Sonderdrucke aus der Albert-Ludwigs-Universitt Freiburg

SYLVIA SCHRAUT
SYLVIA PALETSCHEK

Remembrance and gender

Making gender visible and inscribing women into memory culture

Originalbeitrag erschienen in:

Sylvia Paletschek (Hrsg.): The gender of memory: cultures of remembrance in nineteenth- and
twentieth century Europe.
Frankfurt: Campus 2008, S. [267]-287

Remembrance and Gender: Making

Gender Visible and Inscribing Women
into Memory Culture
Sylvia Schraut and Sylvia Paletschek
Nation, Memory Culture and Gender
To date, studies of the representation of women in national memory and
of the role of gender in memory culture have been rare. A closer examination of the current state of research reveals the following features: European national cultures of memory are male-connoted and orientated
towards the bourgeois gender-model. Women as agents are scarce, their
spaces of agency and their self-images and aims are often marginalized. 1
This exclusion of women from the nation is reproduced in nineteenthcentury national cultures of memory and is thus reinforced.
From a historical perspective, national cultures of memory are a relatively new phenomenon. The shaping of a national memory culture has
been a significant part of nation building since the nineteenth century. A
national culture of memory in the form of monuments, remembrance days
or celebrations served the shaping of a national consciousness, defined in a
variety of ways, often in delimitation from other nations and sometimes b y
way of excluding particular groups of the collective. 2 Although women
were considered an integral part of the nation and although bourgeois
women contributed to the building of the nation as members of clubs, by
collecting money and by publications, they were excluded from the body
politic of the nation and they were denied civil rights. The representation
of the nation and its delimitation from other nations were also gendered: as
early as the beginning of the nineteenth century, when national movements

1 Tacke (1996); Assmann, Akida (1999); Hutton (1999); Zemon Davis (1999); Niethammer (2000); Lundt (2004: 1-29).
2 See for example: Samuel (1989); Assmann, Aleida (1993); Berding (1994); Schmoll
(1995); Dmer (1996); Ozouf (1996); Langewiesche (2000); Buschmann/Langewiesche
(2004); Olick (2003).

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SNLVIA SC:HRAUT AND SNLVIA PALETSCHEK

emerged, the national community was depicted as masculine and courageous, the enemy disparaged as weak and effeminate. 3
The -masculine imbuement of national cultures of memory is reflected
in the prevailing concepts of research into cultural memory; it is not the
subject of critical examination. This can be shown with the example of
Pierre Nora's concept lieu de memoire. 4 Nora's interest is directed at
historically ancholvd national identity. He exclusively refers to the nation
iiid his concern is the safeguarding of national memory at present or in the
future. Nora's concept runs the risk of drawing an image of history that is
centered on male spheres of action. This can be demonstrated with the
'. xample of its implementation in Etienne Franc;ois and Hagen S'chulze's
project on Germ' an places of memory. 5 There have been many discasions about the concept of lieu de memoire as well as about the selection
of the places. 6 I 'ere we shall concentrate on the analysis of the implicit
conceiit of gender in this approach.
Twenty-fiye of the 121 contributions of German places of memory
-deal with persons, five among them with women. Accordingly, Rosa Luxemburg . and. Raliel Vamhagen, the Prussian Queen Luise and Marlene
Dietrich represent the female element in the German places of memory.
We may further add Uta von Naumburg, even if she is listed only due to
the Bamberg,. Reiter (Bamberg horseman) who appears first in the title of
the essay that deals with her. That there is a certain blindness towards
questions of gender can be demonstrated with examples that seem to be
genderLtieutral: Canossa, Nuremberg, Versailles, or Rapallo appear to be
general places of memory at first sight. In fact, they are not general, as they
are exclusively associated with male spheres of action. This, however, is
not clearly indicated. Even symbolically charged places such as Karlsruhe,
the site of the Fedra1 Constitutional Court, or Brgerliches Gesetzbuch,
the 'German civil law code, which are not that closely linked with big (foreign) politics, undoubtedly refer to a larger extent to male law makers or
law interpreters than to th eir male and female opponents. Meanwhile a
further condensed one-volume edition of the German places of memory
e

