Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Report 2000

THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA
UGANDA PARTICIPATORY POVERTY ASSESSMENT REPORT
(Photograph to be inserted)
Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development

PO Box 8147,Kampala
January 2000
FOREWORD
This report is the first of the first-ever Participatory Poverty Assessment (PPA) exercise in Uganda. The
report brings together the voices and perspectives of the poor consulted in 24 rural and 12 urban
communities in 9 districts of Uganda on a pilot basis. The exercise is a unique partnership comprising of
Government represented by the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, nine pilot
district authorities, civil society organisations (both NGOs and academic institutions) and donors.
Oxfam GB in Uganda is the implementing agency; and the objective of this project is to bring the voices
and perspectives of the poor into central and local governments policy formulation, planning and
implementation, as well as strengthen and complement quantitative monitoring of the planning and
implementation processes.
I am delighted to note that the findings of this assessment have brought to the fore the complexity and
diversity of the nature of poverty in Uganda. The assessment reveals that poverty in Uganda is not
uniform and varies by region, location and socio-economic groups. The research also reveals a mixed
picture of poverty trends in Uganda, influenced by the many years of political turmoil, economic decline
and institutional decay between early 70s and early 80s. In some districts, the general feeling was that
poverty had decreased over the past 20 years; while in others, the feeling was that it had increased but
with some aspects having improved.
The participatory research findings complement other quantitative studies that have shown an overall
measured poverty decline between 1992 and 1997. The people have confirmed their appreciation of
the current policies but deplored the moral decay that has led to poor service delivery, hence a dismal
positive impact of the well-intentioned government policies.
The challenge ahead of us therefore is to ensure that the poorest 20% are not further marginalised in
the development process, and that the decentralisation process which has the greatest potential for
improving transparency and accountability in service delivery is enhanced. The best way forward is to
strive to make our people aware of Government policies, their rights and entitlements as per our
Constitution and the Local Government Act, both of which provide the operational framework for
decentralisation.
It is intended that this process as documented in this report will help both the central and local
governments as well as our development partners to become more responsive to concerns of the poor
in fostering strategies for poverty eradication. The voices captured in this exercise have already
contributed to focusing our budgetary allocations and policies on key issues in fighting poverty.
Hon .Gerald Sendaula
Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Process is a partnership by the Government of Uganda
(represented by the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development), nine pilot district
authorities (Kisoro, Moyo, Kotido, Kalangala, Kumi, Kapchorwa, Kabarole, Kampala and Bushenyi),
NGOs, academic institutions and donors. The project is implemented by Oxfam GB and is funded by
Government of Uganda, DFID, World Bank, UNDP, UNICEF and SIDA.
This report is one of the outputs of the participatory poverty assessment process, which involved
consultations with the poor people in the nine UPPAP pilot districts of Uganda over a period of eight
months. The report attempts to provide a complete and realistic picture of poverty in terms of
understanding poverty and how local people deal with poverty from their perspectives, particularly
with regard to service delivery, infrastructure and governance, the dimensions and trends of poverty,
and the impact of government policies on the poor. The information in this report was collected
through the use of participatory methodologies, where researchers actively listened, encouraged
interaction and analysis amongst the local people and facilitated discussions.
Several individuals and institutions contributed to this process. Special thanks go to Mary BitekerezoKasozi of the World Bank, Bella Bird and Andy Norton of DFID for providing technical support and
significant financial investment in this project, Heidi Attwood of IFAFI, South Africa and Charles
Lwanga-Ntale of DRT for a training well done, Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic
Development officials: Mary Muduuli (Director of Budget), Margaret Kakande (Poverty Analyst),
Keith Muhakanizi (Director Economic Affairs) who were instrumental in seeing the project take shape.
Appreciation is also extended to Oxfam GB in Uganda, the implementing agency of this project, and
the different NGOs and academic institutions (MISR, Action Aid, CBR, DRT, CHDC, EPRC, UBoS,
ACFODE, CDRN) who provided researchers for this work. We are also grateful to the authorities of
the nine pilot districts for the local hospitality, and for providing district officials to work as districtbased researchers on the different teams that carried out this work. 1 I would also want to thank the
IDS, Sussex for providing technical back-up support and on short notice allowing Karen Brooke to join
Richard Ssewakiryanga, Rossetti Nabbumba and Milton Ayoki in the final revision of this report.
Above, all we thank the local people in the different rural and urban communities where this study was
carried out for taking off time to share their experiences with the researchers and eventually helping
Government to hear their voices. In their voices the local people emphasised the need for human
resource development, building the countrys infrastructure, enabling access to natural resources,
ensuring food security, enhancing access to financial services and, above all, ensuring security of life
and property, as preconditions to poverty reduction.
To all who made this process succeed, we say thank you!
Leonard Okello
Project Coordinator - UPPAP
See Annex 5 for all the people involved in the study.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
FOREWORD .........................................................................................................................................II
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT.................................................................................................................... III
TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................................................... IV
LIST OF TABLES..............................................................................................................................VII
LIST OF FIGURES.......................................................................................................................... VIII
LIST OF ANNEXES ........................................................................................................................... IX
ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS .............................................................................................. X
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY................................................................................................................... XI
CHAPTER ONE.....................................................................................................................................1
UGANDA PARTICIPATORY POVERTY ASSESSMENT PROCESS..........................................1
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 2
THE COUNTRY ............................................................................................................... 2
PARTICIPATORY POVERTY ASSESSMENTS..................................................................... 5
UGANDA PARTICIPATORY POVERTY ASSESSMENT PROJECT ........................................ 5
UGANDA PARTICIPATORY POVERTY ASSESSMENT ....................................................... 6
THIS REPORT ................................................................................................................. 12
CHAPTER TWO ..................................................................................................................................11

COMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS OF POVERTY AND WELL-BEING ...........................................11
2.1 WHAT IS POVERTY?..................................................................................................... 12

2.1.1 A poor community is ....................................................................................... 12
2.1.2 A poor household is ........................................................................................ 14
2.1.3 A poor person is .............................................................................................. 15
2.1.4 Indicators of poverty............................................................................................ 17
2.1.5 Categories of the vulnerable ............................................................................... 18
2.2 CAUSES AND EFFECTS OF POVERTY ARE INTER-LINKED........................................... 23
2.2.1 Major causes and effects of poverty in the household......................................... 24
2.3 POVERTY TRENDS........................................................................................................ 29
2.3.2 Change over the year: seasonal trends ............................................................... 34
2.3.3 Change in the household: how do people become richer or poorer? ................. 36
2.4 COMMUNITY PRIORITIES AND STRATEGIES FOR ADDRESSING POVERTY ................. 38
2.4.1 District priorities .................................................................................................. 38
2.4.2 Priorities across the nine districts....................................................................... 39
2.4.3 Overarching strategies for poverty reduction ..................................................... 39
CHAPTER THREE .............................................................................................................................41
HOW DO THE POOR GET BY? ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING...........................41
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3.1 ECONOMIC STRATEGIES OF LOCAL PEOPLE................................................................ 42

3.1.1 Regional variations in household livelihood strategies....................................... 42
3.1.2 Coping strategies................................................................................................. 45
3.2 ACCESS TO RESOURCES FOR SUSTAINING LIVELIHOOD ............................................. 48
3.2.1 Human resources: skills, knowledge and good health ........................................ 49
3.2.2 Physical infrastructure ........................................................................................ 50
3.2.3 Natural resources ................................................................................................ 50
3.2.4 Financial assets ................................................................................................... 55
3.2.5 Social relations.................................................................................................... 56
3.3 CROSS-CUTTING FACTORS AFFECTING RESOURCE ACCESS ....................................... 59
3.3.1 Location............................................................................................................... 59
3.3.2 Gender ................................................................................................................. 63
3.3.3 Age....................................................................................................................... 68
3.3.4 Isolation and exclusion........................................................................................ 69
CHAPTER FOUR ................................................................................................................................71
SERVICES AND INFRASTRUCTURE: ARE THE POOR BENEFITTING?..............................71
4.1 HEALTH ....................................................................................................................... 72

4.1.1. Key issues in health ............................................................................................. 72
4.1.2. Barriers of access to health care services ........................................................... 75
4.1.3. Community Recommendations ............................................................................ 81
4.2 EDUCATION ................................................................................................................. 83
4.2.1. Key issues in education ....................................................................................... 83
4.2.2. Barriers of access to education ........................................................................... 89
4.2.3 Community recommendations ............................................................................. 93
4.3 CLEAN WATER AND SANITATION ............................................................................... 93
4.3.1. Key issues around clean water and sanitation .................................................... 94
4.3.2 Barriers to access of clean water ........................................................................ 99
Cost................................................................................................................................ 100
4.3.3 Community recommendations ........................................................................... 100
4.4 MARKETS ................................................................................................................ 101
4.4.1. Key issues about markets................................................................................... 102
4.4.2 Barriers of access to market infrastructure....................................................... 104
4.5 CREDIT ....................................................................................................................... 107
4.5.1 Key issues in provision of credit........................................................................ 107
4.5.2 Barriers of access to credit................................................................................ 107
4.6 EXTENSION SERVICES................................................................................................ 111
4.6.1 Key issues in extension ...................................................................................... 111
4.6.2 What has worked? ............................................................................................. 113
4.7 FEEDER ROADS AND TRANSPORT ............................................................................. 115
4.7.1 With a road the rest will follow: key issues in roads and transport.............. 115
4.7.2 Roads for Kalangala District? .......................................................................... 120
4.8 OTHER SERVICES AND INFRASTRUCTURES ............................................................... 121
CHAPTER FIVE.................................................................................................................................124
GOVERNANCE, POVERTY AND DEVELOPMENT ...................................................................124
5.1 GOOD GOVERNANCE LEADS TO DEVELOPMENT, POOR GOVERNANCE LEADS TO

POVERTY ........................................................................................................................... 125
5.2 MANY LOCAL PEOPLE ARE DISGUSTED WITH CORRUPTION.................................... 127
5.2.1 Corruption in government bodies...................................................................... 128
5.2.2 Corruption in Government services and programmes ...................................... 129
5.3 INEQUITY IN THE TAXATION SYSTEM ....................................................................... 133
5.4 DECENTRALISATION .................................................................................................. 135
5.4.1 Awareness and attitudes towards decentralisation ........................................... 135
5.4.2 Impact of decentralisation................................................................................. 137
5.4.3 Constraints to success of decentralisation ........................................................ 138
5.5 CONSULTATION AND PARTICIPATION IN GOVERNANCE ........................................... 140
5.6 INFORMATION IS ESSENTIAL FOR DEVELOPMENT .................................................... 144
5.7 AWARENESS AND UNDERSTANDING OF GOVERNMENT POLICIES ............................ 146
5.8 COMMUNITY RECOMMENDATIONS ON GOVERNANCE ............................................... 148
CHAPTER SIX ...................................................................................................................................151
INSECURITY......................................................................................................................................151
6.1 SECURITY IS A PRECONDITION FOR DEVELOPMENT .................................................. 152

6.2 HOUSEHOLD INSECURITY .......................................................................................... 152
6.3 COMMUNITY INSECURITY.......................................................................................... 156
The result of community insecurity is increased poverty, demoralisation and fear ...... 157
6.4 WIDER INSECURITY ................................................................................................... 159
6.5 COMMUNITY RECOMMENDATIONS ON SECURITY .................................................... 166
CHAPTER SEVEN ............................................................................................................................168
MESSAGES FOR POLICYMAKERS.............................................................................................168
7.1 MESSAGES FOR POLICYMAKERS ................................................................................. 169

7.1.1 Measurement, analysis and targeting................................................................... 169
7.1..2 Priority areas for poverty reduction interventions.............................................. 169
7.1.3 Attitudes, behaviour and implementation............................................................. 171
REFERENCES...................................................................................................................................173
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LIST OF TABLES
Table 1.1
Table 2.1
Table 2.2
Table 2.3
Table 3.1
Table 3.2
Table 3.3
Table 3.4
Table 4.1
Table 4.2
Table 4.3
Table 4.4
Table 4.5
Table 4.6
Table 4.7
Table 5.1
Table 5.2
Table 5.2
Table 6.1
Limitations and lessons learned from UPPA field research

Indicators of poverty at the individual, household and
community level
Ten most frequently mentioned causes and effects of
household poverty
District poverty trends
Variation in economic strategies for livelihood
Important institutions for building social relations
Features of district uniqueness
Predominant features of rural and urban poverty
Community recommendations for health services
Community recommendations for education
Community recommendations for water and sanitation
Community recommendations for markets
Community recommendations for credit provision
Community recommendations for agricultural extension
Community recommendations for roads and transport
Categories of corruption, local and central government
Determinants of policy awareness
Community recommendations on governance
Community recommendations for tackling insecurity
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9
16
22
29
39
51
53
54
72
81
88
92
96
100
104
112
127
128
141
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2.1
Figure 2.2
Figure 2.3
Figure 2.4
Figure 3.1
Figure 4.1
Figure 4.2
Figure 4.3
Figure 5.1
Figure 7.1
Figure 7.2
Community well-being ranking by women in Oladot, Kumi

What does a poor person feel?
Causal flow diagram of poverty by men in Iboa, Moyo
Time trend analysis by Iboa community in Moyo
Livelihood analysis of a typical household in Ariet, Kumi
Participants observations on Universal Primary Education
Causal flow diagram of lack of clean water
Causal flow diagram of lack of access to Kitonzi, Kabarole
Venn diagram showing the relative importance of
institutions
Wife battering and harassment
Consequences of insecurity in Moyo
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13
15
23
28
38
75
83
103
110
131
139
LIST OF ANNEXES
Annex 1
Annex 2
Annex 3
Annex 4
Annex 5
Annex 6
Criteria for district selection

PRA tools used in fieldwork
Causes and effects of poverty
Top priority problems by district
List of people involved in the study
Map of Uganda showing districts were PPA was conducted
ix
148
149
150
152
154
ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

ACFODE
CAP
CBO
CBR
CDRN
CHDC
DFID
DRT
EPRC
GDP
IGG
KCC
KDA
LAP
LC
LDU
MFPED
MISR
NGOs
NRM
PAP
PEAP
PEARL
PPA
PRA
SIDA
SPLA
TBA
UboS
UEB
UNDP
UNFA
UNICEF
UPE
UPPAP
WES
WFP
WNBF
Action for Development

Community Action Plan
Community Based Organisation
Centre for Basic Research
Community Development Research Network
Child Health Development Centre
Department of Foreign and International Development
Development Training and Research
Economic Policy Research Centre
Gross Domestic Product
Inspector General of Government
Kampala City Council
Karamoja Development Agency
Local Administration Police
Local Council
Local Defence Unit
Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development
Makerere Institute of Social Research
Non Governmental Organisations
National Resistance Movement
Poverty Alleviation Programme
Poverty Eradication Action Plan
Programme for the Enhancement of Adolescent Reproductive Life
Participatory Poverty Assessment
Participatory Rural Appraisal
Swedish International Development Agency
Sudan Peoples Liberation Army
Traditional Birth Attendant
Uganda Bureau of Statistics
Uganda Electricity Board
United Nations Development Programme
Uganda National Farmers Association
United Nations Children Fund
Universal Primary Education
Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Project
Water and Environmental Sanitation
World Food Programme
West Nile Bank Front
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Introduction
1.
Uganda, a small landlocked country with an estimated population of about 21

million has experienced impressive economic growth in the past decade.
Despite this, it remains one of the worlds poorest countries, ranked 159th out
of 175 poorest countries as per the Human Development Index (1998).
Consumption data reveals that 44% of its population, some 9 million people
do not meet their basic needs (food, shelter, clothing, health, education and
transport) 2 .
2.
In search for a solution to this unacceptable situation, the Uganda Government

way back in 1997 launched a Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP) as a
national policy framework for enabling the majority of Ugandans to have
access to basic social services, decent housing with acceptable living
standards, be able to read and write, and be free from the threat of hunger and
famine in the next twenty years. To supplement the PEAP, the Government
designed the Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Project (UPPAP) in
1998. The project aims at bringing the voices and perspectives of the poor into
central and local governments policy formulation, planning and
implementation, as well as strengthening and complementing quantitative
poverty monitoring.
3.
This is the first national report of the process in its first phase. The report
brings the voices and perspectives of the poor consulted through a
participatory approach in 24 rural and 12 urban communities in 9 districts of
Uganda on a pilot basis.
Definition of Poverty
4.
According to this survey, the local people define poverty beyond the lack of
income and material assets to include the absence of social aspects that
support life. Among the social aspects responsible for poverty is the absence
of social support creating a feeling of isolation and exclusion, powerlessness,
deprivation of basic human rights and a feeling of helplessness to influence the
conditions around oneself. A distinction is made between individual or
household poverty and community poverty. Individual or household poverty is
seen as a situation of perpetual need for daily necessities of life and a feeling
The poverty line in Uganda relates to the cost of obtaining the basic requirements which was estimated at
Sh.16,400 per month per person.
xi
of powerlessness, while community poverty is regarded as the absence of

basic physical infrastructure and services, productive assets and social
harmony within the community. Peoples perspective of poverty is that it is
not uniform. It is complex, multi-dimensional, cyclic and seasonal.
Poverty is not Uniform
5.
There exist predominant features that distinguish rural from urban poverty.
While rural poverty manifests itself predominantly in failure to educate
children, limited access to infrastructure facilities and services, poor yields,
alcoholism, impoverishment at old age and men abandoning their families,
urban poverty predominantly manifests itself in HIV/AIDS, unemployment
and/or low pay compared to cost of living, frequent family misunderstandings,
idleness, early marriages and pregnancies, as well as poor drainage and
sanitation facilities in the city.
Seasonality of Poverty
6.
Climatic patterns that create seasonality in their production and incidence of

disease, coupled with seasonality in expenditure patterns, for example, on
school fees create fluctuations in poverty levels throughout the year and over
longer periods. In the absence of surface water harvesting methods, storage
facilities, accessible markets, as well as accessible and affordable financial
services, preparing for the hard times during good times becomes extremely
difficult for many. Under these circumstances, many are rendered vulnerable
to poverty during seasons of high incidence of disease when they need to
spend on health services, as well as during the school term when they need to
pay school fees. Many are forced to sell their assets to meet these requirements
and pay graduated tax. The alternative is death, chronical ailment, starvation,
thefts and tax default - hence imprisonment. These in turn bring about low
production and food insecurity and a vicious circle of poverty. This is the
more reason for graduated tax being unpopular.
Poverty Trends in Uganda
7.
The PPAs analysis of poverty trends was faithful to the multidimensional

understanding of poverty which developed throughout the PPA, and therefore
tended to trace changes in specific aspects of wellbeing and ill-being rather
than in poverty as a whole. Communities structured their trend analysis
around different events which stood out for them as significant historical
xii
happenings, turning points or crises in their lives. The periods spanned varied
from community to community: in some cases trend analysis went back in
time as long as the longest living memory, or even beyond it.
Vulnerability to Poverty
8.
At the community level, certain categories in society are perceived to be more

vulnerable to poverty. These include the landless who sell their labour, women
especially widows, widowers who have many children to look after, those
with large families, orphans and abandoned children, the chronically sick, the
elderly, the youth who are jobless, the internally displaced, refugees and those
living in areas prone to natural disasters such as earthquakes and landslides.
Like poverty itself, coping strategies were observed to be location-specific,
with strong regional variations, child labour and casual labour were found to
be the most common livelihood strategies.
Causes of Poverty
9.
The people identified key causes of poverty that require redress. At household
level, gender relations were criticised as causing and perpetuating poverty.
The women are powerless in as far as determining allocation of resources and
making decisions that affect their livelihood and that of the family despite
their enormous contribution to household welfare. Even at the community
level, barriers to some citizens to participate in the governance process in
particular the women, the poorest, the illiterate, the elderly and certain
minority ethnic groups were cited as responsible for poverty. In addition, poor
health, excessive alcohol consumption, low productivity due to lack of
education and skills, limited access to financial services especially loans,
dependence on a single source of income, poor access to markets and
information, idleness, mistrust and absence of co-operation, large family sizes
and insecurity of whatever nature, featured most as responsible for the
pervasive poverty.
10.
Issues of geographical isolation were of a major concern to rural communities.

Geographical isolation limits access to essential services, information and
markets and leads to higher costs of accessing services and low prices for
farmers produce, especially during rainy seasons. Emphasis was being placed
on limited access to safe water as the major cause of the high incidence of
disease, which was accorded high priority in Community Action Programmes
(CAPs). Population pressures and gazetting of land, especially the wetlands
and forestry reserves in some areas, were cited as limiting access by the poor
to land for agricultural production with the eventual impact of decreased soil
xiii
fertility. Lack of access to financial capital was blamed for keeping incomes
and savings low, hence perpetuating poverty.
Governance and Poverty
11.
The people perceive the lack of strong local leadership, mistrust of

government officials and government policies due to lack of information, and
the absence of regular consultations to be impediments to poverty eradication.
12.
Corruption, especially in the police and among government officials was seen
as seriously inhibiting development. Poor service delivery and poor physical
infrastructure were said to be responsible for peoples unwillingness to pay
taxes, while the lack of information about market prices, government policies,
laws and credit availability was blamed for the persistence of rural poverty.
There was a strong call for agricultural extension services that are accessible
for all and offer relevant advice and information.
13.
People believe insecurity whether at household level, especially wife

battering, or at the community level related to either unduly punished thefts,
insurgency, cattle rustling or war, contributes substantially to their poverty.
All these are areas which deserve national attention. Generally people
welcomed the increased security in the country since 1986, however, in those
areas still affected by insecurity the need for peace and stability is a major
concern.
Suggested Interventions
14.
Through their voices the people articulated that what is needed to improve
their livelihood is human resource development, building the countrys
physical infrastructure, enabling the poor to gain access to natural resources in particular land, water and forest resources to guarantee food security - and
enable them access financial capital. There is a general contention that the
obstacles to better livelihood lie in differentiated access to the above factors
and bad governance. Improving social relations, especially formation of
community groups, is also seen as having a substantial potential for fighting
poverty. Formal education and skills training is considered critical for
increasing opportunities to gainful employment; while maintenance of a good
feeder road network and rural markets is regarded to be the most important
physical infrastructure for improving livelihood. Increased access to health
care in form of reduced distance, ability to afford the health care and having
its quality improve were identified as vital for human resource development
and above all ensuring security of life and property was seen as and important
factor in all the above interventions.
xiv
Gender Poverty Related Issues

15.
Local people reported that women have limited economic opportunities, due to
their low social status, their relationships with men, lack of ownership and
access to productive assets, limited participation in the decision-making and
heavy workload. In Bushenyi district, as a result of the increasing interest in
growing cash crops, largely in control of men, women have lost access to land
for growing traditional cash crops , largely in control of men, feed the family,
resulting in under-nutrition of the children. Bride price was noted as an issue
which negatively affects both women and men in areas where bride price is
high. For men, it is the question of affordability that creates the burden, while
for women it serves to undermine their status in the family, resulting in her
having no rights to assets and her decision making capabilities restricted.
About Government Policies
16.
As regards government policies, the people widely appreciated the Universal

Primary Education (UPE) policy but, were of the view that the quality of
education should be improved. They also expressed inability by the poorest to
pay for the costs of education that are not met by UPE funds. They further
expressed inability to afford secondary education by the majority, and in some
incidences attempts to provide secondary education had resulted into further
impoverishment of households due to selling of assets.
17.
The decentralisation policy was referred to as a good policy, as communities

reported some improvements in the quality of governance at the local levels,
including increased involvement of women. However, there was limited
understanding of the policy, and concern was expressed that poorer districts
are being left behind, and many LC councillors lack leadership and planning
skills. Cost sharing in health services was regarded as pushing the poor
further into poverty. They simply cannot afford to pay. The current credit
delivery systems were criticised for favouring the relatively rich.
Conclusion
18.
Finally, the people regard themselves as stakeholders in the development

process and, therefore, they welcome open consultations with them in
designing service delivery systems, as well as policies that affect them.
xv
xvi
CHAPTER ONE
UGANDA PARTICIPATORY POVERTY ASSESSMENT PROCESS
This chapter presents a background to Uganda, highlighting the positive macroeconomic growth registered this decade, and the decline in the proportion of the
population below the poverty line since 1992.
In Uganda, the Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP) forms the framework for
poverty eradication. The plan aims to eradicate poverty in the coming two decades
by improving the incomes and the quality of life of the poor, and by strengthening
governance in Uganda.
The Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Project (UPPAP) is a three-phase
process, which aims to bring the perspectives of the poor into national and district
policy formulation, planning and implementation. The first stage of this process was
to undertake a Participatory Poverty Assessment (PPA) in which local people were
consulted in thirty-six rural and urban sites in nine districts.
The insights from the local people consulted during the PPA are contained in this
document. These voices have already contributed to influencing policy processes in
Uganda.
1.1
Introduction
The Participatory Poverty Assessment (PPA) is the first stage in the Uganda
Participatory Poverty Assessment (UPPA) process, which aims to inform Government
and its partners about poverty from the perspective of local people in selected
districts. This document attempts to give an insight into poor peoples realities in
Uganda. This chapter presents a background to Uganda the status of poverty,
policies and implementation- as well as a brief description of the UPPA process and
the methodology of this PPA.
1.2
The Country
Uganda is a land-locked country in East Africa, bordered by Kenya, Rwanda,

Tanzania, Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo in Eastern Africa. The
majority 3 of the estimated 21 million people4 , representing over 20 ethnic groups, live
in rural areas. Over 80% of this population are engaged in the agriculture sector,
mainly in subsistence livelihoods reliant on seasonal rainfall, while the manufacturing
sector remains poorly developed, particularly outside the capital, Kampala.
Uganda is well endowed with natural water sources, including several large lakes.
Unlike neighbouring countries, some 18 million hectares of arable land is available
for cultivation, although less than one third is under cultivation. Regional differences
exist in terms of ethnicity, culture, topography (from mountains to semi-arid
conditions), farming systems (fishing, various crop systems and livestock keeping),
and the level of infrastructure development, service delivery and governance.
Uganda has a young population over 50% are aged between 1 and 15 years with
an average life expectancy of 51 years. 5 Households are large, with an average of 5
persons, with a high dependency ratio, including many orphans. AIDS has had a
serious effect on the population in Uganda. Some 1.9 million people are infected with
HIV, 6 and although the epidemic has peaked in urban areas, the incidence of infection
is still rising in rural areas.
The history of Uganda since the 1970s has not been peaceful. The end of the civil
strife in 1986, which brought the National Resistance Movement (NRM) Government
to power, left most of the countrys infrastructure and services devastated. Although
most of the country has lived in peace since this time, insecurity resulting from
insurgency still persists in Northern and Western Uganda. 7
Approximately 88% of the population live in rural areas Poverty Status Report 1999.
Uganda Human Development Report 1998.
5
Uganda Human Development Report 1998.
6
Poverty Status Report 1999.
7
Insecurity is reviewed in the Poverty Status Report 1999.
4
Since 1987, Uganda has embarked on a period of rapid economic development,

achieving broad-based macro-economic growth, and stability. The Gross Domestic
Product (GDP) in real terms expanded at an annual rate of over 6 % during the past 10
years, while inflation has remained at less than 5% p.a. However, it is questionable
whether this growth has trickled down to result in improvements in the lives and
livelihoods of the poor.
Poverty Status
As poverty is a complex, multi-dimensional phenomenon with locational and
situational specificities, measurements that reflect a true picture of poverty are
difficult. At best traditional quantitative measurements should be considered as a
useful means of tracking trends and as a basis of comparison between locations and
groups of people, while qualitative studies can provide a deeper understanding of
poverty. The recent Poverty Status Report (1999) gives a detailed analysis based on
both data sets, as well as reporting on Governments progress toward poverty
reduction.
Despite Ugandas impressive macro-economic statistics, it is still one of the poorest
countries in the world. The per capita annual income is US $ 320, and Uganda is
ranked 113th in the world in terms of consumption poverty (1998). 8 Further, human
development still lags far behind the high level of economic performance, with
Uganda ranking 159th of 175 countries in terms of the human development index
(1998). Consumption data reveal that 44% of the population - some 9 million people are unable to meet their basic needs (absolute poverty line), while 25% cannot even
meet their daily food requirements (food poverty line) (1997). These studies have
indicated that in absolute terms poverty has decreased by 21% between 1992 and
1997. 9
These data further demonstrate that in the East, which has the greatest proportion of
the population (29%), 54% of the people live in absolute poverty, compared to 28% in
the Central region. Whereas, the North is the poorest in terms of development
indicators 10 , and in terms of welfare indicators, the Western region fared worst 11 ,
although this region has the second highest income levels 12 . Further, trends in
absolute consumption poverty indicate that in the East and the North, poverty has
declined by only 8% and 13%, respectively, since 1992, compared to a decrease of
39% in the Central region. 13
It is possible that women have not benefited equally in relation to men from the
decreases in consumption poverty noted in recent years. Firstly, women do not have
as many opportunities for social and economic development in Ugandan society,
8
World Development Report 1998.

National figures for absolute poverty 1992= 56%, 1997=44% - Changes in Poverty and Inequalities in Uganda
in 1992-97.
10
Determinants of Regional Poverty, 1999 .
11
Uganda National Household Survey 1997 and Background to the Budget 1999-2000.
12
Changes in Poverty and Inequalities in Uganda in 1992-97.
13
9
particularly in rural areas. Secondly, food production for the household is the domain
of women whereas men concentrate on livestock and cash crop production.
Therefore, women realise little income from agricultural activities, compared to men.
Third, culturally men control access to productive assets and the income from the sale
of crops and livestock. Fourth, the increasing workload of women in cultivating cash
crops and the subsequently reduced cultivation and variety of food crops is decreasing
the welfare of the family. 14
Traditional consumption measurements indicate that poverty is mainly a rural
phenomenon 48% of the rural population are below the absolute poverty line, while
16% of urban dwellers are living in poverty. Further, poverty has decreased by 43%
in urban areas and only by 18% in rural areas since 1992. 15 As the majority of the
population lives in rural areas, the measured decline in consumption poverty is slow
for the majority of Ugandans.
Policies for poverty eradication
Poverty eradication is a fundamental objective of Ugandas development strategy for
the next two decades, in which the Government has resolved to reduce the proportion
of the population living in absolute poverty to 10% and in relative poverty to 30% by
the Year 2017.
The Poverty Eradication Action Plan (PEAP)
The PEAP (1997) is the guiding framework for the achievement of poverty eradication in Uganda. It
adopts a multi-sectoral approach, recognising the multi-dimensional nature of poverty and the interlinkages between influencing factors. Within the context of continuing macro-economic stability and
broad-based economic growth, it aims to promote the following:
Increased incomes of the poor by supporting the modernisation of agriculture to improve

food security and productivity; improving land laws; providing an adequate road
network; improving rural market infrastructure; strengthening rural financial services;
enhanced productivity of the labour force; promotion of micro- and small-scale
enterprises; improving telecommunications; and rural electrification.
Improving the quality of life of the poor by improving access to health care, education
and clean water, as well as effective management of natural resources and disaster
preparedness.
Strengthening governance through mechanisms that improve security, increase
accountability and transparency, decentralisation, enhanced flow of information, and the
democratic principles of consultation and popular participation.
Implementation of the PEAP is performed under the Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF),
which integrates policy-making with expenditure based on strategic priorities and current budget
constraints.
In order to eradicate poverty effectively, priorities have been set under the PEAP - primary health care,
rural feeder roads, education, water, and the modernisation of agriculture, particularly through extension
and research.
14
15
Poverty Status Report 1999.

1.3
Participatory Poverty Assessments
Participatory Poverty Assessments (PPA), involving the poor themselves,

complement and build on the traditional analysis of poverty. The adoption of PPAs
by the World Bank and many majority world countries in the 1990s, emphasises a
recognition of the limitations of, and disillusionment with, traditional, quantitative
poverty-line approaches to assessing poverty; and acknowledges the long overlooked
capacity of local people to analyse their realities and to set priorities for action.
Using a flexible compendium of participatory methods yielding qualitative
information, PPAs engage local people as the principal stakeholders in the
identification of poverty issues, the development of poverty reduction strategies, and
their implementation.
This provides an important means for orienting policy to
poverty reduction by taking the essential mandate from the poor themselves. In
Uganda, the PPA forms an integral part of the Governments poverty reduction
strategy. PPAs often result in the creation of dialogue and in building partnerships
between policy-makers, implementers and service-providers and local people in their
communities. It is rarely possible to establish categorical causality between the PPA
and policy influence, because policy-making is part of a wider social process.
PPAs allow all stakeholders to understand poverty from the perspectives of the poor
by focusing on their realities, needs and priorities with the objective of better defining
the experience of individuals, groups, households and communities. Analysis of
PPAs indicates that local people emphasise different dimensions of poverty than those
typically used in policy analysis. 16 Hence, the power of PPAs is the ability to deepen
the understanding of poverty and to use the voice of the poor to influence policy, and
to strengthen the implementation of policy for poverty reduction.
1.4
Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Project
UPPAP is an initiative of the Government of Uganda that seeks to bring the

perspectives of poor Ugandans, through consultations, into the formulation and the
implementation of policies and planning for poverty reduction at both district and
national levels. Although the PEAP was formulated as a result of a broad consultative
process - involving central and local government, civil society and the private sector
the poor, for whom the Plan was developed, were not consulted. UPPAP was
established to provide a mechanism for linking the perspectives of the poor to the
policy formulation processes.
Rationale
Although quantitative data collection in Uganda has been established as a means of
monitoring the achievement of poverty reduction in general, and of the PEAP
16
C Robb, Can the poor influence Poverty? Participatory Poverty Assessments in the Developing World 1999.
objectives specifically, there are no instituted mechanisms of obtaining valuable

qualitative information on poverty. Institutionalising the approaches of UPPAP into
the Government, through the Poverty Monitoring and Policy Analysis Unit in the
Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development (MFPED) and planning
processes, will provide the means of providing this qualitative input.
There is growing evidence that the poor have received limited benefits from Ugandas
recent macro-economic growth and stability. The theorised trickle down of
development has probably not been realised. This then calls for more in-depth
analysis into the status of poverty, its dimensions and the impact of policies from the
perspectives of the poor in order to ascertain the impact of macro-economic growth
on the total population. UPPAP will, therefore, help to assess the impact of macroeconomic reforms and Government policies on the poor.
The Project
UPPAP is a three-year process, designed to strengthen and to compliment quantitative
data utilised in poverty monitoring, to review the national priorities of the PEAP
based on the priorities of the communities consulted, and to facilitate the capacity
development of district planning processes to be participatory, consultative and
thereby to focus on the poor.
UPPAP is a partnership, initiated by the MFPED, between the Government of
Uganda, selected district authorities, Ugandan NGOs, academic institutions, donors
and Oxfam, as the implementing partner. It involves several phases, the first of which
is this PPA. The process will continue through interaction with national policy
processes, facilitation of district capacity development for participatory planning and
monitoring, and a second PPA.
1.5
Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment
The UPPA aims to inform Government and its partners of about the complete and
realistic picture of poverty in Uganda, in terms of:
Understanding poverty and how local people deal with poverty from their
perspectives, particularly with regard to service delivery, infrastructure and
governance.
Dimensions and trends of poverty.
Impact of Government policies.
From this picture, the UPPA will make inferences concerning Government policies
and plans,
in terms of formulation, prioritisation, substance and implementation.
The Consultation and Reporting Process
The consultation process and the reporting were performed in a series of linked stages
that purposely built on past international and Ugandan experience, 17 and allowed the
process to evolve.
In each community, the consultations involved facilitation of local people to analyse
realities, gaining insight into their situations, and proposing strategies for coping in
the present and the future. These consultations utilised a flexible package of
participatory methods, collectively known as Participatory Rural Appraisal (detailed
in Annex 2) during a five-week period. Researchers actively listened, encouraged
interaction and analysis amongst local people, and facilitated discussion. Each stage
of the consultation and reporting process is discussed below.
1. The preparatory activities commenced in January 1998 with a visit to Tanzania
by 11 members of the technical committee in order to learn from the experience of
the Shinyanga PPA, a desk review of previous participatory poverty studies in
Uganda to focus the PPA consultations, and the recruitment of project staff.
2. A process of district selection chose nine of Ugandas 45 districts, based on
purposive sampling to include some of the diverse socio-economic conditions and
various facets of poverty across the country. This process aimed to select the most
disadvantaged district in each of the 7 broad agro-ecological zones in the country
as assessed by 10 selection criteria indicative of the multi-dimensional nature of
poverty. These criteria included the Human Development Index, natural
calamities, civil strife, social and physical isolation, population density, land
fragmentation, environmental degradation, poor soils and yields, participationsocial nets, and access to roads and water.
The selected districts included
Kalangala, Kisoro, Kabarole, Kumi, Kapchorwa, Kotido, and Moyo. The
selection matrix utilised is presented in Annex 1. In addition, Kampala was
chosen to represent the face of urban poverty; and Bushenyi was chosen as a
district of contrast in which quantitative indicators had registered a decline in
poverty in recent years.
3. Identification of core research partner organisations national NGOs and
academic institutions on the basis of involvement in, or a commitment to
poverty reduction and experience with participatory methodology or policy
research.
4. With partner research organisations and selected districts identified, a planning
workshop was held in July 1998 to:
17
Inform potential stakeholders and interested parties about the UPPA process.
Share information and experience with those involved in poverty studies and
PPAs in particular.
Involve potential stakeholders in the planning of the UPPA field research.
Desk Review of Participatory Approaches to Assess Poverty in Uganda 1998.
To formulate a workplan of activities.
5. Training took place when a multi-disciplinary research team was assembled from
the 9 core partner research organisations and the 9 selected districts. A total of
36 researchers took part in a 3-week intensive residential PPA training, lead by an
international and national team of trainers in August 1998. The major aims of the
training were to equip researchers with PRA skills, to prepare research teams for
field research, to create a shared vision for the project, and to build team spirit.
During training, researchers gained theoretical and practical knowledge in
participatory methodologies in 3 rural and one urban centre in Masindi District.
The training also included methods of analysis and report writing. Site selection
for the PPA was also undertaken during this time for ratification by relevant
district authorities at a later stage.
6. The community selection aimed to represent the greatest diversity across the
district, in terms of both positive and negative attributes, as well as to articulate
the same characteristics for which the district was selected. Given the time
required for in-depth community consultations and the limited time-frame of the
PPA, purposive sampling was used to select 3 rural and 1 urban community for
research in each of the rural districts a total of 36 community studies.
7. Teams of 3 core and 3 district researchers undertook field research. They were
selected to take into account gender balance, familiarity with the local languages,
and previous PRA experience. Core researchers undertook research in 3 districts
in each of the 3 cycles, while district researchers operated in their district of
residence only. Fieldwork began in September 1998 and was completed in March
1999. Research proceeded in cycles of 3 districts, with the research teams
spending 35 days in each district. In each district, the researchers divided into two
sub-teams for community work. Each sub-team consulting 2 communities in
conjunction with a community facilitator who was familiar with the participatory
consultation method, and/or the community. Technical advisors assisted the
research teams in each district in order to guide the planning, oversee the
methodologies, assist in sorting out problems, and to heighten the quality of data
collection, in general. Mobilisers were utilised as the contact persons for the
community. Communities were consulted prior to the commencement of the PPA
exercises to explain the purpose and the process, to gain consent for proceeding
and to agree on the times suitable for the majority of community members to
attend meetings. In addition to community consultations, local government
officials, leaders, and government and non-government service providers were
interviewed. Lastly, a second round of district consultations was performed
following the national synthesis workshop in order to fill the identified gaps in
data collection.
Attempts were made to consult all community members through discussions as a
community group, or in focus groups of men, women, youth, children or
representing other attributes, such as livelihood. Case studies of individual
community members, local leaders and service providers were also performed.
Local councillors actively mobilised the community, such that in general,
attendance was reasonable, especially during the initial exercises.
Communities also formulated their own priorities for action. Each community
interaction culminated in the production of a Community Action Plan (CAP) to
address one of their priority problems. These plans have been actioned by more
than one third of the communities at the time of writing this report.
8. Reporting was performed in 4 tiers:

(i)
(ii)
(iii)
(iv)
Daily reports for each exercise for each focus group following each
community interaction.
Site reports for each community using the information from the
exercise reports.
At the end of each district research cycle, district PPA reports
compiled, under broad, pre-formed chapter headings, through a process
of card-sorting to allow the information collected from the
communities to generate the structure of each chapter; mini-workshops
of researchers to discuss the findings, to refine the process, and to
commence the report writing; and participatory writing. District reports
were written following these workshops prior to the next round of
research. This process resulted in 9 district PPA reports.
National UPPA report - as described below, which will be widely
disseminated internationally, nationally, regionally and in districts.
Site reports were presented back to the community before the research teams
departed. The district reports were presented to district officials by district
researchers and a formal presentation and discussion workshop is planned during
phase II of UPPAP. The key findings of the national UPPA have been presented
publicly and utilised in current policy processes.
9. Following the last research and reporting cycle, a national synthesis workshop
was held involving all core researchers, one researcher from each district,
technical advisors, partner organisations, donors and government representatives.
The aim of this workshop was to commence the massive task of synthesising the
district information into one national Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment
(UPPA) report 18 . During this workshop, the information collected during the
district PPAs was sorted into thematic modalities generated by the local peoples
perspectives. A framework within which to analyse the PPA district reports was
developed.
18
UPPAP National Synthesis Workshop (1999).
Following this national synthesis workshop, teams of core researchers worked

with technical advisors to analyse thematic areas across districts, highlighting
major issues, commonalities and differences based on location, gender, seasons,
time and age as the major dimensions of poverty. Thematic reports formed the
basis for further in-depth analysis and synthesis, which culminated in this UPPA
document.
Validity of findings
Validity of findings from community consultations was achieved in a number of
ways. Firstly, triangulation of results occurred through six mechanisms:
Exploration of the same issues using different PRA tools;

Exploration of issues in different groups within the community;
Use of multi-disciplinary teams with different areas of expertise and interest, from
within and outside the district;
Discussion of issues raised by the community with local leaders, district civil
servants, service-providers and district NGOs;
Gap-filling exercises;
Comparing the findings with secondary, quantitative and qualitative data.
Limitations and lessons learnt

As with all processes, the PPA faced a number of limitations. These were dealt with
during the evolution of the PPA process, where possible. A number of lessons can be
learned for future PPA exercises in Uganda and for PPAs in other countries. Major
limitations and lessons learned are presented in Table 1.1.
10
Table 1.1: Limitations and lessons learned from UPPA field research
High expectations
Problems with tools
Cultural sensitivities and

traditional
obligations
Researcher experience
Weather
False information
Insecurity
Participants frequently hoped to gain some benefit from the process.

