CUENCA URBAN AGRICULTURE

Author: Cecilia Condo

January, 2001
Guayaquil, Ecuador

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

1. Poverty Analysis of Cuenca

1.1. Poverty: extent, severity and specific features
1.2. Vulnerable groups
1.3. Causes of poverty

3
5
6

2. UPA Policy Analysis

2.1. Institutional and legal framework
2.2. Cuenca Urban Agriculture Program: Policy Analysis
2.2.a. Redistribution
2.2.b. Targeting
2.2.c. Opportunities
2.2.d. Security
2.2.e. Empowerment and capacity building

7
8
10
10
10
11
11

3. Stakeholders Analysis
3.1. Analysis of social actors
3.2. SWOT

12
15

4. CUAP Policy Assessment

4.1. Effectiveness
4.2. Efficiency
4.3. Equity
4.4. Sustainability

16
17
18
18

5. Conclusions and recommendations

18

Annex 1

20

Bibliography

CUENCA URBAN AGRICULTURE PROGRAM: UPA ASSESSMENT

Introduction
The last 2 decades in Latin America has been a continuous process of social, economic and political
deterioration in most of the countries of this region. Ecuador is a good example of that and the
deterioration of the environment, the living conditions of the population and representative democracy are
evidence of the sharp contradictions in the current model of development. In fact, it is possible to affirm
the country has reached an economic, political and environmental collapse, but simultaneously has been
generating significant economic accumulation for tiny sectors of the population (Surez and Lpez
1997:83).
From 1998 up to 2000, Ecuador has been indeed in a terrible situation, which has not been overcome yet.
By 1999 the financial system broke down and next year dollarisation was adopted in a desperate attempt to
stop hyperinflation, and the general situation in the country worsened Ortiz 2000:77). Poverty increased
and as a strategy to overcome the crisis thousand of people migrated to other countries as USA, Spain and
Italy (CEPLAES 1999). In fact, even if there is no official data, there are some approximations that suggest
more than 150,000 people migrating out of the country during 1999 (Vos 2000:36). Moreover, during 2000
income sent by migrants were the second highest source of income in a national level (US$1,330 millions)
after the oil export, the first source (Hoy:30 May,2001).
In this context, the main city of Ecuador where people are migrating from is Cuenca. Located in the south
Andean region, the city has an estimated population of 300,000 people by year 2000 living in 70 km2. By
1990 there were around 45,000 families with an average of 4.6 members per family (INEC Census 1990).
Cuenca is mainly known for its historical and cultural wealthy as well as its diverse industry.
About its industry, since 1970 there is an Industrial park in the city with more than 60 firms and 3,000
formal workers. Mainly industries are production of textiles, ceramic tiles, paper, food processing, tapestry
and some others (El Comercio February 24, 1998). Besides this park, there are also industries extracting
and processing marble, producing panama hats; and handicrafts industries produced basically by
indigenous people and concentrated in clusters near to the city. In fact, due to Cuencas rich artisan
production the Organisation of American States (OAS) has established the Interamerican Center of Popular
Arts CIDAP (Servidatos 1999). Some of these industries are exporting their goods to other countries in
Latin America, the USA and Europe.
Within this context of industrial development and migration, there is an important group of the inhabitants
of the city living in poor conditions with unsatisfied basic needs and without access to many services. This
paper is focusing in strategies made by local government (Municipality) to address urban poverty in an
innovative way, through the Cuenca Urban Agriculture Program.

1. Poverty Analysis of Cuenca

Poverty has been seen as a multi-dimensional approach, combining social, economic and political
indicators, with implicit criteria of vulnerability and entitlement. Vulnerability with a meaning of
defencelessness, insecurity, and exposure to risk, shocks and stress and entitlement referring to the
complex ways in which individuals or households command resources. These include wages, sale of
assets, own production, reducing consumption and public provision of goods and services. (Wratten
1995:17).
Expressions of poverty in Cuenca have been identified in terms of social, economic, environmental and
political problems, which are explained below.
1.1. Poverty: Extent, Severity and specific features
In terms of social aspects: poverty and inequality, migration and illiteracy have been identified as the
main features of poverty.
About poverty, during 1980 and 1990 it has become increasingly concentrated in urban settlements
(Wratten 1995:11). Along with the process of urbanisation, poverty is also increasingly being
urbanized (Wegelin and Borgman 1995:131). In that way, poverty and inequality are very closed
aspects of the same issue, and any of them can be examined as the cause but also the consequence of
the other.
During 1998 the difference of income between the 5% poorest and the 5% richest in the country was
109 times, meanwhile in 1999 it increased to 203 times (CEDATOS 2000). In Cuenca inequalities have
been increasing faster since 1997, when migration processes accelerated, originating a dual
consequence: sometimes sharply improvement of living conditions of their families (those who got a
job abroad) but other times pauperising them (when they can not get a job or simply stop sending
money home). In fact, in 1998 in Cuenca the 10% richest got 40% of income of the city, meanwhile the
20% poorest got 4,7%. In terms of money, the former earned a monthly average per household of
US$1,080, meanwhile the latter around US$30 (CEDATOS 2000).
Therefore, inequalities in the city explain levels of poverty: 51% people with at least one Unsatisfied
Basic Need in 1998 (INEC 1998) and 38% people below the poverty line (CEDATOS 1998).
Inequality is also reflected in Gini coefficient of the city: 0.44%1.
In terms of emigration, it is a phenomenon that has increased sharply in the last three years, especially
in low-income groups and - within them- young male adults (30 40 years). For most of the
households of migrants living out of the country more than 5 years, the economic situation has
improved slightly and some social wellbeing has been achieved, such as increases in literacy, years of
schooling, nutrition and purchasing power. But experience has shown that the first 3 years out of the
1