'

3 Yuval-Davts (1998); Blorn/Llagemannillall (2000); llagemann (2000); Planert (2000a),

llagLnann (2002)
4 See Nota (1984,1993, 1989; 1995; 1998)
5 Francois/Schulze (2001) See &B. (2005 25ff ) on Nora's concept.
6 See fot example: Alazoltl-Wallmg (2000); Carcenac-Lecomte (2000); Van Sas (2000);
1,ellider (2002), Erll (2005- 23-27)

REMEMBRANCE AND GENDER.

269

has been published which, as the preface states, especially focuses on the
political-historical places of memory (Franwis/Schulze 20 .05). Among the
29 examples not one single woman and no feminine-connoted place of
remembrance can be found. This rough exemplary analysis illustrates the
unsatisfactory nature of public memory culture and the accompanying
scholarly debate from the perspective of gender.
According to Jan Assmann, cultural memory contributes to the creation
of a historically grounded identity of those who share a common culture. It
reflects the public categorization, evaluation and interpretation of the historical events considered relevant by which the political and cultural selfimage of a community roots itself. 7 We therefore have to ask the following
questions: Which remembrances do allow women to be inscribed into a
polity when they are excluded from national memory? Which remembrances enable women to establish their own individual, political and
national identity?

Making Gender Visible in Memory Culture

Referring to the nation is rather an obstacle for a critical analysis of memory culture from the perspective of gender, as can be seeu in the existing
research literature on the subject memory and gender. There are a number
of publications which try to research forgotten women and to integrate
women's history into local memory culture. However, most publications
and case studies deal with either non-European countries or they focus on
the regional space below the nation. 8 These rather different studies have
the merit of doing research into the hitherto neglected memory of women
as well as into women as bearers of memory. 9 As a rule, however, they lack
a gender-based methodological critical examination of the current concepts
of memory. So far, these publications which originated in the context of
feminist or civil commitment have scarcely been analyzed or synthesized
with regard to their implications for memory culture. Beyond historical
.

See Assmann, Jan (1992) and, as examples of the current discussions, Gillis (1994);
Straub (1998); Assmann, Aleida (1999); Kansteiner (2002).
8 See for example: Najmabadi (1998); Baumel/Cohen (2003); Des Jardins (2003).
9 Here we will only point to some German studies which focus on regions (Baden): Nellen (1996), Asche.(1992); Thomas (1993); Thomas/Schraut (1995).

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research into forgotten women on the local level, there are only a few first
methodologically reflected attempts td combine gender and memory,
including an anthology by Selma Leydesdorff, Luisa Passerini and Paul
Thompson from 1996, and thought-provoking essays by Maria Greyer or
Andrea Pet6. 10 Recently ,Alcida Assmann, dealt with the relation of membry and gender and made observations on the gender-sOecific connotation
of remembering and forgetting (Assmann, Aleida 2006). Further topical
publications come from the field of social sciences or literary studies.
These pullications often deal with topics such as the representation of
female remembrance in media, the question how gender can be made visible in texts and visual productions, or the dissolution of the heterosexuality
of memory. These approaches focus on the deconstruction of existing
memory practkts but are not (or at least only partially) written from a
historical joint of view." There are, moreover, some studies on female
remembrance of the llolocaust, most of them by literary scholars or pedagogues They show the degree to which women have been marginalized
in memories of the Holocaust.
An analysis of the existing public memory culture requires several
methodical approaches. On the one hand it is necessary to deconstruct
public memory culture from the perspective of gender. According to Joan
Scott, gender is a major category for the interpretation of systems of social
relations by which power relations have been established, legitimated and
cemented in history (Scott 1994). Therefore we have to analyze cultures of
'memory from the ingle of gender, with regard to their symbolic, nonnative
and social-historical roots and systems of reference. Furthermore, we have
to examine the gender-specific meanings attached to existing places of
'memory, the (national) symbols, values, concepts of power and history
related with them, as well as the implicit images of masculinity and feini'
ninity they contain. This means that the gender relations inscribed into

