Fighter and Survivor

The history of Parry Sound and the future of its

tourism identity

Maria Legault
GEOG 340
Thursday, March 12th , 2009
Professor Clare Mitchell

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Fighter and Survivor

Parry Sound is situated on the shores of

Georgian Bay at the mouth of the Seguin River
and has a rich history of both First Nation and
European occupation (Figure 1) (Shroeder, 2008).
Around 1859, lumbering became the towns first
identity and was later replaced by manufacturing
and tourism. Each identity developed and
declined due to environmental, economic, and
transportation factors. Tourism has proven to be

Figure 1: The location of Parry Sound

Source: Parry Sound Area Demographic Information.
(n.d.). http://www.demographics.parrysound.on.ca/

Parry Sounds strongest identity so far; however,

the demographic and employment status of the town suggests that more planned economic
development along with environmental protection will be needed for its continued sustainability.
Parry Sounds pre-settlement history involved both First Nation and European influences
which provided the base for its three identities. Huron First Nations were the original inhabitants
of the area until they were wiped out by invading Iroquoians and replaced by the Ojibway
(Wing, 1975). In 1610, the French Etienne Brule was the first European to canoe through the
area and his route was later followed by Samuel de Champlain, the Hudsons Bay Company, and
Jesuit missionaries (Radin, 1924; Wing, 1975). Surveys done in 1820 by Commander Henry
Wolsey Bayfield of the Royal Navy established the locations basic geography and left it with
the name Parry Sound, after the Arctic explorer William Edward Parry (Hayes, 2005). In 1858,
colonization began when William Milnor Gibson bought a timber limit for the area and built a
mill at the mouth of the Seguin River (Hayes, 2005). This mill was the beginning of Parry
Sounds lumbering identity.

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Fighter and Survivor

An analysis of Parry Sounds three identities

From 1859 to 1883, Parry Sound maintained a lumbering identity as a result of
environmental and transportation factors. After brothers James Hughes and William Beatty
purchased Gibsons saw mill and timber rights, more settlers were drawn to the area by the
Homestead Act (Hayes, 2005). These settlers quickly found that the areas acidic, poorly
drained soils discouraged farming but provided vast amounts of valuable white pine for lumber
(Campbell, 2003; Dahms & Hoover, 1979). Accordingly, three different lumbering companies
employed the majority of local residents and lumbermen were socially and politically influential
(Hayes, 2005). Lumbering was additionally viable due to the areas many waterways, as they
allowed easy transport to British and American markets (Tatley, 1983). This corresponds with
Whebells (1969) first stage of corridor development, which explains that Parry Sound
established as a town because of its proximity to waterways for transportation and the initial
settlers perception that the forests of white pine indicated favourable land.
The lumbering identity in Parry Sound declined when these same environmental and
transportation factors failed to provide long-term economic growth. Unsustainable lumbering
practises resulted in a severe shortage of the valuable white pine by the late 1880s, awakening
local residents to the temporary and low-paying nature of resource extraction (McIntyre, 2009;
Stedman, Parkins, & Beckley, 2005). Local lumbering profits were further reduced after 1880
by Americans from Michigan purchasing large quantities of Georgian Bay timber limits (Angus,
1990). Meanwhile, transportation to and from Parry Sound remained limited to boats such as the
Waubuno, despite efforts by William Beatty and his friend Thomas McMurray to draw a railroad
to the area (Wing, 1975). The population of Parry Sound in 1882 was 800 people and the decline
in lumbering caused them to turn to manufacturing for economic survival (Hayes, 2005, p. 71).

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Fighter and Survivor

Parry Sound residents tried to draw manufacturing from 1884 to 1920 to replace
lumbering; however, environmental and economic forces limited the success of their initial
attempts. The areas hilly topography created prohibitive costs for the Scotia Junction Railway,
and J.R. Booth decided to put his Canada Atlantic Railway terminus on Parry Island due to its
superior location (Hayes, 2005). Lack of employment in Parry Sound in 1893 resulted in a small
population of only 1,600 people (Hayes, 2005, p. 65). Two chemical companies did appear in
the early 1900s, but were shut down soon afterwards as a result of changing market pressures
and reduced funding (Wing, 1975). However, settlement into the area continued and required
better transportation as outlined in Whebells (1969) second stage of corridor development.
Continued efforts to attract rail transportation to Parry Sound were eventually successful
and allowed local residents to work at manufacturing plants in the nearby town of Nobel. From
1902 to 1908, Parry Sound received links to the James Bay, Canadian Northern, and Canadian
Pacific Railways (Wing, 1975). These railways stimulated growth in Nobel because it had a
labour supply in Parry Sound, as discussed in Whebells (1969) third stage of corridor theory.
Parry Sound residents benefitted from the work at Nobels Canadian Explosives Limited and
British Cordite Limited plants, which were most profitable during war times (Hayes, 2005). In
1916 and 1942, Parry Sounds population peaked at over 6,000 as workers needed a place to stay
while making munitions in Nobel (Hayes, 2005, p. 172). The brief nature of these population
and prosperity booms caused residents concern and they turned to tourism as a solution.
Tourism first began in 1921 and was strongly influenced by transportation and
environmental factors. In 1938, a highway was established from Parry Sound to Sudbury and
roads in the town were paved (Wing, 1975). The road improvements allowed Whebells (1969)
fourth and fifth stages of corridor development to occur in Parry Sound as retailing, recreational,