Researchers repeatedly explained the objectives of the PPA. Experience
shows that it is vital that communities are fully briefed, and expectations
allayed, early in the process.
Difficulties with particular tools emerged, especially those that ask
participants to rank relative well-being or wealth. There were some
complaints that tools were repetitive.
Some participants expressed
apprehension, fearing that the information would fall into the wrong hands.
Teams reported that they benefited greatly from technical assistance to
resolve emerging problems during the field research.
Cultural inhibitions in some locations did not allow certain members of the
community to speak openly. 19 Burial ceremonies often interrupted meetings
because all community members are obliged to attend. Flexibility of
research schedule must be given to allow for such delays. Briefings by
district researchers greatly assisted teams in developing sensitivity to
cultural restrictions on the free flow of discussion.
For many researchers, the UPPA training was a first experience of PRA. In
addition, researcher fatigue, time constraints, limited time in the field, and
travelling long distances made the process challenging. It is suggested that
in the future, more consistent technical assistance be offered, on
drawing inferences from information, and report-writing, and that
training addresses these issues.
Harsh weather affected the PPA strong winds, hot weather and the rainy
season. Some communities were visited during the busiest season of the
year. In future field exercises, field visits should be carefully timed, and
the necessary preparations made for working in bad weather.
In a few cases, district officials seemed to give false information concerning
the communities, often to project good work being done. This underscores
the importance of triangulating collected information with other sources
in order to ascertain validity.
Insecurity restricted access to two communities, which were replaced with
other sites. Advance information and regular checking with local
authorities allowed teams to plan accordingly.
UPPAP the continuing process

UPPAP is a project that continues after the performance and reporting of the PPA,
such that the second theoretical component of PPAs policy influence can be
maximised. Areas of potential policy influence at the national level include the
Background to the Budget 1999/2000, the preparation of the Plan for Modernisation
of Agriculture policy strategy and operational framework, enhanced conditional grant
allocation to districts for supply of clean water, incorporation of indicators into
national monitoring surveys, equalisation grant formulation, and IMF mission to
address poverty in Uganda. At the district level, reports are being received that some
districts are addressing the most immediate problems of the communities visited by
19
Women in front of their husbands, refugees in front of nationals (Moyo), the Batwa (Kisoro), suspected
members of rebel movements (Moyo).
11
UPPAP, and that in a few cases districts have district researchers who have been
involved in reviews incorporating participatory methods to explore suitable areas for
intervention.
1.6 This Report
This report is a reference document, which represents a much-abridged version of the
insights and perceptions of local people in 9 districts of Uganda. Secondly, this report
attempts to capture the voices of the poor without placing judgements on the
information or biasing the representation of local insights during the analysis and
reporting. Hence, the majority of the text of Chapters 2 to 6 presents the findings
from the field. These chapters include visuals, quotes and testimonies made by local
people. Analysis of the findings and policy inferences are separated from the text and
are represented in call-out captions.
In the presentation of the findings from the communities, Chapter Two gives local
peoples perceptions concerning the nature of poverty - causes and effects, indicators,
trends, dynamics of change and seasonality, and priority problems for action. Chapter
Three concentrates on poor peoples livelihoods what they need to get by, and what
stops them from getting what they need. Cross-cutting social and economic factors,
which restrict poor peoples access to resources, are discussed. Chapter Four explores
the impact of services and infrastructure development on poor peoples livelihoods
and quality of life. As livelihoods and services and infrastructure occur within the
context of the existing systems of governance within the country, Chapter Five
presents local peoples insights into how they are governed. Chapter Six deals with
peace as a prerequisite for poverty eradication , while Chapter Seven highlights the
cross-cutting and major inferences and messages for government policy, as
synthesised from the perceptions of local people.
12
CHAPTER TWO
COMMUNITY PERCEPTIONS OF POVERTY AND WELL-BEING
This chapter describes local peoples perceptions of the nature of poverty. Poverty is
described by local people as a lack of the means to satisfy basic material and social
needs, as well as a feeling of powerlessness. It is seen as non-uniform, complex,
multi-dimensional, cyclic and seasonal, and illustrated by more than one hundred
indicators of poverty. Some of the indicators identified are common across all sites,
but differences emerge between districts, between rural and urban areas, and between
communities within the same district.
Certain groups are perceived as more vulnerable to poverty than others. Such groups
include the landless, casual labourers, women, widows, widowers with children,
orphans and neglected children, the youth and the elderly, the chronically sick, the
displaced and refugees, people living in areas prone to natural calamities, and large
families. In general, a poor household is seen as one without productive assets,
income, and basic necessities. A poor community is seen to lack adequate basic
services and infrastructure, has few livelihood opportunities, or is affected by
insecurity.
The social, economic and demographic causes and effects of poverty are discussed.
The most frequently cited causes of household poverty are poor health, excessive
alcohol consumption, lack of education and skills, limited access to financial services
and capital, ignorance, poor access to markets, idleness, lack of co-operation, large
families, and insurgency. The major effects of poverty on the household include poor
health, inability to meet the basic needs of the family, low production, food insecurity,
and loss or sale of assets.
Poverty is seen as a dynamic phenomenon that changes over time, within each year
and over longer periods. The effect of the seasons on the livelihoods and the lives of
the poor leads to times of relative abundance and hardship throughout the year. This
is due to climatic patterns, and the seasonal nature of primary production and
income-generation and expenditure.
Through analysis of trends in poverty, many local people feel that poverty is
worsening, and they identify the criteria that pull people further into poverty or
which allow them to move out of the cycle.
11
2.1 What Is Poverty?

Understanding the picture of poverty from the perspective of the poor is important in
illuminating and commenting on the relevance of government policies for poverty
reduction. Such a picture provides a context for the formulation and implementation
of policy. In addition, the way poverty is understood affects the way it is tackled
design of interventions, targeting, expected and actual impact, and how it is measured.
Discussions with local people revealed the poverty is not uniform; rather that it is
multi-dimensional, varying with geographic location, type of community, age, gender,
and the existing levels of service and infrastructure.
Poverty is seen as:
All pervasive like sunshine.

Affecting anyone without discrimination like a dog, it can follow any
person regardless of status.
Persistent and difficult to overcome rain that soaks the poor does not
stop.
Community members, Kabarole
Local people define poverty in terms of material and non-material aspects that
influence their lives. The general perception of poverty is:
A situation of perpetual need for the daily necessities of life, such as food,
shelter, or clothing.
A feeling of powerlessness to influence the things around you.
Community members in Kalangala
Local perceptions of poverty were explored at three levels: the community, the
household and the individual. Indicators of poverty at these levels are presented in
Table 2.1.
2.1.1 A poor community is
A poor community is easily recognised by its appearance. It has no roads, the
houses are poor, has no cash crops, no cattle, and the members of that
community use poor methods of farming.
Community members in Bushenyi
Throughout the 9 districts, local people commonly cited levels of services and
infrastructure, as well as social aspects, to describe a poor community and to compare
the well-being of communities. Figure 2.1. shows a well-being ranking of subcounties in Kumi, in which community women used availability of schools, transport,
12
health services, water and electricity as criteria for assessment. The presence of these
services and infrastructure was seen positive for well -being.
Availability
of good
housing
Availability
of transport
Availability
of health
services
Availability
of safe water
Availability
of electricity
Total Score
Rank
18
5th
37
3rd
26
4th
16
6th
50
2nd
Key: = stones used by the community

on the ground
Participants: 26 women
Village: Oladot, Mukongoro Subcounty, Kumi
Date: 26/11/98
18
5th
Kumi Town
Ongiino
Atutur
Food
availability
Kanyum
Nigoro
Availability
of schools
Nyero
Criteria
Mukongoro
Figure 2.1: Community well-being ranking by women in Oladot, Kumi

Subcounties
59
1st
Interpretation:
Kumi Town has the highest perceived
well-being because of the good
availability of services and food.
13
2.1.2 A poor household is

Local people identified the following possible attributes of a poor household:
1. Lack of assets for production: A poor household was identified as lacking
land, livestock and/or farming implements. Other aspects less commonly
cited include lack of seeds, cash crops and market knowledge.
2. Lack of income or livelihood: A poor household may: rely on poor yield
agriculture or the irregular and low income earned from casual labour in
the form of food or cash; lack business opportunities; be unable to afford
school fees and medical treatment, or to pay taxes; has adults who are unor under-employed even a concern to children as noted in the text box
below.
Many of our parents are unemployed. They wake up in the morning and do
not have anything to do. They watch television (in local bars). Some roam
around, while others just sit there. Sometimes its the mother who is
unemployed, other times its the father or both. Some families cannot even
afford to buy plates. They use banana leaves to eat food from. These are poor
(families). If our parents are poor, we cannot even go to school. We eat once
a day, either at lunch or supper, sometimes we may not eat at all.
Children, Luzira, Kampala
3. Lack of basic necessities, household and personal assets: In this

category, a poor household is one which: lacks a house or shelter; lives in
a dilapidated house or a grass-thatched hut; has an untidy and unhygienic
environment around their house; lacks sufficient food for its members;
lacks household goods, such as bedding, utensils and furniture; and has
poorly dressed members.
4. Large families: Some local people said that a large number of dependants
in the household, while providing labour for household activities, can
place a strain on limited resources, and lead to poverty.
5. Social aspects: A number of social factors indicate a poor household: one
in which a man drinks alcohol excessively; one which lacks social support
and in which begging is the main means of survival. Many poor
households are headed by widows and women separated from their
husbands, with many children, who may lack good care:
.in these homes, there are too many children. You find a home of a widow
like Aluko with children who are orphans (without father). She shares one
small hut with all these children. When it comes to eating in this home, the
food is never enough whenever it is served, children finish it up immediately.
They remain looking at her, expecting more, yet there is nothing more. They
cry a lot, with running noses. Aluko only rests when they sleep.
Woman, Oladot, Kumi
14
6. Services: Poor households are often defined as those in which the

members lack transportation and access to social services. Other related
indicators include lack of electricity, and lack of access to markets and
market information.
7. Health: A poor household is also one in which members are in poor health
or who are frequently sick, including those with AIDS; have inadequate
diet; and low hygienic standards. Other health-related indicators include
lack of energy, bad skin, malnourished children and frequent deaths.
2.1.3 A poor person is

Many of the factors indicating a poor individual are not easily distinguishable from
those that indicate a poor household. For example, according to a local saying in
Kabarole, a poor person only owns the lice on his body, while the word used to
describe poor people in the Madi language is taako - those without a thing, and who
cannot afford anything. Figure 2.2 summarises some of the feelings associated with
being poor, which are unique to the individual level of poverty.
15
Figure 2.2: What does a poor person feel?

Frustration
Because we do not
know where the
market is .who
readily accept
because of
ignorance and lack
of alternatives
Determination
Powerlessness
As long as one is healthy, thinks

properly for the family, is able to
travel ..to do business, can
cultivate land, construct a shelter
and work harder..
There is a feeling of
powerlessness to
influence things
around you What
can I do - a poor man
does nothing
Without pride
Some of us (youth) give

sexual favours to older
women in return for money
Resilient
I will continue carrying

firewood until blood comes
out of my head.
Self-pity
Pitying oneself and not

doing anything about ones
situation
Dependency
If nobody gives anything,

I just sleep without food
Unhappiness
We are not happy if we are

not staying with our
mothers
Voiceless
A poor person does not

have a voice in the
community. No-one will
listen to them.
Childs drawing,
Kampala
Unsupported
Having no relatives is a
hopeless state of life.
Despised by others
A poor person is like being a
mutwa
Resignation to their
situation
Factors beyond our control
Helpless
If I fall sick, I just stay like

that, like a dog
Lonely
My most pressing need is

loneliness. I have no
husband, no child, no love.
Ashamed
I do not go to church
because I do not have a
dress to put on
16
2.1.4 Indicators of poverty

Drawing from the previous discussions, local people identified indicators of poverty
at the individual, household and community levels. These are summarised in Table
2.1.
Table 2.1: Indicators of poverty at the individual, household and community
level
A POOR PERSON often
Lacks a proper shelter

house is in a state of
disrepair, lives under
trees, or in other peoples
kitchen
Owns nothing not even
a chicken
Lacks productive and
household assets
Lacks income so that he
or she cannot afford to
care of him/herself, or
family members
Is un- or under-employed
Lives by casual labour or
begging
Depends on the goodwill
of others to survive
Lacks social support is
alone, without a spouse,
children or relatives.
This was viewed as
poverty even if the person
had money
Poor health
Eats poorly and
infrequently
Dresses poorly, lacks
clothes
Lacks personal hygiene
looks poor
Is lazy and idle
Feels helpless
Lacks formal education
Lacks a plan for the
future, and does not know
what tomorrow will bring
A POOR HOUSEHOLD
often
Has many children
Has social problems
Has little cash, and
cannot afford the costs of
education and health
Has few productive and
household assets
Has limited income
generating opportunities
Cannot guarantee food
security throughout the
year
17
A POOR COMMUNITY often
Has inadequate basic

services and infrastructure
Has limited livelihood
opportunities, and
productive assets, including
access to credit and fertile
land
Lacks adequate food
Has many dilapidated,
untidy houses with poor
sanitation
Has poor co-operation
amongst community
members
Is affected by insecurity
Lacks development projects
Is poorly planned
Has social ills such as
bars, drawing alcoholics
and prostitutes
Is poorly governed
Lacks information
Analysis: Local peoples definitions of poverty and well-being

can provide indicators for monitoring changes in poverty. The
broad range of indicators identified suggests that the use of
composite indicators may give a more accurate measure of
poverty than simple indicators of income and expenditure.
Several of the quantitative indicators cited are currently used in
Ugandan welfare and household surveys. Other useful indicators
of a more qualitative nature have emerged from the UPPAP
consultations, and these may be used to enrich existing
indicators.
In addition to pointing out factors that indicate those individuals, households, or

communities that are poor, participants were able to identify categories of people who
are particularly vulnerable to shock events or situations that lead to increased
poverty.
Local people defined vulnerability as:
Likelihood that a person or group of people who were currently breaking

even would deteriorate and eventually result in the person or group
becoming poorer.
A condition in which an event or situation can easily predispose one to the
likelihood of becoming poorer.
Inability of some members of the community to meet their basic needs
exposes them to poorer living standards.
The main categories of the vulnerable described in the next section triangulate and
develop the analysis of indicators of poverty shown above.
2.1.5 Categories of the vulnerable
Landless or near landless
Many local people, especially in rural areas, emphasised the importance of land as a
productive asset. Consultations revealed that without adequate arable land for
cultivation and pasture, as well as for constructing homes in urban areas, vulnerability
to poverty results. Lack of land affects production, food security, income-generation,
and was said to limit general household well-being and development of not only this
generation but also future generations.
18
Casual labourers
Casual labourers, particularly those working within their own communities, survive
marginally and are considered of low social status. Remuneration in cash or food is
low, irregular and unreliable. They are, therefore, vulnerable to both material and
social poverty. Men, women and children are forced to adopt this livelihood as a
means of survival because their own production and income are insufficient to support
the basic needs of the household.
Those depending on a single source of income or who lack a source of income
Lack of sufficient income to satisfy the basic requirements of the household, and
dependence on one source of income increases vulnerability of households to poverty.
Local people quoted examples of the small-scale farmers in Kapchorwa and Kumi
who depend on one crop for sale, which is highly labour-intensive and of low
economic value.
Women
From consultations in the 36 communities, it was revealed that many women do not
have limited opportunities for social and economic development due to their role in
society and their relationships with men. These restrictions vary regionally and
revolve around womens low status, mistreatment by men in the home, discrimination
outside the home, lack
of ownership and access to assets, low participation in decision-making, and high
workload.
Widows
Consultations confirmed that widows and their families - primarily those with few
assets and with several children - are vulnerable to increasing poverty. Widows are
often not allowed to head the household and are generally not highly regarded, in
addition to being regarded as property in those districts where bride price is heavily
entrenched.
In some cultures, women are not able to inherit property. Grabbing of the husbands
property by in-laws, clan members or elder children often propels widows into
poverty, as illustrated by the following quote.
When my husband was alive 5 years ago, we had 25 goats, 2 big turkeys and 1
chicken. By then I had 4 children. My husband and I worked hard, very hard
indeed, to acquire the 5 acres of land that enabled us to produce some good
amounts of food. We were able to pay school fees, dress our children and so
on. But soon after his death, Hhmmm, my in-laws began to grab what we
had. They took them one by one until I was left with only one acre of land!
They refused even to pay school fees for my children. With those hardships, I
had to leave the home. I am now struggling on my own with 5 children. My
relatives are so poor that they cannot help me.
Widow, Chokwe, Moyo
19
Man without a wife

Widowers, particularly those with children and few productive assets, often found it
difficult to cater for themselves and to take on domestic responsibilities. Such men
found it easier to search for another woman to do the chores, but this also led to more
expense. Others resorted to alcohol, loosing everything.
Orphans and neglected children
All communities raised the issue of the care of orphans. They often lack social
recognition, have no assistance and cannot meet their basic needs, and may be
neglected or mistreated, as described below. If they are forced onto the streets to
survive, such as cases in Kisoro (the maibobos), Kotido and Kampala (street kids),
they may be in physical danger, or treated as a threat to the security of others, which
increases their vulnerability. Other children whose parents have failed to cater for
their basic needs may also be forced onto the streets or to seek employment at an early
age.
As orphans, when the father dies, the relatives take the land and other family
property on the pretext that they will support you. The pretext lasts a few
weeks or months and then the mistreatment starts. You are forced to move
from one relative to another. Eventually, you drop out of school because no
one is interested in looking after you. Some others (female orphans) resort to
getting married, but when you get a drunkard, thats the end of you.
Youth, Iboa, Moyo
We are not happy if we are not staying with our mothers. She may have died or
left your father. You are beaten and some are burnt. Some of these children
run away from such homes and go on the streets and become beggars. The
streets are dangerous for them, they are beaten and sometimes they die.
Youth and the Elderly

Old age was a cause of increasing individual poverty. As illustrated in Testimony
2.1, when people become older and too weak for productive work, they must rely on
the goodwill of others to survive remittances from children, assistance from
relatives and neighbours, and exchanging what they have in return for food or labour.
If they have no support, then they become isolated and helpless. Breakdown of the
extended family system was also raised by the elderly as a problem, especially in
Kampala. Death is seen as a blessing for the very poor when they are aged.
20
Testimony 2.1: Simon Omya, an old man considered the poorest in Oladot
village, Kumi
Born in Oladot parish, Simon does not know the year in which he was born. But he knows that he was baptised
in 1948 as a Catholic. He got married when he was quite a big man, so he says. His parents and wife died before
Independence. The relatives of the father took all the land and left him with nothing. Following is his
testimony:
I have completely nothing and have possessed nothing since my father died. My wife died a long time ago. We
did not have any children. I am illiterate- I have never entered a class, although I learnt a lot about religion in
Mukongoro. Ever since my land was taken, I just eat from neighbours' places, and sleep in other people's
homes. Now that I am old, I just beg since I cannot do anything. I cannot even dig!
I am the poorest of all. I just beg. I eat once a day. Sometimes when nobody gives me food, I just borrow
cassava to roast and sleep. If nobody gives anything, I sleep without food. I have no wife and children to help to
cultivate like most of the other people in the village. As for drinking water, I just go to the well to drink.
Sometimes I go with a small jerrycan to carry some water home. I also bathe from the well. Not where they draw
water from, but the running water beside the well.
Poverty is very difficult. I am growing old now and it is becoming worse. If I fall sick I just stay like that
(untreated), like a dog! Nobody can help me. I cannot even use herbs because the sickness completely puts me
down. I stay bedridden until the sickness is cured by itself. There is nobody who helps me apart from God. I
think God should take me.
Analysis: The reliance of the elderly on social networks

emphasizes the importance of designing interventions that
build on existing social capital, and linking these to other
avenues for development.
The disabled
The disabled are vulnerable because they often cannot work effectively and must
survive on goodwill (Testimony 2.2). They may also be socially isolated. In most
districts, disabled women were said to be able to marry in order to survive, while men
were precluded from doing so. However, in Bushenyi, disabled women are
stigmatised and could not marry, therefore they could not access productive assets.
21
Testimony 2.2: Esther Dyphas disabled widow in Sismach, Kapchorwa

My husband passed away in 1989 and after that a brother of my late husband looked after me. In
1996, when I went to fetch firewood, I cut a tree, which fell on me instead. I was discovered later in
the afternoon when unconscious-with head injuries and rushed to the dispensary at the trading
centre 3km from here.
The dispensary could not do much and they rushed me to Kapchorwa Hospital where I stayed the
whole night. The following day is when I had so much pain. The doctor explained that I could be
paralysed in the back and legs I was later referred to Mulago Hospital and taken in Mbale
Ambulance vehicle with one nurse and I stayed there in plaster for 2 months.
I was discharged with bandages Mulago Hospital also gave me a wheelchair. I left the hospital in
early 1997. Previously (before the accident), I had been buying and selling produce to get some
school fees for children and also cultivating land left by my late husband. I was also planting
during the second season, and vegetables for children to eat and I would sell some to buy sugar
and salt. Now it is very difficult especially as my daughter is in P7. Last year she was not able to sit
for exams; we could not pay any exam fees. Even now she has not registered and she is becoming
very big.
I was advised to eat soft food and eggs but these are very hard for me to get. Also feeding habits of
children have changed These days they demand too much. And also demands from school for
school items are a big problem There is some small land where the children have tried to cultivate
beans and maize and this is where we are getting some little money.
Of the five children (aged 4 14), UPE is sponsoring four, so the issue of school fees is not there.
They would have planted more for this season but they have to go to school. This is the only thing
that the family is surviving on. No one has ever brought a dress since I got the accident. Now I
have no hope and I cannot plan for the future. However, I was encouraged by doctors in Mulago
not to be desperate because the government can assist e.g. with a loan.
The sick
Those who have chronic illnesses are vulnerable because they are unable to work.
Household resources dwindle as they are used to hire labour and/or to cover medical
expenses, at times leading to increased poverty. Such households often rely on the
assistance of others. In the cases of those with HIV/AIDS in more isolated
communities, such as the islands of Kalangala, they were isolated by the community
hence lacking any form of support.
Displaced and refugees
Civil strife in the North and the East, as well as wars in neighbouring countries have
lead to another category of people vulnerable to poverty, as reported in Moyo,
Kabarole and Kisoro. These are the refugees and the displaced. Such people leave
their assets behind, and must make a new start in a community in which the local
people and the law may marginalise them.
People living in areas prone to natural and man-made calamities
Victims of drought, earthquakes, floods, landslides and other natural calamities are
another category of those who are vulnerable to poverty. Those affected remain poor,
22
or become even poorer after the disaster has passed. In Kabarole, for example, many
people are forced to abandon their homes due to earthquakes. On the other hand,
droughts in Kotido have resulted in serious disruptions in the livelihoods of both
pastoralists and agriculturists.
Analysis: targeting interventions for poverty reduction. Profiling categories

of the poor may assist in targeting vulnerable groups. However, in reality,
this is difficult. Currently, indicators used in data collection are limited,
disaggregated data are not readily available, location-specificity confounds
categorisation, and the inter-relationship of one indicator of poverty to
another is difficult to determine. To develop a profile of the poorest deciles
based on consumption data needs considerable work in order to look at the
frequency of both qualitative and quantitative indicators. Such comparisons
may allow a judgement on the most appropriate indicators for such a profile.
However, decisions must be made regarding the ranking of different
dimensions to determine meaningful targeting criteria and levels.
Therefore, when discussing poverty reduction, it may be useful to categorise
the poor into two loose groups, arbitrarily termed the destitute and the poor.
The destitute being those who feel they have no hope, and who have no
assets. They need safety-net interventions, and will benefit indirectly from
more general interventions. In this case, poverty reduction interventions
would have to be direct initially. The poor who have some assets are
frustrated in their attempts to move out of poverty. This group need
interventions that are inclusive, that build on their existing resources and
activities, and that provide the impetus for development.
2.2 Causes And Effects Of Poverty Are Inter-Linked

The factors influencing household poverty are interconnected, acting as both causes
and effects depending on the location, type of livelihood, culture, and whether the
person is a man, woman or a youth. By acting as both cause and effect, such factors
perpetuate the cyclic nature of poverty. Communities often had difficulty in
differentiating causes and efforts so that the two were used interchangeably. For
example, an effect of poverty is ill health due to poor nutrition, overwork and inability
to afford medical treatment. In turn, ill-health causes poverty as the ability to work
productively is compromised and medical expenses drain limited household finances.
Communities used focus group discussions and causal flow diagrams to analyse the
relationships of influencing factors on their lives - Annex 3 details the results of this
23
analysis. Figure 2.3 shows a causal flow diagram, which illustrates the interrelatedness of influencing factors.
2.2.1
Major causes and effects of poverty in the household
The major causes and effects of poverty, based on the frequency of reporting by
communities, are highlighted below. Annex 3 lists the causes and impacts by
community, giving the frequency of citing. The 10 most frequently mentioned causes
are summarised in Table 2.2, which shows the proportion of communities in which a
particular factor was cited as a cause of poverty.
Table 2.2: Ten most frequently mentioned causes and effects of household
poverty
CAUSES
%
COMMUNITIES
Poor health and

disease
Excessive alcohol
consumption
Lack of education
and skills
Lack of access to
financial assistance
and credit
Lack of access to
markets
Ignorance and lack
of information
Idleness and laziness
67
Lack of co-operation
42
Large families
42
Insurgency
40
EFFECTS
%
COMMUNITIES
50
56
Poor health and

disease
Theft
50
Death
38
50
Inability to meet
basic needs
35
44
Low productivity
32
44
Food shortage and

hunger
Limited income,
funds and capital
Divorce or
separation
Excessive alcohol
consumption
Failure to educate
children
27
42
24
44
27
24
24
24
Figure 2.3: Causal flow diagram of poverty by men in Iboa, Moyo

Begging
Death
Theft
Disease
Cannot pay
for drugs
Hunger
Consequences
Causes
No
food
POVERTY
No fish
nets
Large
family
Vermin
and
pests
Inadequate
agriculture
labour
Flood
Drought
Cannot
buy soap
Many
wives
Laziness
Sudd -
seasonal
high
wind
Inadequate cooperation in
household
Drunkardness
Date: 18 February
Village: Iboa
Venue: Village centre
Number of men: 11
Casual work
for drinks
25
Poor health and disease were the most frequently mentioned factors across all
communities, both as a cause and an effect of poverty. Poor health is a cause in 54%
of rural and 58% of urban communities. Poor nutrition was frequently perceived to
exacerbate poor health. Death, including suicide (reported in 3 communities) was
seen as a consequence of poverty. AIDS is seen as a cause of poverty mainly in urban
communities 33% - and an effect of poverty, due to lack of awareness.
Excessive drinking of alcohol, particularly by men, was the second most frequently
cited cause of poverty, mentioned almost equally in rural and urban communities
Excessive drinking was seen as leading to poor health, failure to provide for the
household, debts and sale of household assets, family disunity, idleness, declining
morals, hopelessness and drinking away their childrens future. An analysis of the
problem is shown below, using the example of a particularly stricken community in
Moyo.
Case study of alcoholism in Iboa, Moyo
Observation: At least 50% of the men attending community meetings were
visibly affected by excessive drinking.
Expenditure: Average man spends 1,000 shillings on local gin (5 soda bottles)
and 100 shillings on cigarettes per day 33,000 shillings/month 396,000
shillings/year.
Sources of income for expenditure on alcohol: Income generated by fishing, sale
of foods and assets, mortgaging property for credit, money from wife.
Effects: Indebtedness, alcoholism, family disunity, apathy, and poverty.
Involvement of women: Many women in the community brew local alcohol in
order to support their families. This also contributes to excessive drinking.
Analysis by researchers in the field: Most of the problems in the village seemed
to revolve around excessive drinking. Solutions included diversion of women
into other income-generating activities, sensitisation of men, and by-laws
restricting the consumption and sale of alcohol.
Lack of education and skills, reducing income-generating opportunities, were also

cited as a cause of poverty in 58% of the rural and 42% of the urban communities.
The importance of this factor in rural areas was emphasised by the 21% of
communities who mentioned lack of primary schools near communities which
minimises education opportunities for children. It is further reinforced by 37% of
rural communities who mentioned failure to educate children as an impact of poverty.
Lack of access to credit facilities, deemed necessary to improved ones situation,
was seen as a cause of poverty in both rural (42%) and urban (58%) communities, due
to distance and unfavourable terms. This was frequently linked to limited income and
capital as a cause, mainly reported in urban centres (33%). Major related impacts
were limited income and funds (more important in urban centres) and restricted ability
26
to meet basic needs. Theft was perceived to be an important outcome of having no

money, particularly in urban areas.
Ignorance and lack of information was a cause of particular importance in rural
communities (54%). Lack of information concerning the constitution, rights and the
law was seen to be of particular importance.
Laziness and idleness, particularly amongst men, and especially amongst youth, was
cited in 33% of rural and 50% of urban communities. It was frequently related to
unemployment and lack of financial opportunities.
Lack of co-operation, both with the community and within the household , was
especially noted in urban areas - 67% of communities.
Insurgency and rebel activity was cited in 7 districts, including Kampala 38% of
rural and 42% of urban communities. Poverty was also seen as forcing men to join
the rebels in return for payment.
Large families many children, wives or other dependants, such as orphans were
cited as a cause in an equal amount of rural and urban communities. Many
dependants stretch meagre household resource so that basic needs cannot be met. In
the city, relatives from rural areas also extended the family. 20 The pressure poverty
places on families was also reflected by the importance of divorce as an impact (26%
rural and 22% urban).
Low food productivity, food shortage and hunger were perceived as important
impacts. They were related to several linked factors where were cited as causes of
poverty, including lack of access to markets, a particularly important cause in rural
areas (63% of communities), where it was frequently linked to the issue of lack of
roads and transport. Several other factors which explain the perceived causes of low
productivity were mentioned: shortage of land (42% urban and 29% rural),
unavailability of affordable inputs (42% rural), pests and diseases (42% rural) and
infertile soils (38% rural). Weather conditions and natural calamities were also
mentioned in particularly vulnerable sites in Bushenyi, Moyo, Kumi, Kapchorwa and
Kisoro. The text box below summarises the key inter-linked issues surrounding food
insecurity, which emerged across all districts.
Local peoples analyses of the causes and effects of poverty provide a broad
description of their current situation. They went on to discuss how poverty has
changed over time in their communities.
20
In 1997, the average household size was 5.21 and 4.9 persons in rural and urban areas respectively, Uganda
National Household Survey, 1999.
27
Case Study: Food Insecurity

Food security is generally accepted as the ability to provide adequate food for the
household throughout the year. Therefore, in most of the communities consulted
by UPPAP, households were not food secure. In fact, in all districts, lack of food
or poor diet featured in the top ten priority problems.
The causes of food insecurity were cited as:

Shortage of arable land
Crop diseases and pests destroying crops
Lack of money sale of assets
Inability to store sufficient food for times of hardship due to sale of
stored food to meet needs, fear of theft from granaries and lack of
processing means
Post-harvest loss in storage due to pests and poor storage techniques
Lack of oxen to plough additional land for cultivation
Many dependants relying on meagre household resources for survival
Lack of skills and knowledge resulting in poor farming methods and
low yields
Seasonality times of scarcity and times of abundance in produce
and funds
Insecurity.
Local people reported the effects of food insecurity as:
Poor nutrition, particularly among children
Hunger, starvation and even death
Malnutrition
Diseases
Inability to work effectively due to lack of energy
Poor concentration of children in school
Stress on women as they have the worry of finding food for the family
Resorting to casual labour in return for food or cash
Sale of assets
Changed diet less nutritious food- and eating patterns one meal per
day
Further poverty.
28
2.3 Poverty Trends

2.3.1
Changes in poverty and wellbeing over time
The PPAs analysis of poverty trends was faithful to the multidimensional

understanding of poverty which developed throughout the PPA, and therefore tended
to trace changes in specific aspects of wellbeing and ill-being rather than in poverty
as a whole. Nowhere did people talk only about income poverty, or consumption
shortfall, when analysing poverty trends. Indeed, in most sites this particular
dimension emerged as less salient than others in peoples overall description of
changes in their conditions, reflecting the fact that most participants livelihoods
depend on subsistence agriculture more than on the cash economy.
Communities structured their trend analysis around different events which stood out
for them as significant historical happenings, turning points or crises in their lives.
Their choice of benchmarks is itself a useful insight into what matters most to them.
The periods spanned varied from community to community: in some cases trend
analysis went back in time as long as the longest living memory, or even beyond it.
For interpreting trends data it is vital to take into account the backdrop of national or
local history against which changes in wellbeing or ill-being have occurred. Local
histories, gathered in most sites through interviews and the generation of community
timelines, are thus important complements to time trends exercises. In terms of
national history, participants in PPA trend analyses generally to look back to the preAmin years or the independence period as the best time. They recall the 1970s as
years of civil strife and violence (to varying degree, depending on region and
ethnicity), the 1980s as years of great hardship and strife, and the 1990s as a decade of
improvement relative to the previous decade. People perceive, however, that despite
the improvements in peace and security this decade, they have not regained the levels
of wellbeing they enjoyed prior to the 1970s.
Particular groups of people paint different pictures of poverty trends marked by their
own history. For example, trend analysis by refugee communities in Moyo is closely
shaped by the fact that their past two decades have been characterized by conflict,
exile and displacement; and trend analysis in Kisoro is marked by progressive
environmental decline there, as seen in the tables below:
29
exile
exile
exile
exile
exile
exile
CREDIT
AVAILABIL
ITY
ACCESS TO
SCHOOL
ACCESS TO
HEALTH
SERVICE
CROP
DESTRUCT
ION BY
ACCESS TO
ANIMAL
DRUGS
exile
ACCESS TO
EXTENSIO
N SERVICE
197074
197579
198084
198589
199094
199599
2000?
FISH
CATCH
YEAR
FOOD
AVAILABIL
Figure 2.4: Time trend analysis by Iboa community in Moyo
exile
22 FEBRUARY 1999, IBOA, VILLAGE CENTRE, 10 MEN & 5 WOMEN

Figure 2.5 : Time trend analysis by Mukungu Village, Kisoro
YEAR
Amount of food
Milk quantities
Tree population
Soil quality
Disease
prevalence
1950s
*******
*******
*******
*******
*
1960s
***
***
*****
******
**
1988
**
**
**
**
*****
1998
*
*
*
*
*******
In several Districts, all or most sites concurred on trends they were experiencing in
particular dimensions of poverty or wellbeing. This suggests that some regional or
national poverty-related trends can be distinguished.
Eastern region: In Kapchorwa food security is seen to be decreasing, as a rapidly
growing population causes land fragmentation. Communities have not yet recovered
from the devastating depletion of household assets they suffered through cattlerustling and raiding in the 1980s. In Kumi, too, communities have yet to regain their
30
1960s levels of wellbeing and livelihood security, after serious asset depletion by
cattle rustlers and rebels in the 1980s.
Northern region: In Kotido the trend is towards less predictable weather patterns and
more droughts and famines, leading to declining food security. Health status has
worsened and disease prevalence has increased. While raids are becoming less
frequent they result in ever higher fatalities because of the use of modern weapons. In
Moyo, against a backdrop of exile and troubled resettlement, communities noted
continuing insecurity and related threats to their livelihood, despite the generally
improving trend in security elsewhere in Uganda. Communities self-reliance,
destroyed during their displacement and residence in camps, is not yet fully restored.
Central region: In Kampala, although service coverage is improving all the time,
population growth is outstripping provision, so that overall trends in access to services
are negative. There are growing demands on the limited incomes people can earn,
partly because of creeping commoditization extending even to the most everyday
necessities such as the use of a toilet. In Kalangala, climate changes and over-fishing
have caused the fish catch to decline in both variety and quantity. This coupled with
increased commoditization, have led to a widening gap between expectations and
actual living conditions.
Western region: In Kisoro, in all four sites natural resource degradation over recent
decades has increased the frequency of natural disasters, making agricultural
livelihoods more unpredictable and reducing food security. In Kabarole trends data
reveal a general improvement in livelihood security as civil strife has diminished
since the 1980s, but record persistent poverty problems due to increased demands on
the limited cash available, and rising expectations. Bushenyi, where recent
modernizing developments are widely held to be a model for other Districts in
Uganda, presents an exceptional but cautionary picture of trends. This is described in
the box below:
31
Poverty trends in Bushenyi