Gini coefficient is an index that measures inequality. It is measured between 0 to 1, and as higher the number as
more inequality it reflects.

country are critical for the survival of their families. This phenomenon has not had any effective
response neither from the Central Government, with policies in a national level, nor from the Local
Government, with strategies that attack the causes of migration. Nevertheless, there are some attempts
to target migrants families and to promote economic development as a mean for preventing future
migration.
Many authors have been analysed emigration as a response of the new international division of labour,
as part of the intensification of Neoliberal economic models all over the world (Hoy:26 April,2000).
But there are also national causes at the macro and micro level. Among the first ones, one may find the
incapacity of the market to absorb labour supply, the absence of policies addressing this issue and some
others. In a micro level, emigration has been seen as a very profitable business for middleman or
coyotes (people in charge of bringing migrants illegally to other countries), not just people but entire
organisations in charge of promoting migration illegally at very expensive costs (El Comercio: 12
October, 1997).
In the other hand, this process is accompanied with immigration of thousands of people from rural
areas towards the city, and despite all talk about urban crisis it is evident that the city itself is a giant
machine of poverty alleviation (Berner 1998:1). In fact, even with an estimated rate of 20% of the
household heads (El Comercio: 12 October, 1997) leaving the country up to 1997, Cuenca shows an
urban growth rate of 3,8%, higher than the national level of 2,11% (INEC 1998).
And about illiteracy, with a rate of 10% of adult population (close to national rates) this has become an
important feature of poverty, especially when one relates illiteracy with poverty. In a study made in the
country in 1997, the results show illiterate people earn almost have of the income of people with
primary education, and almost of income of people with superior education (MARKOP 1997). It is
also important to clarify that most of this illiterate people belong to indigenous groups, and among
them, women are in the worst conditions (INEC 1990). Indigenous population in Cuenca represents an
8% of the total inhabitants.
In terms of economic aspects: unemployment and child labour are the main faces of poverty.
Unemployment in Cuenca in 1999 was about 18% (INEC 1999) meanwhile the informal sector was
around 38% of the working population of the city (UNCHS 1999). In the same way, Cuenca is known
as one of the cities in the country with higher rates of working children, even without official numbers.
These are the main features of poverty in the sense that all this people (without a job and in the
informal sector) are bearing the consequences of the crisis of the country and the incapacity of the city
to offer them possibilities for developing in minimum standards of living.
For a more detailed list of social and economic indicators of Cuencas population living conditions one
may check Annex 1, at the end of this paper.
In terms of environmental aspects: pollution and deforestation are the principal problems. Water
pollution of the 4 rivers surrounding the city, erosion of the soil, accumulation of solid waste in the
slopes of the mountain (through the city) and deforestation of green areas are the main features of

poverty in the city reflected in the environment (Cruz 2000:12). These affect the whole city but
predominantly the marginal areas where the poorest are living, without security of land tenure and in
risky health conditions.
Among the main problems in terms of political aspects one may find populism, patronage and lack of
participation. The three features belong to a vicious circle of corruption and citizens indifference to
political life of the city. These are related to poverty in the sense that the first two ones are used as
strategy for alleviating poverty; meanwhile the latter decreases civil societys negotiation power
towards the local and central government, debilitating them in their task against poverty.
1.2. Vulnerable groups
Some groups show mayor vulnerability in Cuenca in the current context of crisis, as in most of the
main cities in the country:
i.

Extreme poverty households, mainly those with a single income from the informal sector. It is
group living in structural poverty, with many unsatisfied basic needs, low access to social
services and incapacity to satisfy nutritional requirements. Within these households, the
children below 5 years are most exposed to poverty (malnutrition and risk of death), household
headed women (risk of maternal problems and acquisition capacity deterioration), the youth
(school dropouts) and the old (incapacity for caring health problems) (Vos 2000:36).
Physically, these households are located in marginal areas, forming a poverty belt around the
city, in risky and polluted places.

ii.

Households of recent migrants out of the country, especially women headed households. In the
case of male migrants, the first 3 years out of home are critical for their families (particularly
women), especially when they were the single income in the households. Emigrating usually
are financed by huge credits from the informal sector that their families have to pay later on,
where interests are higher than the formal sector and the possibility of evasion practically does
not exist (Hoy:26 April, 2000). Certainly, a coyote charges between US$7,000 to $10,000 per
person and their monthly interest is around 2%(Hoy: 2 November,1999). Besides this burden,
household members have to adjust to new sources of income and to new roles of each member
within the family, especially mothers functions.

iii.

Migrants coming from rural areas, especially indigenous groups lacking of housing and other
assets. These households originally were living in the countryside and were involved in
agricultural activities. After migration towards the city, they become the poorest group usually
living in the streets, out of the formal sector and surviving begging in the downtown. Among
them, children are in the worst conditions, especially if they do not speak Spanish: risky
situations while they are begging are additional to malnutrition, illiteracy and health problems.

iv.