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Fighter and Survivor

and cottage industries increased along with the dominance of roadways for transportation.
Improved transportation also opened the area to artists, such as the Group of Seven, who were
drawn to the geographic isolation and pristine environmental resources of Georgian Bay
(Campbell, 2003; Dahms & Hoover, 1979). These artists created the iconic image of the north
for tourists and continue to be a strong presence in the area today (Campbell, 2003).
Tourism began to show its lack of economic benefits in the late 1980s. The influx of
retirees and recreationists into the area in response to the tourist industry caused concurrent
youth out-migration (Naqvi, Sharpe, & Hecht, 1995). During this time, Parry Sounds increased
connectivity with the urban core of Toronto as a recreation and live-work retreat indicates its
new status as a part of the urban field, which could have provided it with positive economic
growth (Dahms, 1998). However, Parry Sounds long-term economic sustainability was
restricted by its lack of young workers and its transient, seasonal population (Faulk, 1996).
Despite these demographic problems, tourism has continued to be Parry Sounds strongest
identity and provides employment to the majority of local residents to this day (Hayes, 2005).
A discussion on the future viability of tourism
Re-imaging is the process of changing the publics perception of a rural area and Parry
Sound already experienced this dramatic shift when it changed from a landscape of production to
one of tourist consumption (Gill & Reed, 1997). The strength and importance of Parry Sounds
tourism identity suggests that a complete re-imaging is not required. However, the towns
demographic and employment trends indicate the need for action in the form of community
economic development, an increased presence of artists, tourism planning, and environmental
protection to ensure the future sustainability of local economic and environmental conditions.

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Fighter and Survivor

Demographically, Parry Sounds tourism identity has not helped it to retain a young and
stable population. The previous analysis of its three identities noted that its population was
typically below 6,000 people with the exception of war time. Tourism has not improved this
situation and from 1986 to 1991 there was only a 2.5 percent growth in population (Naqvi et al.,
1995, p. 20). Table 1 reveals how Parry Sound had the largest population in the western district
due to its status as the areas oldest town. However, its growth was also the lowest, which could
be because of tourisms uncertain economic future (Naqvi et al., 1995).
Table 1: Population and population growth in west Parry Sound District, 1986-1991

Area
Carling
Christie
Foley
Hagerman
Humphrey
Magnetewan
McDougall
McKellar
Parry Sound
Rosseau
Archipelago

Total population in
1991
951
537
1,467
513
1,111
267
2,061
879
6,125
263
720

Population growth
from 1986-1991 (%)
10.7
12.3
8.7
24.2
45.6
5.1
19.2
36.5
2.5
13.4
23.5

Source: Modified from Naqvi, K., Sharpe, B., & Hecht, A. (1995). Page 20.

More recently, Parry Sound has experienced negative population growth and an
increasingly older population. In 2001, Parry Sound boasted a population of 6,124 individuals,
but by 2006 there was a 5 percent decrease to 5,818 people (Statistics Canada, 2008). The
median age for the 2006 population was 46.3 years, which suggests that low fertility rates could
be a problem in the future (Statistics Canada, 2008). A study by De Coeur (2002) also found that
the majority of residents in Georgian Bay had only lived in the area for 20-29 years and were
mainly full-time retirees (36%) (p. 79). This study further highlights the lack of a young and
stable population in the Parry Sound area, which will limit its future economic sustainability.

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Fighter and Survivor

The unstable population and tourism identity of Parry Sound has created limited
employment opportunities and subsequent poverty for local residents. The areas main
employers in 2006 were those in the retail, real estate, and construction industries, with a local
specialization in arts and recreation (Table 2) (Ministry of Agriculture, Food, and Rural Affairs,
2006). Its lack of employment opportunities in 2005 caused 15.9 percent of the population to fall
into the low-income category, with a median after-tax income of only $40,336 per year for
private households (Statistics Canada, 2008). The areas poverty and limited employment
opportunities suggest that action is needed to maintain the local economy into the future.
Table 2: Distribution of local businesses in Parry Sound, 2006

Industry
Agriculture, forestry, fishing, and hunting
Mining, Oil, and Gas Extraction
Construction
Manufacturing
Wholesale Trade
Retail Trade
Transportation and Warehousing
Information and Cultural Industries
Finance and Insurance
Real Estate
Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services
Management of Companies and Enterprises
Administrative, Waste Management and Remediation
Educational Services
Health Care and Social Assistance
Arts, Entertainment, and Recreation
Accommodation and Food Services
Other Services (except Public Administration)
Public Administration

# of local businesses
3
0
91
19
23
116
36
4
30
105
64
25
14
3
46
24
44
54
4

Source: Modified from Ministry of Agriculture, Food, and Rural Affairs. (2006).
http://cscroute.mah.gov.on.ca/Reddi/