The description of trends given by participants in Bushenyi reflects the rapid developments in
agricultural production and marketing in that District. The overall trends in income-generating
opportunities and related developments in transport, information flows, service provision and other
areas, are positive. However, the breach between the poorest and other socio-economic groups seems
to be growing. Local inflationary effects of the Districts successful transition to cash cropping are
compounding poor peoples deprivation.
Relative deprivation is perceived to be increasing as the gap widens between the living conditions of
poor and non-poor, and between the poors expectations and their actual conditions. Deprivation is
perceived to be increasing in absolute terms too in several of the sites researched, as a result of the
rise in prices of goods the poor need. This encourages them to satisfy their short-term needs by selling
assets like land, which are vital to their short- and long-term livelihood security and self-sufficiency.
While access to services, markets and knowledge (for example on disease prevention, and on
agricultural product markets) are generally increasing, the prospect of children dying from AIDS is
deterring parents from investing household income in their education. The matrix below shows a time
trend analysis for one poor site in Bushenyi (Rwenkurijo).
Diseases
Income
Crops
Good government
Animal husbandry
Transport
Education
Health facilities
1970s
20
10
20
0
8
0
1
0
1980s
10
6
10
4
5
3
3
5
1990s
15
0
3
20
1
5
10
10
The table below summarizes the overall trends in particular dimensions of poverty or
wellbeing which can be discerned on the basis of the analysis conducted in PPA sites,
naming districts where each trend is discernible:
Table 2.6: District Poverty Trends
Dimension of
poverty/
Wellbeing
Natural resource
base and
dependability of
climate
Districts where a
trend is discernible
Trend
Kumi, Kapchorwa,
Kotido, Moyo,
Kampala, Kalangala,
Kisoro, Bushenyi
Availability of
sufficient cash
Kampala, Kalangala,
Kabarole, Bushenyi
In decline. Leading to frequent loss of yields and

consequent food insecurity. Related to population pressure
in some Districts (Bushenyi, Kalangala, Moyo, Kampala)
but not in others (Kumi, Kisoro, Kotido, Kapchorwa). Food
insecurity is thus higher than in the past, although less high
than at the worst moments of civil strife
Demands are felt to be greater, eg for health user charges
and modern medication; water; toilets in Kampala;
transport; education-related expenses even for those
benefitting from UPE. Also, certain unproductive,
wellbeing-reducing expenditures were mentioned widely,
especially alcohol, which has many detrimental effects on
both material status of household and on intra-household
Decreasing access to
credit mentioned in
Kumi and Moyo,
possibly reflecting
32
growing pressure on
cash incomes
Disease
prevalence,
including AIDS
and its various
consequences
Service coverage
Increase in diseases
or deaths (likely to be
AIDS-related) noted in
Kumi, Kotido,
Kampala, Kalangala,
Kabarole, Bushenyi
HIV/AIDS mentioned
specifically in Kumi,
Kisoro, Kabarole,
Bushenyi
Kumi, Kapchorwa,
Kotido, Moyo,
Kampala, Bushenyi
Access to
services of
acceptable
quality
Kampala (worsening)
Civil strife and

insecurity
Kumi, Kapchorwa,
Kotido, Moyo
Bushenyi,
Kapchorwa; Kumi
(improving)
relations, opportunities, personal security of household

members including protection from STDs. PPA did not
seek to quantify incomes, but overall impression given was
that peoples needs for cash are increasingly outstripping
their incomes.
Increasing prevalence of diseases, including HIV/AIDS,
over recent decades has caused wellbeing to decrease
through both direct and indirect means. Directly
impoverishing consequences include labour lost through
productive family members falling sick or dying, costs of
medication and treatment. Indirect consequences include
reluctance to invest in childrens education, as threat of
AIDS makes this a bad investment.
In some places, felt to be improving with regard to 1980s,

although this does not mean that quality and access are
satisfactory. Often education which was mentioned as
improving, due to UPE. Generally still below levels of preAmin era. Coverage worsening in relation to population
pressure on services in some areas (Kampala)
Worsening in some places despite increased coverage,
because of population pressure outstripping service
extension. Improving in other places, though often positive
evaluations are dominated by peoples appreciation of
increased access to education, provided through UPE
policy.
In many sites areas plagued with rebel activity and cattlerustling, frequency of raids reported to be decreasing but
their seriousness increasing, due to rising use of modern
arms and to increase in confrontations between defence
forces and raiders or rustlers. Experiences of being looted
has modified peoples livelihood strategies, made them riskaverse, eg Moyo, Kumi..
Analysis: The poverty-related trends identified by

communities suggest that the PEAP priorities of
means to increase productivity and food security,
improved health services and water provision and
are well-founded. Additional dimensions of
poverty which need to be addressed urgently if
trends are to improve are insecurity and
environmental degradation.
These trend data highlight the uniqueness of
Districts and regions and the need for national
priorities to be complemented by District-level
prioritising of public actions.
Future PPA research could follow up on this
analysis of trends, by providing longitudinal
qualitative data on the trends in various
dimensions of poverty, and on the effectiveness of
policy responses to them.
33
2.3.2 Change over the year: seasonal trends

In general, local people in all districts reported that their well-being is affected by
seasonal changes in climate and household expenses such as school fees and taxes particularly in rural areas where people depend on primary production crops,
livestock and fishing. The general feeling, as expressed by women in Kumi, is that
it is difficult to catch up with the seasons, especially when people rely on
traditional methods of production.
The seasons dictate both the generation of income and food, as well as consumption,
resulting in times of relative abundance and times of hardship throughout the year.
Times of hardship differ for different livelihoods and for different climatic patterns, as
listed below:
Cropping the months prior to the harvest when food stores are depleted
and income from sale of crops has dwindled.21 Yields depend on the rains,
failure of which cause famine, particularly in drought-prone areas such as
Kotido, Moyo and Kumi.
Fishing low catch season means no income. 22 Yields also depend on
seasonal rain and wind patterns.
Livestock-keeping dry season when pasture and water are scarce, and
income from other sources is limited. 23
Additional stress is placed on households when times of income and food scarcity
coincide with times of increased household workload (such as collection of water
from distant sources in the dry season) and with added financial demands (such as
payment of graduated tax, school fees and medical expenses due to increased disease
incidence), as indicated in the text-box below.
21
Seasonal calendars indicated times of scarcity for farming households: Kalangala November to May (May
worst); Kisoro May; Bushenyi varies April-May and October-November; Kumi- May-June; Moyo MayJuly; Kapchorwa May-July; Kabarole May-June and October-November.
22
Scarcity for fishing households: Kalangala April - May; Moyo June-July.
23
Scarcity for livestock keepers: Kotido January-March; Kabarole January-February.
34
Case Study: seasonality in Kapchorwa

The month of May is a time of hardship because:
Rains make roads impassable and transport is limited

Soil erosion is severe and floods occur
Livestock disease is high and banana rot sets in
Food is scarce as reserves have been finished
People sell assets to buy food
People eat only vegetables
Income is scarce as there is no grain for sale
People resort to piece-meal work for others
Graduated tax is due
Incidence of diseases rises poor health
Reduced ability to work: the work defeats people because there is a lot of
disease increased medical and transport costs sale of assets
Fields need weeding and crops need planting.
The seasons affect many dimensions of local peoples lives, such as:
Food availability scarcity results in changed diet and eating patterns;

hunger; malnutrition and family disunity.
Income generation scarcity of funds result in deprivation and family
disunity.
Availability of employment depends on production cycles and income
availability.
Price fluctuation prices are often lowest immediately after harvest.
Water availability dry season results in collection from distant sources
and contaminated water.
Access to and utilisation of services rainy seasons make routes
impassable, and times of low income restricts affordability of health care.
Sanitation levels in Kampala, heavy rains lead to flooding of drains and
latrines.
Human diseases - vary in type and intensity.
Crop and animal pests and diseases.
Insecurity cattle raiding coincides with the onset of the rains in Kotido.
Celebrations and ceremonies Christmas and other traditional celebrations
consume much food and income.
Poor people cope with these seasonal times of hardship by resorting to casual labour,
migrating in search of work, hunting and gathering wild fruits and vegetables,
changing their diet and eating habits, selling assets, selling stored food and seeds, and
using alternative health care, such as traditional healers, and self-medication.
35
In urban communities, well-being also revolves around the seasons. For example, in
Kampala availability and prices of food depend on production in rural areas. Other
urban communities exhibit similar seasonal patterns to rural communities.
Analysis: Policy-makers must bear in mind times of income

and food shortage for poor people and attempt to introduce
measures to relieve pressures at this time. For example, tax
collection could occur post-harvest. School fees could be
paid in instalments, and health care for serious conditions
could be exempted or provided in advance of payment.
Consumption credit may also assist to tide local people over
the hardship time, with repayment occurring after the
harvest or in the high fish season.
2.3.3 Change in the household: how do people become richer or

poorer?
Local people reported more movement further into poverty than out of it. However,
almost everyone reported that they were trying to improve their livelihoods and
quality of life.
The common factors reported that caused people to move further into poverty are
listed below:
Economic Medical expenses, sale of assets to meet needs, failure to

repay loans, low prices for produce, loss of livestock, loss of remittances,
over-taxation, loss of capital through business failure, loss of job, salary
delays, over-commitment of funds into business ventures, school fees,
lack of access to credit, eviction from house, and insecurity theft, raids.
The quotation below demonstrates how an illness in the family can lead to
loss of assets in this case cattle, and restricted access to education.
My father used to deal in cattle. When he fell sick, my mother could not do
much! Subsequently, she also fell sick. All the savings from the cattle trade
were used for treating them. I dropped out of secondary school.
Youth, Iboa, Moyo
36
Social Bride price, death of a spouse, separation, polygamy, ceremonies,

many dependants, marriage for youth, 24 and lack of business management
skills.
Behavioural Alcoholism, laziness and failure to work hard,
imprisonment, and ignorance leading to failure to take advantage of
opportunities.
Physical Old age, accident, disability or illness of self or husband
leading to treatment expenses and inability to work, and AIDS.
Political Lack of government support in provision of development
opportunities and insurgency.
Fewer households managed to move up the well-being scale out of poverty. Upward
movement was attributed to various factors, illustrated by the case study below.
Case Study: Hard-working Widow, Kyeitembe, Bushenyi

Perepetwa Karamuzi is a widow. She has 10 acres of land5 children. a zerograzing cow..a fishponda boda boda motorcyclea market stall. She is also
a member of a local savings scheme.
Her progress has been favoured by:
Hard work ..(even) after the death of her husband
Having productive children who provide labour during the holidays
Exploiting the existing opportunities
Having a ready market for fruits and vegetables
Good planning and making future forecasts
Being ready to learn better methods of farming.attending courses.
Factors generally seen to be responsible for upward mobility were:

Economic - Starting a business, loans, investing in farming land, livestock,
new varieties, saving, remittances, favourable prices for a few consecutive years,
diversifying income generating activities, and obtaining a good job.
Social - Improved skills and knowledge, inheritance for sons, status associated
with building a permanent house, and starting new ventures on a small scale and
increasing gradually.
Behavioural - Hard work, stopping heavy drinking, and getting married - for
women.
Political Peace and security.
24
Marriage is associated with increasing expenses due to the addition of a wife, then children, dependent on the
one income of the youth.
37
2.4 Community Priorities And Strategies For Addressing Poverty

This section demonstrates that factors affecting poverty differ between local people
from different groups, communities and districts. It is not surprising, therefore, that
priorities for overcoming the major problems are also diverse.
2.4.1 District priorities
Across the districts priorities differed. Some examples are indicated in the text below,
although Annex 4 gives full details of the frequency of priorities ranked by
communities during exercises to identify their top ten priority problems for action.
In Kampala, sanitation, employment and taxes as well as community co-operation
were key.
In Bushenyi, crop pests and diseases as well as population pressure on land were
community priorities for solutions.
In Kisoro, lack of access to markets and health facilities, in part due to the poor
feeder road network, and limited land and income featured.
In Kumi as in Kotido, lack of clean water, access to health facilities and
productivity inputs were priorities. In Kumi, water was for human consumption
and in Kotido, valley dams were important for cattle in order to reduce
transhumance.
Residents in the communities visited in Kapchorwa, need action on the impassable
roads, unclean water and poor health.
Kalangala, as mentioned earlier gave increased and alternative income-generating
opportunities and safe water transport priorities.
In Kabarole, access to health care, poor roads and transport, pressure on
household resources due to extended families, and men not assisting women were
seen as key areas for poverty reduction.
Lastly, in Moyo access to clean water and health care were the top priorities for
immediate action at the community level.
Analysis: While some of the community priorities of each

district mirror the priority areas under the PEAP, local
communities identified other areas that are important for
improving their livelihoods, thereby reducing poverty.
Therefore, it is important to allow districts the flexibility to
utilise funds in order to respond to local priorities.
Commonalities across locations and between groups of people
demonstrate that some interventions to reduce poverty will have
wide application.
However, locational differences in
influencing factors imply that other interventions must be
location-specific. The complex nature of poverty means that
solutions for poverty reduction must take a multi-faceted
38
2.4.2
Priorities across the nine districts
Priority problems overall across the 9 districts were ranked as follows in order of the
number of communities reporting the issue:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Lack of roads and poor transport (mainly rural)

Lack of proximal sources of safe water (rural and urban)
Lack of access to health care and poor health (rural and urban)
Lack of capital (rural and urban)
Constraints to agro-pastoral production: crop/livestock pests and diseases, market
access, inputs and land (mainly rural)
6. Poor sanitation: garbage disposal, latrines and drainage (urban).
Analysis: The above most frequently cited priorities for action are
broadly in line with the priorities under the PEAP feeder roads,
primary health care, and modernisation of agriculture to increase
productivity. However, water and sanitation take a higher
priority for communities than given under the PEAP, or reflected
in current budgetary allocations.
2.4.3
Overarching strategies for poverty reduction
Communities were asked to identify strategies that could be adopted to reduce

poverty. Some of the more prominent recommendations are given below, while in
each of the subsequent chapters recommendations are given in specific thematic areas.
Community strategies
Local people possess opportunities to reduce their own poverty. Most have the will
and a strong desire to improve their well-being. In addition, social networks and local
organisations are seen as important for communal efforts to reduce poverty. Local
people identified the value of strong social networks and co-operation within the
community as a way of improving their lives and livelihoods. LC I leaders and elders
were also appreciated for their role in fostering community harmony and local
development in many areas (Section 5.1.2). This strong social capital was seen as a
resource upon which to build to implement local interventions. Therefore, promotion
and facilitation (may require assistance by working with NGOs or government) of
self-help groups to work together for support, savings/loans, community work and to
search for economic opportunities - pooling land, produce to market in bulk - was
recommended. Promotion of involvement of youth and women were singled out.
Youth should be encouraged to undertake vocational training, while women also
39
suggested that they be relieved from some of their domestic duties to search for
opportunities.
We need to strengthen women groups to fight poverty. Women are not so
corrupt like their male counterparts and they dont run away from
responsibilities. They are trustworthy.
Man, Luzira, Kampala
Communities consulted by UPPAP identified ways in which they could effectively

work together to reduce poverty through the mobilisation of local materials; labour for
construction, road and drain maintenance; and rehabilitation of and fund raising for
communal equipment.
Improvement in social relations, particularly between neighbours, in order to
promote community unity was considered an important dimension for reducing
poverty. Local people proposed sensitisation campaigns and introduction of by-laws
for reducting bad behaviour, such as alcoholism. It was recommended that LC Is
register all orphans and that the community could assist by raising funds for their
support.
The development of Community Action Plans (CAPs) at the culmination of
community PPA exercises, and the successful implementation of at least one third of
these as a result of community efforts, demonstrates the ability of communities to
implement action to help themselves.
Analysis: This PPA demonstrated that communities are

willing to work towards in their own development, that there is
a limit to what they can do for themselves. Some clear ideas
are presented in which extension outreach workers can work
with the community to tackle priority problems, and to link the
community with other means of implementation.
Strategies requiring assistance government or private sector

Improving agriculture practices also featured, as discussed elsewhere in this report.
Extension was cited as an important factor in the introduction of crop diversification,
accessing improved seeds and breeds, information concerning improved methods,
control of crop and livestock pests and diseases. Improving access to markets, market
infrastructure, and tendering were also cited important
40
Small associations were cited as important for credit delivery, promotion of savings,
financial management training and accessing micro-finance institutions. Failure of
the Entandikwa Credit Scheme lead to suggestions that rural credit should be
managed by agents independent of government, and be made available at the subcounty level.
Community groups, NGOs, as well as the Government, were suggested to target
interventions to vulnerable groups, particularly women, to enable them to get a start.
Communities emphasised that they could raise funds for certain activities, but needed
additional support for others.
Strategies for Government action
Ensuring security within the country, the district and the community was frequently
listed as a a Government responsibility necessary for reducing poverty. Interestingly,
security, was rarely listed as a community priority problem because local people felt
that there was little that they could do in this regard.
Government was exhorted to fight corruption seriously because it was eating the
peoples money. Government was expected to improve roads, bridges, and transport
networks, to reduce isolation of communities, to allow flow of information and
improve communication, for the provision of clean water was, and for electrification
for local services and processing in rural areas.
Improvement in delivery of social services was emphasised to overcome poor health
and illiteracy. Communities identified a number of key barriers to access of health
and education services, and these are fully discussed in Chapter 4. Issues of
information, taxation and corruption were also highlighted as needing urgent action if
poverty eradication goals were to be achieved.
41
CHAPTER THREE
HOW DO THE POOR GET BY? ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL WELL-BEING
This chapter analyses livelihood strategies: what people do to get by. Livelihood
strategies, like poverty, are location-specific, with strong regional variations.
Common coping strategies are identified, the most frequently mentioned being child
labour and casual labour. Child labour often leads to excessive involvement in
household or outside work which limits childrens quality of life. Casual labour is an
important survival strategy for the poor, particularly during times of economic
hardship. It has both advantages and disadvantages. Within the community, casual
labour leads to loss of social status and is a last resort, but remittances from men
doing casual labour outside the community can enable families to achieve well-being.
The chapter examines the principal types of resource which local people need to gain
a livelihood, presenting them as human resources, physical infrastructure, natural
resources, financial assets and social relations.
Education, knowledge, skills and good health were seen as critical human resources,
particularly for gaining access to work, while feeder roads and markets were seen as
the most important forms of physical infrastructure for gaining a livelihood. Land,
water and forests were the principal natural resources discussed by local people;
inadequate access to land was a frequently mentioned constraint to improving
productivity and securing a livelihood. Lack of financial assets was characterised
largely in terms of lack of capital, low income and an inability to save. Social
relations were seen as one of the most important resources available to local people.
Positive aspects included strong local leadership, community-based groups, and cooperation. On the other hand, lack of trust of higher levels of government and
government policies due to lack of information and consultation was seen as an
impediment to development.
Local perceptions of constraints and barriers to access to these five resource types
are discussed. In addition, the chapter gives details of structural issues which result
in differentiated access to resources: location, gender, age, isolation and exclusion.
Other key issues in determining access to resources are identified as governance,
service provision and security. These are discussed in Chapters 4, 5 and 6
respectively.
3.1 Economic Strategies Of Local People

Local people emphasised that they try to get by with the resources that they have or
that they can access. Those consulted in the 9 districts were involved in a number of
means of earning a livelihood, both to cope with poverty and to move ahead.
Livelihood strategies are discussed at the level of the household and the district, to
illustrate the complex and diverse activities pursued by local people. Finally, some
important patterns of coping strategies are identified.
3.1.1 Regional variations in household livelihood strategies
Figure 3.1 shows a visual representation of the livelihood strategies, and key
expenditures, of a typical household in Ariet, Kumi District. Local peoples analysis
emphasises the variety and range of different livelihood strategies in which a
household may be engaged, and outlines the major perceived problems with each.
Figure 3.1: Livelihood analysis of a typical household in Ariet, Kumi District

C. LIVESTOCK
B. FISHING
Species: Edisia, tilapia, mud fish,
cat fish, nile perch
Main constraints: small boats,
water weed, lack of implements
1
MEDICAL
BILLS
A. FARMING
Major Varieties:
Goats, chicken,
cows, pigs,
sheep
2
BUYING
FOOD
Major varieties:
Potatoes,
sorghum, cassava,
groundnuts, millet
Major problems:
Animal diseases,
low prices,
thieves, raids,
lack of market
Major problems:
Insufficient rain,
lack of oxen, crop
disease
8
BUYING
ALCOHOL
HOUSEHOLD
3
SCHOOL
FEES
D. MARKETING
Major items:
6
PAYING
TAXES
7
TRANSPORT
FARES
4
PAYING
DOWRY
Crops, poultry,
livestock, fish, craft
Major problems:
Low prices, high

market dues, stealing,
transport
42
5
BUYING
CLOTHES
Table 3.1 shows the regional variation in major livelihood strategies. Agriculture,
particularly cultivating crops, was the major livelihood in which people are engaged
in all districts, except Kotido (livestock rearing), Kalangala (fishing) and Kampala
(trading).
Table 3.1: Variation in economic strategies for livelihood
STRATEGY
PRINCIPAL LOCATION AND PURPOSE
Crop
farming
Kabarole, Kumi, Kapchorwa, Moyo, Kisoro, Bushenyi

The majority of rural and some urban households are occupied with crop
farming. Women tend to spend more of their time farming than men.
Most agriculture is for subsistence; some cultivation is by hand, and some
by ox-plough. Crops grown depend on soil and season. Many farming
households sell some of their crop to meet cash needs. Plot sizes for
subsistence agriculture are small, usually ranging between 0.5 and 2 acres.
Livestock
Keeping
Kotido, Kabarole, Kumi

Livestock are often combined with cropping, but for some, especially in
Kotido, they are the principal livelihood strategy. In those places where
people combine crops and livestock, numbers of livestock are often limited
by shortage of grazing land. Cattle are mostly owned by men and other
livestock by women and children. Livestock are often regarded as savings,
and as well as providing products for consumption and sale (milk, meat,
eggs, skins), fertiliser for agriculture, transport, ploughing, bride-price,
they often have cultural significance. In Bushenyi, livestock provides the
major source of income for progressive farmers, who can sell over 20
litres of milk per day after household consumption.
Kalangala, Moyo, Kumi
In Moyo and Kumi, fishing is combined with cropping, but in Kalangala it
is the sole source of liveihood. Men carry out fishing, but many women
are involved in fish preparation and marketing. Fishing as a livelihood
strategy is threatened by pressure on fish stocks and the use of
inappropriate equipment by commercial fishmen. Fish marketing is
difficult in remote areas, and the movement of shoals is seasonal.
All areas
For some, trade is a seasonal livelihood strategy, undertaken when there is
agricultural surplus to sell. For others, mostly in urban areas, it is a
principal livelihood strategy; in Kampala, it is the occupation of the bulk
of the population. Women dominate the verandah trade, selling foodstuff
from their own homes in order to avoid high formal market dues. Trading
is often defined by gender, but the particular occupations pursued by men
and women vary from region to region.
Kampala and urban areas
Women (especially widows) brew and sell beer in urban and rural areas;
men are their major customers.
Fishing
Trade
Brewing
alcohol
43
STRATEGY
Waged
employment
PRINCIPAL LOCATION AND PURPOSE

Particularly urban areas
Those who have wage employment are seen as doing well by the poor.
Some are civil servants, while others work in industry.
The case study below presents a livelihood strategy profile, from Kalangala District.
It illustrates some of the problems encountered by community members who are
trying to get by through fishing.
Case study: Fishing in Kalangala

According to local people in Kalangala District, declining fish catches have
resulted from the promotion of fish exports, over-exploitation of fishing grounds
by increasing numbers of industrial fish processors, and the pollution of lake
waters.
Those who are most affected are the smaller-scale fishermen who use simple
methods and who may live in isolated communities. They rely on canoes and
nets in need of constant repair, and are neither skilled nor equipped to compete
with larger-scale fishermen. They are less able to take advantage of the market
than large-scale fishermen. In addition to this, the vagaries of the seasons, lack of
processing plants and overdependency on a single source of income makes it
reportedly more and more difficult to earn a livelihood in the fishing trade.
Local people in Kalangala explained that all commercial activities revolve
around fishing, and that when the fish catch declines or there are bans on the sale
or export of fish, everyone in the community is affected: From September 1996
to June 1997 we tried to follow the fish migration, but even then the catch was
not always good and our needs were many. During this period, many collapsed
and gave up fishing.
Fishermen, Misonzi, Kalangala
The Kalangala fishermen illustrate not only the importance of secure access to
natural, human and physical resources, but the impact of a lack of opportunities to
diversify livelihoods. When household livelihood strategies reach the point of
collapse, there are several alternatives which remain open to households. These are
discussed in the next section.
44
Analysis: The lack of alternative income-generating activities

leads to an over-reliance on the fishing industry. Further, the
Government has traditionally given little attention to the
fishing industry assuming that it is demand-driven and selfregenerating. Investment in infrastructure, such as landing
sites and markets, and facilitation of investment in cold
storage facilities and processing plants, as well as development
and enforcement of regulations to protect the fish and the
fishing economy may improve the opportunities for smallscale fishing households to earn a sustainable living from
fishing.
3.1.2 Coping strategies

Child labour
Child labour was also strongly associated with poverty, for example in Kalangala
where overworking the girl child was perceived as an indicator of poverty for rural
women. In Kumi, households whose children had run off to towns were considered
poor because this indicated that the head of the household is not able to provide for all
the household members.
In Kampala, child labour was frequently mentioned.
Exploitation of children was reported as common and children have been forced into
seeking labour at an early age in order to support themselves and other members of
their families.
From the community consultations, child labour has two dimensions those that work
for income and those that work within the household. In many cases, the level of
work may compromise childrens education because it limits the time a pupil can
spend at school or studying. The case study below shows an example of a working
child in Kampala.
Case Study: The boy with the weighing machine, in Kisenyi, Kampala
In Kisenyi, we (researchers) talked to one child who walked from Maganjo, a
town 15km from Kisenyi, with a weighing machine every day. His mother
bought the machine and he came to Kisenyi each day and weighed people.
The boy was about ten years old and he could not read or write. He told us
that he relied on the customers who knew how to read their weights off the
scale. The money that was received from this business was used in running
the home where he stayed with his mother only. Asked how he manages to
keep his money since there are many pick-pockets on the streets, he told us he
wore two pairs of shorts and kept all the money in the inner shorts so no-one
would get it.
45
Within the home, children assist with chores in order to reduce the workload of
parents, particularly mothers. Those children working outside the home do so for
three major reasons to contribute to the income of the household; to support
themselves to live, and to pay for their own school fees.
Analysis: The issue of child labour is a survival and livelihood

strategy for poor children and their families. The income of such
children is vital to the household but this work may deprive the
child of an education and condemn him or her to a life of poverty.
Many orphans find themselves in this position.
Marriage and sexual favours

Marriage was seen as a coping mechanism for dealing with poverty for some groups.
In Kampala, poor male youth resorted to marrying widows and very old women in
order to access resources. In cultures where bride-price exists, such as Kapchorwa,
there were reports of parents who force girls into marriage to get a goat.
Sale of sexual favours was reported: in Kalangala, an increasing number of women
start affairs with more than one man from whom they obtain money for upkeep and
saving. This practice is seen as related to but different from commercial sex work, as
shown by the quote below.
Young girls in Misonzi are vulnerable because when they are brought to the
island, they are paid very small amounts of money, which leads to them
acquiring friends who can support them financially, a practice which often
leads to prostitution.
Mens focus group, Misonzi, Kalangala
Migration
Migration affects communities and people in diverse ways. Local people reported
migrating for four main reasons: because of insecurity, to search for livelihood
opportunities, to search for seasonal water for animals, and to seek better services.
In cases where people are displaced due to insecurity, the influx of a large numbers of
migrants has an impact on the host community. On the other hand, the migrants have
moved from their home with few, if any, assets. This makes life and earning a
livelihood difficult in their new setting, as attested by Sudanese refugees in Moyo.
46
However, such groups may succeed, as is the case of Somali and other refugees in
Kisenyi, Kampala. These refugees were reported to have money and could do
business without paying taxes, as they were said to be exempt because of their refugee
status. Nationals resented this, and saw themselves in unfair competition as they were
at a disadvantage economically.
Other people migrate from their community in search of work as a strategy for
reducing household poverty. Such movement is mainly from rural to urban areas and
between districts.
In most districts, migration to Kampala was reported. In
Kalangala, Kapchorwa, Kisoro, Kabarole and Bushenyi men migrated to other areas
usually in search of casual labour. However, in Kalangala and Kampala women
migrated to search of work in bars and in the sex industry. In particular in Kampala,
poorer households are strained because they include rural relatives who come to the
city in search of not only work but also better services.
The men that migrate often live a very frugal existence, as reported from Kampala.
They live in sub-standard accommodation and eat modestly in order to save money
for supporting their family in rural areas. It should be noted that in their communities,
these men were seen as better-off. 25
Casual labour as a survival strategy
Casual labour appears to have two dimensions. The first involves migrant labouring
in another area, as discussed above. Historically, men have migrated away from their
community in order to find casual work. Such casual labourers are respected in their
communities of origin, and when remittances are regular their families are not
considered amongst the poorer categories in community well-being rankings.
A more recent trend was reported that of doing casual labour within ones own
community in return for food or money during times of economic hardship. In the
past, casual labour in ones own community was unheard of but nowadays local
people resort to or are forced to accept piece-meal work in order to survive because
their productivity and their income are insufficient to support their basic needs.
Women and children engaged in seasonal casual labour. Men also took on piecemeal
work in such circumstances, but in addition, worked to repay debts, such as medical
expenses and drinking creditors. Although remuneration in cash or food is often low,
irregular and unreliable, casual labour provides an important survival strategy for the
poor, particularly during times of economic hardship.
Those who resort to casual labour were said to lose social status, and were included in
the lowest ranks in the community well-being analysis in all districts. Further, time
spent working for others limits their own productivity. The situation for casual
labourers is aptly described below:
25
Well-being rankings in Bushenyi, Kisoro, Kumi.
47
The casual workers (epakasale) have to search for work and places where
their services are wanted. Not until they get a piece of work, complete it, get
paid, will they go to a health unit for themselves or to take a sick person for
treatment.
Woman, Oladot, Kumi
Analysis: Casual labouring within ones community represents

a changing dynamic of local poverty. Land fragmentation and
declining productivity have resulted in a situation in which food
and income is insufficient to sustain many households.
Therefore, casual labour is a survival mechanism employed by
those who cannot make a livelihood in another manner. Those
who are better-off can now afford to hire others who are
poorer. While those who are poorer are forced to take
piecemeal work in order to survive. The low wages and time
taken from their own productivity efforts further perpetuate the
cycle of poverty. It is potentially an indicator of the widening
the gap between the rich and the poor.
Sale of assets in order to meet basic necessities

From consultations with local people in the 9 districts, the need for finding a means of
obtaining cash was obvious. Cash is needed to pay for medical treatment, school fees
clothing and household essentials, transport, as well as food. This need for cash
forces local people to sell assets, such as land and livestock, decreasing their resource
base and thereby increasing their vulnerability to further poverty. The next section
discusses in more detail the kind of assets poor people perceive are necessary to meet
their basic needs.
3.2 Access To Resources For Sustaining Livelihood
The resources that local people identified as important to their livelihoods 26 are
presented here under five broad headings: human resources, physical infrastructure,
natural resources, financial assets and social relations. Each of these is discussed to
show local perceptions of the relative importance of different resources, and the
problems encountered in gaining access to adequate resources to get by.
26
Livelihood is defined by the researchers as the way in which people or a community support their lives or
themselves within the context of the overall socio-economic and cultural setting Another definition is a
livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets and activities required for a means of living Chambers and Conway,
1992. This grouping of livelihood resources owes a great deal to the Sustainable Livelihoods framework, see
Carney (1998) and Scoones (1998).
48
3.2.1 Human resources: skills, knowledge and good health

Human resources include skills, knowledge, good health and the ability to work.
Lack of jobs regular formal employment 27 - and lack of income-generating
opportunities in the informal sector, either full or part-time 28 - featured as causes of
poverty in most districts. These problems were frequently attributed not only to lack
of opportunities, but lack of the necessary human resources to get a job, as illustrated
below.
They (employers) advertise in the newspapers that they want a person of 25-30
years but the experience they ask for is for a person of over 40 years. This is
the reason why our children have no jobs.
Old woman, Nakulabye, Kampala
This lack of human resources was characterised in the following way:
Low level of education.

Restricted flow of information.
Lack of knowledge, particularly concerning methods of production,
marketing and alternative income generation for primary producers.
Local people felt that lack of information and knowledge lead to ignorance
concerning food and income generation.
Limited skills vocational skills for youth and modern agriculture and
fishing methods for primary producers.
Health is also recognised by local people as an important factor for
improving livelihoods. Local people stated that, As long as one is
healthy, he thinks properly for his family, he is able to do business for
the well-being of the family, he can cultivate land, construct shelter, and
work harder. Poor health leads to inability to work, low income and
further poverty.
Analysis: Lack of production and vocational knowledge and

skills are issues that were often raised during the
consultations. Programmes need to be facilitated to address
these constraints to employment and productivity. At primary
level, introduction of vocational skills training into the
curriculum is planned in the Education Sector Investment Plan
and the Plan for the Modernisation of Agriculture.
27
Lack of jobs as cause of poverty all districts except Bushenyi and Kabarole: one third of all sites. Lack of jobs
as priority problem in Kampala and Kapchorwa (Annex 4)
28
Lack of income-generating opportunities as a cause of poverty all districts except Moyo and Kumi. Lack of
income-generating opportunities as a priority problems in Kalangala (Annex 4).
49
3.2.2 Physical infrastructure

The major types of physical infrastructure that affected livelihoods of the people
consulted included markets, roads, transport and lack of inputs and productive assets.
Many of the communities consulted placed a great deal of importance on passable
feeder roads, seeing them as blood vessels, linking the community to the outside
world. Poor roads and inadequate transport were seen as a major constraint to
improving livelihoods.
Markets are also important for local people. They listed limited access to markets,
particularly lack of proximal markets in some areas, as a major cause of poverty. In
addition, the physical facilities in existing markets were often no more than an open
space. Storage and sanitation facilities, and shelter were said to be lacking.
Related to markets is the supply of equipment and inputs, particularly for farming. In
all rural districts, local farmers and fishermen reported constraints to productivity due
to a lack of inputs, ranging from tools to fertilisers, pesticides, spraying equipment
and animal drugs. Most of these inputs were not available in nearby markets 29 , and
where pesticides were availed locally, they often arrived too late.
3.2.3 Natural resources
Local people identified land, water, forests as natural resources which can be utilised
to generate a livelihood for the household. In addition, several issues of natural
resource degradation were identified as key constraints for agricultural production and
thus for secure livelihoods.
Land
Local people said if you have land, you have life. Land is a resource useful for
farming, settlement, investment, insurance, and a place for burial when one is dies.
Local people stated that if one has enough land then food is assured and other needs
and activities are supported.
A serious constraint to livelihoods is the widespread lack of adequate land under
cultivation and for pasture. In Chapter Two, we saw that one of the primary causes of
poverty was shortage of arable land, leading to low productivity, food insecurity and
low-income returns. Unavailability of land for production is due to several factors,
which differ between districts.
Small holdings have resulted from population pressure in districts such as Kisoro and
Bushenyi. Fragmentation of land upon death of the land holder and inheritance to
sons, as well occasional sale to cover expenses, further diminish the size of plots. In
29
The Uganda National Household Survey (1995-6) indicates that agricultural inputs were available in only 16%
of LC I areas nationally. In fact, half of the markets that sell agricultural inputs are located in the trading centres
and/or municipalities.
50
Bushenyi, the situation is exacerbated by an influx of people from other districts in

search of more fertile farming land. Reclamation of wetlands has been undertaken in
order to cope with the shortage of land for cultivation in Kisoro, Bushenyi and Moyo .
However, the poor in Kisoro were excluded from this additional land resource as they
could not afford to hire the plots.
Problems were raised concerning existing land management systems. The rich and
socially advantaged often access land at the expense of the poor. For example, poorer
households sell land to the rich when offered a lump sum of money or when forced to
do so in order to provide for household necessities. Also better off community
members had fenced off land in Bushenyi, thereby restricting access by local people
to water sources and grazing land. In boundary disputes usually settled by LCs, the
rich were reported to win through bribery.
In urban areas, land is needed for housing, sanitation, services and roads as well as
for cultivation of crops for household consumption. Such land is not available to
many people or is poorly utilised due to the cost of purchase, industries moving in to
occupy land, and to the gazetting of land by town councils, often without adequate
consultation or compensation to the occupants. In Kampala, the thriving land market
has encouraged poor people to sell land to speculators. Without land the poor are
further marginalised.
Before the Council gazetted land, I did not have a problem. I used to grow
food crops, and the surplus I would take to the market. However, after the
gazetting by the Town Council, I lost my land, and even though I was promised
a new plot after paying 15,000 shillings, I have still not got this. I am now
helpless. The land was my mother and my relative. How do they (Council
officials) expect me to survive?
Community member, Kisoro Hill, Kisoro Town, Kisoro
In addition, the issue of squatters was raised in Kampala, Kisoro and Moyo. In
Moyo and Kisoro, the rich buy off the land and the previous residents the poor become squatters, who may be evicted without compensation or anywhere to go. In
Kampala, squatters were evicted and their homes demolished (in Kawempe) by
landlords wishing to develop or to sell. Even in cases where land was hired, such as
by self-settled refugees in Moyo, landlords exploited the tenants by evicting them
after they had cleared the land, ready for planting.
Analysis: The implementation of the Land Act must ensure

that the rights of the poor and the powerless are protected in
land disputes.
51
In general, women do not own land due to cultural or traditional restrictions,

although in some districts women are consulted before family land is sold. The few
women who own land are widows, or women in Kampala who could purchase plots
on the open market. Even where the wife buys land with her own funds, the land
agreement is often written in the name of the husband. And for those women who
retain access to land after the death of a husband, they may not be permitted to rent it
out or sell it.
Therefore, for many women in the communities consulted, marriage is the only way
that they can access land on which to cultivate, as well as most other productive
assets. This means that unmarried women usually do not have access to land unless it
is got through their father. The provision of a clause in the Land Act requiring the
consent of the spouse before sale of household land is considered as being positive for
women who know about this (Kabarole). In Kampala and in Kisoro, women
expressed the hope that the Land Act would improve their ability to own land and to
participate in its sale.
Analysis: At present, many womens access to land is in the

hands of their husbands through marriage. The requirement
under the Land Act for consent of the spouse prior to sale of
household land is a step towards improving womens access to
land. However, it does not go far enough. Requirements for coownership of land by both spouses would greatly enhance
womens security over this valuable resource. Further, wide
sensitisation is necessary to ensure that women and men are
informed on the enhancement of womens rights to land.
Natural resource degradation was commonly identified as a central constraint to

increasing production and securing livelihoods. The most frequently identified type
of resource degradation, recognised by local people as part of the cycle of poverty in
6 districts 30 , was declining soil fertility. Small land holdings, coupled with the
practice of poor farming methods and the need to cultivate the entire plot in order to
feed the household, further depletes the soil. The trend of declining soil fertility leads
to decreasing productive yield, as indicated below.
30
Soil infertility in Kotido, Kapchorwa, Kisoro, Kalangala, Moyo, Bushenyi.
52
In the 1950s, the soils were still fertile, the village was still covered with
natural vegetation. We had plenty of food in this village. Generally, the world
was good. Yields from the garden were very high and food security was
guaranteed. Hunger and famine were unheard of.
Participant, Mukungu, Kisoro
Other constraints of production linked to natural resource management issues:

seasonality, climate, floods, drought and pests and diseases. Monkeys, bush pigs,
bats and hippopotami destroyed crops in particular in Moyo, Kalangala, Bushenyi,
and Kabarole, leading to reduced productivity and food shortages. In the past, such
pests were poisoned or trapped, but nowadays Government policies favour animals
over human beings 31 by prohibiting the killing these animals. Therefore, local people
reported that they lacked information on procedures to control wildlife pests.
Water as a livelihood resource
In discussions concerning water, local people focused predominantly on the need for
clean drinking water, but rivers, lakes and swamps were also mentioned as
important resources. Water for livestock was a primary concern for cattle-keepers in
both Kotido and Kabarole. The Karamajong migrate to the south during the dry
season in search of water and pasture, often raiding the cattle of the Teso people on
their return. While in Kabarole, the long distances to water sources in the dry season
impacted on peoples workload in terms of time and on livestock productivity, as
demonstrated in the quotation below:
A woman in Kabarole who walks 15km to the water source in the dry season had
this to say:
Collecting water 15 km away during the dry season can cause fighting at the
water sources for our animals. With water dams for our animals and
boreholes for human use, our water problems will be solved. How can one
expect to get milk from a cow that has walked 15km in a day?
Kitonzi, Kabarole
In Kotido, local people made strong recommendations concerning the construction of

dams to store water for the dry season. This, they said, would remove the reason for
migrating away from the area, and would allow them to become more settled and to
also engage in other activities for production of food and generation of income.
Forests
Forests are a resource used for different livelihood purposes in different localities.
Commonly, firewood is collected for sale, charcoal production and for home use.
Eucalyptus is also harvested on a small-scale for construction in most districts. Other
uses are location-specific: the harvesting of palm oil; the use of plants for medicine;
31
Kalangala and Kabarole.
53
gathering wild food during the season of hunger; bamboo harvesting, large-scale
timber harvesting, and sanctuary for the Batwa people of Kisoro.
Local people perceived that the timber industry was not benefiting the poor, as shown
below:
Case Study: Perceptions of the Timber Industry in Kalangala
Very few people in Kalangala directly benefit from timber cutting, as it is a
capital-intensive business engaged in by the well-off, most of whom come from
Kampala and Masaka. Most of the timber harvested is destined for Kampala
and Masaka in an unprocessed form. A small proportion of the timber is used
locally for boat construction, building houses and firewood. Even labour is
recruited from outside the district.
The forestry department, responsible for overseeing sustainable use of forestry
resources is constrained by lack of staff and facilities. There is a lot of illegal
logging and exploitation as a result Unguided logging causes a lot of
destruction to the immature trees.
It was reported that the expense, the lack of access and availability of only crude
implements to the majority of the population actually protects the environment.
Researchers, Kalangala Report
Deforestation is also of concern to local people in Kotido, Moyo, Kapchorwa and