The Handicapped. Even if they represent a small percentage of the population, handicapped
youth and adults are a very vulnerable group with almost no available services and/or

opportunities for development within the city. But this reality does not fit with handicapped
kids, who have available educational and other services that cover the first years of life and
their basic needs.

1.3. Causes of poverty in Cuenca

Even with a lack of information of the city and its diverse forms and causes of poverty, one may
attempt to identify and analyse some basic causes of poverty in Cuenca. From an integrated
development approach, causes of poverty are interlinked and must be tackled in a co-ordinated way
(Wratten 1995:29), and within them it is possible to differentiate structural and eventual causes, from a
macro and micro perspective.
Among structural national causes (macro perspective), one may consider the current Neoliberal
economic model as the main cause of Cuencas poverty as in the rest of the country, and it has been
analysed repeatedly. In fact, economic crisis and Structural Adjustment Policies SAPs (as one of the
properties of Neoliberal model) introduced in the Third World have had a disproportionate impact on
the urban poor, due to rising food prices, declining real wages and redundancy in the formal labour
market, and reduced public expenditure on basic services and infrastructure. (Moser, Herbert and
Makonnen 1993 in Wratten 1995:11).
In this way, it has been fully proved that economic growth after SAPs has not brought equity and
reduction of poverty in urban and rural areas (Wratten 1995:14). Moreover, deterioration of living
conditions in middle and low-income groups has been a consequence of SAPs and an increase of the
gap between the richest and the poorest groups in the city. Another important consequence of the
implementation of this model, and cause of poverty in the city is the emigration movement that is
weakening family structures, increasing poverty and enlarging womens burden as households head
(Cruz 2000:12).
International flows of money coming from migrants could be analysed as a cause of poverty in the city
due to its inflationary character. Speculation could be seen as a result of excess of cash in the city and
is increasing fast, impacting in inflation up to the point that in 2000 annual inflation was on 108%,
higher rate than the national index (El Comercio:11 July,2000).
Another important structural cause of poverty is social, economic and political exclusion that
indigenous groups have stood historically by Spanish colonisation since more than 5 centuries ago, and
later on, by mestizo people of the country. Social exclusion can be defined as recurrent patterns of
social relationships in which individuals and groups are denied access to the goods, services, activities
and resources which are generally associated with citizenship (Gore and Figueiredo in Jackson
1999:127). This analysis is made in terms of voicelessness and powerlessness of these groups towards
the institutions of state and society (World Bank 2000:34).

From a political perspective, another cause of poverty is the political instability of the country that does
not allow government to implement main reforms in any area, when they threaten political and
economic elite. Evidence of this situation is the recurrent coups of the Presidents and Vice-president of
the country by alliances of the civil society with political parties and economic elite.
From a micro perspective, an eventual cause of poverty was El Nio phenomenon during 1998-1999,
which aggravated housing and environmental situation in the city as in most of the country- and later
on, economic and social impacts too (Hoy 2000).
In all the aspects previously analysed, vulnerability is present as a permanent cause of poverty. Defined
as inability to cope with adverse shocks (World Bank 2000:34), exposure and defencelessness
(Chambers 1995:174) and insecurity (Berner 2001), is present in all the vulnerable groups in the city.
All these causes are interlinked and should be address in a multi-dimensional way, with policies at the
macro level accompanied with programmes at the micro level, addressing social and economic
development in general and targeting the poor specifically. Otherwise, any effort promoting the
economic growth will increase inequalities and poverty; and targeting the poor without economic
growth will not be sustainable in the long run.

2. Urban Poverty Alleviation Policy Analysis

2.1. Institutional and legal framework (macro perspective)
In the current context of implementation of SAPs in the country and its poverty, there are not real
responsive Social Policies in the country, especially for children and the youth. There have been few
attempts from the central government to reduce inequalities and to improve living conditions of the
poorest through social programmes. They have tried to target the weakest and poorest sector of the
population with some positive results, but with a relatively high exclusion (Pablo de la Vega 1998).
One of them is the Bono Solidario (Solidarity Bonus), an income transfer targeted to the most
vulnerable groups identified by government: unemployed women heads of households, the old without
social security and the handicapped (Vos 2000: 36). This is a program initiated in 1998 with a national
coverage, with a monthly allowance of US$6 per person in the case of households heads women, and
US$3 in the case of the old.
In the same way, there are neither national policies nor local ones to promote economic growth. There
have been some efforts to address access to job through flexible contracting system such as the
maquila law, but they have been suspended temporarily as other problems have been prioritised by
government. In fact, government is trying to carry on policies that would discourage economic
production and trade, especially among micro and small enterprises. That is the case of the new tax of
1% to circulacin de capitales (cash flows) that government is trying to enforce to the informal sector,
in order to increase taxation base and national revenues (Hoy:10 February, 1999).