10 1.e.desdoiff ct al (1996); Noakes (1997); Gtever (1997a); Idem (1997b); see also.
Schtaut/Palets chek (2006)
' 11 Sec the special issue of: FrattenKunstWissenschaft Gender-Memory. Repriisentationen
von licdachtnis, Erinnerung und Geschlecht, 39/2005 or: Erinnern und Geschlecht,
the title of the journal Frabuser Frauenstudtell. Zeitsthry9 fr illierdiskiplintv FremeOrschuq,
/ 20, 2006. The same applies to the conference Gender and Memory, organised
by the Centre for Women's Studies at University College in Limerick, Ireland, in 2005.
Sec the conf6ence report by Inga Brandes: http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin de/
tagungsbe richte /id= 1048.
12 Eschebach et al (2002); Messerschmudt (2003).
.

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271

public cultures of memory have to be analyzed-. Such an analysis is still in

its infancy judging by the current state of research. The first relevant studies show that today's memory culture is closely linked to the period in
which its constitutive elements were created, namely the bourgeois era of
the nineteenth century. Memory culture is further shaped by the bourgeois
gender model which started its triumphal march in this time The dichotomy of male public and female private anchored in the central bourgeois
concepts had the result that female scopes of action and female perspectives were not perceived as political or as having an impact on society. The
experience and achievements of women were marginalized or fell into
oblivion regardless of whether or not they were in keeping with the bourgeois gender model. This does not mean, however, that there are no
women at all in nineteenth-century memory culture. Women, especially
female members' of ruling families, were indeed part of public memory.
Often they were presented in female realms of action which were (at least
partially) congruous with the bourgeois gender model. Female rulers, for
example, gained entrance into niemory culture as inothers of the country.
Since the nineteenth century the nation has been represented by female
allegories. Contemporary notions of gender have left their mark on these
allegories although they were considered timeless and universal. They symbolized, for example, values such as motherliness or sorrow. 14 These values
attributed to women were under;tood as ant ahropological constants; they
were thus de-historicized and consequently appeared to be unchangeable.
This could also, however, apply to male-connoted allegories in the iconographic canon of memory culture. Equivalent to timeless and unchanging
motherliness, for example, is a-historical male courage. But in contrast to
women who almost exclusively represent timeless values, we find a great
variety of concrete references to men, along with the remembrance of
concrete male-connoted historical events, in memory culture such as Bismarck, Churchill, or the Nuremberg trials. This means that male allegories
which stand for timeless values are only one facet of male-connoted
remembrance.
It is therefore necessary to analyze the medieval, early modern and religious roots of female allegories and their change in the nineteenth and the

13 See Hausen (1978); Frevett (1988), Schmid (1992); Trepp (1996); Schmid (2000) or
Habermas (2000) on the developtuent of the bourgeois gender model.
14 See for example Kohn-Waechter (1991); Plessen (1996); Agulhon (1999); Planert
(2000b); Cusack (2003); Turpin (2003).