Kalangala because it may deny future generations forest resources. In addition, it was
seen as contributing to the degradation of other natural resources, leading to soil
erosion and loss of windbreaks. According to local people and to Forestry Officers 32 ,
the district and the ministry were not capable of effectively managing forests. On the
other hand, restricting people access to forests due to regulations or to gazetting
compromised those livelihoods gained from selling poles, charcoal and other forest
products.
Forests were so viewed as a potential source of revenue through tourism. However,
the state of disrepair of national parks, such as Kidepo in Kotido, were seen as a
wasting an opportunity to generate local revenue. Other people reported that the
creation of national parks and reserves has lead to increasing poverty. Cases cited
were that of the Batwa in Kisoro, and those evicted from the Mpokya Game Reserve
in Kabarole. Complaints of restricted access to forests (Parks and Reserves) came
from Moyo, Kabarole and Kisoro33 . Arrests of poachers or those encroaching on the
Reserve or Park were reported in Bushenyi and Kisoro.
32
Kapchorwa.
Imcwamagabo Forest Reserve, Moyo; Katonga and Mpokya Game, Kabarole; Bwindi Impenatrable Forest,
Kisoro.
33
54
The Batwa people in Kisoro are traditionally forest-dwellers. However, gazetting of

the forest to create the Mgahinga Game Reserve caused the Batwa to be relocated.
They have lost their livelihood and find it difficult to adapt to alternative ways of
living. Although some assistance has been forthcoming graduated tax relief and
projects such as that of the Church of Uganda - many Batwa are landless, jobless and
are resigned to begging.
3.2.4
Financial assets
Financial assets are those assets, particularly cash, as well as those assets that are
utilised as a financial commodity, such as cattle. This section covers reasons for the
reported limited access to cash, and covers the broad means by which local people
obtain revenue.
Lack of capital and low income were identified as a cause and a consequence of
poverty in most districts. Interestingly, in urban areas, the need for cash was
identified directly; whereas in rural areas, inability to afford necessities or services
were seldom stated in terms of cash shortage.
The major reasons identified for restricted access to financial assets were:
Low and fluctuating prices for produce sold and perceived exploitation by
middlemen, combined with lack of information concerning market prices and
availability.
Lack of inputs, such as improved seeds and pesticides, due to cost and
unavailability.
Few livestock. This was mentioned in most districts, but particularly as a result of
cattle-raiding in Kumi and Kapchorwa .
Limited access to credit to handle financial crises as well as starting capital for
income-generating ventures.
Household expenditure on necessities that often exceeds household income.
Taxes, including the relatively high market dues that were reported to eat into
profits from the sale of produce
Insecurity in Moyo, where local people cannot concentrate on production and
importing commodities.
Local people rely on a range of strategies to generate financial assets. In addition to

the strategies noted in Table 3.1, local people said that remittances play an important
part in many poor peoples lives, particularly in rural communities. A common means
of survival for elderly people is the receipt of cash remittances from children who
may be employed, often in the city. The disabled and female-headed households also
benefit from remittances such as the case of a woman from Sismach in Kapchorwa,
who received 64% of her incoming resources from others church, parents, childrens
labour, sister and friends. Further, male migrants often send remittances to their
families. However, remittances were seen as a vulnerable source of income what if
55
the children die or forget the parents, or the husband takes another wife while away or
spends his money on other preoccupations?
Financial assets are an important factor in strengthening access to natural resources
and human resources, allowing the purchase or hire of land, and access to better
health services, education and training. In addition, financial capital is necessary for
the purchase of inputs for primary production and for items needed to establish and
continue business ventures.
3.2.5 Social relations
Social relations include such aspects such as trust, co-operation, working and
socialising together, group association and mutual support and assistance.
Community consultations revealed positive attributes of social relations as a
livelihood resource.
Negative attributes, such as disharmony, individualism,
perceived detrimental impacts of governance policies and practices and limited
service access were also mentioned by local people.
Local communities emphasised the importance of co-operation within the household
and within the community as an opportunity for reducing poverty. Further, national
social relations may be undermined by the ethnic discrimination, and the feeling that
the government continues to develop the better-off districts at the expense of the
poorer districts.
In urban areas, particularly in Kampala, social cohesion was seen as being replaced
by individualism, possibly as a result of the heavy demands for cash and the mix of
different languages/ethnic groups a possible barrier to effective communication. In
rural areas and in days gone by, people would rely on their social safety network,
compared to today when they seem to rely more on assets and cash, as shown in the
quotation below:
Possession of ones own home plays an important role as a substitute for the
dying social networks in urban areas and a non-existent local social security
system, as this [house] can be sold or rented in case of an emergency.
Key informant, Luzira, Kampala
Co-operation in the household, between husband and wife, was said to give
opportunities for development. Situations differed depending on culture and the
relationship concerning the ability to share workload, decision-making and household
income.
Those people without social support particularly those with no spouse, or no children
were seen to be vulnerable to poverty despite possessing material and financial assets.
Separations due to the failure to meet cultural obligations, such as payment of bride
price, and disharmony as a result of mens alcoholism or infidelity, for example, also
56
undermined social cohesion. In addition, local people reported that breaking up of the
extended family causes social and financial problems for elderly people.
Communities were perceived as better able to cope with crisis if there was a sense of
co-operation, such as that experienced in Kotido during cattle raids and famines. The
traditional welfare system was seen as promoting community co-operation and
household well-being, although it was seen to be declining, especially in urban areas.
The importance of the extended family and neighbours, both on a daily basis for
household necessities and for settling disputes, and in times of crisis, was emphasised.
For women in the city, who are often far from their family and who may not have
strong relationships with neighbours, reliance on friendship networks was the basis
for social capital. They stated: Making friends is a good use of time and resources, as
is expenditure on [male] partners. The rich were also said to assist the poor by
paying school fees, lending or hiring land, gifts of food, and provision of jobs.
Mr Bulasiyo Kabangwa has a lot of sugar cane and fruits, such as paw-paw,
pineapples and bananas. Children from the village fetch him water and
firewood and in turn he gives them fruits.
Mahasa, Kabarole
Various institutions are important in building social relations and community cooperation, as shown in Table 3.2.
Table 3.2: Important institutions for building social relations
INSTITUTION
LC I
Youth and women
councillors
Traditional leaders:
Clan and elders
Local associations and
self-help groups in the
community
Religious bodies
NGOs
Other
ATTRIBUTES
Fostering local development, settling disputes.
A voice for youth and women in governance.
First line of consultation in settling disputes, respected,
lead rituals, allocate land, enforce discipline in the
community.
Especially for women and youth, and help for other
vulnerable groups.
Religious organisations promote good living,
collaborate with authorities, deliver information,
mobilise people, help people with financial and food
contributions and with labour.
Relief, development projects in a few communities
collaborate with district; generally absent from the
communities visited by UPPAP.
UNHCR, large-scale landlords, credit providers,
government programmes.
57
Local groups and associations are particularly important to local people, and were
especially noted by women and youth. These groups were considered important for:
Providing mutual support, learning skills, training and information.

Transporting and treating the sick 34 .
Community development activities, such as youth improving
environmental sanitation in Kampala.
Accessing land, cultivating and marketing produce.
Income-generation. Generating savings and lending to group members,
usually through revolving schemes, to pay for school fees, food, household
goods, and medical treatment.
Social interactions, and a spirit of oneness in the community.
Women appeared to be more involved in local, small-scale groups than men, even in
Kampala, because women said they have a higher level of trust and stability than
men. Women were said to need training, exposure to new ideas and information, to
give them the confidence to speak out [about] the problems affecting them.
However, constraints were noted in womens participation refusal of husbands to
allow wives to participate and womens lack of time due to their heavy workload.
Social relations and associations do not always have positive benefits, and some
associations make heavy demands on members to the point that livelihoods are
compromised. In the case of the Engozi societies in Kisoro, the call for the transport
of the sick to a health facility involves not only all able-bodied men to bear the
stretcher, but also all able-bodied women must come along to provide food and drink.
In one community at the time of the researchers visit, 14 patients had been carried to
hospital in the space of 3 weeks severely disrupting production. It is likely that in
recent times, this problem has been accentuated by the impact of HIV/AIDS on
households and communities.
Some projects and programmes undermine the existing social relations within a
community. For example, in one community in Kotido, local leaders challenged the
World Food Programmes Food for Work and Food for Education programmes
because these were separating the community, leading to expectation of rewards in
return for community work, and destroying the communitys traditional self-reliance.
34
For example, the Engozi societies in Kisoro, and women who join other community members in pooling
resources in Kalangala.
58
Analysis: Interventions must build on the peoples and the

communitys strengths in order to achieve the maximum
impact on reducing poverty. Elders, LCs and other social
institutions are often central to community co-operation and
cohesion. Involvement of such institutions can be important
for successful implementation of poverty reduction
interventions.
3.3
Cross-Cutting Factors Affecting Resource Access
During discussions on livelihood issues, local people identified several broad, crosscutting themes which affect access to livelihood resources. Whether an individual or
a household has enough to get by depends, at least in part, on their location, age,
gender and position within their community. These are discussed in the following
section. Local people also identified three other broad issues of importance in
securing access to what they need: levels of service provision, governance issues, and
security. These areas are discussed in Chapters 4, 5 and 6 respectively.
3.3.1 Location
District uniqueness
Although many similarities exist across the country, each district exhibited unique
features, as highlighted during community consultations and displayed in Table 3.3 .
Features of district uniqueness range from ecological to cultural, but the combination
factors often results in a regionally differentiated experience of poverty, and specific
questions of resource access. In Kotido, for example, where the traditional authorities
remain strong and the influence of outside cultures is resisted, neither education nor
social and behavioural problems were mentioned as causes or effects of poverty. This
was a complete contrast to the other eight districts.
Local people in the two distant districts of Kotido and Moyo complained of neglect by
the central government, such that they feel the district does not really belong to
Uganda at all. In the eyes of local people, much research has been performed and
promises made without a great deal of improvement in livelihoods or quality of life.
Further, the Karamojong claimed that when programmes are drawn up for the North
or East of Uganda, they are left out in both instances.
Table 3.3: Features of district uniqueness
District 35
Kampala
35
Unique features
The central importance of money for survival and material
possessions; politicisation of many aspects of life and
livelihoods; importance of markets and petty trade for
livelihood and social interaction; population pressure, increased
by rural-urban migration; drainage problems.
No unique features were reported for Bushenyi District.
59
District 35
Kisoro
Kumi
Kotido
Kapchorwa
Kalangala
Kabarole
Moyo
Unique features
Mountainous terrain; Batwa are marginalised; clan system
strong; distant; isolated.
Dependence on oxen for cultivation and subsequent effect of
cattle-raiding.
Clan/elder system strong; pastoralism and transhumance;
ownership of guns for defence widespread; cattle-raiding seen
as a livelihood; resistance to outside cultures.
Female circumcision practised; trade across Kenyan border;
strong culture; HIV/AIDS not well-known; wheat production.
Eighty-four islands in Lake Victoria; water transport; migratory
population; dependence on fishing and fish catch; prostitution
as a livelihood; gender issues strongly vocalised by women.
Prone to earthquakes; pastoralist boys drop out of school to
herd animals; tea estates.
Refugees- in camps and spontaneously settled; population
movement in and out of Sudan due to insecurity; land not sold
but given by landlords.
Researchers Analysis: UPPAP has highlighted the unique

features of poverty that exist in each district (Table 3.3), as well as
the district dimensions of livelihood strategies (Table 3.1). This
location specificity presents a challenge to policy-makers,
particularly as the priorities for expenditure on poverty reduction
at central level do not always match priorities at district level.
Therefore, local governments require flexibility over the use of
conditional funds in order to respond to local priority needs for
poverty eradication.
Variation within districts

Even within one district, poverty varies between communities. For example, in
Bushenyi, a district selected as one in which poverty-line statistics indicate that
poverty has decreased in recent years, pockets of poverty still exist. By comparing
relatively advantaged and disadvantaged rural communities in Bushenyi, 36 some
36
Disadvantaged (Rwenkurijo) and advantaged (Kyeitembe and Bugarama) communities were chosen on
differences in income-generation, trade and level of farming livelihood.
60
important factors were elucidated which detail the importance of location in gaining
access to different livelihood resources. These included:
Regular and appreciated extension service delivery. In the case of

Kyeitembe, progressive farmers expressed appreciation of the extension
services delivered by the Uganda National Farmers Association. Proximal
social services, particularly health care.
Good roads, lying close to the major highway from Mbarara to Fort
Portal. Proximity to urban centre of Bushenyi, and access to markets.
Community co-operation, linked to having few migrants.
Participatory leaders, including MPs who consult and who have
facilitated the formation of youth and womens groups; involvement of
women in decision-making; and good flow of information through the LC
system. Presence of groups and community associations.
Researchers Analysis: The above comparison of communities

within Bushenyi District, serves to highlight some of the areas that
are essential for reducing poverty. These include access to
services and markets available and reachable by good roads-,
provision of extension advice, as well as good governance that
fosters participation, consultation and information flow; coupled
with strong social capital.
Rural urban differences

Significant differences were noted between the face of poverty in rural areas and in
urban areas. These are summarised in Table 3.4. Perceptions of poverty also differ
between rural and urban communities. For example, while theft was cited as a
problem in both towns and villages, in rural areas it was viewed as a cause of poverty
in which the culprit was an outsider, yet in urban areas it was seen as a consequence
of poverty. Local people in Kampala felt that those living in rural areas are better-off
as they have free access to accommodation, water, transport and land, and food and
education are cheaper. They felt that those living in urban communities must have
cash to get by.
61
Table 3.4: Predominant features of rural and urban poverty
Rural
failure to educate children
limited access to health facilities
poor planning for resource use
poor roads
food insecurity, and poor yields
constraints to agricultural
productivity
impoverishment due to old age
men abandoning their families
alcoholism as an effect
Urban
HIV/AIDS
lack of employment and poorly paid
jobs
loss of assets
low income compared to the high
cost of living
lack of co-operation in household
and community
idleness
early marriage and pregnancies, as
an effect of the frustrations of
poverty
Links between rural and urban areas were emphasised during the consultations in the
36 communities.
Production and marketing, as well as good roads, in rural areas affect the
availability and prices of produce sold in urban centres, as expressed by a
man in Kisenyi, Kampala.
Here in Kisenyi, our businesses depend on good roads that lead to the city, as
well as good feeder roads in the villages. For example, because some of the
roads in Kabarole were repaired, we have been able to get plenty of matooke
and passion fruits from that side.
Business man, Kisenyi, Kampala
Migration occurs from rural areas to urban areas in search of economic

opportunities, medical treatment and higher quality education. Migration
of relatives to Kampala was said to put a strain on the household
resources. While in Kotido, migration of youth from the town back to the
villages was seen to cause the spread of HIV/AIDS in rural areas.
Money is remitted from urban areas to rural centres, and food from rural
to urban centres.
Urban poverty was worsening for people consulted in Kampala. Poverty in the city
is exemplified by the ability to get by in the city, which undoubtedly revolved around
money. In Kampala, life is money, without which survival and advancement is
impossible. In urban areas, particularly in Kampala, unlike in rural communities,
62
everything must be purchased food, water, accommodation, hiring of land,

socialising, access to information, even going to the toilet.
Who in a rural area would think that you have to pay money every time you go
to the toilet? Yet for us in the city, you have to even plan how many times you
can use the toilets and how much you will need to pay. This shows that money
is central to each and everything in the city.
Man, Nakulabye, Kampala
In the city, expenditure on the basic necessities was often said to be higher than
income. However, some communities noted that living in urban areas has some
positive aspects, such as opportunities for earning an income and learning new social,
technical and political skills. However, such gains are tempered by the centrality of
the search for money. Many people in urban communities rely on petty trade or jobs
which are often lowly paid and casual. However, men thought that women were able
to earn more than men in the city, and in general women were seen as having fewer
social restrictions to earning an income and acquiring property.
3.3.2 Gender
The inequalities that exist between women and men in Uganda are indicated by
various studies and statistics. 37 Many relate to the fact that men and women have
different levels of access to livelihood resources, ranging from education to land.
This section emphasises those findings that were highlighted by local people, or
which give specific emphasis to key areas; or that may present new insights into
gender relations. Finally, it must be noted that the gender dimensions of poverty
cannot be handled in isolation of culture, location and age.
Roles and responsibilities of men and women shape their view of poverty
The different roles and responsibilities of men and women seem to shape their view of
poverty. Women, as the carers, focussed on the household the social and physical
well being of the members, health care, education, children, the character of their
husbands, marital breakdown, food and water availability, market access, hygiene and
household assets.
Men, as the traditional income earners, focused on their
responsibilities for providing for the family, and community needs security,
productive assets, livelihood, income, provision of food and other needs for the
family, housing, services and infrastructure.
Marriage and its impact on poverty
While marriage was viewed by some as providing economic security to women
through the husbands income-generating activities, some urban women viewed such
economic dependence as increasing their vulnerability because the man can just send
37
Inequalities exist in that women have less access to productive assets, information, income and have a lower
education (Uganda National Household Survey 1997 2.5 times as many women as men had never attended
school, and 1.6 times as many men had attained P7. Further, 49% of women compared to 25% of men are illiterate.
According to UNICEF, women perform 80% of the work for the income and the food to sustain the household .
63
her away with nothing or she can be sent to the village to cope with poverty
(Kampala). Local people also pointed to the extreme vulnerability of a woman upon
the death of her husband, as discussed in Chapter Two.
The differential effects of bride price on men and women were noted in districts such
as Kotido, Moyo, Kapchorwa, Kumi and Kabarole, and are illustrated by the case
study below. For men, the high bride price leads to financial impoverishment, having
to marrying late, engaging in loose unions, remaining single, or visiting prostitutes.
For women, the payment of bride price may lead to a woman being regarded as
property. In such cases, she may have no rights to assets (Kumi), she is expected to
work hard as a slave to the man for the rest of her life as she was dearly paid for, her
negotiating and decision-making capabilities are undermined (Moyo), and her purpose
in life is to reproduce until all the eggs God put in her are finished. The woman is
seen as a source of labour, such that a man with many wives was considered to be
wealthy in some communities because he had a higher income-generating capacity.
Further, she may be treated as the man wishes, even beaten to death without
interference of neighbours or even her parents (Man, Moyo).
Case Study: Poverty caused by bride price

Mr. Byaruhanga, a youth from Mahasa, Kabarole, started by defining bride price
as the expenditure the man intending to marry incurs in the form of cash and
animals. He said that in the Bakiga community, the bride price is too much, and
it has a trick in it. There are two forms of marriage among the Bakiga,
traditional and church. Whichever one chooses, he has to pay the bride price, at
times as high as 500,000 shillings and four animals, to be allowed to marry
someones daughter peacefully.
When you are poor and cannot raise the requirements, you cannot marry
According to Mr Byaruhanga, this has caused poverty in the community. Where
money cannot easily be realised for payment of bride price, at times parents of
the groom end up selling their land.
Both women and men support the continuation of payment of bride price, even in
cases such as in Labwor in Kotido, Kumi and Moyo where they no longer have cows
with which to pay. Girls are seen as travellers cheques in Kotido as they can
potentially bring wealth to the family. Other consequences of bride price payment
include womens apparent resignation to the fact that they cannot leave the man
because this would mean impoverishing their families as they must repay the cows.
In Moyo, district officials reported a high rate of marital separations. On
investigation in the communities, the researchers discovered that this was due to an
inability to pay the full bride price. In Moyo, it was, therefore, suggested that
lowering of the expected bride price and payment in instalments were possible
strategies for reducing poverty.
64
Women listed adultery as a cause of poverty. Men with mistresses were said to steal
and sell household assets. In such cases, the wife is usually mistreated and further
suppressed with regard to engaging in business and accessing assets. Not only does
such behaviour lead to further household impoverishment, but to transmission of HIV
and other sexually transmitted diseases.
Gender dimensions of alcohol
Alcohol has a striking gender dimension. Women are the brewers of local alcohol in
communities, while men are their main customers. This is interesting in that women
brew to support the family and men were often reported as depleting household
resources to drink. Also women decried the negative effects that mens drinking has
on their relationships and on household well-being such as disunity, violence,
laziness in men, theft, and loss of assets.
Access and ownership of resources by women differ with location
The inequality of access, control, ownership and inheritance of assets between men
and women was well recognised in all communities visited, but the extent of this
inequity varied between localities. This dimension of poverty was recognised by
many community members, including by Moslems, as described below:
As Moslems, we have our guidelines on allocation of land and property to our
family members. One-eighth of my land and other property goes to the wives.
Male children take three-tenths and the clan heads handle the remainder. Our
girls are not catered for on grounds that they will get property from their
husbands. This is, however, unfair because if a girl does not get married or is
divorced, where does she go?
Elderly man, Bwaise, Kampala
In general, women do not own land, but usually do own household utensils, although
whatever is brought into the household, is eventually owned and controlled by the
husband (Kumi). Access and control of assets differed between urban and rural
communities. In urban areas, women were said to be economically independent and
so more responsible for acquiring assets and, hence, more likely to own them.
However, in rural areas womens access was largely through men. In all cases,
women complained that access to productive assets was denied upon divorce or
separation.
In districts such as Kotido and Kapchorwa, men take most of the household decisions
and control most of the assets, even the income and produce from ventures in which
they have little participation such as the proceeds from petty trade, sale of produce
and brewing. However, in districts such as Kumi, Moyo and Kabarole decisionmaking on expenditure and sale of assets and produce depended on the relationship
and co-operation between the husband and the wife. Involvement in decision-making
reflects the degree of access and control a woman has over household assets
65
Analysis: The differential access and ownership between men and

women, leads to differences in poverty within the household, with
women being poorer. Differential power relations within the
household have the potential to constrain earning capacities and to
create competition in expenditure. Therefore, it must be remembered
that interventions designed to benefit the household may not
necessarily benefit female members.
Restricted participation for women in community affairs despite affirmative action

Women appreciated their involvement in local government councils and in womens
councils. It was seen as an opportunity to have their voice heard, and as an avenue for
effective resolution of disputes. But these women councillors, like their male
colleagues, also neglected their constituency at times. It should be remembered that
the number of such women involved in decision-making in governance is small.
In some instances, younger men said that they wanted the women to speak out in
meetings. But, ironically, they did not like the Womens Empowerment Programme
operating across the district of Moyo, or their women attending. Many cases were
reported in the 9 districts of husbands refusing, sometimes with violence, womens
participation in community meetings. Women recommended that men should be
sensitised to understand the importance of such meetings to the household and to the
community, and to understand that it is not just women gossiping and promoting
idleness.
Relationships and status determine access to justice for women?
Men and women have different roles and different status in the community in which
they live. As such, men regard women as having a lower status: men in Sismach,
Kapchorwa stated: for everything in the village, men first, women last. In general,
higher value is placed on the boy child, with women obtaining their status from
marriage and their husband.
Womens status also explains the discrimination reported by women in some cases
where they seek justice for offences involving men. For example, in Moyo, probation
and child welfare officers could be bribed by men to drop the case. Therefore,
women requested female officers in such posts and throughout the judiciary system.
In Kalangala, women report discrimination by LCs and male community members in
cases of mistreatment by men, as illustrated below:
66
Sometimes, we are seriously wronged by other people, usually men. Men beat
us or abuse us sexually. When we report these incidents to the Local Council,
they only tell us to keep our patience. Eventually, they forget about the case
and drop it. Some of the wrongdoers are themselves LC officials. If you try to
pursue a case to the Kalangala Police Station, no single boat owner will allow
you to use their boat or engine to go. They always protect their fellow rich and
powerful. In any case, even this means raising money for fuel and hire of a
boat and the engine. In the end, you simply give up and suffer quietly.
Women, Misonzi, Kalangala
Womens increasing economic opportunities but unchanging social status

In many communities, local people reported that women have limited economic
opportunities, due to their low social status, relationships with men, lack of ownership
and access to productive assets, low participation in decision-making, and heavy
workload. Many womens opportunities are limited because husbands object to
women earning an income.
If our men were not to oppress us with a lot of work in the home educating
the children, looking after them, taking care of the home and family - we
would also go out to look for ideas and money.
Women, Kapchorwa
In Bushenyi District, womens income from the sale of a traditional crop, bananas,
has reportedly declined due to increased interest of men in cultivating bananas on a
larger scale as a cash crop 38 and development of a suitable market. Such cash crops
bring regular income to men. On the other hand, the well-being of women and
children may not have improved accordingly: local people reported that transfer of
land use and womens labour from food crops to cash crops for sale has reduced the
variety of food grown and consumed in the household, resulting in malnutrition in
children.
38
Data showing that one of the major determinants of decreases in rural poverty has been the ability to grow and
market traditional cash crops. As men are more involved in cash cropping and women in growing food crops for
the household, this decrease in poverty may preferentially impact on men. Further, where women are involved in
cash cropping, they have little access to the profits and they spend time at the expense of household food
production. Poverty Status Report 1999 and Poverty Trends in Uganda 1992-96.
67
Analysis: The situation with matooke grown as a cash crop in

Bushenyi requires further investigation in order to fully assess
the impact on the entire household. Care must be taken to
ensure that introduction of new technology, or encouraging
new methods or foci to improve productivity and to increase
household income, does not increase the labour demands on
women, and that their access to income is also promoted.
By contrast, in Kalangala and Kampala, women are increasingly seeking employment

outside the home. This was reported as a necessity in Kampala due to unemployment,
and in Kalangala due to the declining fish catch. In Kampala, many women are
involved in petty trading; and in Kalangala, they are involved in hotel and restaurant
businesses. However, it appears that women are only able to access the lower paying
types of casual labour. For casual labour in Kumi, a woman can earn 200-500
shillings per day, while a man can earn 500-1500 shillings.
Analysis: It is commonly presumed that strengthening of

womens economic position in the household will lead to the
enhancement of their social and political status. However,
working women report that not only are they required to
continue their domestic role but also to take on some of the
former responsibilities of the man such as educating children.
Hence, overall womens workloads are actually increasing.
3.3.3 Age
Age is also an important dimension of poverty that featured strongly in community
consultations. Both the elderly as discussed in Chapter Two and youth were
reported to encounter particular problems in gaining access to livelihood resources.
Male youth in nearly every community visited complained of their particular
vulnerability to poverty. They usually expressed a desire to advance socially and
economically but needed guidance and some assistance. They said they were always
on the verge of collapse due to the following factors:
Lack of vocational skills and lack of accessible, affordable training.

Lack of productive assets, particularly land.
68
Lack of income, capital, and access to credit, such that they eat poorly, live like
rats, and cannot afford medical treatment.
Lack income-generation opportunities, such that they often depend on
employment by the better-off in return for low and irregular wages.
Over-spending.
Poverty was reported to force such youth into theft, or to join the rebels, or to
smoking marijuana, listed as a major impact of poverty in Kampala.
Female youth were also reported to be vulnerable. In Kapchorwa, girls were still said
to be held back from attending school. Further, in many of the districts, young girls
were said to be vulnerable to AIDS.
Analysis: From community consultations, male youth appear

to be disaffected due to the lack of opportunities for financial
gain and consequently, social well-being.
Targeted
programmes could be considered to assist such youth. For
example, the Youth Clubs proposed under the Plan for
Modernisation of Agriculture, may be beneficial.
3.3.4 Isolation and exclusion

While some communities are isolated by location and lack of infrastructure, social
isolation also occurs within the community itself. The exclusion that results often
causes the excluded group or individual to have reduced access to livelihood
resources.
Social exclusion from community affairs
Certain groups of people are excluded from community affairs. These individuals,
therefore, lack social support, which exacerbates poverty, as they do not benefit from
community development activities and information. Example are listed below:
Those with anti-social or bad behaviour thieves, witches or wizards, adulterers,

and drunkards.
Those who are lazy or negligent and do not contribute to community efforts.
Those with diseases such as leprosy and AIDS, in some cases. In Kumi and
Kalangala, local people are reluctant to visit an AIDS sufferer, not because of fear
of transmission but because these people continually ask for welfare.
The illiterate may not be invited to meetings convened by the educated because
they are seen as unable to contribute financially or verbally.
69
Women and youth are excluded from community decision-making in Kotido, a

role reserved for male elders.
Those of a lower socio-economic status, either determined by birth or in the case
of Kabarole, Kalangala and Kampala, by achievements in important economic
activities
Ethnic minorities, such as the Batwa in Kisoro; the Banyarwanda and Barundi in
Kalangala; the Bakiga in Kabarole; and the Sudanese refugees in Moyo who pay
Ugandan taxes but are excluded from government benefits see text box.
Case Study: The Batwa, Kisoro

The Batwa are a small group of people living in south-western Uganda.
Traditionally, they were forest dwellers.
Community members in Mukungu said of the Batwa: The entire community of
the Batwa are poor.They lack access to productive resources. The UPPAP
research team reported that The Batwa depend on begging as a form of
livelihood. They neither cultivate, nor have land or permanent homes, having
been evicted from the forests (Mgahinga Game Reserve) which they used to
inhabit. They now feel that it is their right to be given money, food, clothes and
shelter by anybody, and they achieve this through begging. Despite their being
the poorest in Kisoro, they are resigned to their situation.
Other ethnic groups in Kisoro despise the Batwa. They are regarded as people
with no rights tax exemption is taken as a sign that the government does not
recognise them. Hence, when they are mistreated such as being beaten both
Uncircumcised
in Kapchorwa
see
textnowhere
box. to go to report such
the Batwa and women
others feel
that the Batwa
have
instances.
Case Study: Uncircumcised women bring bad luck in Kapchorwa
Men and elderly women of the Sabiny culture attributed misfortunes, suffering,
conflict, and deteriorating traditional values to uncircumcised women. Such
women bring bad luck and they are avoided or socially overlooked. The
following statements illustrate the sentiments expressed:
When you meet an uncircumcised woman when you are chasing (raiders) to
recover your cattle, you may not return home safely.
Uncircumcised women do not respect men. They (even) call us by name.
Others isolate themselves from social activities

Other people isolate themselves from community affairs, thereby restricting their
access to development benefits and social support. Such people do not participate in
70
community decisions and they benefit less from information and service provision.
Those who isolate themselves include:
The illiterate, especially women, as they fear demonstrating their ignorance.

The very poor, who are embarrassed and fear embarrassing others due to their
shabby clothes and lack of shoes.
AIDS sufferers
Widows, especially when their in-laws wrong them, they have no income, or their
husband has died of AIDS.
Analysis: Policy, programmes and specific interventions must be

inclusive, designed not to exclude any groups, particularly the
vulnerable. Further, deliberate measures must be taken to target
vulnerable groups to enhance their inclusion in interventions.
Mobilisation and sensitisation of implementers and potential
beneficiaries should also be carried out.
71
CHAPTER FOUR
SERVICES AND INFRASTRUCTURE: ARE THE POOR BENEFITTING?
This chapter presents local peoples insights concerning service provision and
infrastructure. Lack of access to adequate services and poor infrastructure was seen
to lead to community and household poverty.
Poor health is a major cause and consequence of poverty, affecting peoples ability to
work and support the family. Restricted access to health care was discussed
frequently, in terms of affordability, availability and quality of services. In all
districts, cost sharing of health services was seen as leading to unnecessary suffering
and further impoverishment; many poor people simply cannot afford to pay for health
care.
Many local people value education as a means of moving out of the intergenerational
cycle of poverty. As such, UPE is widely appreciated. However, concerns exist over
access to and quality of education. The poor still cannot afford the indirect costs of
education, and the children of such families are often unable to attend school.
Access to clean water for household consumption featured as a high priority in more
than 20 of the 36 communities visited by UPPAP. Local people associated diseases
with unclean water and with poor hygiene practices.
Produce markets are highly valued, but limited access including high dues, and
exploitation - does not allow the poor an opportunity to obtain reasonable profits
from the sale of their produce, and thus increases poverty.
Local people value credit, but widely believe that terms and delivery mechanisms of
current programmes do not favour them.
Local people expressed a demand for extension services to find a means of increasing
productivity and income. For them, a successful extension service must reach the
community, be accessible to all, and offer relevant measures and information.
Lack of all-weather roads hinders community development. Across the 36
communities consulted, improvement in roads was the most frequently cited priority
problem.
4.1 Health
Poor health was the most frequently mentioned cause and impact of poverty. Local
people emphasise that there is no room for ill health if one is to survive, as illustrated
below.
As long as one is healthy, he thinks properly for his family, is able to travel to
towns to do business for the well-being of the family, can cultivate land,
construct shelter and work harder.
Man, Sismach, Kapchorwa
Health issues were major features of local peoples lives. Poor health, unaffordable
health care, distant facilities and low quality services were issues raised during
consultations. In addition, comments were given on AIDS, family planning,
immunisation and effects of alcoholism.
4.1.1. Key issues in health
Health and poverty
In several districts, local people perceived that the types and incidence of diseases had
changed, highlighting in particular deaths due to preventable diseases such as malaria
and measles. Infant mortality and morbidity were also seen to have risen 39 despite
recent perceived improvements in health service infrastructure since the late 1980s.
Illness and poor nutrition, often due to lack of food, were perceived as restricting
ones ability to work hard to support the family. The costs of medical treatment place
additional burdens on the household, particularly in families with many children,
contributing to increased poverty, as illustrated below.
Today this child is suffering from malaria. Tomorrow another one develops
measles. The next day, the other child gets another disease. This goes on and
on, reducing household income, which would otherwise have been used to buy
household essential requirements.
Youth, Ariet, Kumi
AIDS
In general, local people were aware of AIDS. However, in more remote, rural sites in
Moyo, Kapchorwa and Kotido, the causes and consequences were poorly understood,
particularly amongst women. They said that they had not received any sensitisation.
Perceived prevalence of AIDS varied with location. More cases were recognised by
39
Between 1995-6 and 1997 prevalence of diarrhoea increased in children under 5 years in both rural and urban
areas Uganda National Household Survey 1997.
72
local people in urban areas. Further, in Kapchorwa, Moyo and Kisoro few cases were
cited perhaps due to limited knowledge - while in Kampala, Kalangala, Kotido,
Kabarole, Kumi and Bushenyi, AIDS was reported as affecting affect many people. 40
Analysis: Analysis of the HIV/AIDS statistics for many of the

districts consulted were not reliable. Gross under-reporting of
HIV infections does not allow representative cumulative
incidence estimates to be made in each district to support or
refute the community perceptions. Under-reporting appears to
be a severe problem. The reasons, for example in a district such
as Kalangala, include lack of health centres.
Local people perceived AIDS as a cause and a consequence of poverty, 41

exacerbating the poor persons situation. In common with other diseases, AIDS was
seen to result in the loss of ability to work, use of scarce resources to pay for
treatments, and the burden of care placed on relatives. Factors seen as specific to
AIDS were the death of husbands, making widows and orphans vulnerable to poverty,
and exclusion from the community.
Drunkards, young girls, youth, men who inherit widows, and polygamous families
were seen as more vulnerable to HIV infection. Social and cultural issues were
blamed for the spread of HIV ignorance, infidelity, intentional spreading,
prostitution, witchcraft, migration to towns, and use of non-sterile instruments by
traditional healers. Despite peoples awareness of the routes of transmission, unsafe
practices were continued.
40
The extent of the problem is noted in the Poverty Status Report 1999 which notes that just under 10% of the
population (1.9 million) are infected with HIV; that the incidence has peaked in urban areas, but is still rising in
rural areas.
41
Kalangala, Kampala, Bushenyi, Moyo, Kumi, Kisoro.
73
Analysis: Continued sensitisation concerning HIV

infections and AIDS-related conditions is still needed,
particularly in rural and remote areas. Safe practices and
support for sufferers evident in many parts of Uganda must
be transferred to all areas. This is of particular importance
because the incidence of HIV is estimated to be increasing
in rural areas. Continued sensitisation concerning HIV
infections and AIDS-related conditions is still needed,
particularly in rural and remote areas. Safe practices and
support for sufferers evident in many parts of Uganda must
be transferred to all areas. This is of particular importance
because the incidence of HIV is estimated to be increasing
in rural areas.
Alcoholism
School children in Bbeta, Kalangala said: some of our parents spend most of their
time drinking alcohol. Drunkardness wastes money and also brings sickness.
Consumption of alcohol by men was said to be increasing in both rural and urban
communities.
It was acknowledged that too much drinking depletes the body,
making the individual sickly and behave like a mad person (Buhozi, Kisoro).
Drinking was said to drag one to borrow and sell the little food in the house (man
who drinks, Chokwe, Moyo), and even to sell their land and leave their wives without
land to grow foo. (Buhozi, Kisoro).
In general, no sympathy is felt for the man who drinks, although people realise that
the frustration of being poor leads to drinking in order to forget ones problems.
However, the family, particularly the wife, of a drunkard suffers, as shown in the
textbox below. Men ask for the produce or the proceeds from sale in order to buy
alcohol, often resorting to violence in their demands. Property, including food, can be
confiscated to cover the drinkers debts, leaving the family empty and hungry.
74
4.1.2. Barriers of access to health care services

Access to health care is limited for many poor people, particularly those with limited
assets and large families, due to the costs of the services and the unavailability of
proximal, well-equipped and staffed facilities 42 .
Distance and availability of health services
Many rural communities consulted lack health units and people are, therefore, forced
to travel long distances to access facilities. This severely limits rural peoples access
to health services in all districts, except Kampala and the better-off communities in
Bushenyi. Lack of ambulance services, impassable roads, swollen streams without
bridges and expensive public transport make journeys difficult. Rural communities in
districts such as Kisoro, Kotido and Kalangala said that if a person fell sick in the
night, their life was in the hands of God until morning when the long journey by
stretcher, rented boat or boda boda 43 could be attempted. Long distances and lack of
transport lead to increased morbidity and preventable deaths, as shown in the text box
below.
When diagnosis requires stool examination, they send the patients to Kali
Health Centre (25km away) at Ibakwe. Since many people lack means of
transport, they just give up, go home and sometimes die!.
Refugee, Iboa, Moyo
A young man of around 30 took poison because of social problems. He

underwent some treatment though[it was] inadequate...He was never taken to
hospital. When his condition grew worse there was no transport to take him to
a health unit. He died a week after taking the medicine.
Participant, Kalangala town, Kalangala
The existing health facilities are overloaded, and local people stressed the need for
more health units located closer to the community. Private health facilities44 do
relieve the pressure on public services in some cases, but although these services are
perceived to offer a better quality of service, they can be expensive.
Seasonality also affects access to existing health services. In Kapchorwa and Moyo,
some vaccination campaigns coincide with periods of food shortage, such that
immunisation is not a priority; or with the rainy season, when access to immunisation
stations is restricted. The result is that immunisations are missed or delayed, and local
people report that children are dying of measles and tetanus.
42
UPPAP findings support the findings in the 1997 Uganda National Household Survey, and discussed in the
Poverty Status Report 1999, found that 56% of the population could not afford to attend a health facility the last
time someone in the family was ill. In the North, this figure falls to only 35% .
43
Boda boda hired bicycle transport.
44
Those operated by NGOs, religious organisations and individuals.
75
Lack of health facilities is compounded by lack of specialised services in existing

facilities. Local people complained of lack of maternity services, antenatal care,
family planning, laboratory, X-ray machines, surgery, and outreach. District medical
officials 45 reported that service delivery was constrained by lack of funds to provide
more facilities and services.
Analysis: As stressed above, the poor living in rural areas

are not easily able to access health care services due to too
few facilities located too far from their communities. The
PEAP aims to refocus health services in rural areas, and the
Ministry of Health is working on developing a national
health care delivery structure. However, the districts alone
will not be able to enact these two policies to provide more
facilities and to train more health workers. Conditional
grants may focus in these areas.
Medical Costs
Cost-sharing is not for the poor was a sentiment echoed by local people in all
communities visited. In Moyo, local people said that access and attendance of health
facilities had decreased since the introduction of cost-sharing. This practice was seen
as jeopardising the Governments good intentions to help the poor. Time and time
again, local people said consultation fees, treatment charges, drug costs and other
charges 46 prohibited many poor people from obtaining care in health units. 47 Failure
to pay the fees before treatment lead to unnecessary suffering and deaths, as shown by
the following quotations.
45
Kabarole and Kalangala.