At the micro level, there was also a attempt to increase employment in Cuenca, in order to reduce
emigration, creating a Free Zone for production and exports, but it has not been developed yet since
1998 when it was proposed by the Central Government (El Comercio:21 April,1999).
Nevertheless, local government (Municipality) has tried to address urban poverty in the city and has
developed since 1998 an innovative initiative called Cuenca Urban Agriculture Program CUAP, with
the support of non-governmental organisations NGOs, international donors and the private sector. The
basic aspects of this program are examined below.
2.2. Cuenca Urban Agricultural Program (CUAP): Policy analysis
For this program Urban Agriculture is seen as an integral system of sustainable management of
resources contained in the built and natural environment, and in the people of the city and its closer
areas. With potential for improving sensitive quality of the urban space and quality of life, through
individual and collective action of its inhabitants (Cruz 2000:12).
In this sense, the CUAP aims to develop a model of sustainable urban poverty alleviation based on
networking with institutions from the third sector and community participation. Identifying that
extreme low-income households with a single earning coming from the informal sector (most of
households in marginal areas) and minorities (indigenous and the handicapped) are the most
vulnerable, the program aims to give special attention to these groups.
The strategy of the program could be categorised as enabling private, non-governmental organisations
and communities in taking action in urban poverty alleviation initiatives, to guarantee sustainability of
this and further programs. In fact, government was to be a co-ordinating and facilitating rather than an
interventionist force (Helmsing 1997:110). Within this, employment and income generation have been
considered part of enabling policy goals as means for sustainable urban poverty alleviation
(UNCHS/ILO 1995 in Helmsing 1997:115).
Government enablement fundamentally concerns a different way in which government conducts its
affairs. Instead of self contained, bureaucratic-hierarchical processes, mediated by more or less
democratically elected politicians, enabling governments seek to involve community based
organisations (CBOs) in the formulation and implementation of government policies and programmes
(Wils and Helmsing 1997:28). This is precisely the strategy that CUAP is trying to follow, even though
it has not been achieved yet, as it will be clarified below.

This enabling strategy is combined with an employment and income generation approach. This means
conceiving the poor in a multiple dimension: as producers, as consumers and as citizens. For dealing
with each category there are specific strategies that CUAP team is carrying out. As producers, the main
approach from the CUAP, there have been designed 5 basic strategies to support them: training, access
to credit, technical support, commercialisation and policies to regulate use of lands. Training has been
done by NGOs in areas of organic agriculture and in business management. There has been designed a

10

formal but flexible credit system with lower interests than commercial rates. Technical support is
permanent during the process of production and commercialisation of their agricultural products.
Commercialisation of products is facilitated by providing places in local markets and placing open
markets in new areas. And there is an attempt to reduce/eliminate taxation of the plots that are used for
production, as an incentive from the Local Government for producers.
But the poor have also been seen as consumers and citizens. As consumers, the goal is to offer to the
whole population of the city healthier food at lower prices eliminating middleman; but also focusing in
marginal areas through open markets, as a way of improving food security. As citizens, people are
supported to participate through community organisations but this is not an exclusionary requirement.
In this way, the basic objectives that CUAP team has proposed are:
a. strengthen and initiate Urban Agriculture Activities with the population,
b. prioritising the poorest sectors, assuring food supply, employment
commercialisation of surplus,
c. emphasising use of existing local and institutional resources,
d. promoting ecological agriculture (Best Practices 2000).

generation

and

In this way, urban agriculture has come to be recognized as an important survival strategy for the poor.
Besides, urban agriculture is not only an income-generating opportunity for the urban poor but also
improves their state of health (IDRC 1993 in Wegelin and Borgman 1995:137). Furthermore, this
program is making available waste collection for urban poor communities in the city and at the same
time, using that as fertilizer for their crops. Therefore, Municipality is assuming a double function:
delivering basic services (or enabling others deliver the service) and facilitating production of urban
poor.
In an international context, there are some programs that have been identified to help Municipalities to
fulfil their responsibilities in reducing/alleviating urban poverty. One of these initiatives is the Urban
Management Program (UMP), an initiative of the World Bank, the UNDP and UNCHS, where urban
poverty alleviation is one of the five thematic action areas (Vanderschueren et al.1995: 6). There have
been strengthened the macro and micro level for poverty reduction. CUAP is part of the Latin
American UMP and has been analysed in terms of transferability to be applied in other cities of the
region.
The CUAP basically consists in 4 lines of action:
i.
organic agricultural production
ii. commercialisation
iii. organic waste collection
iv. environmental education

11

For each of them, communities and third sector organisations participating are expected to be involved
in the activities of the program in an proactive way, with their own resources and in processes of
planning, decision making, executing and evaluating activities.
For the agricultural production empty plots in the city are used in a collective way with technical
assistance from the single worker financed by the Municipality, a specialist in organic agriculture.
When crops are ready, the surplus is sold in various markets. The waste collection is permanent and is
used as fertiliser for the crops. The whole process is accompanied by environmental campaigns towards
the whole city and permanent training for the different stages of the process.
In order to analyse CUAP results 5 criteria have been selected: redistribution, targeting, opportunities,
security and empowerment.
2.2.a. Redistribution
Within the program, one may talk about redistribution in terms of land tenure in the city. Public
and community empty plots and private empty plots (from the Church, the University and some
other social actors) are used for harvesting by community groups and organisations. They can be
used free of charge but they are still properties of their owners. This mechanism could be seen as
an elementary way of redistribution, in the sense that access to land is being guaranteed to low
income people, transferring the benefits of lands.
2.2.b. Targeting
The program is a combination of group targeting and self-targeting, due to its double strategy in
production and commercialisation. First at all, CUAP team proposes the program to specific
communities identified as the poorest in the city, and then they can choose to participate
individually and/or by group. In any case, the requirements to be part of the program are
demanding in terms of collective action and time constraints. So it can be seen as a self-targeting,
where just the poorest group will accept replace their (usually) informal activities for a new and
more secure way of earning income, sometimes unknown for them.
An important targeted group is handicapped youth and adults, who were registered in the Social
Welfare Ministry, and currently they are participating in this program. Women are also encouraged
to participate in the program. Even if there are not facilities for them as households heads in terms
of child care, working hours are flexible and women - according to their needs and availability establish them.
2.2.c. Opportunities
The CUAP is giving opportunities of increase income and/or access to self-employment to the
people involved in it, especially due to access to land, a key precondition for urban agricultural
programmes. In the same way, some assets and tools are being provided by NGOs part of CUAP

