism an increasingly important role
was assigned to all kinds of terrifying gods and demons, to whom
evidently even meat and alcohol were offered. Because this took place
mostly at night and, furthermore, not in the inner sanctum but in an
adjoining area, von Glasenapp inferred that the cult could be characterized
as being 'outside the saving doctrine' (von Glasenapp [1940]: 128).
Similarly, Bolle (1983:41) observes that 'in a village that is thoroughly
13
The expression 'degenerate Buddhism' is in line with the accepted view on the rise
of an indigenized form of Tantric Buddhism during the East Javanese period.
However, in the case of Padang Lawas, where Heruka was worshipped, the 13thcentury dating of the temple seems to be the result of a circular argument, as this date
was said to have been arrived at 'on account of these obvious traces of late tantric
Buddhism' (Bosch, as cited by Heine-Geldern 1972:325).
62
brahmanized, the attendant gods can become the official recipients of the
[bloody] sacrifice rather than the central deities themselves'.
What is worth noting specifically is the conclusion suggested by the
sacrifcial remains at Prambanan and Sojiwan that there must have been a
very close similarity between Hinduism and Buddhism in the Central
Javanese period. This conclusion corroborates Sarkar's (1967) theory
about the evolution of the Siva-Buddha cult in Java, the ground for which,
according to him, must have been prepared already in the eighth and ninth
centuries. Support for this theory is also provided by the architectural and
stylistic similarities between Prambanan and some of the neighbouring
Buddhist temples that have long since been observed by many
archaeologists. Whether these similarities can indeed be taken as evidence
for the assumed 'process of approximation' between Buddhism and
Hinduism, however, depends on the question of when and exactly how
they came about. This problem having been dealt with elsewhere (Jordaan
1993; in press), we will here only reiterate the supposition that Buddhist
influences in the art of Prambanan are most readily explained in terms of
the involvement of the Buddhist Sailendra dynasty, which seems only
conceivable in an atmosphere of religious tolerance and mutual
accommodation.l4
Now we can adduce, in addition to the sacrifcial remains, the evidence
of recent excavations at two different temple sites close to Prambanan.
These unearthed among other things a small silver statue of Siva at Candi
Sewu, a Buddhist temple, and a small bronze figure of Vajrapani at Candi
Sambisari, the Hindu temple already referred to above.15 These finds are not
unique. Brandes (1887:24), for instance, reported the discovery in Central
Java of a silver statuette of Durga with the Buddhist credo 'ye dharmmd
hetuprabhawd ..." inscribed in Nagar script on its back. More recently,
Fontein (1990) mentioned the discovery in Surocolo, Central Java, of a jar
containing 19 small bronze statues of Buddhist divinities as well as three
others, one of which represented Siva. Judging by workmanship and size,
Fontein did not believe it probable that these all formed part of the same
set. Concerning the Siva statuette in particular, he concluded that 'it could
not have been part of the original Buddhist ensemble, which constitutes
14
By those archaeologists and art historians who subscribe to the conflict model first
put forward by Krom (1931:173) and subsequently elaborated by De Casparis
(1956), the similarities are usually taken as evidence of an 'architectural confrontation'
between Buddhism and Hinduism in ancient Central Java, and of 'appropriations of
the Sailendras' mode of discourse' by the Hindu Javanese rulers after the expulsion of
the Sailendras from Java (Miksic 1994:444; see also Dumarcay 1981; 1986:42-9;
1993:74).
15
Apart from Vajrapani, a small bronze statue was found here, which was rather
vaguely described as an arca wanita (statue of a woman) but which may well
represent the Buddhist goddess Tara, as she displays the varadamudra with her right
hand and holds a (utpalal) flower in her left hand, which are both of them attributes
of Tara par excellence (Ghosh 1980:31).
63
64
65
be explained by the fact 'that there were among the Javanese, Khmer and
Chams certain individuals who had fleshed out foreign-looking rituals with
notions derived from their own native world view and in this way arrived
at a syncretism of the cult of royalty and indigenous ancestral worship'
(Bosch 1954:8), he never ceased to doubt the usefulness of statements of
this kind. It was his opinion that, 'since we know nothing of what went on
in the minds of the individuals concerned, it seems safer to relegate this
kind of assumptions to the realm of useless speculation' (Bosch 1954:9). n
Bosch can not have suspected that, for an explanation of the Javanese
royalty cult, it would nevertheless have been useful to seriously consider
such a synthesis of Indic rituals and native ideas, and that the idea of this
could even have been made plausible to a certain extent. A point of
departure now is provided by the human sacrifice at Prambanan and the
Javanese culik belief that was already mentioned by Stutterheim. Recent
research in other parts of Indonesia has shown that the rumours of
kidnappings in connection with construction sacrifices are not just a
product of Javanese folk-belief but are a pan-Indonesian phenomenon of
quite long standing (see Barnes 1993 for a well-considered recapitulation
17
That Bosch himself was not always consistent in this is shown by his statements
about a possible fusion between Hindu notions of Parvaf as an Indian mother figure
and ancient Minangkabau ideas and institutions such as those of matrilineality and the
position of the primordial ancestral mother (Bosch 1961:480).
66
The authors wish to thank Rosemary Robson for drawing their attention to the
articles in Oceania.
67
68
69
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