Other charges reported exercise book, supplies (syringes, razor blades), registration fee, admission fee,
prescription fee, and bribes.
47
In Kampala, people reported being charged 3,000 10,000 shillings for each clinic visit.
46
76
In the 1990s, you have to pay for medical care and drugs. Many die in the
villages because they cannot afford to pay the user charges. Those who have
some money pay, but get insufficient treatment.
Mens discussion group, Agoos, Kumi
In Kapchorwa Hospitalbefore touching you (health staff attend to you),

one has to pay500 shillings and an admission fee of 1,000 shillings, forcing
those who have no money to remain at home with no treatment.
Man, Chema, Kapchorwa
...The most recent and vivid example was when there was an outbreak of
cholera. No one bothered about those who did not have money and as a result,
most of them died. Those who survived had to pay a lot of money in private
clinics.
Male youth, Chokwe, Moyo
Medical costs, especially for private clinics utilised when services are lacking in
government facilities, were often cited as one of the major household expenditures,
making poor households poorer when sickness hits the family. Even if treatment was
given before payment, failure to pay was reported as resulting in confiscation of
property in Moyo. Women were felt to be more affected by costs than men, as they
are responsible for caring for the family, are prone to birth complications, and have
limited access to funds. Men were said to look after themselves.
The necessity to pay for treatment up front at every visit to formal health facilities
leads local people to seek care from traditional healers and Traditional Birth
Attendants (TBAs) as fees are charged according to the ability to pay, treatment is
provided on credit, and the providers are courteous and available in the community.
This is even the case in Kampala, where many local people reported using traditional
healers as a first line of treatment. Others purchase medication from often unlicensed
drug shops and treat themselves, or save some of the tablets prescribed for future
emergency. Where access to formal services cannot be avoided, local people rely on
relatives and neighbours for cash and care, or they sell assets to meet the treatment
costs.
Analysis: As demonstrated above, poor health is associated

with increasing poverty. Policies for poverty reduction
should, therefore, look seriously at how poor people might
gain access to adequate health care. Regulation of charges,
monitoring of service delivery and cost relief to the poor are
all strategies which might address the issues raised by local
communities.
77
The cost of medication often leads people to take fewer tablets than the recommended
dose, leading to further health problems, as illustrated by this quote:
When you fall sick and you have no money for treatment, then you are poor.
With sickness, property and assets land, livestock- are sold off to raise the
costs involved. When you have little money, you end up taking few drugs,
sometimes the wrong types because many times its the children sent to the
drug shop. With this kind of poverty, the sickness just continues due to
improper treatment.
Woman, Sismach, Kapchorwa
Analysis: The lack of affordable drugs is a serious

constraint to improving the health of the poor. Therefore,
priority must be given to ensuring that drugs are available at
a cost that people can afford.
Local people also raised the issue of high costs for poor quality services. The major
complaints concerned supply of drugs, maternity services, and the quality of treatment
by health personnel. Local people felt that they were required to pay dearly for health
services that often did not adequately treat their condition by staff who were in some
instances incompetent, discriminatory, and irresponsible. They felt that at least in
private clinics, if they could afford the price, they were more likely to receive
effective treatment.
The issue of long waiting times also emerged repeatedly in discussions. A refugee
man from Iboa in Moyo said when you go for treatment, you can wait until evening to
get it! There were also complaints of long queues, which are jumped by those who
can afford to offer extra money to health staff. These increased costs were perceived
as discouraging the poor from seeking treatment.
Poor supply of drugs and equipment in government health facilities
In all districts, local people reported the poor supply of drugs in government clinics
and hospitals. People report that they pay the prescription fee in Government
hospitals, only to be informed that the drugs are unavailable. This situation is
explained in the box below.
The medicine they give this sub-county is very little. They give 5cc for malaria
treatment. One person can take 2cc and this is medicine for 3 months. I also
put in my own stock because it is demoralizing for someone to come from far
islands when he/she has hired a boat, and you tell him/her that there is no
medicine.
Nurse-in-charge, Mazinga Health Unit, Kalangala
78
Local people perceived that drugs are being deliberately diverted or withheld from
distribution. People perceived that drugs were kept for civil servants and their
families, so that other people would be told there were no drugs even just after a
delivery. In Agoos, Kumi one man stated: when you want proper treatment in the
government hospital, time the arrival of the vehicle that brings drugs.
In all districts, government heath staff would refer patients to specific private clinics
or drug shops to fill their prescription for drugs, as illustrated below. In some cases,
the same health staff ran these same clinics and drug shops monopolising the drug
supply 48 .
..first you pay a registration fee before you are given a prescription for
treatment for the disease you are suffering from. Then you are asked to go and
buy from a clinic, which is very expensive. Most of the drugs are not even there
in health clinics.
Father of 4 children, Iboa, Moyo
An example of shortage of equipment is the case of polio vaccination campaigns.

These are much appreciated in all districts because of the high degree of mobilisation,
effective outreach and the free service offered. High coverage rates 49 were reported:
reaching every household. However, parents were concerned that nurses may be
selling or re-using needles: it looks like those who immunise sell the needles because
even if the babies are many, you only see a few needles around (participants in
Kapchorwa).
Attitudes and competence of health personnel
In some communities, the private community health workers or the health unit staff
were highly regarded by the community, but were also usually seen as underresourced and overworked. The community nurse in Mazinga, Kalangala, is an
excellent example of a hard working and dedicated practitioner who is of immense
benefit to the community, as illustrated below. Reports of understaffing were made
from several districts. 50
The place where I am operating is my personal home My home is
convenient to the peopleI am overloaded in this health unit. I am
everything. Whenever I go away to collect medicine or to immunise on the
other islands, this community suffers. I also lack facilitation for outreach
programmes.
Nurse Mazinga Kalangala
48
Reported in Moyo, Kumi, and Kabarole.

Bushenyi District officials report 90% coverage for polio immunisation. National target by 2003 is 60% children
immunised for all childhood diseases- Poverty Status Report 1999; 1997 coverage rates polio at birth=67%,
BCG=81%, DPT=82%, measles=64% - Uganda National Household Survey 1997.
50
A 1997 manpower survey revealed that only 36% of the required health personnel are in-post Inventory of
Health Services in Uganda Ministry of Health.
49
79
However, more often local people complained about the quality of treatment by
government health personnel, expressing the following concerns:
Lack of well-qualified staff, doctors and nurses. Unpunctual, absent and

unreliable staff.
Incompetence, negligence and a dont care attitude, such as in the case of
the youth in Kalangala town who had a wound so deep in his head that he
could hardly stand, and who was sent to the local shops to buy a razor
blade and shave his own head before coming back for treatment. Women
complained that even children are neglected by health staff, as shown
below:
In these health units, they do not look at the eyes of the sick children, not even
listen to the beating of the heart. When you complain about stomach pain and
diarrhoea, they do not test your stool.
Woman, Iboa, Moyo
Rude and harsh manner, particularly to women. Trivialising womens

complaints, mistreating women in labour, 51 and lack of privacy.
If you are in labour they treat you like it is an offence. They wait at the last
minute and in case of complication, it is not easy to find a doctor. We have lost
babies and mothers because of this.
Woman, Celecelea, Moyo
Discrimination against poor people, particularly against women and

refugees, which discourages them from attending the clinic.
Corruption, mismanagement and lack of accountability for user fees in
government health facilities.
Unhygienic conditions.
The poor quality of treatment by health staff was understood in some cases to result
from lack of motivation due to understaffing, poor conditions, delayed and low
salaries. Community members recognised that qualified staff were concentrated in
urban communities 52 , and that they did not like working in remote areas. Further, lack
of supervision and quality standards were felt to be lacking.
Analysis: In addition to increased recruitment and training
of health staff, attention should be paid to monitoring the
performance of public and private personnel to ensure that a
minimum set of standards are maintained. Mechanisms for
reporting malpractice should be instituted.
51
Reported in Moyo, Kisoro, Kapchorwa, Kalangala, Kumi.

In Kampala there are 2,171 persons per doctor and 821 persons per nurse as compared to the national average of
26,145 and 4,710, respectively Poverty Status Report 1999.
52
80
Family planning and maternal care are not accessible to all poor women
Women complained that maternity services were not available to them close to their
communities and that the cost of delivery was high for example, in Kumi, 5,000
shillings for a girl and 7,000 for a boy was prohibitive. 53 When women did manage
to access the services, congestion led to mistreatment by health staff, as described
previously. Cases of neglect were cited, such as in Kitonzi village in Kabarole
District, where after a very premature delivery the mother was sent home immediately
with no instructions on how to care for the baby. The baby only survived due to the
care and expertise of the community health worker. Attendance of ante-natal care
was encouraged, although access was limited except in the cases where TBAs offered
the service 54 . However, this encouragement went as far as fining women at the
time of delivery in clinics if the woman had not attended ante-natal care.
TBAs were generally appreciated and highly respected, especially where they were
well trained and experienced, due to their flexible payment requirements and
proximity. Women used TBAs, even in Kampala, in an emergency or when access to
health facilities was limited due to cost or distance. However, concern was expressed
about the lack of facilities, cleanliness, and training such that local people were
nervous that TBAs could not be relied on in case of a complication.
Awareness of family planning was limited, although women reported the desire to
space births and to limit family size so that they could better care for their children.
Women reported that owing to culture they were made to feel that they had to keep
producing children. Even in Kampala, women were unsure of where to find the
family planning services. 55
Negative attitudes to family planning resulted from lack of information and from
reports of side effects such as excessive bleeding, infertility, severe back and stomach
pains, and cessation of menstruation. Such side effects led women to fear using
modern methods of family planning and justified mens refusal. Men discouraged or
denied women access to family planning, sometimes with violence, although limited
acknowledgement of the utility of traditional methods was made. Abstinence is not
an option for many women, as women can be harassed, beaten or divorced for
refusing their husbands sex.
4.1.3. Community Recommendations
Community recommendations to Government prioritised revision of cost-sharing;
availability of facilities, services, drugs and equipment; as well as improved quality of
services and manner of personnel, and sensitisation. These recommendations reflect
53
Only 38% of women in Uganda deliver in the presence of trained health personnel Uganda Human
Development Report 1998.
54
Uganda National Household Survey 1997 reports 38% of rural and 28% of urban women do not receive antenatal care.
55
These findings are contrary to the findings of Kaharuzi (1991) and Turyasingura et al (1989, 1992) who reported
a high knowledge of contraception among the women of Kampala.
81
the priorities of local people for the development of health services which meet their
needs. They are summarised in Table 4.1 below.
Table 4.1: Community recommendations for health services
Cost
Suggestions were made for free treatment for some
services (immunisation, ante-natal care, nutritional
conditions), diseases (AIDS, tuberculosis, guinea-worm),
and categories of vulnerable people (infants, the elderly,
the very poor).
Availability
Construction of more facilities in remote areas
Focus on regular, adequate and available supplies of drugs
to government facilities
Improved maternity and patient transport services
Quality
Train community health workers for rural areas, and
upgrade existing skills. More support to TBAs to
facilitate their continued work.
Adoption of laws for the operation of private clinics
Supervision and monitoring of health personnel
Sensitisation
Increase sensitisation, especially on family planning,
nutrition and AIDS
Analysis: The Primary Health Care policy needs a vehicle

to reach all communities, particularly those that are remote
or without health facilities. Provision of training for health
care workers, construction of health units in underserved
areas, development of health services at the community
level, and facilitation of effective outreach would provide
an excellent platform from which to launch prevention and
control messages and approaches. Also, the LC system is a
feasible means of reaching the community in order to
promote better health, and as a consequence, reduced
poverty.
82
4.2 Education
Local people value education both formal and vocational, as children and as adults as a means of rising out of poverty. Discussions with local people had a strong focus
on evaluating Universal Primary Education, introduced in 1997, which was broadly
appreciated. This section, firstly, raises some key issues in the relationship between
poverty and education, and describes how local people perceive existing education
services. It goes on to discuss local peoples perceptions of existing barriers to
education services.
4.2.1. Key issues in education
Education and poverty
Local people perceived their limited education 56 (illiteracy, ignorance, scarcity of
information, and lack of vocational skills) as a cause of household poverty. In turn,
being poor restricted their ability to educate their children, thus continuing the cycle
of poverty.
Community poverty was associated with poor quality education and lack of facilities
and programmes in the vicinity schools, vocational skills training for youth, and
adult literacy classes. This, in turn, led to underdevelopment of the community, lack
of schools, few employment opportunities, and shortages of professionals.
Most people value education, but some are disillusioned
In general, education was highly valued, as demonstrated by the frequency at which
such issues were raised as community priority problems, 57 as part of plans for
community action, and in visions for the future. Schools are regarded as vital social,
economic and educational institutions.
In five years time, Kitonzi should have a school for our children. Without a
school we shall remain blind. If Kitonzi gets a school, all our problems
will be solved.
Adults vision, Kitonzi, Bushenyi
Education, particularly of children, was seen as a route out of poverty for poor
individuals, households and communities, as shown below. Education was seen as
leading to employment and business opportunities, ability to withstand shocks and to
resist exploitation, skills to manage finances, and to good health.
56
In 1995, 36% of rural women, 15% of rural men, and 13% of urban women and 5% of urban men had never
been to school; 25% of males and 52% of women were illiterate Uganda National Household Survey 1995-96 .
57
28 of 36 communities listed some aspect of education- lack of access (cost and distance), poor facilities, quality,
discipline or illiteracy- in the top ten priority problems.
83
The village is too poor for one to stay in the future. However, the town also
does not have ready employment. If you stay in the village and do nothing, you
get blamed for any chickens that go missing from the village. Jiggers also eat
you up in all sorts of places. If on the other hand, you go to town, everyone
assumes that you have become a street kid and a thief. Towns have a lot of
accidents. The best thing to do is to stay in school and study, but many of us
cannot afford the cost of doing so.
Children, Kabarole
However, some local people are disillusioned - for them education has limited worth.
Some cited the declining quality of education, while others said that there were no
role models to encourage children to study. Some people felt that it was futile to
waste money educating their children if there were no jobs for them, or they would be
retrenched, or they would die of AIDS before they complete their education and could
benefit the family.
UPE Increased access with decreased quality?
Across all 9 districts, UPE was highly appreciated. Local people expressed little
doubt that the policy has benefited poorer households by reducing some of the
financial burden of educating children. It has enabled more disadvantaged children
those from poorer households, girls, orphans and the disabled - to attend and continue
in school.
In Kabarole, communities, and particularly children, congratulated the Government.
They saw UPE as a major intervention in the fight against poverty, through reduction
of illiteracy. In Moyo and Kapchorwa, where enrolment of girls has traditionally
been low, local people reported a sharp increase in their attendance, thanks to UPE.
In Kumi, local people acknowledged that even in fishing villages, where the culture
of not attending school was common, children are now going to school.
However, in Kampala and Kotido, although enrolments had increased, parents felt
that the cost of primary education had not declined significantly, expressing
sentiments like: what is free education? The only thing we know that is free is life!
(Woman, Kotido town, Kotido) and UPE has done more harm than good!
(Participants in all sites in Kampala). In Kampala, children were said to be out of
school because the parents could not afford the fees for private schools where
government schools, especially since were lacking.
Analysis: This issue of access to school for children in Kampala

needs further investigation.
Despite the popularity of UPE, local people raised serious concern about
implementation of the policy particularly, the deteriorating quality as a result of
increased enrolment. This point is exemplified by Figure 4.1, which represents a
discussion in Kampala about UPE and its impact on the community, and by the quote
below.
84
We are so many, we sit on the floor and teachers dont come regularly. They
say that they have lost relatives. We dont have textbooks to read. There is no
water in school and we starve a lot.
Children, Kumi
Declining quality was frequently related to overcrowding following the introduction

of UPE. Pupil:teacher ratios of between 100 and 200:1 were reported for P1 and P2
classes, 58 and local people were concerned that increased enrolment 59 did not match
numbers of teachers, materials or classrooms.
The consequences of such
overcrowding were seen as the failure of teachers to supervise children, lack of
discipline, lack of facilities, poor pupil performance and overworked teachers with
low morale.
58
Ugandan norm is 55 pupils per teacher and per classroom by 2003- Education Strategic Investment Plan 19982003. In 1997, the average pupil:teacher ratio in primary schools in Uganda was 75:1 Government schools =
80:1 and private schools = 46:1. Kalangala was the only District below the norm due to low enrolment- Poverty
Status Report 1999.
59
Examples of increases in enrolment- Kumi from 1995-98 increased by 88%, such that the number of girls
enrolled exceeds boys; and in Bushenyi from 1996-98.
85
Figure 4.1: Participants observations on Universal Primary Education
Introduction of UPE
UPE funds minimal
and delayed
More pupils
enrolled
Retrenchment
of teachers
Teachers only pay

attention to fast
learners
Teachers
salaries very
low
Pupils promoted
regardless of
quality
Low standard of
education
Shortage of teachers
Date: 26.02.99
Place: Kisenyi II
Parish Office,
Kampala
Pupils are promoted regardless of performance

Parents concerns about the poor performance of their children in primary school are
coupled to their concerns with the practice of automatically promoting children to
higher grades, regardless of their performance, as illustrated in the box below.
I have a pupil in Kapchorwa Primary School who was promoted to P5. But
when I looked through her report, the marks she scored were below 30% and
when I went through her question papers, she was not fit to be promoted. So, I
wonder whether she was promoted to please the pupil and me. To me, as a
parent, it was not in order. This childs future is being ruined.
Man, Kapchorwa town, Kapchorwa
86
Automatic promotion and poor performance were thought to be due to the pressures
of large numbers of children attending school, lack of textbooks, poor learning
environment, unqualified or unmotivated teachers, as well as lack of quality control
by teachers. The deteriorating standards of education are illustrated by examples
given in both Kabarole and Kisoro of P5 children being unable to write their own
names.
Analysis: From the above text, it is evident that going to

school does not necessarily equate with being educated
sufficiently to obtain further education or to find employment.
The high value placed on education and the positive gains
made under the UPE initiative will be undermined if issues of
quality are not addressed.
Teachers unable to cope

Local people sympathised with the increased workload of teachers since the
commencement of UPE. Many are unable to cope, often requesting older students to
mark class tests on their behalf. This problem is compounded by teachers lack of
motivation due to low and delayed 60 salaries and lack of accommodation, which in
turn causes the reported absenteeism, lateness, poor quality teaching and even
teachers sleeping and consuming alcohol on duty. Teachers are also affected by
poverty, drawing comments from children such as they do not teach because they
are hungry. In order to make ends meet, teachers reported seeking alternative
income-generating opportunities, thereby reducing teaching time, frequently arriving
late and leaving early. Some teachers left the profession altogether as illustrated by
the example in the text box.
I came to Misonzi in 1996. I started teaching children in Misonzi, but it was
not well paid and I did not have any other source of income. The school used
to pay me 70,000/= per month, which was extremely little compared to the cost
of living in the area. I decided to use my little savings from teaching to start a
small restaurant. I started one during that year, but also continued teaching.
Unfortunately the salary I received from teaching was not paid in time. It
always came many months later. As time went on, I realised that I could not
manage the two jobs at the same time, so I decided to leave teaching and
concentrate on running my restaurant.
A teacher by profession, Misonzi, Kalangala
60
Delayed salaries reported in rural areas in Kisoro, and in Kumi and Moyo.
87
Local people recognised the lack of qualified teachers. In some cases, unqualified
teachers were employed, at times without adequate assessment, to help deal with the
increased numbers of pupils 61 . The lack of training is an issue of concern as
highlighted by the example of teachers in Kampala and Kotido who failed the same
test that had been set for their pupils. Teachers were also reluctant to teach in remote
areas, preferring urban centres, private schools, or self-employment.
Analysis: In order not to jeopardise primary education in

general, the Government must recognise the increased
burden on teachers due to UPE and act quickly to relieve
it. Although Government plans to train and employ more
teachers, urgent attention must be paid to retaining the
teachers already in the system, and reducing the
pressures which UPE has placed on these teachers.
Declining parental involvement and accountability

In the past, parents were more involved in management of the schools their children
attended, contributing to construction efforts and decision-making through the
Parents and Teachers Association (PTA). UPE was said to have destroyed the former
community initiatives in some districts, 62 with parents in some communities being
reluctant to be involved in school activities as they feel education is now free.
However, in yet other communities, local people were assisting in construction and
even employment of teachers for lower grades.
Analysis: The partnership of government, teachers and

community under UPE needs to be emphasised to all stakeholders
for a more effective implementation. Although mass media
campaigns are underway, specific sensitisation of the community
and teachers is needed.
For some, declining parental involvement has led to reduced transparency and
accountability by head teachers. However, where School Management Committees
are clearly defined, management and accountability has improved. 63
61
Strongly expressed in Moyo, Bushenyi and Kampala.

Decline in parental involvement reported in Kapchorwa, Kalangala and Moyo.
63
Moyo.
62
88
Analysis: The publication of UPE funds disbursed to districts

and to schools has not yet resulted in increased involvement
of community in monitoring accountability at school level.
Therefore, urgent attention is required to ensure that funds are
being used effectively to improve the quality of education.
4.2.2. Barriers of access to education

Distance and physical access
Communities valued primary schools within a reasonable proximity to their homes
2 kilometres was generally considered reasonable for children of all ages to walk to
and from school. 64 Where schools were further than this, communities cited lack of
schools as community problems. Local people stated that more distant schools
resulted in late age enrolment and increased dropout rates.65
Bad living
In these cases, children were kept at home until they were
is a child
8-10 years old, when it was considered that they could
who does
safely walk to school.
not eat or
A long journey to school reportedly decreases pupil
performance due to late arrival and being too tired to
concentrate properly. The latter problem is made worse
when children are unable to walk the long distances home
for lunch, resulting in hunger.
drink tea
when he or
she is
going to
school.
Shamim Namuju 9yrs

P2, Luzira, Kampala
Analysis: The question of poor nutrition and lack of

school lunches is flagged for policy-makers. Poorly
nourished children are prone to diseases, and hunger
leads to reduced concentration and poor performance in
school.
This threatens the achievement of UPE
objectives.
Problems of distance are worse in the rainy season: flooded streams in Moyo,
Bushenyi and Kisoro, impassable routes in Kabarole, Kotido and Kapchorwa, and
flooded drains in Kampala make childrens journeys to school lengthy and dangerous.
64
National average 2km, 1km in urban areas- Poverty Status Report 1999; In 1995, 49% of communities had at
least one primary school, with an increasing trend Uganda National Household Survey 1995-96.
65
Distant primary schools 2 sites - Bushenyi and Kapchorwa - nearest primary schools were 3-7km away.
89
Geographical isolation and insecurity compound difficulties. In Kalangala District,

the 14 primary schools and one secondary school serve 84 islands - 8 of the primary
schools are located on the main island. Therefore, the lack of schools coupled with
the costs and dangers of water transport between islands restrict school attendance for
many children. In Kapchorwa and Kotido, displacement of communities as a result of
cattle raids leads children to miss school for prolonged periods.
Distance was also perceived to be a barrier to secondary education. Lack of
secondary schools limited access, particularly if the pupil has to board away from
home due to unavailability of proximal schools. Local people in all districts stated
that barriers to secondary schooling prevent children from poorer households
acquiring post-primary education potentially rendering UPE useless. Families
also found the cost of secondary school fees to be prohibitive, even for some better off
households.
Analysis: The serious constraints to secondary education

for children of poor families, raises the possibility of
bursaries to assist promising children complete their
education. Further, the need for vocational skills could be
availed in both primary and secondary school.
Households in certain communities have been willing to voluntarily contribute to

improving access to education by building classrooms. In Kabarole, local people have
built a P1 and P2 classroom and pay locally recruited teachers to cater for younger
children who can not manage to walk the distance to the nearest primary school.
Financial Costs are still a strain
At the primary school level, local people reported that the cost of uniforms, scholastic
materials, lunches and extra charges still places a financial strain on the limited
resources of poorer households, especially those with many children. Expenditures of
up to 20% of household income were quoted. Widows seemed to be hardest hit; inlaws were reported to take household property following the husbands death,
refusing to even pay for the childrens education. Reports were given of children
being sent home for not having a uniform, 66 or for failure to bring money for extra
charges. Such children stayed at home until their parents could raise the money to pay
the costs. In such cases, the children said that their parents barked at them, saying -
66
Kisoro.
90
Where do you think I can get the money from? How far do you think I went in
school? Where can I get such money? If you dont want to study, sit down and
leave school.
Child, Misonzi, Kalangala
In most of the districts visited, parents were expected to pay extra charges, for items
such as: increased building funds and PTA fees, 67 teachers welfare, 68 provision of
foodstuffs for teachers, 69 coaching fees, 70 payment of trainees from college, 71
registration fees of 2,000 /-, monthly test fees of 1,000 /-, 72 examination fees and
salary contributions for locally recruited unqualified teachers not on the payroll. 73
In general, parents are not happy with these extra charges, especially as they feel that
UPE should guarantee teachers salaries, as illustrated by the quotation below.
Parents were told to pay 1,000 shillings per month, however very few pay it
because they say teachers are paid a salary, why pay more. UPE came to
relieve us of such extra payments!
Head teacher, Bbeta, Kalangala
In every district, communities expressed concern over the plight of the increasing
numbers of orphans 74 . Although UPE was applauded for paying their school fees,
local people asked: who is to meet the costs of uniforms and materials? Poor
households stated that they cannot afford the additional cost of paying for the
education of an orphan. The Government was requested to assist. The plight of an
orphan is described in the text-box below.
As orphans, when the father dies, the relatives take the land and other family
property on the pretext that they will support you. Their pretence lasts a few
weeks or months and then the mistreatment starts. You are forced to move
from one relative to another. Eventually, you drop out of school because no
one is interested in (looking after) you. Some others (orphans) resort to getting
married, but when you get a drunkard, thats the end of you.
Orphan, Moyo
67
In Kisenyi II Parish, PTA fees for P1-P4 are 10,400/-, and for P5-P7 are 20,000/- per term in a government
school.
68
Kalangala, 1,000 shillings per month; Moyo.
69
In Bushenyi when salaries are delayed. This practice has resulted in children from poorer families stealing from
neighbours.
70
Kampala
71
Moyo
72
Kotido
73
In Kabarole, 1,000 shillings per pupil per month.
74
Estimated 1.7 million orphans attributed to the AIDS pandemic, Uganda Poverty Status Report 1999.
91
Analysis: Although UPE has eased the financial burden of

primary education, meeting the real costs of education is
still a strain for poor families, and vulnerable groups like
orphans. Given the importance attributed to education as a
route out of poverty, Government should perhaps consider
further assistance programmes for supporting the poor in
education, or targeted assistance for particularly vulnerable
groups.
Social and cultural barriers to education

Communities reported that poorer households were sometimes forced to use children
to assist with household chores or to earn income due to financial and livelihood
constraints The consequences were pupils leaving school altogether, or arriving at
school late and being beaten by teachers, being too tired to concentrate in class, or not
being able to do homework. Some parents were said to fail to send children to school,
particularly girls, simply because they did not care, 75 or because of lack of
understanding and ignorance of parents. 76
Analysis: Who should ensure that children attend school to a

required age when parents are negligent? Local councillors,
teachers, or community members?
Some specific groups within a community may have restricted access to education.
The children of self-settled Sudanese refugees in Moyo were marginalised because
they had to pay full school fees for all children in primary school UPE was
unavailable to refugee children . Batwa children from Kisoro absent themselves from
school because they feel other children despise them and are unfriendly.
Increased attendance of girls in schools under UPE was regarded by some as
enlightening them, and as having the potential to reduce early marriages. However, in
Kumi, Kabarole and Kotido, women complained of men continuing to discourage
girls from going to school ,or girls being forced into early marriage so that families
could gain from the bride price. 77
75
Reported in Kapchorwa, Kotido and Kisoro.

Primary School pupil in Oladot, Kumi.
77
This was mentioned in Kotido and Kapchorwa but may be more widerspread (eg Moyo and Kumi). Note the
enrolment of girls is still lower in the North Poverty Status Report 1999.
76
92
4.2.3 Community recommendations

During the UPPAP research, all communities were requested to make
recommendations to Government on how to improve the provision of education. In
general, the multitude of recommendations revolved around the following issues,
which have been prioritised according to the number of districts where the issue was
raised:
Table 4.2: Community recommendations for education
Most frequently mentioned
priorities
Less frequently mentioned

priorities
More adult literacy classes, especially for women

Increased salaries for teachers, and provision of
accommodation
Sending more teachers for training

Fee scales for higher education
accommodate the poor
Expansion of current school facilities

Provision of more materials
Sensitisation of parents
Removal of costs for orphans, disabled and street
children
which
Analysis: Many of the communitys recommendations are

catered for in the Education Strategic Plan. However, local
people emphasised the urgency of many of these issues,
and prioritised issues for action.
4.3 Clean Water And Sanitation

Access to clean water and quality of water were a high priority for local people in
rural and urban areas respectively. Community members, particularly women,
consistently ranked inaccessibility of safe water for drinking as one of their top ten
community priority problems. 78 Communities considered water from taps, protected
springs and boreholes as safe for drinking. Local people reported increasing pressure
on clean water sources and points. In 9 of the 36 communities, a plan to establish a
78
In 23 out of 36 sites, 67% of all rural sites and 42% of all urban sites.
93
clean
lean water source was developed during the UPPAP consultations. The most
adversely affected districts were Kumi, Moyo and Kotido.
Analysis: Although statistics (MFPED, UNDP and National

Environment Management Authority) indicate that access to
clean water has improved throughout Uganda in the past
decade, many local people still have problems obtaining
clean water for household consumption. Composite district
figures can be misleading, and service providers should bear
in mind location specificities, the community realities and
needs expressed during consultations.
4.3.1. Key issues around clean water and sanitation

Water, sanitation and poverty
Poverty was blamed on lack of clean water because of resultant disease and restricted
production in Kumi; whereas poor sanitation, primarily due to the health burden,
featured as a cause of poverty in Kampala.
Unclean water was said to be water collected from sources such as streams, rivers and
lakes contaminated by animal and human excreta, effluent from industry, and
washing. Local people made a clear association between drinking unclean water, poor
sanitation and diseases such as diarrhoea, cholera, and river blindness.
Some people who do not have common-sense, they go and defecate near the well, so now
if it rains, germs are washed down the well and when people drink the water they get
diseases.
The lack of access to clean water close to the community places a heavy workload on
women and children who collect water from distant sources and who often have to
wait for hours in queues. This practice results in children missing school and women
having limited time for agricultural production and other tasks. The causes and
consequences of lack of clean water in particularly affected communities were
analysed by the local people, as shown in Figure 4.2.
94
Figure 4.2: Causal flow diagram of lack of clean water
CONSEQUENCES
High cost of
buying water
Long distance
to clean
source
Burden of care
for sick on
women
Drink, wash,
defecate and
water animals
in same source
Hazards of
reaching and
drawing water
Low
productivity
Unpleasant
taste and smell
of water
Diseases
Lack of clean water in

community
Time wasted
by women;
school missed
by children
Heavy workload for
women and children
CAUSES
Poor hygiene
and sanitation
practices
Laziness
Lack of
knowledge of
disease control
Physical
barriers to
access
Share source
with livestock
Seasonality dry
season- and shocks drought
Composite diagram prepared from visuals created in several communities
Lack of water
source
facilities
No assistance
from NGOs or
district
Poor maintenance
of existing
facilities
LCs and men

reluctant to
improve wells
Unsafe practices limit access

Local people seemed to be well aware of the dangers of drinking contaminated water, of
the sources of contamination, and even of methods to decontaminate the water, although
in some cases lack of knowledge was cited. However, people in all districts continued
with unsanitary practices including drinking contaminated water.
Local people report that natural water sources are contaminated because they have to
share them with animals, and also use them for bathing and washing. Further,
contamination with human excreta occurs due to limited latrine coverage 79 and
unhygienic practices like children defecating anywhere. Such practices were said to be
performed out of necessity due to lack of alternatives, as illustrated in the following
quotations.
Drawing water from the lake requires one to remove clothes in order to get
some clean water. If you have a short wife, you will always drink dirty water
because she will always be fetching water near the shores of the lake where
others have passed.
Man, Ariet, Kumi
In all districts, it was felt there were felt to be significant restrictions on boiling water
for drinking. Reasons for this included:
Belief that borehole water is safe, even if it was discoloured.