Economic development in Parry Sound could occur sustainably through community

economic development, an increased number of local artists, or more tourism planning.
Community economic development (CED) is a viable option for Parry Sound because it would
use the unique strengths of the town to advantage (Naqvi et al., 1995). In CED, community is

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Fighter and Survivor

defined as being peoples geographic, social, or psychological proximity to each other and is
maintained through an individualized approach to development in each rural area (Koster &
Randall, 2005). The first step in the CED process is becoming aware of the problem and
assessing its cause (Daniels, 1989). After that, the community needs to set defined goals and
establish leadership, with local priorities for development being central to this process (Naqvi et
al., 1995). For Parry Sound, CED could occur with more local development organizations and
financing for start-up businesses from the federal and provincial governments.
Drawing more artists to the area would positively benefit economic development in Parry
Sound, as it would increase the human capital of the community (Hoyman & Faricy, 2009).
Human capital is a highly skilled and educated work force that can increase productivity and
attract younger workers (Petrov, 2008). Parry Sound is well-positioned to draw artists due to the
influence of the counter-urbanization movement, in which urban residents move to rural areas to
enjoy the pleasant surroundings (Mitchell, Bunting, & Piccioni, 2004). Further, many of these
migrations are part of the growing trend of ruralisation, in which residents give up all ties to their
previous urban surroundings and thereby keep wealth within the rural community (Mitchell et
al., 2004). Parry Sound could attract more artists by developing ties with other artistic
communities such as Elora, increasing promotion efforts, and maintaining its natural resources.
Tourism planning could encourage long-term economic development in Parry Sound by
safeguarding the community against future hazards. Integrative tourism plans assess economic,
social, and environmental factors to ensure the sustainability of each (Marcouiller, 1997). These
factors are considered sustainable when they provide lasting benefits to the local community; for
example, jobs would be assessed for their ability to provide workers with sufficient pay,
permanence, and training opportunities (Marcouiller, 1997). Proactive planning ensures that the

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Fighter and Survivor

tourism industry is not consumed by international companies, which can cause environmental
problems, import seasonal workers, and strain local utilities (Bergstrom et al., 1990). Parry
Sound could begin implementing this form of planning by establishing a Citizens Tourism
Advisory Committee to guide the future development of tourism in the area (Gill & Reed, 1997).
Demographic trends in Parry Sound also suggest that action is needed to protect the local
environment. Heavy, seasonal use by urban tourists from Toronto is causing degradation of the
areas natural resources, a situation further exacerbated by the impacts of climate change
(Egunyu, 2004). Parry Sound currently protects its natural resources through several provincial
parks such as Grundy, Killbear, and Oastler (Hayes, 2005). However, more environmental
protection is needed to preserve the unique environments found in this area (De Coeur, 2002).
Stewardship is one example of a protective environmental initiative which could benefit
Parry Sound; however, it is complicated by First Nations claims on local natural resources.
Stewardship is defined as the care private owners give their land and is motivated by an ethical
commitment to conservation (Egunyu, 2004). A study by De Coeur (2002) found that Georgian
Bay residents were concerned about local natural resources and were supportive of
environmental protection such as stewardship. Parry Sound could use education, technical
assistance, and other incentives to generate stewardship for local resources (Egunyu, 2004).
However, because stewardship requires complete local cooperation, recent First Nations
actions could complicate such an initiative. The Ojibway First Nations have continued to live in
the Georgian Bay area despite the financial hardship and racial discrimination they have been
forced to endure (Brownlie, 2008). In order to re-establish their culture and identity, they are
currently attempting to claim their rights to the water and lakebed resources of Lake Huron and

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Fighter and Survivor

Georgian Bay (Avery, 2004; Hibbard, Lane & Rasmussen, 2008). Despite the importance of
their legal battle, this dispute could cause barriers to complete local participation in stewardship.
Conclusions on the future of Parry Sound
Parry Sound has a long, rich history and three main identities. These identities developed
due to environmental, economic, and transportation factors following with Whebells (1969)
corridor theory. Its lumbering identity developed due to the poor soils for farming, the plentiful
white pine, and the many waterways. Lumbering was strongest from 1859 to 1883 and as it
declined local residents tried to replace it with manufacturing. Their attempts resulted in only
limited success until they got railway transportation after 1900 and were able to travel to the
nearby Nobel for manufacturing employment. Tourism replaced manufacturing in Parry Sound
after 1921 as a result of improved transportation and the areas pristine natural environment. The
tourism identity has since created problems with slow or negative population growth, an aging
population, and limited employment opportunities; further, along with climate change it is
causing degradation to the natural resources which draw artists and tourists to the area.
The economic and environmental problems with the tourism identity suggest that action
is required for its continued sustainability. Solutions could involve community economic
development, drawing more artists to the area, or more proactive tourism planning. Beginning
with initiatives such as stewardship, more stringent environmental protection will also be
required to help protect the environmental resources upon which the community relies, despite
the barriers such actions would face. Throughout Parry Sounds history, it has overcome great
odds and shown itself to be both a fighter and a survivor; it is with hope that it turns itself to the
future challenges inherent in its tourism identity.

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