12

team for collective use. This opportunities plus technical assistance and training are the main
strategies of CUAP, and also marketing the products and during the process of commercialisation.
2.2.d. Security
Insecurity, as the main aspect of urban poverty, has been addressed by the CUAP. Assuring
security of income and somehow of land as a mean of production- for the people involved in the
program, it trying to promote food security in the lowest-income groups of the city. This issue of
security is an important aspect of emigration processes of Cuencas inhabitants because the main
reason that migrants state for doing so is trying to assure a minimum security for their families
survival (Martnez 1999:67).
2.2.e. Empowerment and Capacity Building
Definitely the CUAP is developed trying to empower poor communities and third sector
organisations for finding ways to overcome poverty. In this way, empowerment is seen as the
process of assisting disadvantages individuals and groups to gain greater control than they
presently have over local and national decision-making and resources, and of their ability and right
to define collective goals, make decisions and learn from experience (Edwards and Hulme
1992:24 in de Wit 1997:7).
To achieve this goal CUAPs organisations (NGOs and CBOs) are involved in capacity building
processes about environmental issues, technical and managerial issues, and so forth. However,
capacity building entails much more than training and it has been understood as all the efforts to
strengthen and improve the abilities of staff and organisations to achieve specific developmental
goals and objectives (Peltenburg 2001). In this way, the final goal of Municipality within the
program is to transfer it to non-governmental organisations and make it self-sustained in the
coming future. Therefore many attempts have been made in this logic and currently most of the
activities and responsibilities are carried on by them and not by local government.
3. Stakeholders analysis
The CUAP is based in a public/private partnership model of action, where State and third-sector
organisations work together to promote income and employment strategies among the poor, facilitating the
supply of inputs into the process (UNCHS 1993:110). Co-ordinated by the Municipality, a team of 28
different organisations is working with 833 people (including students, disabled youth and retired persons)
in the sustainable urban and peri-urban production and commercialisation of agricultural products. The
CUAP working group includes representatives of all related Municipal Departments, NGOs, the Catholic
Church and academy who have been working together in all the steps of the program (Best Practices 2000).
Among them, 11 private and non-governmental organisations are executing their own projects within the
program, 5 organisations offer technical support, the Municipality is co-ordinating the CUAP team and the
rest are CBOs which are increasing participation on the program.

13

3.1. Analysis of social actors

Stakeholders have been analysed in terms of their role, response to poverty and institutional capacity.
In order of relevance within the CUAP, Local government (Municipality), NGOs and donors, CBOS
and the poor, private sector and Central Government have been identified as the main actors of the
program. There are briefly examined below.
Local government: Municipality of Cuenca
The role of Municipality in the CUAP is basically enabling other stakeholders to work in projects for
poverty alleviation, through co-ordination of activities and actors. In this way it has been identified the
need of coordination among legal and operational units from the government, such as ministers, units,
departments, etc in order to achieve real enabling processes (Wegelin and Borgman 1995: 142). The
Municipality has done a first step in this sense, which is creating a department within the local
government for coordinating all this initiatives to reducing poverty; an important and sustainable
feature of the process.
Generally speaking, role for municipal intervention in urban poverty alleviation identified by the UMP
(Urban Management Program), are around three main areas: regulatory framework, access to municipal
services and employment creation.
In this sense, the CUAP is fulfilling all of them in the way that:
- In the regulatory framework that affects housing and small enterprise development (Wegelin and
Borgman 1995:135), Municipality is elaborating a new legal and global framework addressing all
the components of the program.
- About access to municipal services (includes water supply, sewerage, drainage, flood protection,
solid waste collection and disposal, local roads, public transport, street lighting and traffic
management, and other municipal services) the CUAP is improving the waste collection system
and cleaning of the environment.
- In terms of employment creation, urban poor incomes consist of the returns from their own labour,
since it is the main, and often the only, income-generating asset at their disposal (Wegelin and
Borgman 1995:146). In this sense, the CUAP is increasing income through organic production but
also reducing households expenditure on food, providing themselves for their own nutritional
needs.
The Municipality has used funds stemming from a project from HABITAT, for providing micro-credit
to people involved in the CUAP, against an annual interest of 2% (Best Practices 2000).
NGOs and donors
The role of NGOs and donors in urban poverty alleviation has become a major area of attention for the
international donor community since some years ago. In Habitat II, the UN Conference on Human