Laziness.
Lack of education 80 and knowledge about disease prevention.
Traditional beliefs that lakes cannot get saturated with contaminants.
Belief that all water is safe to drink, as expressed by the sentiment: Our
grandfathers and great grandfathers were taking this water from time
immemorial, why the fuss about boiling drinking water now?
Time constraints for women.
Lack of fuel for boiling water.
Lack of utensils, such as pans, for boiling water.
Large families, making provision of boiled water impossible.
Distance from home to work site you dont go (all the way) back home just
to drink boiled water!
79
Nineteen percent of the population do not use either pit latrines or flush toilets Uganda National Household
Survey 1997.
80
4% of households with educated heads failed to have adequate sanitation facilities, compared to 39% of uneducated
heads MFPED, 1991.
96
Analysis: The above flags the need to re-orient health education to improve
hygiene practices. Local people reported only receiving water and
sanitation education in times of epidemics, such as cholera. It will be
necessary not only to provide more well-maintained clean water sources
within easy reach of communities, but to educate local people on the risk
factors and on protecting the water chain. However, as illustrated above,
poor people may simply not be able to ensure that the water they drink is
clean due to lack of time or resources.
Recognition of low latrine coverage

Local people reported that latrine coverage and usage was low in all communities in all
districts, 81 and this was linked to outbreaks of diseases such as cholera. In all districts,
many schools did not have adequate sanitation facilities for the pupils. In urban areas,
the population was too high for the few latrines existing.
In general, laziness, ignorance, 82 cost of construction, 83 cultural reasons, 84 high mobility
of the population, sandy or rocky soil types, lack of digging implements, and high water
tables were the reasons for failure to construct latrines. In urban areas, poor planning by
the municipal council was strongly criticised, and it was felt the council was not doing
its job. Uncaring landlords, overcrowding of houses and lack of space were also blamed
for poor sanitation. 85 In addition, public latrines were often poorly maintained by the
city council, misused by outsiders and infrequently emptied because the emptying trucks
have no access.
Various practices, some of which contribute to the spread of disease, were cited as a
result of limited latrine usage. Children were reported to defecate anywhere, while
adults use the bush or the edges of the lake. In Kampala, mobile toilets were used
81
National sanitation coverage 43% of population did not have access to sanitation- 1996- Uganda Human
Development Report, 1998; The Uganda National Household Survey, 1995-96 quotes figures of 17% of the
households used other types of toilet facilities other than flush toilets or pit latrines.
82
Rural communities in Kotido were not aware that lack of latrines and exposure to human excreta could cause health
problems health education was lacking.; in 2 communities there was not a single latrine.
83
In Bwaise, Kampala, due to the high water table and the need to build latrines on raised platforms, local people
cited the cost of constructing a public latrine is 1 million shillings - the same cost as a residential house.
84
In Kotido, local people were against construction of latrines for cultural reasons, although in one site a pit latrine
was built especially for the UPPAP researchers. Digging a latrine was like digging a grave before the person had
died!
85
Kotido and Kampala.
97
collection of excreta in polythene bags, which were disposed of in drains or street-side

bunkers, or thrown away indiscriminately.
In some districts, NGOs and sanitation programmes, such as Water and Environmental
Sanitation, were known to operate. In Bwaise, Kampala District, two NGOs Plan
International and Action Aid were assisting the community to deal with their
sanitation problems. Other communities were trying to work together to solve sanitation
problems, and in Kampala, two sites developed action plans for drainage and public
latrines.
Most communities reported that by-laws had been enacted, however these were largely
ignored and poorly enforced, except in times of crisis, as illustrated below.
These people did not bother about these things (ie sanitation) until last year,
when almost everybody had diarrhea and vomiting. When advised to dig pit
latrines, it was like a hungry goat running to get its first bite of grass. In every
household people started digging at once.
Woman, Iboa, Moyo
However, in other districts. Health Inspectors were active in enforcing sanitation

regulations, as shown below.
I told a lady who is the owner of the shops and a bar to build a toilet. She
refused. I gave her two warnings but she (still) refused. She was arrested and
charged. She spent 60 days in Masaka Prison. Before she came back, the
latrine was constructed.
Health Inspector, Kalangala
Drainage and refuse: urban problems

In urban sites, inadequate garbage disposal was cited. People blamed the municipal
councils for failure to provide for adequate and regular collection. This was seen as a
serious problem in Kampala due to lack of land to establish garbage pits. Although
Kampala City Council has placed public rubbish containers at strategic points, these are
too few compared to the number of households using them. This results in rubbish being
thrown everywhere, including into drainage channels that are consequently blocked,
causing flooding.
Another priority problem in Kampala was that of waste water and poor drainage
systems. Drainage was the number one priority problem in Bwaise and Kisenyi, both of
which are flood prone areas. As a consequence, many houses are flooded, leading to
destruction of household property. Many people fail to sleep as their bedding is
submerged in water and children have to sleep on top of tables until the floods recede.
Cleaning up of the drainage channels is said to be a costly exercise that residents cannot
afford, although local residents attempt to unblock small drains to ease water flow.
However, they are still faced with the problem of the large drains, which are always
blocked, and this, they feel, is the responsibility of the city council. Stagnant water that
98
is a result of poor drainage was mentioned to be causing a number of water-related

diseases, such as malaria, cholera and dysentery. In Nakulabye, it was reported that
most of the houses are built on storm drains and that this is hazardous.
4.3.2 Barriers to access of clean water
Distance and physical access
Rural communities in most districts cited travelling long distances (2-15 km), often over
steep terrain, to collect safe water. This has wide implications, as shown in the box
below, and is perceived as a major constraint to:
The availability of an adequate supply of water in the household, affecting

hygiene.
Livelihood due to walking livestock long distances to water.
Poductive time for women
Childrens attendance of school.
A donkey is used to transport goods especially where vehicles cannot transport

due to steep terrain .. When a woman is sick, it is available for a man to
fetch water.
Man , Kapchorwa
Collecting water 15kms away during the dry season can cause fighting at the
water sources for our animals. With water dams for our animals and bore
holes for human use, our water problems will be solved. How can one expect
to get milk from a cow that has walked 15kms in a day
Man, Kitonzi, Kabarole
Access to clean water can be denied to particular social groups. In Kyeitembe, urban
Bushenyi, better-off community members, who rear dairy cattle, fenced off a previously
communal water site. This action has forced other community members to buy water at
100 shillings per 20- litre jerrycan. Those who could not afford this cost, resorted to
collecting water from unclean sources.
Seasonality has a profound effect on access to water. Shortages were reported in the dry
season, leading to increased pressure on a few operational sources, sharing water
sources with livestock, travelling long distances to collect it, and losing time in queues,
as demonstrated below:
The population is high yet the springs are few. Women spend one hour at the
water source during the rainy season when the water table is high. Up to 3
hours are spent during the dry season when the water table is low. The dry
season takes around 4 months in a year from December to March. It means
lining up, during the 4 months, and water collection now starts depending on
who gets at the water source first..
Woman in Chema Village, Kapchorwa
99
During the dry season, local people in Kitonzi village, Kabarole District, reported that
water vendors sold water, while the alternative was to walk 15km to the nearest clean
source. In Kotido, a total scarcity of water was reported in the dry season. The rainy
season led to contamination of water sources with filth, to impassable roads and paths,
and floods which prevented access to water collection points.
Analysis: The high seasonal rainfall (600 2500mm) in

most regions of Uganda means that rain water could be
harvested and utilised to alleviate seasonal collection
problems. However, very few households have the
knowledge or the faciities to collect rainwater.
Remoteness and poor roads were also blamed for failure of implementing bodies to
protect and construct water facilities, as the trucks could not reach the sites. This was
reported in one site in Kumi where a clean water source had been approved but due to
the poor state of the feeder road, the drilling equipment could not reach the community.
Cost
In urban communities, local people mentioned that the cost of purchasing 20-litre
jerrycans from vendors was between 200 500 shillings, although up to 2,000 shillings
was reported. 86 Local people expected that water should be provided free of charge, and
expressed that they would have used the money [used to buy water] to buy food, pay
treatment costs, or to pay school fees.
The 1-2% monetary contribution of the community to the cost of constructing water
points required by demand-driven water provision programmes, such as WES, was
perceived as high by local people. For example, in Moyo, one community was charged
200,000 shillings (1,000 per household). A few communities were also sceptical of
such schemes, citing cases where communities had contributed and facilities had not
been constructed. In some instances, local people were reluctant to make contributions
through the LCs, due to lack of accountability. Communities seemed more willing to
contribute in labour and building materials, and to maintain the site, as gauged by the
community action plans developed.
Community recommendations are divided between those actions which the community
could carry out by itself, and those which require external assistance.
Table 4.3: Community recommendations for water and sanitation
86
Cost of buying water -Kampala, Kumi, Kisoro, Kabarole.
100
Community actions
Water
Sanitation
External assistance
Water committees for provision and

maintenance
Local materials and labour for
construction
Close interaction with district officials
for planning
Use of family planning to reduce
pressure on water
Construct latrines, even if they have

no walls
Construct bathing places and rubbish
pits
Enforce by-law
Rehabilitation of existing sources

Installation of more facilities,
especially in schools and rural areas
Expand piped water supplies
Sensitisation on operation and
maintenance
Valley dams for livestock (Kotido)
Re-orientation of communities to
overcome dependency on government
Health sensitisation
Construction of public latrines in
urban areas
Guidelines on garbage disposal
Kampala CC to plan, construct and
maintain drainage systems
Publicise and enforce by-laws
Analysis: The extent of poor access to clean water and poor

sanitation, as the second most frequently cited community
problem, requires urgent attention. Although this area is a
priority under the PEAP, resource allocation (such as
conditional grants) does not seem to have matched the
seriousness of the situation.
Communities have many development demands on their
limited resources and time in some communities, local people
are tired of volunteering. The capacity of communities, local
government officials, and NGOs to provide and monitor such
services should be developed. Communities need to be
empowered to do what they can for themselves and to demand
services and accountability from external sources where
necessary.
4.4 MARKETS
In all 9 districts, local people raised concerns about markets and marketing. Problems
in marketing were among the most frequently cited causes of poverty, featuring in 7
districts, as well as being seen as a priority problem in the 4 districts of Kabarole,
Kalangala, Moyo and Kisoro.
101
4.4.1. Key issues about markets

Markets play an important role in local peoples lives, in both rural and urban areas:
income is generated, commodities are purchased and social interactions occur. Of
particular importance is the generation of cash from the sale of produce. Local people
earn cash from regular, planned sale of produce grown for the market, as well as from
the forced sale of food crops or livestock in times of need.
Low prices and exploitation exacerbate poverty
Consultations confirmed that low and fluctuating prices received for produce
exacerbated poverty. Local people attributed this to exploitation by middlemen either at
the farm gate 87 or in small periodic markets, or by large processing plants in the case of
fish from Kalangala. They also cited the over-supply of produce due to competition
between farmers all of whom cultivated and marketed the same produce, and the
seasonality of prices. The potato dealers come and just take our potatoes for free
3,000 shillings per 150 kg bag, said an old woman in Kumi. This same bag would sell
for 12,000 shillings in Kampala.
Analysis: Diversification of crops cultivated by

individual households may reduce the oversupply of one
or two crop types in given areas at harvest time.
Effective extension services and input supply could
benefit the poor through this intervention.
Lack of information on prices and availability of alternate markets was seen as a cause
of poverty in at least 3 districts Kapchorwa, Kumi and Moyo. This limits local
peoples ability to profit from the sale of produce and increases their vulnerability to
exploitation.
Analysis: The frustrations faced by local people in

realising cash for their productive efforts is a major issue
and highlights the need for well-targeted, specific
interventions. The PEAP has recognised the need for
collection and dissemination of market information, but
progress on this priority has not been made.
87
In 1996, 49% of farmers were selling to middlemen at farm gate demonstrating the possible extent of exploitation
Uganda National Household Survey, 1995-6.
102
As a result of low cash returns for produce sold, local people stated that they were
unable to purchase basic necessities. As a woman in Kumi commented , one needs to
sell 40kg of cassava to be able to buy 1 kg of meat. Others said that they were unable to
buy agriculture and fishing inputs, such as seeds, hoes and nets, which continues the
cycle of poverty. For example, one man in Kapchorwa reported that the proceeds from
the sale of one kilogramme of maize could drop to as low as 20 shillings, whereas the
price of seeds was always maintained at 2,500 shillings/kg.
High market dues limit profits
Local people in all 9 districts reported that the compulsory payment of market dues,
vendor licensing fees and fines for selling illegally put severe limits to their ability to
profit from the sale of goods and produce.
Market dues are charged irrespective of the circumstances, regardless of whether the
vendor has made a sale, or the quantities sold, or the facilities offered in the market. In
some cases of livestock sales, the buyer is required to pay market dues just like the
seller. Another case of double taxation was reported in Bushenyi, where the tenderers
charged traders a fee upon entry and another on exiting the market. In Kampala, dues
are charged for selling produce on the side of the road.
Local people felt that the tendering system was unfair. The tendering of markets to
individuals was seen as privatisation, and, with the exception of Kampala, the people
consulted were not aware that market facilities should be improved as a result of
tendering. 88 This point was made strongly by women in the urban site in Moyo, who
had minimal problems with acquiring goods for sale, thanks to savings groups and
secondary transporters, but had problems in marketing due to the poor state of the actual
market lack of shelter, latrines, benches and lock-ups. Since introduction of the
tendering system, market dues had increased by up to 150%. Local people also
mentioned irregularities in the tendering procedure, including the strong perception of
corrupt practices by the District Tender Board in Moyo.
Analysis: It appears that market tenderers may be

maximising their profits at the expense of poorer people
threatening their incentive to produce and thereby their
livelihood. The central and local governments need to
look seriously at the effectiveness of implementation of
the market tendering and management strategy in order
to encourage local production and trade. A critical
revision of this policy is recommended, and standards of
best practice and monitoring could be considered.
88
Poverty Eradication Action Plan, 1997.
103
Have economic liberalisation policies benefited the poor?

The effects of economic liberalisation were judged to be location and livelihoodspecific. Awareness by local people of policies on liberalisation of markets and prices
was poor and understanding was limited, although in general they appreciated that there
were no longer any price controls and that they could buy and sell produce wherever
they chose. This sentiment was expressed by a woman in Koreng, Kumi who said We
are happy. Whoever gives us the better price, we go there. It is good for us because it
helps solve our problems. In Kumi, local people felt that there had been an increase in
the quality and quantity of products available in the market. Lastly, those more
progressive farmers who could afford inputs such as agro-chemicals found them more
readily available as a resukt of liberalisation.
On the negative side, the fishing industry has reportedly suffered as a result of economic
liberalisation, as reported in Chapter Three. Other negative impacts have included
closure of some industries, exploitation by middlemen 89 and market tenderers, increased
cost of agricultural inputs, and declining production due to the unavailability credit and
inputs.
A generalisation may be made that men approved and benefited from economic
liberalisation due to the increased return from cash crops, such as cotton in Kumi, coffee
in Kabarole, and coffee, beans, sorghum and groundnuts in Bushenyi. On the other
hand, the women were sceptical because traditional food crops, which they sell, are in
smaller quantities and bring lower prices. 90
4.4.2 Barriers of access to market infrastructure
Distances and poor roads limit market access
In Kampala and other urban sites, daily food and commodity markets , shops, and street
vendors are available, whereas people living in rural areas, especially those communities
distant from to a major town, complained of lack of proximal, frequent markets 91 . For
them, smaller produce markets periodic consumer markets - operated at a parish or
sub-county level only once per week. The infrequency made local people vulnerable to
shocks particularly when cash was urgently required in the household.
Local people cited long distances, 92 impassable roads, and lack of affordable transport,
especially in the rainy season, as barriers to accessing markets. Women complained of
89
The Uganda Human Development Report 1998 claims that farm-gate prices have increased. The UPPAP
consultations in most districts, except Bushenyi, do not support this claim. Perhaps, exploitation of the poorer farmers
has worsened as they have less access to information or markets.
90
This observation is in agreement with findings from Poverty Trends in Uganda, 1992-96 (1998) and the Poverty
Status Report, 1999.
91
In 1996 in Uganda, 48% of communities sold their produce through periodic markets, and 51% through general
markets. On average, limited consumer markets (cluster of traders selling fast moving items and services) are
available to rural communities - 69% of LC I areas- whereas periodic markets existed in only 12% of LC I areasUganda National Housing Survey, 1995-6.
92
The average distance to a periodic consumer market for sale of produce is 5 km (with only 25% of the population
living within 1 km) and 11 km to a major, or general, market - Uganda National Household Survey (1995-96),
Poverty Status Report, 1999.
104
time wasted walking long distances, 93 while men mentioned the transport problems
associated with reaching general markets in the town. While in other sites, local people
said distance and lack of road access restricted the frequency of market attendance, led
to goods being damaged in motorised transit, and theft of profits on return from markets,
as illustrated below:
When some take produce to Mbale and sell it, on their way back they are
ambushed by thieves, robbed, and sometimes killed. This would not be the case
if markets were nearer.
Insecurity negatively affects marketing

Insecurity affects market access and utilisation. Examples of theft en route to, or on
return from, markets were cited in districts such as Kapchorwa and Moyo, as well as
theft within town markets in Kumi and Kampala. Wider insurgency in Moyo is a barrier
to commodities and buyers reaching the district. For example, cotton buyers from
Kampala encouraged local farmers to grow cotton in 1997 and in 1998; however the
buyers have never returned and the farmers are out-of-pocket.
Communal storage and central collection centres increase market profits
In districts with communal storage and collection facilities, such as milk coolers in
Bushenyi, household incomes have increased as a result of attraction of markets and
buyers. However, in Kalangala lack of cooling plants for fish catches, especially in the
low season, results in spoilage and lack of money in the household.
In all districts except Kampala and Kotido, lack of household and communal crop
storage granaries was seen as limiting the sale of produce, as well as decreasing food
security, in post-harvest times. In Moyo, the number of granaries has declined because
people were reluctant to store as they fear theft.
Women face specific constraints
Women are major actors in markets and marketing, and so improvements in the markets
or the infrastructure would be expected to have a positive effect on them. However,
while both men and women are involved in marketing, men control the income, as
indicated in the testimony below.
Immediately you arrive from the market, you show how much you have. If you
delay, the man thinks that you have hidden part of the money. This can be a
source of separation. We fear destroying our marriages so we do as they want.
Woman, Iboa, Moyo
93
In Kisoro
105
In addition, women are vulnerable when facilities are inadequate because they often sit
in markets for long periods without sanitation or shelter. As they also sell perishable
crops, the vagaries of the weather and the lack of processing and storage facilities
decrease their profits.
4.4.3
Community recommendations
Community recommendations concerning markets are clustered according to who, in the

view of local people, might carry out the recommended action.
Table 4.4: Community recommendations for markets
Communities could
Primary producer groups

could
Local government could
Construct collection centres and storage and

processing facilities
Develop by-laws to support cleanliness and
policing
Organise groups to collectively market produce,
pooling transport costs and avoiding middlemen
Buy bulk inputs for supply to local farmers at
lower prices
Provide more marketing facilities
Establish a rural marketing infrastructure
Provide market information
Consult local people on their needs and priorities
Analysis: While most local people see economic

liberalisation as good, barriers still exist to local people
fully benefiting from the policies. Improved rural market
infrastructures should go hand-in-hand with development
of all-weather feeder roads and public transport.
Consultation and information are also necessary to
maximise the impact of interventions.
Further, due to the significant barrier to realising
household food security and income, the Government
could consider providing incentives for well-regulated
private sector involvement in produce marketing.
106
4.5 Credit
4.5.1 Key issues in provision of credit
Local people value access to credit, in either cash or kind, as a means to boosting
household incomes through investment in agricultural and fishing, small business
ventures, for meeting large expenditures, such as education costs and funeral expenses,
and for tiding them over seasonal times of hardship. Lack of sufficient income was an
indicator of household poverty in 8 districts. Specifically, lack of access to credit
facilities featured as a cause of household poverty in 5 districts. 94
In the north and eastern districts visited, local people consider cattle as a bank, in which
to invest. Young animals are bought, reared, and sold when cash is needed to meet
household expenses.
4.5.2 Barriers of access to credit
Poor people reported being able to access credit from self-help groups, friends and
specific NGO credit schemes. Poor women had particularly benefited from rotating
savings and credit associations (ROSCAs). Small disbursements from these schemes
were made largely for the purchase of household items, petty trade, burial expenses or to
cover hospital or education costs. Little emphasis was placed on credit from NGOs,
although it was mentioned in Moyo, particularly for refugees, and Kumi and Kampala
for women. In such cases, credit was available in cash and in kind. Access to formal
lending institutions, such as banks, was limited for poorer households, primarily because
such institutions were concentrated in urban and peri-urban areas. 95
Local people were aware of the Governments policy to provide credit to the poor.
However, this awareness centred on Entandikwa. 96 Most communities consulted did
not know the Poverty Alleviation Programme (PAP), which has a credit programme.
Youth complained that they needed capital for income generation but they were
excluded from all credit schemes and institutions.
In all districts, the idea of Entandikwa was hailed as good but the implementation of the
scheme was strongly criticised as a failure. All communities were asked how many
members had received disbursements in many cases, no-one had received funds, or 5
persons in one parish, or one womens group or a group of fishmongers or farmers.
94
Cause of poverty in 10 rural and 7 urban communities.

Only one bank, located in the urban centre, in the districts of Kisoro, Kapchorwa, Moyo, Kalangala and Kotido.
96
Entandikwa is a recent government loan scheme formulated to extend credit to the poor who cannot access formal
channels, and to enable small-scale business people to enhance their profits, in order to increase household income
commenced in 1995.
95
107
Therefore, a strong sentiment was expressed that the loans did not reach the poor for
whom they were intended, 97 as expressed by local people in Kalangala.
The concept of Entandikwa is wrong because it didnt benefit the poor.
Rather, let the scheme be called Nyongeza because it ended up giving more to
those who already have.
Participants, Kalangala
Problems with Entandikwa included corruption; mismanagement by LCs and

intermediaries through which the funds were channelled; poor sensitisation and
misinformation; inadequate sums received by beneficiaries; perception of funds as a
grant; association with political campaigns; and discrimination, including against the
poor as it was deemed that they would be unable to pay anyway.
Analysis: It is difficult to assess the impact of Entandikwa on

poverty alleviation because so few people received funds. This
implies that the scheme achieved little towards its objectives of
reducing poverty by increasing household incomes. This
highlights the need to monitor the impact of such schemes on
the well-being of beneficiaries, to enable poverty objectives to
be assessed and to modify the implementation of the
intervention to best meet its objectives.
In general, local people felt that credit was available to groups, rich people or those with
training and education. Individual women felt particularly disadvantaged as many were
uneducated, were not easily mobilised to receive information, did not own property to
act as collateral, and were unable to save due to lack of control over household income.
Local people cited several disincentives to taking out credit:
Shocks and stresses - famine, death of relatives and sickness - can cause
people to default on the loan, for example
I received 100,000 shillings of which I used to buy goats. I was to repay

120,000 shillings after a year. Unfortunately, famine came and I was forced to
sell away the goat for food.
Female Entandikwa recipient, Koreng, Kumi
97
In Kabarole, an average of less than 0.1% of the population received funds.
108
People fear risking the few assets and small savings that they possess. Cases
were cited in which people become poorer as a result of borrowing as they had
to top up the small credit funds received with their own money in order to
commence their business venture. In some cases, people had to sell their
assets to repay the loans. So when the venture failed, they lost everything. In
Kotido, when local people heard after 2 years that they had to repay the
Entandikwa money, they left their homes and went into hiding for fear that
their property would be confiscated for non-repayment!
Lack of markets for products (mainly because of insecurity) was also said to
hamper business and reduce ability to repay disbursed loans.
Fear of theft of credit money in insecure areas, such as Moyo, as illustrated
below:
The credit scheme invited thieves.If you said you had no money, they could
beat you saying What about the loan you gotIf you do not bring it we shall
kill you.
Man, Moyo
Limited physical access to lending institutions located in distant urban centres,

and limited access due to poor roads and transport services.
Timing and terms of borrowing do not favour the poor. Interest rates are
perceived as high, timing of repayments is often short and does not coincide
with production outputs; the prerequisite for savings or minimal deposits is
difficult for many local people; and poor people do not have property or assets
to offer as collateral to secure loans
When it comes to borrowing, you cannot borrow and government cannot lend
money to a tenant because tomorrow he may not be there. One who has settled
can (at least) give his land and house as security.
Men, Bbeta, Kalangala
98
Poor people, particularly women, feel unable to manage money due to lack of
education and skills.
Registration fees for membership of lending projects 98 . In such projects
women have become disillusioned because they pay a fee for joining, which is
pooled to make loans for other group members, who may not be given loans
for up to five years.
Examples - the Grassroots Project and Morukakaise in Kumi.
109
Analysis: Lending institutions and policy-makers should recognise poor

peoples diverse needs for access to credit as well as the diverse situations
of clients lives. Establishment of lending institutions, particularly in rural
areas, has been hampered by lack of security, services, housing, electricity,
transport and roads. It is important that such infrastructure and services are
developed together with establishment of credit facilities. There is need for
more information concerning how poor people save; possible mechanisms
of credit delivery; potential benefits and impacts of possible mechanisms;
relation to higher micro-finance institutions; levels of funds required;
purposes of loans; and monitoring frameworks. During the UPPAP
consultations, discussions focussed mainly on Entandikwa because this
scheme was associated with credit in the minds of local people.

Communities suggested that credit schemes and institutions are important, if the aspects
shown in Table 4.5 are considered.
Table 4.5: Community recommendations for credit provision
Consultation
Lending terms
Lending institutions
Disbursements
Communities to be consulted before programmes are

initiated
Adequate sensitisation about availability, procedures
and terms
The poor should not be excluded by lending terms
Timing of repayment should coincide with
production cycles
Credit agents should be independent of the
government
Lending schemes should be monitored
Credit in agricultural inputs would be acceptable,
and would avoid diversion of cash
Amounts disbursed need to be viable for investment
in income generation
110
4.6 Extension Services

Poor yields and low profits from production leading to insufficient food in the
household and inadequate money to meet basic needs featured as causes and
consequences of poverty. Local people perceived lack of knowledge, information and
advice concerning production methods and inputs, marketing and conservation as
factors contributing to low yields and consequently to poverty. Provision of adequate
extension services featured as priorities for action in 6 districts.
4.6.1 Key issues in extension
What do local people expect from extension?
Local people viewed extension staff as officers who visit communities to offer
information about agriculture and livestock production, knowledge to enable them to
maximise the use of the production resources they own, as well as information
concerning availability and use of inputs. Local people expressed desire for these
services, but they were often frustrated that these services were not available to them.
Lack of extension serves was associated with ignorance, poor production, and low
yields, whereas adequate extension service, as in Kyeitembe in Bushenyi District, was
associated with increased production leading to household food security and increased
household income.
Awareness of government policies, such as the Plan for
Modernisation of Agriculture, was limited although it was commonly felt in all rural
communities consulted that the government was supposed to provide extension advice
to farmers.
Analysis: In districts such as Moyo, a dependency on

receiving subsidised or free inputs and services and a
reliance on Government seemed to exist. Mobilisation,
sensitisation and empowerment initiatives may be necessary
to reduce this syndrome, and prompt communities to identify
areas for their own action.
Local people expressed the desire that extension services help them gain the skills and
the knowledge to enable maximisation of the productive resources that they own or that
they can access. Specifically, local people expressed the need for the following
extension-related services: vaccination campaigns; advice on improved practices,
particularly in planting and fishing; veterinary services; techniques for improving soil
fertility; access to inputs; and advice on alternative income generation.
What are the problems with extension services?
111
In general, local people in the communities visited had little contact with extension
officers nowadays but remembered services of the past. They expressed frustration at
having no access to advice, as exemplified in the following quote:
It seems the agricultural extension workers are non-existent! People plant in a
disorderly way for lack of advice in the planting season. No one is there to
educate on spraying .. like it was in the 1960s. These days the weevil has made
the banana plants dry up, because (extension) officers are not sent to the
villages to advise people.
Man in Kapchorwa
Local people clearly identified what they perceived to be the problems and constraints
with agricultural extension:
Lack of extension staff, 99 particularly due to retrenchment in Moyo and

Kumi. In all rural districts except Kampala, local people felt that there were
too few staff` to cover their designated area.
Failure of extension staff to visit communities 100 due to a perceived lack of
staff, lack of facilitation in terms of transport and fuel, insecurity and harsh
terrain.
Cost of extension limits poor peoples access where services are available.
Poorly qualified extension officers with limited experience who sometimes
misinform local farmers, as shown by the example below.
When farmers complained a lot about the monkeys, all they were told is that
the Wildlife and Tourism Office does not permit their elimination. Rather,
agriculture extension officers have resorted to telling farmers to grow larger
acreage of food such that the monkeys can have their fill and leave something
for the farmers too.
Bbeta and Kalangala villages, Kalangala,
Perceived corruption by local government extension staff. Examples include

unfair distribution and sale of hybrid seeds and tools; high charges by
veterinary officers; unofficial use of government motorbikes; and licence
fees and fines extorted by Fisheries Officers in Kalangala, as explained
below:
99
Budgetary cutbacks have led to a decline in all aspects of the extension service, particularly the number of staff
(from over 4,000 to less than 2,000 nationally). Plans to instate up to 3 qualified extension agents per sub-county
have been formulated Uganda Human Development Report 1998.
100
National statistics (Uganda National Household Survey, 1995-6) indicate that extension officers only visited 16%,
33%, and 9% of LC I areas in the Central, Eastern and Northern regions in 1995-96. In the Western region, 45% of
the LC I areas received a visit from extension staff.
112
Local fishermen feel the 1950s Crocodile Act is not relevant to the realities of
fishing today and that it is used to deliberately take advantage of their ignorance
and cheat them. One fisherman explained:
Fisheries Officers tell us that it is illegal to use pressure lanterns because they
scare fish away. We should also not catch big fish especially the Nile Perch,
because they are supposed to reproduce. On the other hand, silver fish or
Mukeene should not be fished because it is food for the Nile Perch.
Consequently, one fails to know exactly what to fish as we are fined for fishing
any of the above species of fish.
Fisherman, Mazinga, Kalangala
Untimely information and irregular visits. For example, in Kisoro women

were advised to grow passion fruits, which they planted. However, the
extension workers failed to return to advise on the cultivation and harvesting,
so the passion fruit vines dried up and the women lost their investment. A
similar situation was reported in Kalangala with the cultivation of the oil palm.
4.6.2 What has worked?

Local people felt that agricultural and veterinary extension met their needs in years gone
by, unlike now. Sentiments were expressed that Government should provide quality
extension services as in the past. However, even in districts where extension was
available in the past, nowadays the service does not reach the communities, as
highlighted below:
Let us go back to the old system where government provided all agricultural
inputs (from seeds to tractors) and extension services through the agricultural
department.
Participant, Acholi Quarters, Kotido Town, Kotido
Where communities were close to urban centres and had good road access, the
likelihood of extension officers reaching the village was increased. This was
emphasised by comparing Kyanika and Rwenkurijo communities in Bushenyi. The
former was 30km from Bushenyi town on the Mbarara-Kasesse highway and had
received adequate extension service. The latter was not reached by extension services
being 35 km from the town with poor feeder road access, and was subsequently poorer.
The benefits of extension visits to communities were noted as increased production and
household income, and reduced poverty in some communities in Bushenyi and
113
Kapchorwa. For example, in Kyanika and Bugarama, Bushenyi, many farmers were
knowledgeable of improved techniques and were said to be progressive. In contrast,
those in more disadvantaged sites acknowledged that to be a progressive farmer, one
needed land. In Kapchorwa, extension officers visited one community in 1996. The
advice and training given then had stimulated the community to adopt improved
methodologies and alternative livelihood strategies.
Involvement of NGOs and CBOs, such as UNFA in Bushenyi, Church of Uganda in
Kotido, and the Moyo Food and Income Security Programme 101 in Moyo, were reported
to have assisted local farmers. Services offered included training of farmers, provision
of implements, credit, high yield seeds and breeds, training of community-based
extension workers, promotion of ploughing by providing ploughs, and facilitation of
extension staff.
The communities posed the following recommendations to improve the delivery of
agricultural and fishing information and advice concerning inputs, methods and
conservation.
Table 4.6: Community recommendations for agricultural extension services
Service delivery
Pests and diseases
Inputs and
equipment
Other areas
101
Increase partnership with the private sector, and strengthen existing

programmes
Collaboration between communities, service providers, extension staff and
LCs
Adult literacy for agricultural skills, and introduction of agricultural skills
into school curriculum
Extension officers and Wildlife Authority work together to control pests
Advice to farmers on control methods, including pesticide use
Facilitate access to suitable inputs
Advice on the use and availability of inputs
Introduce input supply programmes close to the community
Introduce crops for diversification and new crop and livestock varieties
Support communities to rehabilitate communal equipment and facilities
Reintroduce tractor scheme
Government to provide conducive environment for extension
Formation of womens groups to pool resources for collective farming
Utilise retrenched extension workers at the community level
Explore methods for storage
Advice on alternative income generation activities
Collaboration between the district and several national and international organisations.
114
Analysis: Extension services may be able to offer training, advice

and information concerning improved production methods, control
of pests and diseases, advice on inputs and their availability,
market issues and soil conservation. Any plan or programme for
the agriculture sector must work within the existing situation to
enable the poor to make the best of the resources they can access.
Further, extension programmes should be well monitored to
ensure that communities and all categories of persons, including
the vulnerable, are reached.
4.7 Feeder Roads And Transport

Communities placed a great deal of importance on passable feeder roads, expressing the
hope that if roads are built, then the community will develop. Community members in
Kitonzi, Kabarole District described the road as the head and spine of a foetus see
below.
Even with the formation of a foetus, the process starts with the head and then
the spine. So with a road the rest will follow a health unit, a school, a
market, water and a dairy...In 5 years time, there should be a marked change
in Kitonzi village.
Participant, Kitonzi, Kabarole
4.7.1 With a road the rest will follow: key issues in roads and transport
As described in previous sections, roads are widely perceived to be linked to a wide
range of benefits, particularly access to social services, such as health care, and
marketing. The road to the village was seen as a blood vessel, which linked the
115
community to the outside world. Action to improve the status of roads was the number
one priority for government action. 102
Researchers Analysis: We are in agreement with the

PEAPs recognition of the importance of roads to local
peoples lives. UPPAP data support this priority. However,
many factors influence poverty such that constructing a
feeder road may not necessarily bring development the
road must go somewhere (Kabarole). Roads should be
developed together with other infrastructure, such as
markets. Local priorities must be considered and the people
consulted
Local people reported that in general, roads have improved since the late 1980s. In
Kumi, Kampala and Bushenyi 103 it was reported that road networks were adequate. In
other districts - Kapchorwa, Kisoro and Kabarole - people complained of lack of feeder
roads 104 in their villages, probably as road construction is expensive due to the hilly
terrain and landslides. In all districts including Kumi and Bushenyi, road quality was an
issue and even graded marrum 105 roads are still impassable in the rainy season,
particularly the further one travels from urban centres.
Rural communities noted the drain on their labour and financial resources in trying to
maintain the feeder roads near their villages. In Kotido, local people complained that
they should be paid for such work. Such a scheme is possible, as shown in Moyo where
some womens groups were paid to maintain roads. In Kumi and Moyo, local people
did not know if the district had heavy machinery to construct roads as they had never
seen such machinery. 106
Many communities complained of the lack of bridges and culverts. For example, in
Bushenyi and Moyo, the dangers of crossing flooded streams on makeshift log bridges
was noted. Such crossings posed dangers to local people, especially to children en route
to school. As a result in 1998 in Bushenyi, five lives were lost while people were
crossing River Nwera on such logs.
102
Poor roads in districts- Bushenyi (1 site), Kabarole (2), Moyo (1), Kapchorwa (3), Kotido (2), Kisoro (3).
Inadequate transport- Kumi (1 rural, 1urban site), Kabarole (1 urban, 1 rural), Moyo (2).
103
For example, Bushenyi has 670km of well-maintained feeder roads.
104
Communities are on average 1 km, 2 km, 3 km and 5 km distance to all-weather feeder roads in the East, West,
North and Central regions, respectively Poverty Status Report 1999.
105
Dirt road.
106
The government has provided a road maintenance unit to all districts, including heavy machinery Poverty Status
Report, 1999.
116
Analysis: Construction of safe, all-weather bridges is beyond

the scope of communities. Technical advice and provision of
construction materials, such as concrete culverts, may need to
be provided from outside the community.
Local people gave several reasons for the poor status of roads in the country, as
demonstrated in the visual shown in Figure 4.3, and the following list:
Empty election promises, as shown in the text box below.
Politicians talk about the road during campaign times only but never come
back to make roads as promised during their campaigns.
Participant, Buhozi, Kisoro
Corruption and general misuse of funds and equipment by District Councils

and Works Departments.
Lack of co-operation within the community, and between levels of local
government.
Lack of facilitation of Works Department lack of fuel, machinery or trained
personnel.
Unfavourable terrain - swamps, soft soils, rocky, mountainous, prone to
landslides.
Insecurity
Local people clearly stated that lack of roads hindered overall community development,
their ability to earn a living and access to services and markets. As the rainy season
rendered many roads impassable, serious seasonal constraints were faced, as discussed
in the other sections of this chapter.
Where there is no road there is virtually no development, there is no
immunisation out-reach and pregnant mothers are dying. The situation is
worse during the rainy season.
Kitonze, Kabarole
Lack of affordable public transport was a barrier to accessing services, markets and
productive inputs, even in Kumi, which had a reasonable feeder road network.
Although transport in urban sites and along major routes existed, communities removed
117
from the main road were poorly served. Major problems concerned infrequent services,
unaffordable costs, no transport means available, and poor roads.
118
Figure 4.3: Causal flow diagram of lack of access to Kitonzi, Kabarole
EFFECTS
SOLUTIONS
Have leadership nearer to the

people
Assistance from government
Co-operation among community
members
Sensitize
leaders
and
community
LC I to co-operate with
community members and plan
for village
Learn from other areas
Lack of schools and schooling

Lack of health unit and access
to care
Lack of market for agriculture
and livestock
Lack of milk cooling plant
Lack of immunisation services
Increased diseases and death
No maize mill in the community
Lack of access road to

the community
CAUSES
Empty promises
by
parliamentarians
and leaders
Lack of
seriousness and
co-operation
concerning
politicians/
leaders
Lack of cooperation
between locals
and Rwandans
District
administration is
far
Few people in
the past
119
Lack of
seriousness by
civil servants
Poor leadership
in the past
4.7.2 Roads for Kalangala District?

Local people in Kalangala emphasised that the district was composed of 84 islands
with limited water transport connection between many of them. Where transport does
exist, it is often expensive, inadequate and unsafe - small boats that are dangerous in
high winds and choppy waters and which cannot operate at night. Consequently,
there has been loss of life due to failure to access medical attention, and isolation
leading to difficulties obtaining commodities and in recruiting service staff, such as
health professionals and teachers. This quotation exemplifies the situation.
Yesterday, for example, I was summoned to go and give assistance to a relative
who was due to deliver. Unfortunately, she could not have a normal delivery,
and there was neither transport to take her to Kalangala nor facilities to assist
her in delivery. In the end she failed and in the process lost her unborn baby.
Health worker, Misonzi, Kalangala
The people of Kalangala expressed urgent need for an adequate, regular and
affordable system of water transport between the islands. They requested government
to provide a ferry to provide free transport as roads in Uganda are free to users between the major islands, which would be owned by central government and
maintained by local government and communities. Public boats should provide
affordable transport between smaller islands, running according to timetable and
available in emergencies. Landing sites should also be improved. Local people felt
that such a system, would decrease isolation, facilitate extension and outreach
services, increase access to health care preventing unnecessary deaths, and improve
tax collection.
Analysis: The case of Kalangala highlights the need to

recognise the specificity of district and community problems
and priorities. Flexible use of conditional grants for feeder
roads could serve to facilitate the provision of the muchneeded water transport system in Kalangala.