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r AND SYLVIA PALETSCHEK

twentieth centuries. There is, for example, the religious figure of Mary
who, in the 'Middle Ages and in early modernity, symbolizes motherliness
and the mourning for the lost son. In the national era, Mary was made the
allegory of the mourning for the failed endeavors to build a nation, as was
the. case in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Ireland or Poland. It was a
strong allegory as it offered the opportunity to bind all Christians, be they
men o'r women, to the national idea. In the twentieth century the feminist
reconstiuction of this allegory on the basis of its pre-modern meaning
allowed new perspectives to be developed. Once again Mary was interpreted as i religious motif of grief and motherliness and thus opened the
opportunity for women to resist in conflicts about the national cause. The
Women for Peace movement in Northern Ireland may serve as an example
for this (Corrigan-Maguire 1999). The Women for Peace are a political
inovement who interpret the national allegory of grief as a general Christian and motherly connoted symbol. They thereby created a point of identification for the opposition of both Protestant and Catholic women to the
'armed conflict between the two groups of the population. The figure of
Mary, who in tkt nineteenth century was transformed into the female allegory of the grieving nation, was re-interpreted by the movement following
the pre-modern allegory of Christian and motherly mourning for the dead
sons and husbands. In this way it was transformed into a figure of identification for won fen no matter which camp they belonged to who turned
against the unrea sonable demands of the nation. Similar patters of interpretation were used by an Italian political movement which, by referring to
motherliness, united both widows of Mafiosi and members of the judiciary
in their fight against the Mafia (Siebert 1996).
-

Do women and men remember differeiltly? Female connoted

family memory versus male connoted cultural memory?
One possibility to combine memory research and gender research is pro-6ded by the questi6n if there are specific female forms of remembrance.
Do women remember in another way than men? Of course, this question
is problematic as it might lead to the assumption of an essential gender
.


REMEMBRANCE AND GENDER

273

dichotomy in memory culture which does not necessarily exist per se. 15
Here we do not intend to enter into the debate on the construction of
gender. For us the question is a suitable starting point to examine the historical effectiveness of gender topoi and their impact on memory politics.
Relevant research underscores the productivitTof this approach.
To date, research findings point out three characteristics with regard to
gender-specific forms of remembrance:
Oral history interviews have shown that womeii individualize their
memories to a higher degree than men. Women say I when men withdraw
to one (Leydesdorff et al. 1996: 1-16). Memory research demonstrates that
memories which are connected with own experiences are rooted deeper
than de-personalized memories. Therefore the consequences of this pattern for public memory culture and for the historical anchoring of identity
have to be examined. We also have to ask which consequences it has for
public memory culture when we insist that political events not be separ4ted
from subjective experiences. Another research finding is that events within
the family play a much greater role for women than for men. 16 Although
this can be put down to the traditional division of labor between men and
women, it is a phenomenon that should not be reduced to the dichotomy
of female private and male public. Female remembrance rather opens
the view for the family as a place of counter-tradition and as a place of
creating traditions far away from the state and beyond what is considered
desirable by politics or the public. In the socialist systems of the former
Eastern Block, for example, the family was the place where patriarchal
gender relations were cultivated despite the public gender-egalitarian ideology or where religious and anti-communist traditions were handed down
between the generations. Memories such as grandpa was not a Nazi" or
that we did not know are not part of the official polities of history in Germany. It can, however, be assumed that they are characteristic of the
memory discourse of many families (Wolfrum 1999). Including the feminine connoted space of the family into the analysis of public political
memory culture enables us to examine and contrast the memory considered desirable by the political system and (female) lines of counter-tradition
which elude public control. Intensifying this focus on family memories
might also enable us to integrate once again, at least to a higher degree, this
15 On the debate on sex and gender see Butler (1999; 2004) and Honegger (2001).
16 See Pet (2004) and Bjerregaard et al. (2006).
17 See Welzer (2001); Welzer et at (2002).

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largely fern ale communicative memory into the dominantly male cultural
n'iemory. Considering these questions might also open new perspectives in
the debateS about collective, communicatiye and cultural memory from the
perspective of gctider. 18 Against this background, communicative memory
can be understood as female, cultural memory as male. A consistent integration of communicative memory into the public culture of memory
could therefore push forward the gendering of memory culture.
The historical analysis of remembrances of war is one key theme of
memory researcl; which takes into account gender. This may be due to 'the
fact that war and the experience of war are topics of historical research
which, have experienced a boom. But the analysis of war experiences
from a gender perspective also makes clear how much war, interpreted as
the culminarioil of national crisis and as climax of identification with the
nation, is a suitable subject of research to elucidate the differences and
partial Contradictions in the memories of men and women. With regard to
the. Second World War, regardless of national specifics, the defense of the
nation is remembered as male conduct in communicative and cultural
memoa ry whereas collaboration, fraternization and non-identification with
the nation because of love is mostly remembered as female conduct. In
Denmalk and Norway, for example, women who had sexual relationships
with occupying German soldiers became symbols of collaboration. It was a
taboo to remember them. Only recently could the silence about them be
partially broken. By bringing the topos of romantic love into the debate,
relations with Getman soldiers could pariially be made understandable and
could be legitimated. By this the topic could be shifted from the political to
the private sphere. 2 Can we conclude from this that remembrance of war
reveals deep distrust of women's loyalty? Is this also a cause for the lack of
'female remembrance in national cultural memory?