14

Settlements hold in Istanbul in 1996, this was one of the main action areas for the countries. The idea is
to focus in economic growth accompanied with satisfaction of basic needs, lets say: food, water and
shelter rather than just in the former. (UNCHS 1997).
In that sense, NGOs have comparative advantages in poverty-alleviation like effectiveness and
proximity to the poor, and working with their active participation (Wils 1990:16). Also NGOs are
crucial for organisations of grassroots and for income and employment programmes (Wils 1990:24).
All these features of NGOs suit with the CUAP NGOs and donors, which are in charge of promoting
community organisation and so on. In fact, most of NGOs working there were selected due to its
presence in marginal localities and/or their relationship with environment and income generation
activities.
Definitely NGOs have a positive response to poverty in Cuenca, and even if there is no measure of the
impact of the program among the poor, it is clear the importance of NGOs presence within the
communities and the city.
This response to poverty is achieved based on institutional capacities of NGOs working in the CUAP.
Most of them, with many years working on poverty alleviation projects and good accountability among
the civil society, have developed methodologies and techniques adapted and/or created for the local
needs, constituting the core of the organisational process of the CUAP.
CBOs and communities
When one refers to communities in development projects one may recognise who are included in
rights, activities, benefits and those who are excluded because they do not belong to the defined entity
(Cleaver 1999:603). In this sense, it is important to overcome the myths of community as the unitary
and powerful entity, in order to target properly the poorest within communities. More realistically, one
may see the community as the site of both solidarity and conflict, shifting alliances, power and social
structures (Cleaver 1999:604).
In this sense, communities participating in the CUAP have shown disparities in many aspects and some
of them have given up during the process. There are some points to address in order to understand their
response to poverty, among them the basic ones are their previous experiences in local processes with
NGOs and government, and the kind of leadership and organisational structure that they have
developed through the years.
But in terms of institutional capacity of CBOs, it is not possible to state they are ready for been in
charge of the whole CUAP. There are many deficiencies in terms of organisational structures, decision
making, delegation of power, accountability, technical skills and so more within and between CBOs
that make imperative the presence of intermediaries, namely NGOs or government. But the process of
empowering them has already started and CBOs need more space in terms of decision making within
the CUAP team and orientation. Furthermore, it is important to empower them with the legal
framework that would allow them to be formal part of the local and national process of development.

15

Private sector, Catholic Church and Universities

The private sector is participating providing technical training and education to the CUAP team, to the
communities and to civil society of Cuenca in general. Sometimes they are also funding activities and
specific projects within the program. In this sense, it is responding to poverty but in very few cases,
because most of the private sector related to issues of the CUAP is not interested in supporting any
activity or project. This situation is negative for the CUAP program, due to the strong institutional
capacity of the private sector within the city, as part of a long history of productivity and growth.
The Catholic Church as well as the University has been part of the CUAP team since the beginning of
the program. Both of them play an important role but each of them in a different approach. The former
is becoming a channel of communication with the whole society, and the different social groups within
the city, as its population is predominantly catholic. The latter, becoming the core of academic
discussion and debate about the technical and organisational processes built through the program, as a
close partnership with international organisations and donor, and the academia of other countries in
Latin America.
These social actors are responding to poverty in a very active way, following their principle of social
justice and equity in the case of the Catholic Church. And in both cases institutional capacity is very
well done as well as accountability, so processes where they are involved in are very smooth and fast in
terms of co-operation and organisation.
Central government
The main role of central government towards the CUAP is providing the national legal framework that
promotes economic growth through micro and small enterprise development, through community
participation and decision making, and enabling third sector organisations to work responsibly in a
partner ship model of action. At the same time of providing this legal framework, it is important to
promote national programmes for local and national economic development, for employment creation
and income generation targeted to the most disadvantages groups in the city, namely women head of
households (especially in case of migrants families), the informal sector, the old and the disabled.
None of these roles have been taken seriously by central government, so there is a total lack of social
policies, legal framework and national programmes about these matters.
Therefore, central government has shown their institutional incapacity for alleviating/reducing poverty
even if some projects have been done, such as Bono solidario. Anyway central government is not
seen as one of the main actors of the program in a direct way, but it is important to count with its
support in term of a macro perspective with policies promoting participation and social/
economic/political development.

16

3.2. SWOT
Some basic strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threatens have been identified within the CUAP
process, especially in terms of networking and co-operation among stakeholders.

Strengths
Networking of NGOs, CBOs, private sector
and Municipality complementing local
capabilities among each other.
Municipalitys political will that facilitates
the process of networking as none of the
other stakeholders could do, through
regulations, national and international
resources and so on.
Cultural traditions for organic farming
among the poor.
Funds coming from international donors
(Habitat and others), NGOs and private
enterprise.
Integral approach of different components
of Urban Management, as well as
addressing the poor as producers,
consumers and citizens.

Opportunities
Collective culture among communities and
indigenous groups, with values of
solidarity, team work and equity/social
justice.
The legitimacy and convocation power of
the Mayor, as the main actor within the
Municipality, for networking and involving
communities to participate.
Income from migrants living abroad could
be directed to sustainable projects to assure
long term well being and reducing
speculation within the city.

Weaknesses
Limited experience of organisations as a
team and in networking makes difficult the
process as well as involving new
communities to participate.
Limited knowledge about environmental
issues in staff of NGOs and private
organisations.
Deficiency of a global municipal policy
addressing the entire production and
promoting local economy.
Top down approach, not a response for
peoples demands but rather an initiative
from the local government. Decisions are
still handle by organisations and not
communities.
Lack of specific targets within the poor of
the city allows middle class groups to
access to benefits of the program, and not
strengthening the poorests participation.