Local people recommended the following actions for improving road and
transportation networks.
120
Table 4.7: Community recommendations for roads and transport

Communities could
Government could
Provide labour to maintain feeder roads near their

communities
Open up and maintain more roads; complete those already
started
Employ local people in road work
Tarmac major roads
Provide cheap, safe public transport including water
transport for Kalangala
Reinstate the railway as a cheap form of transport in North
and East
Analysis: What is an all-weather feeder road? Can Uganda

afford to construct roads that are passable in the rainy
season? Although the government increased expenditure on
roads over past years leading to considerable rehabilitation,
the lives and livelihoods of local people are still restricted in
the rainy season a time when there is also limited food
security and income.
4.8
Other Services And Infrastructures
In urban areas, electricity was thought to be necessary to operate businesses,

especially bars, hotels and restaurants 107 . Three districts (Moyo, Kalangala, Kotido)
were not on the Uganda Electricity Board (UEB) grid, and two did not have any
mains power but relied on individual generators. Residents expressed the desire for
UEB connection. In other districts, urban residents complained that disruptions to the
supply and limited hours of operation, load-shedding, disconnection 108 and
overloading of transformers 109 all meant loss of business. Few rural areas had access
to electricity. 110 Local people in rural Kumi felt electricity was useful for economic
development, 111 such as operating agro-processing machinery, as well as for lighting.
In most districts, local people said that the cost of connection and supply of electricity
107
Priority problem in urban sites in Kotido, Kalangala and Kapchorwa; and lack of electricity or poor supply is an
indicator of community poverty in urban Bushenyi and Kampala.
108
Kampala
109
Kumi
110
In Kumi, 7 sub-counties reported to have electricity; Bushenyi some rural electrification was reported.
111
The Uganda Human Development Report 1998 supports the view of local people in Kumi that electrification
will stimulate wider development through new opportunities with remarkable effects on economic activities.
Examples include Gulu and Lira.
121
was prohibitive, such that even if the wires passed over their heads, they wouldnt be
able to afford it.
The type and quality of housing featured in all sites as a criterion for well-being
ranking. In the rural areas, houses were largely thatched but such people were seen as
better-off than urban people because they owned their own homes. 112 Homelessness
due to poverty was reported in both rural and urban communities such people live
on the streets, other peoples kitchens, or even in chairs or trees, as reported by
children. In urban areas, particularly in Kampala, a shortage of housing and
overcrowding was reported. This was perceived to be due to poor town planning.
Analysis: The PEAP states that the government is putting an

enabling environment in place for house construction.
However, in urban areas the situation of housing is worsening.
Attention should be paid to adequate town planning not only
for housing but also for access roads, latrines and other
sanitation facilities.
An interesting observation in Bushenyi was that housing was improving as more ironroofed houses were being constructed. However, this trend was not necessarily due to
an improvement in income or reduction in poverty, but because iron-roofed houses
were now cheaper than grass-thatched one due to a shortage of suitable grass.
Analysis: Statistical assumptions based on the decrease in

thatch-roofed houses as an indication of reducing poverty
may need to be re-examined in some districts, based on the
above finding in Bushenyi, that iron-roofs were cheaper than
thatched ones.
Communication was rarely mentioned during the UPPAP consultations, except to

say that the postal service and public FM and SW radio were appreciated in Kampala;
lack of radio or telephone communication was seen as leading to isolation in Moyo;
illiteracy prevented people reading newspapers in urban areas; poor telephone
communication and prohibitive service costs in Bushenyi; and poor roads and
transport systems limiting effective communication, in general.
112
Supported by statistics Uganda National Household Survey 1995-96- 90% of rural residents own the house
that they live in (36% in urban areas); and 53% of urban residents rent (5% in rural areas).
122
Analysis: Strengthening the media in recent years seems to

have had little effect on local people in rural areas. Many
poor people still have limited access to forms of
communication, such as radios and newspapers. While the
necessity of rapid communication between urban sites is
appreciated, the needs and constraints of rural people should
also be adequately assessed, particularly as lack of
information was recognised as a serious barrier to
development .
Sport, particularly football, was important to male youth in Kalangala and Kotido. In
both districts, lack of trainers, equipment and facilities meant the sports were
underdeveloped. Sports were seen as a deterrent to criminal activity and excessive
visiting of bars.
123
CHAPTER FIVE
GOVERNANCE, POVERTY AND DEVELOPMENT
Local people are astute in their observations that good governance is essential for
development. Good governance is associated with strong leadership, transparency and
accountability, decentralisation, democracy, consultation and participation of local
people, and access to basic services.
Local people see themselves as stakeholders in their own development. They see open
consultation with communities as vital for appropriate service delivery and for assessing
and implementing poverty reduction programmes.
Many local people are disgusted with the extent of corruption, which is seen as inhibiting
development at all levels. They express a strong desire for accountability and
transparency of governance bodies in all their activities.
In general, local people do not see the benefit of the taxes that they pay when they see no
improvement in services and infrastructure. Inequities and lack of transparency in
assessment, combined with problems during collection of graduated tax, are major
concerns for the poor. In some districts, the timing of tax collection is problematic,
occurring during times of hardship rather than after the harvest.
The decentralisation process is perceived as a good thing by many local people, although
understanding in certain areas is limited. There is a feeling in poorer areas that
decentralisation may further widen the inequality between relatively richer and poorer
districts. The inability to raise adequate revenue for development is coupled with limited
staff and management capacity.
Barriers exist for the full participation of some citizens, particularly women, the very
poor, illiterate people, the elderly and certain ethnic groups. However, participation of
women and youth in their respective Councils, and in local and national government, is
appreciated where it does happen.
Local people see information essential for development. They cite lack of information,
particularly regarding marketing, policies, laws, credit availability, and development
plans. The LC system is identified as a major actual and potential conduit for
information.
Awareness and understanding of government policies by local people is frequently low.
In general, they see government policy as distant, disfavouring the poor, and having little
impact at the community level.
124
5.1
Good Governance Leads To Development, Poor Governance Leads

To Poverty
Local people saw good governance as a prerequisite for individual, household,

community and national development. On the other hand, poor governance was seen as a
cause of poverty in many districts.
Governance was associated with corruption, taxation, decentralisation 113 and
participation. Local peoples perceptions of these issues are discussed, particularly as
they effect well-being and access to livelihood resources.
What is good governance?
Local people associated good governance with strong leadership, transparency and
accountability, decentralisation, democracy, involvement of the population in governance,
access to basic services, and peace. Poor governance was associated with weak
leadership, corruption, lack of political will, poor planning and lack of development
intitiatives, bad policies, lack of information and consultations, skewed and poor service
delivery, limited mobilization and sensitization and an inefficient tax system.
In most districts, the efforts of the Government in trying to achieve good governance
were appreciated, particularly for restoring peace in the majority of the country, bringing
democracy and making efforts to involve women in governance.
The relationship between governance and poverty
Local people in 8 of 9 districts listed at least one aspect of poor governance, as described
above, as a cause of poverty. The major elements leading to poverty were corruption of
leaders and government officials, lack of plans, and poor mobilisation of the community
to undertake development activities.
The central Government was seen as having overall responsibility for poverty reduction.
However, local people expressed dissatisfaction with the government for not doing
enough to reduce poverty, as illustrated below:
113
Local councils were established during the civil war in the 1980s, and formalised when the NRM came into power in
1986. The Decentralisation Policy was introduced in 1992, and the first 13 districts decentralised at the beginning of
the 1993/94 financial year see Villadsen and Lubanga (1996) for details. Graduated taxation has been in existence
since before independence in 1962.
125
When government increases taxes, tells people to build schools, pay for their
own medical treatment, improve their own roads, and find markets for their
own produce ... what do you expect people in such circumstances to do?
Instead of redeeming people from poverty, government condemns them to more
poverty
The role of leaders

Leadership was a prominent feature in discussions on governance. Community
consultations revealed that the Local Council I (LC I) was seen as important to all
communities, as illustrated by Figure 5.1.
Figure 5.1: Venn diagram showing the relative importance of institutions
UNFA
Shop
Carpentry
workshop
Schools
LCI Executive
Churches
Kyanika
Twezikye
Jack
Busingye
7th Day
Adventist
Church
Market
District
Subcounty
Date: 17.02.99
Location: Kyanika I,
Bushenyi
Participants: 17 men
Materials: rope on ground
Explanation: The most important

institutions are those nearest the
centre of the large circle. The LCI
executive is therefore seen as the
most important local institution.
126
This perceived importance of the LC I leadership was due to their closeness to the
community, their roles in building co-operation within the community, mobilising the
people for development activities, settling disputes, maintaining law and order, decisionmaking, enacting by-laws, road maintenance, and (in one community in Kotido) initiating
peace. In most sites, local councillors (LC) I were highly respected and appreciated, as
shown below.
The LCs are close to the people and in resolving disputes, they are the most
important ones to approach. The people respect and obey them because they
are the ones responsible if anything goes wrong. They are recognised by
government and entrusted with the law they are overall.
In many cases, the roles and responsibilities of higher LC levels were not well known.
They were seen as distant, non-responsive to the needs of communities, and as hindering
community development. The reasons were the failure of leaders to visit the community
and corrupt practices. However, where higher leadership was strong, it was a driving
force in the improvement of peoples lives in the community. For example in Bushenyi,
the MP and local leaders of Bugarama village promoted the establishment of women and
youth groups for income generation.
5.2 Many Local People Are Disgusted With Corruption
Quoting a recent newspaper article and study, a man in Moyo Town expressed his disgust
by saying: Uganda ranks 13th in corruption in the world! 114 This quote stresses local
peoples disgust and frustration with the worsening trend of corruption in Uganda. 115
They emphasised that corruption negatively impacts on service delivery, community
security and infrastructure development, exacerbating district and community poverty,
and making poor people suffer. Lack of accountability and transparency were perceived
as being part of corruption, so these concepts are discussed together.
Corruption was reported at all levels of the delivery of government services and
programmes, and in the implementation of government policies. The statement when the
roof leaks the foundation is affected (Kampala), sums up the feelings of many local
people - that corruption at top levels, and consequently at lower levels, of government
negatively affects the people on the ground. Local people see no effective mechanisms
for making officers accountable. They do not know what should be done as they see
current government efforts as ineffective, as summed up below.
114
New Vision, 24 September 1998, quoting Transparency International survey of public perceptions on corruption.
Fifty-seven percent of respondents thought corruption had worsened in the past two years Uganda National
Integrity Survey, 1998.
115
127
These days people are like hyenas, they do not beg but just steal. Where has
Government gone and where should our cries go?
Elder, Kotido Town, Kotido
Corruption was seen as greed for riches, as well as a mechanism for coping with low or
non-existent salaries, delayed reimbursement, or inadequate services in the case of lower
level civil servants and local councillors. Local people stated that at lower levels such
small-scale corruption was understandable as a means of survival, although it was not
acceptable.
Analysis: Local peoples demands for an end to corruption

and an increase in transparency and accountability reinforces
the Governments desire to fight corruption. As discussed in
the Poverty Status Report 1999, Government has taken action
in this regard. However, it appears that local people do not
see the effectiveness of this anti-corruption machinery.
5.2.1 Corruption in government bodies

Local people cited cases of corruption and lack of transparency and accountability at all
levels of government. These cases point to LC I officials being perceived as the least
corrupt, although they may at times be open to bribes. LC V (district level) were viewed
as remote to communities, and were seen to be the most corrupt level. The sentiment of
local people concerning district level officials was summed up by an old woman in
Kotido Town, who said: We have maggots in these offices. They are all pregnant.
Concern was widely expressed over the apparent tolerance of corruption by the
government and the failure to make serious progress towards its elimination.
Cases were reported in which LC I and III councillors embezzled taxation revenue or
remittances, or diverted these funds into the projects of their choosing, rather than into the
planned projects, designed to improve the situations of communities. Corrupt lower level
LCs were, therefore, said to act as a barrier to community development.
At the district level, local councillors were sometimes seen as getting rich at the expense
of the poor because of their apparent wealth and ownership of successful businesses.
Councillors were also seen as being unable to control the wealthy. For example, local
people in Kalangala stated that it is the rich who rule. They do not listen to LC officials
and that these LCs will never try to bring a rich person to court.
128
Local people reported several categories of corruption at different levels. These are
shown in Table 5.1.
Table 5.1: Categories of corruption, local and central government
Local government
Embezzlement
Nepotism,
which
results
in
incompetent
and
unqualified
officials in post
Location favouritism, where funds
and projects are directed to the
councillors constituent area while
other less advantaged areas are
neglected
Lack of transparency of District
Tender Boards in awarding tenders,
particularly in Moyo where market
management tenders were reportedly
awarded to councillors and their
friends or relatives. Also in land
allocation, and gazetting by local
councils and the church
Failure to monitor programmes,
and therefore to account for funds
and activities
Central government
Involvement in foreign wars seen
as directing funds away from service
delivery improvements
District favouritism particularly of
South over North
Failure to deal with corrupt
officials when they have been found
guilty
Lack of electoral transparency
particularly with regard to nepotism,
false and misleading electoral
promises, lack of accountability to
the electorate and lack of
information after elections
5.2.2 Corruption in Government services and programmes

Local people experienced corruption in all aspects of government service delivery. This
decreased the quality of their lives, particularly in terms of access to health care and
police security. Local peoples experiences with police, judiciary, health services,
education, anti-corruption bodies and specific government programmes are discussed
below.
Police
In 6 of 9 districts visited by UPPAP, the Police was named as the most corrupt
institution. 116 Communities in all districts cited instances of corruption and nontransparency. The deterioration of the Police Code of Ethics since the late 1980s is
exemplified by the complaints of local people listed below and in the text-box:
116
In line with the findings of the Uganda National Integrity Survey (1998)
129
Illegal detention. Civilians were detained for prolonged periods without charges
or trial (see below). They were imprisoned for crimes such as wearing slippers
(rubber shoes) in court, or because they could not afford fines for minor offences,
or merely for being ignorant of their rights.
I was arrested by LDUs who took me to Kalangala. I was imprisoned for 21

days without any charges raised against me. No person appeared at the Police
Station to accuse me. I had to bribe the Police with 30,000/- to release me.
When a member of the LC I Executive came to my rescue, he was arrested
instead and imprisoned.
Man, Bbeta, Kalangala
Taking bribes from criminals to overlook crimes.

Torture
Harassment of communities, and failure to work through or with LC Is.
Limited presence in distant rural areas, or in urban areas at night.
Lack of accountable police action to counter crimes was seen as fostering increased
criminal activities, as indicated in the quotation below:
There is a lot of corruption now unlike in the past. In the past, for example,
when you murdered someone, the Police would take the matter seriously and
the criminal would be punished. The Police were active and it was difficult to
bribe them. For that reason, people used to fear committing crimes. These
days there are many criminal cases that are thrown out without justice.
Man, Kumi Town
Judiciary
A community member in Moyo said, bribery has even reached the Judiciary! Although
the role of LC I councillors as village magistrates, handling local cases quickly, was
appreciated, they were seen as susceptible to bribery and discrimination against women.
Confusion over their roles led them to operate outside their jurisdiction by ruling on
criminal cases.
More seriously, complaints received about magistrates and the court system indicate that
local people lack faith in the judiciary. It was seen as non-transparent and nonaccountable, with examples given of individuals being convicted due to personal conflicts
with the judge, no receipt for or refund of bail, and bribery, leading to decisions which
favour the rich and powerful.
Health Care Services
The major corruption complaint in all districts visited was the lack of drugs in
Government health care facilities, and the subsequent referral of patients to private clinics
130
where the same drugs were available at considerable cost. Some of these private clinics
are owned by government employees.
Hospitals were not high on the list of transparent and accountable institutions. For
example, non-refundable prescription fees were charged in the knowledge that the
prescribed drugs were not available. Fees were demanded before treatment and cases
were cited in which seriously ill patients were turned away due to inability of the family
to afford the initial payments. Further, staff in health care facilities in Kumi asked local
people if they had come with their brother meaning some extra cash - in order to access
health care.
Education
In 5 of the 9 districts visited, the major complaint regarding school administration was the
lack of transparency in the receipt and the use of UPE funds, as well as teacher
remuneration. Two cases of gross misappropriation of funds by head teachers were cited.
With the abolition of Parents and Teachers Associations, parents feel that they were less
involved and they were not aware that they had the right to know about these funds.
Local people were concerned with the lack of auditors to ensure accountability.
Anti-Corruption Bodies
In Moyo and Kotido, the accountability and effectiveness of the Inspectorate General of
Government (IGG) was doubted. The IGG was seen as having failed to expose any
corrupt officials in these districts. Cases were evidently reported to the IGG, an
investigation was initiated, but the IGG staff were perceived as colluding with district
officials and the cases were killed.
Feeder Roads and Works
District Works and Engineering Departments were cited as the most corrupt in the
districts visited. Examples of such corruption include:
Misuse of equipment. Equipment was said to be hired out to private companies in
Moyo. In Kotido, a tipper truck donated to the district for collecting was
essentially privatised.
Nepotism meant that the relatives and friends of district officials replaced good
workers in the department.
Diversion of funds and fuel, meant for road maintenance, for private use or for
election campaigning by district officials and leaders.
Allocated funds not utilised for the intended use. For example, in Bwaise
Parish, Kampala, money allocated for drainage had not resulted in the un-blocking
of drains.
Relief Aid
The Food and Agriculture Organisation sent seeds and hoes to Moyo District in 1994, but
local people did not receive them. They held the intermediate agent in the town and the
LC III responsible for diverting the seeds and tools to friends. When called upon to
investigate, the LC IIIs did nothing.
131
In another instance, elders refused to sanction a Food For Work programme of the World
Food Programme (WFP), where local people are paid in food for their labour. Elders felt
the programme was contrary to community ethics and the food allocated did not
compensate for the commitment and the work performed. As shown below, they viewed
this as corruption.
We are being exploited by WFP just because we are poor. Why should WFP
treat us unfairly? We have continued to water these trees during the dry season
without anything. Isnt this corruption?
Woman, Kotido Town, Kotido
Entandikwa Credit Scheme

In all 9 districts, local people had a lot to say about the Entandikwa Credit Scheme - none
of it was found to be positive. Problems were associated with the concept, sensitisation,
delivery, management, and monitoring of the scheme. The scheme was seen as not being
transparent in any of its operation and to be fraught with corruption.
The sensitisation of potential beneficiaries in all districts was not at all transparent.
Where the public received information about the scheme, it was associated with election
campaigns, such that many people thought that Entandikwa was a gift from President
Museveni to repay people for the NRMs landslide victory in 1996. On hearing over the
radio recently that the funds had to be repaid, some beneficiaries in Kotido went gone into
hiding for fear of repercussions, as they did not have the money to meet the repayments.
In nearly all districts, local people said that the funds from Entandikwa did not go to
intended beneficiaries the poor but that this money seemed to have stopped in the
hands of the LCs and wealthy people. In Bushenyi, one of the beneficiaries explained
that she was successful in her application because she had technical know how of the
disbursement officials. In Kotido, one woman noted that Entandikwa was an inter-clan
credit scheme through which LC II and LC III officials enriched themselves.
KDA and PEARL in Kotido
The KDA was strongly criticised by the people of Kotido for corrupt practices, which
have done little for the development of the region. Examples include charging
commission for Entandikwa disbursements, mismanagement of funds, and failure to
deliver the planned projects. The example was given of small ponds which were built
instead of valley dams. Local people recommended the liquidation of the KDA.
The Programme for Enhancing Adolescent Reproductive Livelihoods (PEARL) was
reported to be totally corrupt. The facilitators were reportedly family members of the coordinator, who were often illiterate and unable to carry out their job. Project items such as
bicycles and T-shirts ended in the hands of the co-ordinators family, such that local
people thought that it was a family uniform.
132
5.3 Inequity In The Taxation System

Taxation and poverty were linked in local peoples analysis. In all districts, poor people
expressed concern over the burden that graduated tax places on their livelihoods and their
household well-being.
Impacts of the Graduated Tax System
In all communities visited, it was stated that the poor are being cheated because they pay
high levels of taxation relative to their meagre income, whereas richer people pay
considerably less in relation to their means. Numerous examples of the regressive nature
of the system were given where the poor are burdened and the rich are left virtually
untouched by graduated tax, as illustrated in the text box below:
A junior civil servant who earns 100,000/ per month pays 80,000/- Graduated
Tax per year, whereas his boss, who earns 650,000/- per month also pays
80,000/- GT. Communities complained that teachers earning 70,000/- per
month must also pay 80,000/-.
Bushenyi
High graduated tax burdens poor people, especially heads of household, exacerbating
poverty. This burden is reported to have increased progressively since the 1960s when the
system was seen as fairer. Graduated tax affects local people in the following ways:
Major expenditure in poorer households, which at times forces people to sell

assets, and at others, leads to debts being incurred.
Prohibits the purchase of basic essentials, such as clothes.
Discourages utilisation of resources. For example, local people in Moyo stated
that they did not plant more crops for fear of increased taxation, which they
could not afford.
Men run away from the tax collector, depleting the household of productive
labour, often during the planting stage of the season.
Women engaged in petty trade in Kampala and Kalangala reported that tax
collectors intimidated them into payment even if they could not afford it.
Confiscation of goods due to non-payment of market dues further
impoverishes the household.
The disadvantaged are most susceptible to impoverishment due to the tax burden. Those
people who have very few productive or tangible resources, who are aged, sick or
disabled and cannot generate income, the unemployed, and those recently released from
prison are all reportedly still taxed. Refugees felt particularly disadvantaged as they were
required to pay graduated tax, but were not entitled to use free government services or to
seek formal employment. The only cases of official exemption were the Batwa, and an
old man in Kapchorwa who is sick and who lives by the charity of others. Cases of
perceived double taxation were cited. For example, fishermen in Kalangala are taxed on
their boats and then on the fish catch; and migrants in Kabarole from other districts are
taxed both in their home district as well as the district in which they work.
133
Low revenue base

In most districts, the tax revenue base is low because there are few tax-payers and a high
rate of evasion. This was cited as leading to community poverty because the district and
the sub-counties could not afford to improve infrastructure and service delivery, which
would in turn improve the quality of life of local people. The vicious circle was
recognised by local people an individual fails to pay graduated tax due to poverty,
which leads to the consequent underdevelopment of services and infrastructure due to low
revenue base, which in turn leads to more poverty. Local people were aware that taxes
were needed to meet decentralization demands. Subsequently, local people stated that
they would be more willing to pay graduated tax if they saw the benefit and the value of
paying taxes, and if the system was fairer.
Unfair system of assessment and collection
Local people reported anomalies in tax assessment procedures. In some cases, all assets
are assessed, including non-productive resources like food and household utensils. Onsite assessments are not regular, so that if livestock die or a crop fails, this is not taken
into consideration. Assessment is also seen to be inconsistent, meaning that a person
with realtively few assets may be taxed more highly than a person with many assets.
This also points to favouritism and nepotism on the part of the sub-county chiefs who
make the assessments. Communities in Bushenyi felt that the well-being ranking
undertaken by the UPPAP team was a more useful method to rank households into
categories for taxation purposes. Avenues for channeling complaints about tax
assessment, such as the tax assemblies mentioned in Bushenyi, are not transparent and do
not satisfactorily address problems. Local people complained that their cases are not
taken seriously.
Preparation of seasonal calendars in a number of sites revealed that the timing of
assessments and particularly the collection of graduated tax are areas of concern to local
people. For example, in Kapchorwa, assessments occur after the harvest, a time of plenty
- whereas collection occurs during the season of hunger when local people have limited
income. The timing of collection is often in the rainy season when productivity is low,
intensive labour is needed in the fields, water is in short supply necessitating migration
for pastoralists, medical expenses are high due to high disease incidence, the roads are
impassable, food stores are low, opportunities to earn income are limited, and school fees
are due.
Collection procedures are reported to be less than desirable for local people. Coercion,
threats, confiscation by collectors, particularly the use of force by Local Administrative
Police in Kumi and Kotido, were reported. Bribes had to be paid to recover confiscated
items, resulting in a further financial burden for the poor. Further, many cases were
reported that the amount asked for at collection was more than the amount assessed.
Also, additional taxes were requested during collection, such as a development tax, and
receipts were either out of date, or not issued at all.
Over-taxation destroys income-generating initiatives
134
Over-taxation has detrimental effects on income-generation for primary producers as well

as those with small businesses. Agricultural productivity can be compromised due to tax
evasion and failure to plant, as described above. Small businesses and initiatives can be
destroyed due to inability to meet tax payments, as highlighted below. In urban area,
petty traders, particularly women in Kampala, complained of the number of taxes levied
on them. These included market dues, licence fees and ground rent, in addition to
graduated tax.
When I started the business of fish mongering in 1991, I was able to buy a goat
and a bicycle. But since last year, I cannot do anything for myself because of
high taxes. My capital is only 30,000/-, taxes are 25,000/-, and 20,000/-must
be paid to the fisheries department. I am now at home, out of business.
Woman, Celecelea, Moyo Town, Moyo
Local people do not see the benefit of the taxes paid

25% of graduated tax paid by individuals in the community is remitted from the subcounty to the LCI. Where this does occur, it is appreciated, although the remittance was
often cited as being delayed or too low. The LCIs usually use this money for small
community development projects.
However, in general, local people fail to see the benefit of the taxes they pay. This is the
major reason cited for evasion, as illustrated in the text box below. Local people stated
that despite the generation of revenue through taxation, service delivery is inadequate,
roads are in a bad state, market access is limited and governance is poor.
They come to collect taxes this year, nothing comes as a benefit to us. The very
same people come back the following year..nothing! And on and on !
That is why people run away from the tax collectors, because they do not know
the reasons why taxes are collected.
Community member, Chema, Kapchorwa
Lack of transparency particularly the lack of information concerning the amount of

revenue collected, and the intended and actual utilisation of this revenue and corruption
also limit maximum collection of taxes.
5.4
Decentralisation
Decentralisation aims to strenghten good governance, by bringing government and local

people closer together. Although decentralisation policy is widely acknowledged by
local people as a good thing, understanding of the structures, roles and responsibilities
that surround it is limited.
5.4.1 Awareness and attitudes towards decentralisation
135
Local people are aware of the existence of the policy of decentralisation, although
understanding of it is limited. Even some lower level LCs in districts such as Kabarole,
Kalangala and Moyo confessed that they did not know what their exact roles were,
because they had never been sensitised. Generally, women were less aware of
decentralisation, and in remote districts such as Kisoro and Moyo, rural people had not
heard of the policy.
In most districts, there was a general understanding that decentralisation meant the
districts now had the responsibility to manage their own affairs. There was some feeling
that this meant abandonment by central government. In addition, the policy was often
erroneously associated with the LC system and the 25% remittance of taxation to the LC I
level .
Some enlightened members in urban areas, particularly in Kampala and Bushenyi, knew
that under decentralisation services should be brought closer to the people, that
participation of local people in planning should be promoted, and that district resources
and capacity should be enhanced. However, in general, there appeared to be a lack of
understanding regarding what decentralisation actually means for districts and for
communities, the roles, responsibilities and relationships of the different levels of local
government, and entitlements to information.
Communities accept decentralisation as a good policy, particularly if tax collection and
distribution of revenue is effective. However, in Kumi, Moyo, Kalangala and Kabarole,
local people feel that the policy was introduced too early and without announcement or
consultation of communities, as shown in the box below.
In districts such as Moyo, Kapchorwa, Kumi and Kotido, concern was expressed over
inequality between districts, implying that rich districts were built up by central
government before decentralisation, while poorer districts were left to fend for
themselves. Because these districts have a low resource base, local people feel that they
will be further disadvantaged, as shown below.
Who was responsible for decentralisation of districts, the district at stake as a
partner in the process or the Central Government single-handed? We woke up
one day to hear that Moyo had been decentralised.
Man, Celecelea, Moyo
After developing the major areas in Uganda, they brought their

decentralisation policy to intentionally leave behind the areas that they used to
milk [get revenue from]. After helping to build a neighbours tukul (hut), the
neighbour then abandons you, leaving you to build your own tukul.
Man, Chokwe, Moyo
Local people feel that the Central Government should not divest itself totally of the
responsibility of improving the lives and livelihoods of Ugandans, particularly in
disadvantaged districts.
136
Analysis: From the above, it appears that local people are not
aware of the provision of the Equalisation Grants under the
Local Government Act. Such grants, if allocated and if
properly administrated, could yield positive impacts on the
development of districts such as Moyo, Kotido, Kumi,
Kalangala, Kisoro and Kapchorwa.
5.4.2 Impact of decentralisation

Local communities cited a number of positive impacts of the decentralisation policy, but
these varied between districts depending on the perceived accountability and transparency
of the district and sub-county administration.
Revenue and benefits to the community
In general, local people report that they do not see the larger scale benefits of the taxes
that they pay or grants allocated by the Central Government in terms of improvements in
service delivery, provision of street lighting in towns, construction and maintenance of
roads, and improvements in administration and governance. When no benefit is
perceived, local people become unwilling to pay taxes.
Analysis: The above highlights the lack of transparency and

accountability in funds collected and remitted, as well as the
need for consultation of local people and lower LCs in
planning for the utilisation of revenue.
Roles of LC levels in decentralisation

It is interesting that in those districts where the traditional elements of governance - the
clans and the elders - are still active, these institutions acted to support lower levels of the
LC system. They were often the first line in settling disputes. However, local people
lamented that these forms of governance are being slowly eroded.
Although higher level LCs were largely viewed as distant and non-responsive, the
following positive attributes were noted. In Bushenyi and Kampala, communities
appreciated the LC III (sub-county) councillors and chiefs for their roles in tax collection,
formulating development plans and settling disputes passed on from lower levels. The
town councils (LC IV) and the district administration and leaders (LC V) were
137
appreciated for town planning in urban areas, and co-ordination of resources and plans in
some districts. Kampala City Council was one of the municipal authorities that was
highly criticised it was seen as a cancer patient who will never heal because of its poor
planning and implementation of service delivery and infrastructure development.
Payment of civil servants salaries
In several districts, most noticeably Kapchorwa, payment of salaries on time has
improved under decentralisation. However, in districts such as Moyo, Kotido and Kumi,
where at the time of introduction of decentralisation few stipulated civil servant positions
were filled, salary payment is still delayed as the districts reportedly find difficulty in
meeting the shortfall from Central Government grants. Key informants interviewed in
these districts stated that district expenditure on salaries consumes a large proportion of
resources, leaving limited resources for service delivery and infrastructure development
Participation and empowerment
In some sites, local people felt more involved in decisions affecting their community as a
result of decentralisation. In Kotido, community members commented that they felt more
control, at least to identify their problems and to arrive at local solutions. For them, they
associated this with the perception of improved quality of governance at lower levels. In
addition, people appreciated being able to choose their leaders and to enact by-laws. The
inclusion of women in the LC system and womens councils was appreciated although
women said that their participation in local leadership has not yielded the benefits which
they had expected.
Decentralisation was seen as empowering lower level LCs to take a more active role in
the governance of their communities, particularly the settling of disputes related to land,
debts, security, marriages and divorce. In Bushenyi, the handling of cases by LC I had
reduced the workload at the sub-county level, and had increased the access to justice for
local people.
5.4.3 Constraints to success of decentralisation
Local people saw several constraints to the success of decentralisation, and more widely
the implementation of good governance.
LC I councillors were perceived to be overburdened with the work expected of them.
This, coupled with the lack of remuneration, seriously constrains the effectiveness of
these LCs. As councillors must support their families as well as perform their expected
governance functions, there is a conflict of time and interest, as illustrated by the quote
below. As a result, their motivation is decreased, their ability to mobilize the community
for development is reduced, and their authority is limited. In Kalangala, for example, the
LC I Chairperson was disrespected and overlooked by the Police who did not recognise
officials who were not paid.
To compound the problem, LC I committees work for free, so if people take
the 25% to be their salary, you do not blame them.
LC I Chairperson, Buggala Island, Kalangala
138
In many cases, local communities saw the district as incapable of planning and
implementing programmes for improving the lives and livelihoods of the people because
of limited staff capacity. Lower LCs and community members themselves identified that
they lacked knowledge and capacity in the implementation of decentralisation, planning,
record-keeping, sensitisation, and accountability. It was also reported that LC I
councillors generally lacked leadership skills, and LC III and LC V councillors were
perceived to lack development and planning knowledge and training.
Districts often lack a full complement of suitably qualified civil servants. Qualified staff
are not attracted to poorer, remote districts such as Moyo and Kalangala, so these districts
lag behind in service delivery. This may be in part due to the district policy on
recruitment. In Kabarole, the district is perceived as restricting the hiring of civil
servants to educated persons from within the district, resulting in staff shortage. On the
other hand, Kotido District hires staff from outside, but local people complained that this
had inhibited development, because commitment to the district was low for officials who
left the district every weekend. Such a practice was linked in the minds of local people
with increased corruption, restricted information flow, and limited opportunities for
employment of local people, as shown below.
Where does the (central) government expect our children to get jobs when
even vehicles sent to the district come along with drivers from Kampala? Our
children can also drive and they should get jobs!
Old man, Kotido town, Kotido
Analysis: This lack of capacity, coupled with the observed

lack of furniture, office equipment and stationery, severely
limits implementation of programmes at lower levels. The
inability to keep adequate records, due to lack of capable
persons or skill makes monitoring of projects and follow-up
almost an impossibility.
Decentralisation was seen to have come too early for disadvantaged districts which did
not have sufficient resources to sustain themselves, let alone to develop, as exemplified
below.
Government . has left those undeveloped districts to develop on their own
through decentralisation, and they are poor. How are they to develop?
Man, Ariet, Moyo
139
In an attempt to raise revenue, some of these districts were said to overtax certain
categories of individuals, such as property owners (for example, boat owners in
Kalangala), but still fail to raise sufficient resources, resulting in the use of coercion and
force to extract taxes.
In terms of physical resources, people in Kotido complained that the Central Government
had not decentralised income-generating resources, such as gold mines. Further, limited
availability of basic logistical resources, such as fuel for vehicles and for road
maintenance equipment, frustrated progress.
Decentralisation was blamed for the perceived increase in corruption, particularly at the
levels of LC III and above. It was noted that if corruption was not curbed, it would
continue to erode the value of decentralisation and might ruin it altogether.
Information flow to lower Local Council levels, particularly LC I, from higher levels
LC III and LC V - was seen to be blocked, particularly in isolated districts such as Moyo
and Kisoro. Support from higher levels was also seen to be absent.
Local people commented that higher LCs did not regularly consult them and that, because
of this, policies had been derailed during implementation.
Analysis: Decentralisation of certain districts, particularly those

that are resource poor, may have resulted in further
marginalisation, owing to the inability to raise adequate revenue
for their development. Given this insufficiency of funds,
coupled with limited staff and management capacity, the
Ministry of Local Government could usefully increase
programmes to strengthen decentralisation in these districts.
5.5 Consultation And Participation In Governance

This section explores the perceptions of local people in the 9 districts visited concerning
participation of communities in governance, either initiated by the community
participation - or initiated by leaders consultation.
Local people are stakeholders to be consulted
Local people saw themselves as stakeholders in their own development and as such they
felt that they should be consulted by governing bodies at all levels. In all districts,
complaints were levelled at higher levels of the LC system and the Central Government
for lack of consultation. Local people in Kampala commented that feasibility studies were
140
not performed at the community level prior to planning, which often led to failure of
projects during implementation. Community members felt that on the few occasions
where consultation had taken place, the views given were ignored.
Local people saw open consultation with communities as vital for appropriate service
delivery and poverty reduction programmes. Such consultation were seen as enabling the
community members to gain information, as well as advising leaders and administrators
of their problems and recommendations for solution.
Local people noted that leaders, once elected, were rarely seen in the communities.
Where strong active leaders consulted their constituency, development was seen to
proceed.
It is only Museveni who has ever kept his promises, at least he promised UPE
and it came, no other politician in this place has ever delivered on their
promises.
Old man, Mukungu, Kisoro
Who participates in community affairs?

Community unity, in which individual participation and co-operation is enhanced, was
reported as an indicator of community well-being. However, not all members of the
community participate in community affairs, particularly in meetings and decisionmaking. Those that usually participate are men, elders, religious leaders and LC
councillors.
Women were reported to be excluded by their husbands from participating in meetings
and development projects. Participation may bring beatings. Refugees are excluded by
LCs and by their legal status. Some individuals exclude themselves because they
perceive others to judge them negatively. Examples include the Batwa ethnic group in
Kisoro, elderly women, and uneducated individuals who feel they are never listened to in
meetings. Lastly, poor people, particularly women, who possess only ragged clothes feel
ashamed to be seen in public at meetings and social events.
Analysis: Failure to involve all members of the community in

decision-making means a failure to incorporate the needs of
all members into planning and implementation for
development. Leaders need to be proactive in working
towards maximising participation, and devising mechanisms
to remove barriers to participation, particularly of vulnerable
groups.
141
Community participation in governance

In Bushenyi, community participation in planning, implementation, monitoring and
accountability was viewed as important for ensuring community and district progress
towards poverty reduction. In addition, in other districts, communities appreciated the
opportunity to elect their local leaders and saw this as a potential way to participate in
governance decisions.
While election proceedings were appreciated, they were not always perceived as free and
fair because they were based on political affiliations, nepotism and personality. At times
the candidates did not even appear in the area and the local people said the elections were
twaterera ebishani meaning voting for pictures. Further, in urban areas such as
Kampala, campaigning and political affiliations polarised communities, as shown in the
example below.
When one of our leaders who is a multi-partyist went around with a tractor
collecting garbage, some of the Movement people hid their garbage because
they did not want to associate with the opposition. Yet garbage is not a political
issue but something that improves sanitation in the community.
Woman, Nakulabye, Kampala
Barriers to community participation in governance were identified during the UPPAP

exercises to include the following:
Lack of mobilisation and sensitisation.

Lack of information
Apathy - community meetings are seen as unimportant
Failure to see that the Government has done anything to improve local
peoples lives.
Women appreciate the opportunity for participation

Women appreciated the LC system and the opportunities given to them to participate in
Local Councils and Women Councils. They saw this opportunity as an avenue to
increase their participation by meeting without hindrance, to express themselves freely, to
bring their concerns onto the governance agenda, to gain knowledge on their rights, and
to access information, as illustrated below.
We now have a platform to meet and form a pressure group for our cause. We
meet and give our views, even amidst men. For young ones, it is a chance to get
trained on how to live in unity and to be good leaders of tomorrow at all levels.
Woman, Bugarama, Bushenyi
In districts such as Bushenyi, some of the above aspirations have been realised, such as in
the fair resolution of family disputes. However, the effectiveness of women leaders,
particularly in Women Councils, is limited due to lack of funds and information. The
district does not vote funds for these councils, and often they do not even have an office.
However, maximal participation of women in governance still faces several constraints:
142
Culture: women are not allowed by their husbands to participate, often under
the threat of violence.
Discrimination: Male LCs were said to discriminate against women
councillors, particularly those who are poorer or less well educated, in the
trivialising of marital, domestic violence or sexual harassment issues. Women,
particularly widows, are often discriminated against in LC courts, in cases
involving land and property.
Weak women leaders: Women leaders were cited to lack confidence, to be
poor mobilisers. They expressed the need to better understand their roles and
to be trained in leadership, mobilisation and conflict resolution. A woman
councillor is not a guarantee of good governance, as in Kisoro where the
Councillor has never come back to consult us. Even she does not inform us
about government issues.
Poor mobilisation: Women are reportedly difficult to mobilise due to the
limited time at their disposal and heavy workload, and because they have not
seen the benefit of the community meetings and Government initiatives for
women. Some women also said that they felt it was not so important that they
be involved, as the Government would provide.
Analysis: In order to enhance the participation of women in

decision-making within their communities, councillors need
to target both men and women in order to sensitise all
members on the benefits of participation of all community
members in governance.
A voice for youth

Youth Councils were regarded as an important institution for the youth. In some sites,
these councils give a voice to the youth, mobilising, providing role models, influencing
behaviour, and assiting in income generation. However, their activities are limited by
lack of funding, lack of clear roles, and limited skills.
In general, the youth feel neglected in the development process. Examples were given in
which youth groups were promised funding and income-generation opportunities that
never materialised (Kalangala, Bushenyi and Kampala). They could not access credit or
employment, and felt frustration at not knowing how to access development
opportunities.
Collaboration of NGOs and community groups in development
NGOs, operating mainly in urban centres, were seen as important to developing service
delivery, relief aid and agriculture productivity. However, NGO operations were not
prominent in rural communities, and in some districts, communities lacking NGOs were
regarded as poor. Programmes, although few, were appreciated, although there were
143
reported cases of exploitation of local people, lack of transparency , and failure to

produce tangible results.
Analysis: In many disadvantaged districts, service delivery is

hampered due to lack of human and financial resources.
Partnerships between NGOs/UN agencies and district
authorities, based on community needs and district priorities,
could assist the district in the implementation of programmes
to reduce poverty and to improve the lives of local people.
5.6
Information Is Essential For Development
Local people in all districts recognised that information is vital for development and that
lack of information is a cause of poverty. People felt that access to information and
awareness had improved since the 1960s, largely as a result of increased access to
education.
Essential information
Community members identified several areas in which they lacked information, all of
which hindered their development.
The Law.
Constitutional rights and entitlement to information and how to demand
accountability or to complain. 117 Children and womens rights were specifically
mentioned.
The Local Government Act, and the roles and responsibilities of Local
Councillors and Councils.
Government policies and how these are intended to benefit local people. Taxation
and the Land Act were frequently cited.
Availability of markets and prices paid for produce, as well as agriculture
practices, as illustrated below.
Because we do not know where the market is, when the rich businessmen
come, they set prices, and buy cheaply from farmers who readily accept
because of ignorance of market prices and lack of alternatives. This is where
death came to substitute poverty.
117
Similar results were found in the Uganda National Integrity Survey (1998).
144
Availability of credit, and credit management.

Appropriate health costs and service availability.
Development plans for programme implementation and funds available and
utilised.
Analysis: Politicians must realize that if local people do not

know their rights and responsibilities to demand
accountability and transparency, they cannot hold leaders and
civil servants accountable.
Local people in all 9 districts visited saw a number of consequences of the failure to
access information, as listed below:
Constraints on livelihoods and movement out of poverty.

Implementation of programmes is derailed, as people do not understand the purposes
or benefits for them.
Appropriate projects are not undertaken.
Community priorities are not addressed.
Unaccountable and non-transparent practices due to failure of local people to demand
accountability.
Communication problems in the LC system

Communities viewed the LC system as the most important channel of information,
although other sources were also mentioned. These include the religious institutions,
elders or clan leaders, civil servants, NGOs and CBOs, and the media.
The LC I was seen to be the link to higher levels and the channel through which
information should flow from the local government to the community and vice-versa.
However, there appears to be a break in the link between lower and higher levels, such
that LCs I and II are often operating in a vacuum.
Analysis: This break in the linkages between lower and

higher levels of the LC system raises serious questions about
the statutory participatory planning for priority setting and
resource allocation according to needs of the local people and
their communities(Local Government Act, 1997). It also
raises questions about accountability to the people.
In general, local people identified a blockage in the flow of information in both

directions. Community analysis pointed to the LC III level as the weak link, a situation
145
which was more pronounced in rural than in urban areas. Further, local people in Moyo
and Kumi felt that higher levels deliberately kept communities ignorant so that they could
take advantage of the poor. Various examples were cited, as shown below.
When there is eating or any benefits, leaders do not inform people in
communities, but when there are no benefits, information is passed
immediately.
LC I councillor, Kumi
The LC I Chairperson in Celecelea village in Moyo Town had tried repeatedly
to meet with LC III Executive to discuss plans for development. Their letters
went unanswered, although no meeting had taken place since the election of
the LCIII Chairperson. The community members and the LC I Executive did
not understand decentralisation and did not know the roles and responsibilities
of the different levels of LCs. Local people identified this as a constraint to
their development. The community had not received the 25% graduated tax
remittance from the sub-county for previous year.
Case Study, Celecelea, Moyo
Where information was passed to lower levels, LC I councillors complained that it was
selective, or that it was not timely, causing councillors and community members to miss
important meetings.
5.7
Awareness And Understanding Of Government Policies
How do people perceive policy?