18 Gender is not important at all for the prominent authors on culture of memory; see, for
example, I Ialbwachs (1985. 125-149, EA 1925); Assmann, Jan (1988).
19 See as representative studies: Lipp (2003); Buschmann/Langewiesche (2004); Korff
(2 (1 06)
20 See Lenr/Mattauschek (2004); Lenz (2006.)

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275

Memory, Gender and Space

The starting point for the following conseiderations is the interconnection
of public inemmy and the nation. By using the category of gender, the
seemingly gender-neutrdl national space of memory can be deconstructed.
This deconstruction alone does not, however, suffice to integrate female
connoted places of memory into public memory culture, because deconstruction does not anchor female remembrance in cultural memory.
Inscribing women into mern9iy culture requires us to do away with the
dominant position given to politics and to take up topics from the fields of
historical anthropology or cultural history. These topics tend to be connoted with femininity. Moreover, a gender-sensitive integration of women's
historical experiences into public memory needs a spatial system of reference in addition to and beyond the nation state. Playing with different
spatial scales, which involves .bringingtogether local, regional, national and
transnational perspectives, enables multi-perspectivity and, we assume,
makes it easier to integrate the category of geilder.
It is possible to examine memories which go beyond the nation state
with the example of border regions 2 i or transnational networks of communication. 22 Are there common gender-specific patterns of remembrance on
the transnational level? Which female experiences and activities, which
memories of women's agency, can be snatched from oblivion and integrated into a culture of memory which is, for example, orientated towards
Europe? Such a research project requires comparative studies in different
countries or regions respectively, as it is self-evident that comparisons
which only focus on national cultures of memory are inadequate.
Another possible way for research is the comparison of female ekperiences and scopes of actions in smaller spatial systems of reference, for
example in regions or municipalities. 23 This kind of research usually has the

21 See for example the, volume: Lundt (2004), which deals with the way in which the
inhabitants of the border region of Schleswig-Holstein and Denmark see themselves
have been nor/horned.
22 See David Blackbourn on the overcoming of hational historiography by local and
transnational historiography: Blackboum (2005). On the debates about world history,
European history or ttansnational history see Osterhammel (2001); Werner/ Zimmermann (2002); Haupt (2002); Woolf (2003); Cohen/O'Connor (2004); Frevert (2005).
23 By now there are only few publications which del with culture of memory be) ond the
nation from a superordinate point of view. See for example: Auf der Suche nach
regionaler Identitt (1997); Schmoll (1995); Flender (1998); Blatter/Schilling (2003).

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SYLVIA SCEIRAUf AND SYLVIA PALETSCHEK