Threatens
Lack of confidence and credibility between
public and private institutions.
Tendency towards institutional
protagonism of organisations.
Ecuadors political and economic crisis,
especially during process of dollarisation in
the country and implementation of other
SAPs
Process of election of local government
next year (2002) could menace the
continuity of the program.
New regulations in International Migration
agreements will bring back around 20,000
Ecuadorian for this year (2001), many of
which belong to Cuenca. This could break
down the dynamic that has been achieved
during the last years with the CUAP.

4. CUAP: Policy assessment

17

Assessing the Cuenca Urban Agriculture Program there have been identified some general features in
various way, and then there will be addressed its effectiveness, efficiency, equity and sustainability in a
brief manner.
The program was proposed by the Local government, namely Municipality, to the other stakeholders, in
first instance, the third sector organisations, then private sector, and finally to the community organisations.
In this way, it could be categorised as with a top down approach, not based on needs defined by poor
communities the final target- but based on needs identified by Municipality. This situation in itself is not a
problem, but it is important to clarify this point especially for the development of further phases of the
program, when enabling has been set as one of the main goals (Cruz 2000:19).
Therefore, one may not refer to the program as enabling poor communities because they are not allowed
to change structures or plans already fixed by CUAP team. But rather one may refer to processes enabling
third sector organisations to develop innovative actions addressing urban poverty.
In other way, in terms of production, it is not determined based on the demands of the market but rather in
the local capabilities that makes difficult sometimes marketing and commercialising the products due to a
overlapping of products between producers. Currently it is not an evident constraint but in the case of
expanding coverage of the program in the city and in other cities, it will become a more notorious concern.
About the problem of emigration from the city, the CUAP is addressing it in a very broad way, but is not
targeting the most disadvantages groups from this perspective, which is absolutely hardly to do it, due to
the illegal character of most of processes of migration.
4.1. Effectiveness
Unfortunately, there are no assessments done yet for evaluating impacts, results, effectiveness and so
on of the CUAP. Nevertheless, there is some data about the results that until now it has achieved within
the poor and the environment.
Until now, the program has been implemented in 18 urban neighbourhoods and 8 parishes from the
periphery of the city. Among them (direct beneficiaries), there are around 189 families (Best Practices
2000) and 400 producers of organic food, who sell their products in fairs and markets in the city (Cruz
2000:18). But the total number of beneficiaries is estimated to count up to 3,000 people (Best practices
2000).
These neighbourhoods have been identified as the poorest of the city, but there is no clear data about
targeting the poorest within the community, who usually do not participate due to time constraints,
illiteracy, and other informal requirements that discourage the poorest to be involved in collective
action.

18

In terms of the young disabled, they have been primarily targeted in the CUAP, but just those who were
registered in the Social Welfare Ministry. Therefore, it is assumed that not registered handicapped
people (usually the most vulnerable ones: illiterate, indigenous and recent migrants groups) are
excluded of this initiative, becoming an important even though small in number exclusion error.
But there is also some leakage in the program due to its voluntary character for participation, but there
are not official data about it. In that way, there have been identified some inclusion errors where non
poor people have been benefiting from this initiative, but CUAP team has not denied the entrance for
this groups in the sense that it is not reducing (in a significant way) benefits for the poorest.
But there are two big gaps in terms of effectiveness and reaching the poor: in terms of indigenous
groups, and women head of households, especially those with migrant relatives. Even if the program
aims to reduce migration and target disadvantages groups of this phenomenon, there is no clear target
to achieve this goal.
In terms of environmental poverty, the CUAP has also had a positive impact on the urban environment
through waste recycling, promotion of reduction of environmental contamination and reforestation in
under-utilised areas (Best Practices 2000). But there are still problems with soil degradation that urged
to give priority to the production of compost, so actually organic wasted is being recycled from 9 fairs
and markets in the city. And to support commercialisation, 4 fairs and markets have been established in
the city (Best Practices 2000).
4.2. Efficiency
In terms of efficiency, the CUAP is being executed making optimal use of local resources and
community support (use of organic waste materials, collective use of public and private under-utilised
lands, community and institutional contribution of seeds and materials) (Best Practices 2000). With
this multiple dimension, it is using all resources available in the city, especially due to its multi-actor
approach. Municipality is funding just one professional in environment and third sector organisations
are very well known for their optimal use of resources, basically coming from international donors.
Nevertheless, there have been identified two basic and important gasps in terms of efficiency. The first
one, is involving the media in the process of training and education about environment in especial, but
within the whole program in general. Media has always been identified as the main channel of
communication and propagation of experiences, and is a resource from the private sector, which can
also help to assure sustainability more than any other stakeholder.
The second one is involving indigenous organisations within the CUAP, especially to address
indigenous groups of the city and to rescue cultural experiences on organic farming, which usually are
more useful and suitable for local development. Historically, indigenous groups in Ecuador, as in the
rest of Latin America, have been closely related with agricultural development and political
participation, so in both senses, there would be very constructive to involve local indigenous
organisations in the whole process of the CUAP.