stigma or being less important than national history, of being not representative, or as being simply irrelevant. However, in contrast to the
national level, the regional or local space offers a surprisingly great range of
material with regard to women, female perspectives and female spaces of
.action in history. As our exemplary analyses of memory culture. in Offenburg (a middle- s ize town in Baden, Germany and a major centre of.the
1848-revolution) have demonstrated, the material gained in this way allows
us to esLiblish the necessary connections between memory culture and
gender his. tory. When the approach to memory culture from a small space
is connected with the analytical category gender and the extension of topics
beyond politics, then a number of new research perspectives arise.
Regional or fnunicipal memory culture refers, for example, to many
monuments which have survived more or less by chance and which are of
rather marginal importance from the national point of view. These monuments, however, open spaces of remembrance of women. Offenburg
hosts, for example, a memorial for French female resistance fighters who
were executed there (Friedmann/Kreutz 1994). This memorial has been
fOrgotwn and could be integrated into public memory in Offenburg;
moreover 'it could become an ingredient of a European culture of memory
which is anchored in the local context. It could be an example to demonstrate the transnational character of a European resistance movement in
which women ,paiticipated. A European perspective which starts from the
'regional level offers chances which get lost in the process of national condensation. On the national level, monuments like this one or similar places
of memory which represent female resistance had to give way tope more
important male .competitors or to supposedly gender-neutral retne4nbrant.e. The discussions about the Holocaust-memorial in Berlin are best
suited to elucidate the process which levels social, cultural and gender
differences a process which is characteristic for remembrance anchored
in the centre. 24
But it is 'not only forgotten female places of memory which can be
brought back to life again. Taking up historical events from a limited space
allows m's, nioreover, to implement hitherto neglected female activities into
the regional culture of mem'ory. Marie Geck, who lived in Offenburg at the

'1 lien%arc almost no research publications on cultures of memory in migration societies

m. ith the exceptions of: Motte/Olilinger (2004); Thelen/Rosenzweig (1998); Hudson/
RCno (2000), ltibbeas (2004).
24 See Cullen (1999), liturnhk et al. (2000); Kirch (2003); Leggewie/Meyer (2005).

REMEMBRANCE AND GENDER

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end of the nineteenth century, may serve as an example. She was a socialdemocrat and well-known beyond the region. The wife of a member of the
Reichstag was strongly involved in municipal politics, worked in the family's own printing business and raised five children (Ernst-Schmidt 1980).
She was part of the national network of the social-democrats and the network of the women's movement, and in correspondence with August
Bebel, Rosa Luxemburg and Clara Zetkin. In addition to her daily political
activities, Marie Geck devoted her time to the remembrance of 1848. She
published numerous historical_ essays on local revolutionary events as well
as on the history of Offenburg women. She did this with the aim of creating a democratic tradition. She was called Baden's Rosa Luxemburg by
her contemporaries, i.e. they characterized her by referring to the national
context. Although forgotten in national history, she stands for a specific
female and regional approach to memory culture. By remembering them
consciously, regionally important figures such as Marie Geck can regain a
gender-political significance as well as significance in memory politics. The
example of Marie serves as a reminder of feminist, politically active women
on the regional and the national level, but she also stands for the transnational memory of, for example, the European workers' movement.

How can women be written into memory culture?

In order to write female remembrance into memory culture new forms of
presentation of history are necessary. The question is, whether new media
such as the into:net provide better opportunities for this goal than traditional forms of presentation. The characteristics, the advantages and disadvantages of the medium of the internet are the subject of intensive debates.
Here it is not possible to give a comprehensive overview of these debates.
We will only present some arguments in favor of the use of the internet as
medium of presentation of a gender-sensitive culture of memory.? 5 A gender-sensithie presentation of memory culture should make the heterogeneity of social memory visible and include as many actors as possible in the
process of shaping a gender-democratic social memory. The internet could
25 See Maurer, Susanne / Schraut, Sylvia, Gender and the Creation of European Lieux de
Memoire on the Internet, Paper for the World history Congress 2005 in Sydney: littp.//
www.cishsydney2005.org/irnages/Sylvia%2OSchrautAIO2ldoc.

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SYLVIA SCHRAUT AND SYLVIA PALEI SCHEK

be a suitable instrument for the creation of a multi-faceted and cross-border landscape of memory which prevents an overly quick canonization of
images of history. The following qualities of the intemet are favorable for
such an approach: Many virtual visitor groups have unfiltered access to
inforne lation. Especially the target group of women, who are often bound
to their homes, can get access to memory culture without traveling to sites
of memory or participating in public commemoration.
The flexible space

of the internet which can be re-modeled quickly offers the opportunity to

present memory without having to use hierarchies or without having to
limit information because of costs. It allows a broad and multi-dimensional
presentation. in this way it is possible to establish points of resistance in
national cultures of memory which tend towards canonization.
There are a number of requirements for the gender-sen. sitive presentation of places of memory in the internet, especially with regard to the
'access to information. A design which attracts both women' and men
means, above all, to create the opportunity of a multi-perspective acces; to
the material presented which allows associative and creative selection of
information besides the usual hierarchical ways of access determined by
the content management systems. Analyses of existing history web-pages
show, moreover, that the usual search terms and search engines are gender-biased. Therefore, they are of little use for the inclusion of femaleconnoted memory. It is necessary to develop gender-sensitive search terms
for: the presentation of memory culture. Furthermore, the aesthetics of
common web-pages has to be examined with regard to gender. Are they
gender-neutral? Which new requirements have to be formulated with
regard to the aesthetic of web-pages in order to attract both women and
men?
These considerations led to an interdisciOnary pilot-project on memory and gender in the internet developed by students of history and computer science at the University of Freiburg in summer 2005. The project's
aim was to design a gender-sensitive interhet-presentation of the revolution
of 1848 in Offenburg. 26 From the perspective of informatics this aim
required the creation of manifold possibilities of access to the information
presented. Froin the historical perspective it meant making visible the
-fo. rgotten memories of women and abstaining from simply reproducing the
historical male-donnoted mainstream-experience. Moreover, the protect
.

26 See http //pohl ug uni-fietbmg de/1848/ and the report on it by Claus et al (2007).
*

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279

was to show that history is not simply the digging out of past facts. What is
remembefed from history is always dependent on the interests of a given
present. History is re-interpreted and constructed over and over again. It
would have been too much for the students involved in the pilot-project to
elaborate all aspects of the revolution in Offenburg. Therefore they primarily searched for female revolutionaries or for the impact of the revolution on the private or the family's space; they put emphasis on the communicative processes in connection with the revolutionary events. Finally
they selected the following main themes: sites of the revolution, 27 networks, 28 revolutionary coukles, 29 and *remembrances of the revolution. 30
The last point was of special importance to us because by selecting several
points in time in whith 1848 was interpreted in different ways it becomes
clear that images of history are not immanent to history, but that they are
reproduced. It should become clear this was our own optimistic as . sumption that the perspective chosen by us (gender) also has to be historicized, is constructed and thus subject to chanO. The selection of the other
main themes also demonstrates the shift in emphasis brought about by the
presentation of revolutionary events from the perspective of gender. The
places selected shoW that the sites of revolutions are not always and not
only equivalent with (male-connoted) public spaces associated with politics. They also take place in gender-neutra. 1 spaces of communication, for
example in inns, or in semi-public spaces such as (female-connoied) private
homes. It becomes visible that the political and public event revolution
could not have happened had there not been female-connoted spaces of
communication and social gatherings. Therefore it was consistent to replace the revolutionary individual with the revolutionary couple and to pick

27 ibis included the Salmen inn, where the Offenburg Manifesto which initiated the
revolution in Baden was drawn up; the houses of revolutionaries (men and women); and
the railway station, as infrastructural prerequisite which enabled the assemblies of the
revolutionaries.
28 Here selected biograPhies of well and less known revolutionaries were to be presented.
Further, revolutionary networks, spiritual forerunners of the revolution and persons
which refered to the revolution and kept alive its memory were to be included into the
presentation.
29 The students selected well-known but also less-known couples from Baden or Offenburg, e.g. Amalie and Gustav Struve, Amalie and Johann Hofer, Mathilde and Fritz
Anneke.
30 The memory of 1848 was researched into using the example of the years 1848, 189,8,

1948 and 1998.