19

4.3. Equity
The aspect of equity is one of the weakest points of the CUAP, in the sense that is even targeting the
poorest is just reaching the low-income groups but not the poorest ones. But in terms of equity within
the city, it is improving living conditions of the population between the first and second quintile and
therefore, achieving some equity in relation with the upper quintiles; reducing the gasp between the
rich and the poor.
4.4. Sustainability
The municipality decentralised urban environmental management and productive land-use to an interinstitutional working group (CUAP), therefore, a new dynamic has been created, where it was a
traditional paternalistic Municipality (Best Practices 2000). It is an important impact of the program in
terms of sustainability. In the same way, the CUAP has contributed to stakeholders to have a much
more integral vision on urban management, combining components of food production, poverty
alleviation, participatory governance and urban planning and housing (Best Practices 2000).
The Municipality has also incorporated Urban Agriculture components in its laws and regulations such
as in the newly granted Permits for new constructions where it is stated that vegetal material that is
discarded will have to be used in the composting project (Best Practices 2000).
And in other sense, currently organic wastes are delivered free of charge to producers, but it is
proposed for a next phase to charge a differentiated payment for waste delivery to generate more funds
and assure sustainability of the program (Best Practices 2000).

5. Conclusions and recommendations

After an assessment of the CUAP in various dimensions, it is possible to draw some general conclusions:
In terms of impact on poverty alleviation the CUAP is an important and transferable initiative for doing so
and assuring food security, especially in intermediary cities and medium size ones, when they are not so
close to big metropolis and one may find some green areas to promote Urban Agriculture within the
locality.
Then, to address migration as it is one of the CUAP goals it is not enough promoting productive and
income generation alternatives, but rather it is needed a public- private partnership approach, where
authorities from migration (national and international levels) can be part of it. It is important to analyse the
structural causes of this phenomenon to address their consequences in a proper way.

20

And in terms of transferability, the CUAP has motivated the conformation of a city-working group among
5 Ecuadorian municipalities and in an international context, with other Latin American cities, as part of the
strategy of Latin American Urban Management Program (Best Practices 2000). Also a Urban Consultation
about Urban Agriculture and Food Security will be developed in some cities of Latin America, as a way of
improving the experience and searching for possibilities of transfer it to other cities of the region
(Dubbeling 2000).
Besides that, some useful recommendations should be addressed in order to improve the CUAP impacts
within the living conditions of the poorest and in general, within the city:
Should be convenient to incorporate the media as one central actor especially for processes of
empowerment and enabling. In the same way, incorporating indigenous organisations would support
the whole process in a positive way.
Even if the CUAP has a top down approach, it is advisable to adapt it into a more bottom up approach,
in the sense of giving communities the power for decision making for future steps.
Should be accompanied with a macro policy and legal framework supporting these and similar
initiatives, addressing urban poverty and economic development.
In terms of targeting, it is possible involving more stakeholders, especially NGOs- to make it more
accurate with an extra effort, addressing the disadvantaged groups already mentioned in this paper,
with a gender perspective.
In terms of production, it is important to get a balance between supply side and demand side oriented,
to make the program more efficient.
There is missing a linkage between the CUAP team and the industrial park of the city. For future
phases, it is useful to connect them, in order to production can match the needs of the industrial park
and can reduce costs for both sides, and improves efficiency.
In the same way, it is possible to create a research centre for new varieties of product, with the support
of University and the private sector. Diversifying production can become more profitable and
sustainable in the long term.
Finally, one may wonder if the CUAP is a real attempt to reduce poverty with all the positive
consequences in this sense - or just an attempt from the Municipality to be part of an international
innovative program? The political background of the Mayor as the main figure in the Municipality is
absolute accountable from any perspective. But there remains the question of a future candidacy for the
Presidency. Is the Mayor expanding political relationships in an international context to walk-up the
national political stairs? And if this is the case, that is politics! Anyway, this has become an innovative
approach for poverty alleviation, and even with deficiencies in targeting the poorest groups and the most
disadvantaged ones, it is giving some hope to thousands of people in Cuenca. In a time without hope, it is a
positive collective multi-dimensional effort that needs some adjustments but is achieving remarkable
results.

21

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Annex 1. Poverty features in Cuenca

Table 1. Social and Economic indicators in Cuenca and in Ecuador.

INDICATORS

Cuenca
CATEGORY: SOCIAL

Education
INEC 99

Adult illiteracy rate (>15 years)

10,4%

INEC 99

Years of schooling

7 years

Health conditions and demographic rates

INEC 90

Life expectancy at birth

63 years

INEC 90

Infant mortality rate (Up to 1 year)

27/1,000

LCS 99

Child chronic malnutrition (under 5 years)

45/1,000

Housing conditions and urbanization

INEC 98

Urban growth rate

3,8%

INEC 90

Overcrowded housing conditions

26%

LCS 99

Access to water supply

92%

LCS 99

Sewerage system in the household

64%

LCS 95

Collection of solid waste

90%

Poverty and inequality

WD 98
CEDATOS 98

GNI per capita 1998

$1,310

People below international poverty line (US$2)

38%

INEC 98

People with at least one UBN

51%

INEC 98

Gini coefficient (inequality of income)

44%

CATEGORY: ECONOMIC
Employment
UNCHS

Urban informal sector

38%

INEC 99

Working children 10-14 years*

12%

LCS 99

Unemployment

14-18%

* There are some research of working children and street children that present different rate in
different, cities, but this is the lowest percentage founded.
Sources of data:
INEC
Instituto Nacional de estadsticas y censo various years
LCS
Living conditions survey 1999
WD
World Development 1998
UNCHS
United Nations Center for Human Settlements

24