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S\ VIA SCURAU I AND SYLVIA PALE"' SCHEK

out as a central theme the semi-private / semi-public network of the male

and female protagonists of the revolution,
It proved to he very productive (and this characterized the main themes
selected) to consciously break the dichotomy of private public written
into the bourgeois gender model and to shift the perspective from the
event itself to the place oi space of the event. By this change of view traditional patterns and hierarchies of assessment could be avoided or opened
up. By foregrounding the spatial dimension of a canonized and mostly
male-connoted event, the participation of women and female-connoted
fields pf action became visible. Both methodological approaches breaking up the dichotomy of worlds assigned to men and women by the traditional gendet order and stressing the spatial dimension of events are, in
our view, suitable approaches for other gender-sensitive historical projects
too.
.Starting from the local space of events a European view which goes
beyond regional and national borders opens up. In the framework of
specific and careful analysis the concrete place of a historical event no
longer proves to be only a side scene which only has to be dealt with by
regional history. A gender-sensitive analysis of the local space shows that it
is not exempt from the effects of transnational communication processes;
what happens on the local level is, for example, stimulated by political
events in neighboring countries. Starting from the local space it is able to
describe and to analyze processes of tiligration and communication as
transnational eventg and influences. In this way they can be written into a
historical pattern of interpretation which is committed to a transnational
framework beyond the nation and is further committed to the diversity of
Memories of men and women beyond the mainstream.

Findings
' The dominantly male culture of memory shaped in the nineteenth and
twentieth centuries continues to have an effect today, although there have
been some changes. For example, there have been initiatives by the state
and by municipalities to name streets, academic prizes, or scholarships
after women, Women's and gender history has been established and has
had an impact on school books. Archives on women have been founded,

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281

and the feminist movement has made endeavors to safeguard the remembrance of women. 'Mere is, however, still a long way to go in order to
integrate female places of remembrance into memory culture, as the analysis of the German places of memory has shown. What has to be done to
speed up this process? .
At first, the seemingly gender-neutral national space of remembiance
has to be analyzed with regard to gender-historical implications; these
implications have to be made explicit. The memory images which are influenced by the bourgeois gender model have to be stripped of their seemingly timeless anthropological character. A first step to deconstruct such e
gender stereotypes Which claim validity beyond historical change is to consistently put them into a historical context. This means analyzing the
respective contemporary forms of gender relations, the degree of inclusion
of female citizens into civil society as well as the state of the natiohal, social
and political development at a given time. A further method of bistoricizing these predominantly nineteenth-cent* bourgeois, timeless national
allegories, metaphors and symbols is to analyze their pre-modern lines of
tradition. On this basis, the second step must be aimed at bringing to light
how these gender images were dealt with in the course of the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries. This means that a twofold historicizing of the
allegories used in memory politics is necessary: on the one hand we have to
clarify the historical context in which they emerged, while on the other
hand we have to reappraise their lines of tradition.
But this deconstruction alone does not lead to the anchoring of female
remembrances into cultural memory. Prerequisite to the writing of women
into memory culture is to break the dominance politics and nation have in
cultural memory and to take up those thematic fields that have been classified as belonging to historical anthropology or cultural history. These thematic fields tend to be connoted with femininity.
Experiences of women are often subordinate in family memory, which
can be classified as communicative memory, and they are also shaped by
the official history discourse. Nevertheless, they are less marginalized in
family memory than in cultural memory and are therefore a potential
repository of female counter-tradition. When family memories flow into
memory culture to a stronger degree the chances for a stronger representation of women could increase.
A gender-sensitive inclusion of women's historical experiences into
public memory also requires a system of spatial reference in addition to

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LV1A SCHRAL1

r AND SN LVI P ALE ISdlIEK

and beyond the nation-state. Playing with different spatial scales, interconnecting the local, regional, national and trans-national perspective,
allow; for multi-perspectivity and thus makes it easier to include the category of gender. This may be the basis on which we can gain access to a
gender-democratic, socially and culturally differentiated, multi-faceted and
controversial culture of memory that does without a hegemonic interpretation of the past.

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