Local people in Kampala drew the analogy of government policy shown below. It
describes government policy as a person with a big head, and a body which diminishes in
size towards the small, weak legs.
Big head is current policy at the national level.

LC V
Body is the LC system
LC I
Weak legs are the communities
146
This schematic means that at the national level, policies are important, but in the
communities they dont have a leg to stand on. In other words, policies may be wellintentioned at the centre, but they are not well understood by local people in terms of why
they are formulated, what they are meant to achieve, and their intended benefit. Local
people stated that policies often fail at the implementation stage in the communities.
Because of these factors, policies are often viewed negatively by local people the
government is out to bite the toothless - and as having a negative effect on the livelihoods
of the poor.
Analysis: If local people fear policies and are not aware that
they are being implemented for their benefit, then
implementation is seriously jeopardised.
Local peoples lack of understanding of government policy is exemplified by their

perceptions of one particular policy, the Land Act. Although local people in all 9
districts had heard of the Act, understanding and awareness of the implications was very
limited, particularly amongst women. Rumours and confusion were rife, as illustrated
below:
they want to grab land from us. We have heard that the government is to
take over land and collect people in camps.
Men, Kumi
People felt that if you occupy land then you will be considered a bona fide
occupant. So many people began to squat on others land so that it would be
given to them..
Based on their knowledge of the Land Act, local people gave their opinions of positive
and negative impacts of its implementation. In Kampala, the Act was perceived as a
political issue that will breed hatred, and will give foreigners land for free. In Kabarole,
meanwhile, it was positively viewed because it will enable mobile people to settle. This
example illustrates the misunderstandings that can arise from a lack of policy awareness
amongst local people.
What are the determinants of policy awareness?
During the UPPAP consultations, local people identified several factors causing lack of
awareness and understanding of government policy. From their comments, determinants
for the enhancement of policy awareness were inferred. These are shown in Table 5.2.
147
Table 5.2: Determinants of policy awareness

Good governance
NGO presence
Literacy
Infrastructure
Access to media
Urban dwelling
Geographic isolation
Quality of extension
service
Gender
Security
Associated with participation of the local people in governance and in

project implementation and consultations by leaders, as well as an
effective transfer of information through the LC system.
The presence of NGOs, particularly those with development
objectives and who work closely with local communities, was
associated with enhanced policy awareness, as experienced in
Kampala.
Those members of the communities who were aware of policies were
invariably those who were better educated.
Access to information, including that on policy, is related to access to
services. Where roads and transport are poor, interaction with others
and exchange of ideas and information is limited.
Local people, particularly women, associated lack of radios and
inability to read newspapers as limiting their awareness.
Urban people seemed to have increased access to information
concerning policies as they have adequate roads and transport, access
to the media, and increased interaction with people, compared to
ihabitants of rural areas.
Geographical isolation, such as in the mountains of Kapchorwa and
the small islands of Kalangala, was reported to exclude people from
political as well as economic processes.
In Bushenyi, where extension services seemed more effective than in
most other districts, awareness of policy was higher, especially
regarding agricultural issues.
Domestic chores, cultural constraints, roles and responsibilities and
service interactions determine differences in policy awareness
between men and women.
In some areas, different forms of insecurity denied people the
opportunity to interact and to share information.
5.8 Community Recommendations On Governance

Local people made a range of recommendations concerning governance. Many of them
concerned clarification of the roles and responsibilities of the different elements of the LC
system. These recommendations are summarised in Table 5.3
148
Table 5.3: Community recommendations on governance

Community members need
LCs should
Central government could
Sensitisation about the functions and mechanisms

of decentralisation
To be consulted about their needs and the
feasability, design, operationalisation and
monitoring of programmes meant to benefit them
Support for capacity building for leaders
To monitor policies and their implementation
To be seen to be transparent in their dealings
Remuneration for LC I councillors
To enact and enforce by-laws
To ensure adequate and prompt payment to civil
servants
To be elected by secret ballot
Provide guidelines clarifying LC members duties
Review the graduated tax system, with particular
attention to the timing and accountability of
collection
Apportion development resources to districts
according to need
Punish corrupt officials (Suggestions ranged
from suspension to interdiction, prosecution,
imprisonment and the firing squad)
Publish information on public funds, including
tax revenue
Analysis: The above recommendations, if enacted, would

enable support for good governance, and allow institutions of
government to act as a springboard for poverty reduction.
Local people would stand a better chance of being able to use
information to demand accountability, and to move out of
poverty.
149
CHAPTER SIX
INSECURITY
This chapter explores the perspectives of local people in the 36 communities concerning
security. Peace and security are seen as prerequisites for decreasing poverty. Insecurity is
described at three levels: the household, particularly directed against women; in the
community, particularly related to theft; and wider insecurity, which includes insurgency,
rebel activity, cattle-rustling and involvement in international wars.
In the household, wife battering is a widespread threat to womens security. It is related to
gender relations, poverty and alcoholism.
At the level of the household and the community, poverty is reported to force people to steal,
while theft of property causes increased poverty for the victim. At the level of the community,
such insecurity was said to overburden the judiciary.
In seven of the nine districts visited by UPPAP, wider insecurity rebel insurgency, cattleraiding, and theft - is reported to affect all aspects of peoples lives.
Traditional cattle-raiding by the Karimojong in the North East has lead to increasing
poverty for other groups further to the south. Loss of oxen in Kumi and Kapchorwa has lead
to decreasing acreage under cultivation, reduced productivity and food insecurity.
As seen in Moyo, rebel insurgency affects all aspect of peoples lives social, physical and
emotional. Property is lost, injuries and death occur, and displacement and fear result. The
consequences are isolation and limited business opportunities, community insecurity, low
productivity, food insecurity and low incomes. Increased poverty results. Disaffected youth,
retrenchees and demobilised soldiers were said to be most likely to steal or to join the rebels.
Security forces are not seen as working effectively to enforce security due to lack of
facilitation and corrupt practices, leading to a lack of confidence by the public. In some
cases, they are seen as a cause of insecurity themselves.
6.1 Security Is A Precondition For Development

Local people, in some districts, appreciated the Government for returning peace and rule of
law to many parts of the country since 1986. Such peace was seen as having enabled
development to occur over the past decade. Recent peace initiatives in Kotido were also
praised. 118 However, in several districts, community members reported that insecurity
negatively affects all aspects of their livelihoods and their quality of life
Local people raised concerns about different types of insecurity that effect their lives and
livelihoods, both directly and indirectly. These different kinds of insecurity can be
summarised as
Household insecurity, including domestic violence

Community insecurity, such as theft, rebel insurgency and cattle-raiding
Wider insecurity, such as international wars, and the fear or threat of insecurity.
Episodes of insecurity act as a shock causing the affected individuals and households to
become poorer, and worsening poverty for communities. The threat of insecurity also
prohibits local people from rising out of poverty.
Local people reported that poverty has
worsened in the past two decades as a result of insecurity in districts such as Moyo, Kumi,
Kampala, and Kabarole.
Communities in 7 districts cited insecurity - rebel activity, cattle-raiding, or theft - as a cause
of poverty, while in 5 districts theft was listed as a consequence of poverty. Joining the
rebels was seen as an option for those who are disillusioned as a result of poverty.
Insurgency cattle raiding or rebel activity - was a major problem in communities in Moyo,
Kumi, Kapchorwa, Kabarole and Kotido. Individual community insecurity was a concern in
some communities in Moyo, Kampala, Kapchorwa, Kabarole, and Kumi. Women in
Kampala, Kalangala and Kotido ranked wife beating as a community priority problem.
In general, urban communities felt safer from insurgency than rural communities, as they
were closer to security forces. Local people in rural communities felt more isolated,
particularly in cases where security forces failed to reach trouble spots due to impassable
roads.
6.2 Household Insecurity
Insecurity in the home was viewed differently by different groups of people. Women
reported domestic violence - wife battering and harassment in the home - as disturbing the
security of their homes. Youth and children were apprehensive about indiscriminate arrests
in Kampala. Men cited women stealing household resources.
118
At the time of writing this report, however, the security situation in Kotido had deteriorated significantly
152
Wife battering and harassment were caused by factors revolving around gender relations,
poverty and alcoholism, as shown in Figure 7.1, a visual created in Kisenyi Parish, Kampala
District.
153
Figure 7.1 Wife battering and harassment

EFFECTS
Participants who generated this information were 17

women. The exercise was done by writing cards and
placing them on the ground.
No treatment when
wives are sick
CAUSES OF WIFE BATTERING AND HARASSMENT
Lack of cooperation in the

home
Wife battering and

harassment
Lack of
development
in the home
Redundancy
(men)
SOLUTIONS
Women should
unite and tackle
issues
Men to be
sensitized
Increasing
poverty in
homes
Mens refusal to
allow women to
attend meetings
No school fees for

children
Credit to be extended
to individuals even
without running
Local leaders
failure to
respond to
outcry related
to domestic
This group to become

a pioneer group
Women to counsel and
convince their husbands
towards unity
Women should also shoulder responsibilities

(expenses) in the home. Eg. Buying school uniform
Women to be assisted
in initiating self help
projects
PLACE: Nakulabye
Parish, Zone 6
DATE: 10/02/99
Women also reported that local leaders and other men, seemed to condone the behaviour
of their counterparts, protecting the perpetrators. Women said that this discrimination
made them reluctant to report such cases.
The consequences of domestic violence for the woman and the household were far
reaching. In addition to the physical injuries suffered, women also suffered
psychologically. They might be prohibited from working, and they might not receive any
money for treatment when they were sick or to send the children to school. Further, lack
of harmony and co-operation in the household often led to separation, and might increase
poverty.
Men reported, with disgust, that women and children sometimes stole household
resources. For example, in Kabarole, women stole beans and sold these in order to meet
basic household needs. Women were also reported to steal to give presents to their
lovers, to buy charms to make their husbands love them more, or to send to their poor
parents. Men recognised that this occurred because they control led the household
income, giving women limited access.
Analysis: This example demonstrates the stratification of

poverty within households with children and women
being poorer than men. Relative poverty within the
household is due to unequal power relations and the
different gender roles of men and women.
Women saw the solutions to these problems on the one hand as a matter of co-operation
between women to offer support to one another, and arbitrate in domestic disputes. On
the other hand, they also identified possible areas for outside assistance:
Sensitising men and women about working together, and about the importance of
allowing women to participate in development meetings and activities.
Assistance for women to establish development projects to supplement the household
income, thereby relieving the pressure on the man.
155
Analysis: The districts where domestic violence was raised by

women are probably not the only districts where wife beating was
a problem. The subject may not have been raised due to cultural
reasons, the sensitivity of the issue, lack of trust in the researchers,
and the methodology utilized. This is an area that requires further
investigation.
Part of the role of community development programmes is to
foster improved relationships between men and women within the
household. This is an important strategy for increasing harmony
and co-operation and thereby creating an environment for
reducing poverty.
6.3 Community Insecurity

Insecurity within the community 119 was reported as robbery from homes, markets,
businesses or in the streets, sometimes involving violence. Sexual assault and fighting by
drunkards was also mentioned. 120
Trends in community insecurity were not clearly defined by all communities. In
Kampala, local people felt that security had improved, particularly in comparison to the
violence of the 1970s and 1980s. On the other hand, local people in Kampala reported an
increase in indiscriminate arrests. In Kumi, mob justice had reportedly decreased owing
to improved justice, particularly by LCs. However, it was debated whether this actually
improved community security or not, as expressed below.
Anyone can come and steal your property or your wifeIn the past, criminals
or thieves when caught would be beaten but now you cannot beat a thief even
when caught. The case may turn against you and you get imprisoned!
Man, Kumi
Poverty forces people to steal in order to survive

Robbery, sometimes with violence, is a means of survival for poor people. Local people
placed some of the blame on the Government because of the perception that policies do
119
120
Community insecurity raised by communities in Moyo, Kampala, Kabarole, Kalangala, Kumi and Kapchorwa.
Kalangala and Kabarole.
156
not favour the poor, governance is not always strong, and corruption undermines
development. Excessive alcohol consumption by men was cited as another cause of theft
and robbery.
Communities named 4 categories of people who are most likely to steal:
Youth, disillusioned with unemployment and lack of opportunities, and frustrated by

excessive demands for money from girlfriends and parents.
Orphaned street children are a potential threat to community security because they
have no means to meet their basic requirements.
Demobilised soldiers, many of whom were not given full benefits or sensitised on
how to return to civilian life.
Retrenchees who did not receive, or who have squandered, their retrenchment
package, who have returned to the village and are not able to adapt to village life.
The result of community insecurity is increased poverty, demoralisation and fear

Local people identified that the thief risks much when he or she resorts to stealing the
property of others. He could be beaten, even to death, imprisoned or have his property
confiscated and his land sold. The family of the thief suffers.
The victim of robbery instantly becomes poorer. Households lose money, property and
food; and businesses are restricted or fail due the theft of assets. For example, when all
the fish stock was stolen from a community fish-farming project in Nsorro-Kahuna,
Kabarole District, the project was abandoned and with it went the hopes of income
generation for the members.
Recurrent theft also breeds fear. Local people in urban Kabarole fear to leave their
homes at night. In Moyo, local people no longer store large quantities of food in
granaries, as they fear theft. In insecure areas, such as in Moyo District, credit is also
thought of as a possible lure for thieves, who rob at gunpoint.
Where rampant community insecurity existed, the judicial system was said to have
become overloaded as reported in Moyo. In some circumstances, officials and security
forces were not seen to be following up cases, so that local people no longer reported
cases through fear of being singled out or even killed by the offenders. 121 In one site in
Kabarole a case was cited in which the chairperson of the local women's group
embezzled a grant that was meant for a farming project, but the women members did not
report the issue. Such cases were said to cause a lot of poverty.
121
In Kabarole, people in Kihuura Sub-county fear to report offences as there is no follow-up by the sub-county to
persecute wrong-doers.
157
Analysis: Government machinery to reduce theft and punish

culprits needs to be made more effective an efficient. Efforts to
increase the efficiency of the judiciary, as outlined in the
Poverty Status Report, 1999, need to be redoubled in order to
allow access of the poor to effective justice.
Role of security forces

In general, local people in most communities appreciated the work of security forces as
an attempt to curb overall insecurity. The forces mentioned included the Police, Army,
homeguards and vigilantes stationed in villages, Local Defence Units (LDUs), Local
Administrative Police (LAP), marine patrols and LCs.
However, problems with the activities of these forces were reported. Homeguards, the
LAP and LDUs were poorly facilitated with uniforms, remuneration and armaments,
leading them to request bribes and money for transport and accommodation.
The Police and the Army sometimes added to the insecurity in the community. Children
and youth in Kampala said that arrests of the breadwinner, often without due reason, 122
disrupted the household and deprived them of food and income. In addition, a young
man said: We are always worried because we do not know where our parents are and we
cannot concentrate on our work.
The police and army were also accused of torture, harassment in order to extort money,
and indiscriminate arrests, as shown below.
One of the community members was called by the Battalion Intelligence
Officer for questioning and ended up in the army cell for three weeks. He was
later released without charges under the cover of law.
Man, Celecelea, Moyo
The Police were also faulted as failing to respond to calls at night in some urban
communities. In rural areas, the presence of the Police was often said to be minimal
only appearing in the community to make an arrest, rather than being present to prevent
acts of insecurity occurring. Failure of the Police and LCs to punish wrong-doers, was
said to allow thieves to think that they could get away with crimes and caused local
people to fear reporting cases.
122
Indiscriminate arrests, usually in order to extort money, were reported in Kampala, Kumi, Kotido and Bushenyi .
This was particularly prominent during the spate of bombings in Kampala frequencies were not given.
158
Analysis: As discussed in Chapter 5, better facilitation of

security forces and improvement in accountability should foster
improved performance, as well as increased confidence of the
public. Appropriate authorities must be committed to building an
efficient, disciplined force. They must be seen to be punishing
those responsible for crimes, including abuse of human rights by
security force officers.
Further, a significant proportion of the national and local
budgets is spent on security forces. However, the level of
insecurity begs the question of the efficiency and effectiveness of
the current forces and of the current expenditure.
6.4
Wider Insecurity
Wider insecurity - threats posed to the community from outside most commonly takes
the form of cattle-raiding, insurgency and war. Local people in areas most effected by
wider insecurity agree that such insecurity makes existing poverty worse, and prohibits
development.
Cattle-raiding
Cattle-raiding is a major concern for all communities in Kotido, and for communities in
the north of Kumi and Kapchorwa. Warriors of the Karimojong, Pokot and Turkana
ethnic groups raid each other as a traditional means of wealth redistribution, for the
replacement of cattle lost to raids, drought or illness, and for status within the tribe, as
captured in the text box below. These raiders travel south in the dry season in search of
water and pasture, and on return also rustle cattle from Acholi, Langi, Ateso and Sabiny
peoples.
Raiding is an age-old form of wealth distribution among the Karimojong. It is
a traditional and central form of re-stocking. Young warriors are compelled to
accumulate cows in order for them to gain status. A man without cows will not
get respect from his fellow men and women. A man without cows risks staying
in bachelor-hood. To some degree, ones respect depends on the number of
successful raids he has performed.
Kotido District Report
159
The devastating consequences of these raids were clearly expressed by those ethnic
groups who do not raid back. For them, losing cattle means losing everything. In Kumi,
the worst period of raiding coincided with rebel activity between 1986 and 1990.
Previously, the raiders used to raid in small bands, rustling only the best cattle, but at this
time they began to raid armed with guns, taking all livestock, and stealing household
property.
Cattle rustlers stole our animals. This brought the poverty we are suffering.
They killed people, made people migrate and invited the food shortages (that
we have) since the oxen were raided. Government compensated nothing..
Old woman, Chema, Kapchorwa
My sister and I were unlucky. The Karimojong found us hiding in the bush.
They removed all our clothes and started raping us. My sister really suffered. I
was lucky, by the time they came to me, I had defecated on myself. This saved
me.
Young woman, Kumi
The shock of a cattle raid exacerbates poverty, particularly if a person or household has
suffered multiple attacks, as shown by Testimony 6.1.
Testimony 6.1: Mzee Wilson Cheptul, an old man in Chema, Kapchorwa
Born in 1933 in Chema village, Mzee left the village in 1951 with his parents and
family to settle in Kaptepony, 10 miles away in Ngenge Sub-county near the
Karimojong. When they settled they started farming and rearing animals. The major
problem then was Karimojong raids and malaria, which killed his father in 1965, and a
brother later.
In 1979, Mzee left Kaptepoy for Kring because of a very bad raid by Karimojong, who
killed people and stole cattle. He left his land and house to save his life. Up to now they
do not know whether their property is still there or not.
In 1987, while at Kring, they were attacked again. That is when they decided to come
back to Chema, where his grandfather has settled. The grandfather had given him a
plot of land on which Mzee now grows bananas. Since 1998, they have been borrowing
and living in a neighbours hut; they ask neighbours to help them till the land and to
get food to sell and money to buy some sugar, salt, soap and other necessities.
160
Mzee says he is too old to dig or to work. Besides, he badly hurt his toe while fleeing a
Karimojong onslaught. His legs, from knees to feet, have been swollen for three years
now. He has not consulted a doctor as yet. He and his wife live on gifts like money,
food, medicine, and clothing, from neighbours, friends, relatives, and clan members.
He said: I lost my daughter in 1995... I sleep on the mat ... I have no child to help me.
Because of my condition, I was exempted from paying tax 5 years ago... If there is
anything the government can do to help me, it should act immediately... they deducted
the tax, now what about the `stomach'? This talk should give you a picture of the hard
life I lead. I have nothing only poverty.
Cattle are the banks of cattle-keepers so loss of cattle equates to loss of wealth as well as
loss of livelihood. Without cattle, bride price cannot be paid, services cannot be paid for
in kind, school costs and household needs cannot be met. Loss of oxen means that
farmers cannot plough. Instead, they resort to using the hand hoe. Thus, the acreage
under cultivation is reduced, productivity decreases and food shortages result. The fear
of attack further restricts productivity: women in Kotido do not cultivate distant, more
fertile gardens as they fear attack by raiders. The constant threat of raids was said to
cause excessive worry and hard thinking.
Cattle-raiding is also seasonal. In Karamoja, the raids increase with the onset of the rains
as the warriors return from pastures in the south. In Kumi and Kapchorwa, raiding
decreases during the rainy season because the warriors cannot cross the bordering
swamps.
Local communities feel that the Government should be acting to reduce raiding as the
problem is really beyond their control. Local people appreciate peace initiatives but
express frustration with slow progress, despite additional attempts of local councillors
and elders to broker peace between tribes in Labwor, Kotido District.
Some people, particularly in Kapchorwa and Kumi, have migrated to more secure areas,
although they are often isolated in their new communities. Others in Kotido secure their
communities with fences and post surveillance. Yet others hide themselves or their
assets. Some have turned to agriculture, deciding not to keep cattle. Only those who are
well-off have been able to restock.
Analysis: Although local cattle-keepers in Kumi and

Kapchorwa and in Labwor in Kotido identify the multiple
benefits of restocking their cattle, they recognise that such an
increase in livestock may also attract raiders. Therefore,
insecurity must be addressed at the same time as attempting to
solve the devastating effects of the loss of cattle and the trauma
of the raids.
161
Anti Livestock Theft Units have been established in Kotido and Kumi. Local vigilantes
and home guards supplement these units. However, as mentioned above, facilitation and
remuneration are poor.
Analysis: Cattle raiding in districts such

Kumi and
Kapchorwa, has been the major factor in increasing poverty for
local people. Efforts need to be made to restrict raiding.
Suggestions above involve tightening security, but other
measures which encourage the Karimojong to remain in one
territory such as building dams may act as preventative
measures.
Rebel activity
Rebel activities have affected local people in 3 of the 9 districts visited by UPPAP.
People living in Moyo report that their lives and livelihoods are much affected
by rebel activities. These people have been affected by insecurity for the past
20 years. People said that rebels of the Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army
(SPLA), and Ugandas West Nile Bank Front (WNBF) used to cause
problems in the district, although the Resident District Commissioner claimed
that the district was calm and peaceful with only sporadic episodes of local
criminality.
Local people in two rural communities in Kabarole District fear attacks from
rebels who hide in overgrown tea plantations. Community Action Plans were
developed to rehabilitate the nearby tea plantation, in order to improve
security, amongst other things.
In Kumi, rebel activities in the late 1980s had severe repercussions and
disrupted the lives of the local people.
Disillusioned youth, men frustrated by poverty, demobilised soldiers, and retrenchees
were said to be prime targets for being recruited to join rebel groups. During
consultations, youth in Moyo openly threatened to join the rebels if the Government did
not act to relieve their poverty, saying: If things become difficult for me, I will have to go
162
and hold a gun join the SPLA. Youth were lured into the ranks of rebel groups from as
far afield as Kampala where for 200,000 shillings payable to the family, a young man can
be enticed to leave his home and go into the bush.
The situation described in Moyo, shown in Figure 7.2, highlights the immediate and the
far-reaching effects of rebel insurgency on local people. Rebels were reported to loot,
steal food and household property, rape women, injure, torture, and kill, with the SPLA
particularly terrorising Sudanese refugees. The major results are isolation of the district,
low productivity, food shortages, and community insecurity. From these major effects, a
myriad indirect consequences occur ranging from family instability, to ill health, limited
service delivery, sale of assets, tax default and decreased business opportunities.
Poor people find it difficult to rise out of poverty in such situations. They suffer loss of
property, and their access to livelihood resources is severely restricted. Access to
external markets is restricted, people fear cultivating far away from their homes, storage
of food in granaries attracts theft and ultimately, farms may be abandoned.
163
Figure 7.2: Consequences of insecurity in Moyo District
EXTERNAL INSECURITY
eg Rebel Activity
Decreased business
opportunities
ISOLATION
Ambushes Unsafe
routes into and out
of district
Fleeing the
area
Fear
COMMUNITY
INSECURITY
Alcohol
Physical harm
Commodity shortage
and high prices
Sale of
assets
Fear
LOW PRODUCTIVITY
Tax
default
Limited
service
access and
delivery
Limited food
storage
Death
Decreased access
to market
LOW
INCOME
Loss of
property
FOOD
SHORTAGE
MAJOR
EFFECTS
Low tax
revenue
Family
instability
Seek
treatment
KEY:
Poor
nutrition
165
Illhealth
Direct
effects
Indirect
effects
Definition of poverty
Business in districts effected by insecurity is restricted due to loss of assets, ambushes

which prevent buyers reaching farms and traders importing goods, people who take
out credit becoming targets for robbery. Insecurity was perceived to reduce
investment.
Stress and fear of further attacks is also debilitating for local people. For example, the
sound of the Sudanese Antonov aeroplane and accompanying anti-aircraft gunfire
caused local people to run for cover during a UPPAP exercise. They feared a repeat
of the bombings experienced a few years ago. Local people also become despondent,
and apathy sets in. In Moyo, people lack confidence to invest in their future or in
their homes again for fear of further attack, looting, and displacement.
Communities in Moyo have tried to cope with the situation. Local people burn the
grass and bush along roadsides to reduce the hiding places for rebels and thieves
waiting to ambush passers-by. However, property is also burnt and sometimes lives
are lost. Home guards or vigilantes have been deployed in some communities, and the
Government has deployed military detachments, more police, and LAP along routes
and in trading centres in the most affected areas. However, although local people
appreciate this action as having improved security around trading centres, they state
that more distant sites are still insecure.
International wars
Local people feel that involvement of Uganda in wars in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo and Rwanda in the recent past gives the impression of external aggression
by Uganda. They see such involvement as increasing national poverty because money
that could be spent elsewhere is being diverted to external wars. 123 In addition, local
people feel that involvement in such external wars diverts attention from domestic
problems, such as internal insecurity. Local people in Moyo view this action as deceit
and an act of corruption on the part of the Government.
Refugees fleeing into Uganda from neighbouring countries also create pressure on
local communities. In Moyo, Sudanese refugees live within communities and in
refugee camps. In Kisoro, Rwandan orphans living in the streets are joined by
refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo. In Kabarole, Zairian refugees and
Ugandans displaced from Kassese and Bundibugyo Districts compete with local
people for scarce resources. Such people are often isolated, owning no land or assets.
The locals usually assist them but this creates additional food shortages on top of the
chronic shortages that already exist. 124
6.5
Community Recommendations On Security
Recommendations concerning insecurity at the community and wider levels are

largely suggestions for Government action, as summarised in Table 6.1. In matters of
123
124
Views expressed in Bushenyi, Kampala, Moyo, and Kabarole

Reported in Kisoro and Kabarole
166
wider insecurity, local people frequently feel unable to act, and view this
disempowerment as part of the problem. Local people perceive that is part of the
Governments responsibility to act to resolve questions of insurgency and war.
Concerning security within the community, local people suggest acting in partnership
with Government to strengthen and enforce current measures.
Table 6.1: Community recommendations for tackling insecurity

Suggestions for
government action
include
Suggestions for joint

community
government action
include
Restrict availability of weapons, in Moyo

Enforcement of harsh penalties for convicted
criminals, including the death sentence. In Moyo, it
was seen as meaningless to take the guns away and
to leave the criminal
Ensure that retrenchees and demobilised soldiers
receive their full benefits and are sensitised
Facilitate security force personnel with remuneration
and equipment, and deploy local forces close to
villages
Build dams to provide the Karimojong with water
for livestock
Address insecurity nationally and at district level,
and restrict movement of rebels
Strengthen current security mechanisms and involve
communities in surveillance
Eliminate local black markets for guns
Counselling services in communities to allay fear
and heal trauma
Analysis: Insecurity is a national issue that threatens the gains

made towards poverty eradication and future progress. The
poverty, suffering and fear created by insecurity hinder
meaningful development in affected areas. The extent of
insecurity across the country is an indication that the economic
gains and improvements in living standards that have been made
over the past decade could be eroded.
167
CHAPTER SEVEN
MESSAGES FOR POLICYMAKERS
This chapter draws together some of the key messages from the UPPA.
summarises local peoples analysis in three broad areas:
It
Analysis, measurement and targeting of poverty

Priority areas for poverty reduction interventions
Attitudes, behaviour and implementation.
Measurement and analysis are a central part of developing poverty reduction policy.
The local people who were consulted as part of this process have analysed their
situation in great depth, and their understanding has much to contribute to ongoing
policy processes. Their analysis is of particular importance in the development of
indicators to measure local change, and in the identification of vulnerable groups for
targeting.
From analysis of the most frequently cited community priority problems for action,
the priority areas for action under the PEAP are broadly in line with the priorities of
the poor feeder roads, primary health care, and modernisation of agriculture to
increase productivity. However, water and sanitation take a higher priority for
communities than is given in the PEAP priorities and reflected in current budgetary
allocations. Further, local people have specific recommendations to make in the
areas of education and security.
Throughout this report, ineffective programmes for the poor are mentioned. In many
cases, good ideas and well-conceived policies and programmes do not achieve the
desired outcomes because of ineffective or misdirected implementation. Frequent
mention is made of personnel who are corrupt, impolite or disrespectful. Particularly
in the cases of health and education, local people often said that many staff are simply
too tired, underpaid and overloaded to carry out their jobs properly.
Local people consistently identified good governance as a prerequisite for reducing
poverty. Corruption was associated with the inability to move forward, and was
described at all levels of government. Local people expressed the need for
accountability, transparency and participation, but often felt unable to take action to
ensure these outcomes.
7.1 Messages For Policymakers

Local peoples recommendations for action, as expressed by the findings presented in
chapters two to five, vary according to context and location. There are, however,
common themes and priorities which emerge.
7.1.1 Measurement, analysis and targeting
Measurement and analysis are a central part of developing poverty reduction policy.
The local people who were consulted as part of this process have analysed their
situation in great depth, and their understanding has much to contribute to ongoing
policy processes. Their analysis is of particular importance in the development of
indicators to measure local change, and in the identification of vulnerable groups for
targeting.
Messages on measurement, analysis and targeting

Local people can be involved in measurement and analysis. This is an
important part of designing interventions which are relevant to poor peoples
lives and priorities.
Poverty is dynamic and complex. There are no single solutions. An
approach is needed which is mindful of seasonal pressures on households,
particularly as regards the payment of taxes, which currently often coincides
with the season of hungry. Co-ordination of sectoral and cross-sectoral
interventions at the National and District levels may be necessary to ensure
consistency and maximise benefits to local people.
Local indicators of poverty can inform targeting. Although it is difficult
to precisely define measurable criteria to categorise the poor, the indicators
identified by local people give context-specific sets of indicators which could
strengthen those currently used in data collection and monitoring.
Rural and urban poverty are different.
Most poverty reduction
programmes focus on rural areas, but the urban poor face particular
constraints which must be incorporated into the design of poverty alleviation
strategies.
7.1..2 Priority areas for poverty reduction interventions

From analysis of the most frequently cited community priority problems for action,
the priority areas for action under the PEAP are broadly in line with the priorities of
the poor feeder roads, primary health care, and modernisation of agriculture to
increase productivity. However, water and sanitation take a higher priority for
communities than given in the PEAP priorities and reflected in current budgetary
allocations. This discrepancy suggests the need for realignment of the PEAP
169
priorities and the allocation of conditional grants for the provision of clean water
sources close to communities and addressing sanitation problems.
Although local people greatly value the achievements of UPE, their analysis of the
difficulties of implementing the policy provide useful suggestions for consolidation
and priority areas for future investment.
In all districts, cost-sharing of health services was seen as leading to unnecessary
suffering, even death, and further impoverishment of poorer households. Many poor
people cannot afford health care. Local peoples concerns about health care are
reflected in their identification of poor health as the most important cause and impact
of poverty.
The negative effects of insecurity, or the threat of insecurity, are demonstrated by the
testimonies presented in Chapter 6. Local peoples analysis of the extent and the
wide-reaching effects of insecurity show that the issue is a principal concern for
poverty reduction and for development. A major challenge for the Government is to
ensure that insecurity does not threaten the economic gains and improvements in the
quality of life made in Uganda to date.
Messages on priority areas for intervention

The PEAP priorities are in line with those of the poor concerning feeder
roads, primary health care and increased agricultural productivity.
Health care is a major priority, and cost-sharing is seen to further
impoverish the poor; this suggests the need for a system of exemptions.
Continued sensitisation concerning the spread and effects of HIV/AIDS is
given a high priority.
Extension services are perceived as the major agent for change in
agricultural production, and local people expressed a desire for better
collaboration between communities, service providers, extension staff and
LCs. In addition, markets are a central area of concern for local people in
terms of being able to sell their agricultural surplus.
UPE needs to be consolidated. Local people suggested that the increased
burden placed on teachers, a lack of transparency in school management, and
quality of teaching were problems which would undermine the achievements
of UPE if they were not addressed.
Security is a prerequisite for development and poverty alleviation. The
poverty, suffering and fear created by insecurity hinder meaningful
development in affected areas. Local people in these areas made a range of
suggestions for government action, frequently saying that they felt powerless
to resolve the problems created by insecurity without external support.
170
7.1.3 Attitudes, behaviour and implementation

Throughout this report, ineffective programmes for the poor are mentioned. In many
cases, good ideas and well-conceived policies and programmes do not achieve the
desired outcomes because of ineffective or misdirected implementation. Frequent
mention is made of personnel who are corrupt, impolite or disrespectful. Particularly
in the cases of health and education, local people often said that many staff are simply
too tired, underpaid and overloaded to carry out their jobs properly.
Local people consistently identified good governance as a prerequisite for reducing
poverty. Corruption was associated with the inability to move forward, and was
described at all levels of government. Local people expressed the need for
accountability, transparency and participation, but often felt unable to take action to
Ensure these outcomes.
Messages on implementation, attitudes, behaviour

Evaluate existing statutory participatory planning for priority setting.
Local people repeatedly emphasised that they would like increased
participation in decision-making at the community level, and identified
barriers to this happening. These included weak leadership, lack of
accountability and lack of information, as well as social issues which restrict
the participation of some groups. Examining current experience with
statutory participatory planning for priority setting and resource allocation at
the local level could be beneficial in beginning to eliminate some of these
barriers.
Build on existing positive social relations. Social relations and networks
are one of the strongest resources possessed by poor Ugandans. Groups,
organisations and respected local leadership are seen as positive attributes for
assisting local people to improve their incomes and their quality of life. This
asset is important for the design, implementation and monitoring of poverty
reduction interventions.
Flexibility in grants from central to local government is needed. As
illustrated by the case of transport in Kalangala, where the conditional grant
for roads was largely unspent despite a desperate need for safe water
transport, some flexibility may be required according to district specifities.
Develop accountability at all levels to eliminate corruption. Many local
people lack information about their rights and responsibilities which would
allow them to hold leaders and civil servants accountable. Communication
linkages between lower and higher levels of the LC system compound the
problem, preventing information flow and transparency. As well as relying
on sensitisation and improved communications, developing accountability
was seen to require that those found guilty of corruption be punished.
Develop capacity for monitoring. Across many sectors where corruption
and negative attitudes and behaviours were identified whether government,
health, education, extension or credit local people suggested that systems
of monitoring would help support accountability and transparency. Such
systems would include all stakeholders, and would require capacity to be
developed.
171
The central message concerning accountability and poverty reduction is expressed by

a young man from Nakulabye, Kampala:
They asked us about coins, and we rejected them, and now they are back. We
were asked about the form of government that we preferred decentralisation
or federal system. We chose the federal system, and now we have
decentralisation.
How can we be sure that the views from this assessment will be taken
seriously?
172
REFERENCES
Appleton, S., 1999, Changes in Poverty and Inequalities in Uganda in 1992-97,
Oxford: Centre for the Study of Africa Economics, mimeo, June 1999.
CIET International, 1998, Uganda National Integrity Survey, Kampala: Inspectorate
of Government.
Carney, D., 1998, Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: what contribution can we make?
London: Department For International Development.
Chambers, R., G. Conway, 1992, Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: practical concepts
for the 21st century, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies Discussion Paper 296.
Government of Uganda, 1999, Poverty Status Report 1999, Kampala: Ministry of
Finance, Planning and Economic Development.
Government of Uganda, 1998, Desk Review of Participatory Approaches to Assess
Poverty in Uganda, Kampala: Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic
Development.
Government of Uganda, 1998, Education Strategic Investment Plan, 1998 2003,
Kampala: Ministry of Education and Sports.
Government of Uganda, 1997, Uganda National Household Survey 1996 97,
Entebbe: Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development.
Government of Uganda, 1997, Inventory of Health Services in Uganda., Kampala:
Ministry of Health.
Government of Uganda, 1996, Uganda National Household Survey 1995-96, Entebbe:
Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development.
Government of Uganda, 1991, Population and Housing Census, Kampala: Ministry of
Finance, Planning and Economic Development.
Robb, C., 1999, Can the poor influence Poverty? Participatory Poverty Assessments
in the Developing World, Washington DC: The World Bank.
Scoones, I., 1998, Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: a framework for analysis, Brighton:
Institute of Development Studies, Working Paper 72.
United Nations Development Programme, 1997, Uganda Human Development Report
1997, Kampala.
173
Villadsen, S., F. Lubanga, 1996, Democratic Decentralisation in Uganda: a new

approach to local governance, Kampala: Fountain Publishers.
World Bank, 1998, World Development Report 1998, Washington DC.
174

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THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA

UGANDA PARTICIPATORY POVERTY ASSESSMENT REPORT

Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development

Hon .Gerald Sendaula

Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development

See Annex 5 for all the people involved in the study.

CHAPTER TWO ..................................................................................................................................11

2.1 WHAT IS POVERTY?..................................................................................................... 12

3.1 ECONOMIC STRATEGIES OF LOCAL PEOPLE................................................................ 42

4.1 HEALTH ....................................................................................................................... 72

GOVERNANCE, POVERTY AND DEVELOPMENT ...................................................................124

5.1 GOOD GOVERNANCE LEADS TO DEVELOPMENT, POOR GOVERNANCE LEADS TO

6.1 SECURITY IS A PRECONDITION FOR DEVELOPMENT .................................................. 152

7.1 MESSAGES FOR POLICYMAKERS ................................................................................. 169

Limitations and lessons learned from UPPA field research

Community well-being ranking by women in Oladot, Kumi

Criteria for district selection

ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS

Action for Development

Uganda, a small landlocked country with an estimated population of about 21

In search for a solution to this unacceptable situation, the Uganda Government

of powerlessness, while community poverty is regarded as the absence of

Climatic patterns that create seasonality in their production and incidence of

The PPAs analysis of poverty trends was faithful to the multidimensional

At the community level, certain categories in society are perceived to be more

Issues of geographical isolation were of a major concern to rural communities.

The people perceive the lack of strong local leadership, mistrust of

People believe insecurity whether at household level, especially wife

Gender Poverty Related Issues

About Government Policies

As regards government policies, the people widely appreciated the Universal

The decentralisation policy was referred to as a good policy, as communities

Finally, the people regard themselves as stakeholders in the development

Uganda is a land-locked country in East Africa, bordered by Kenya, Rwanda,

Since 1987, Uganda has embarked on a period of rapid economic development,

World Development Report 1998.

Increased incomes of the poor by supporting the modernisation of agriculture to improve

Poverty Status Report 1999.

Participatory Poverty Assessments

Participatory Poverty Assessments (PPA), involving the poor themselves,

Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment Project

UPPAP is an initiative of the Government of Uganda that seeks to bring the

objectives specifically, there are no instituted mechanisms of obtaining valuable

Uganda Participatory Poverty Assessment

Desk Review of Participatory Approaches to Assess Poverty in Uganda 1998.

To formulate a workplan of activities.

8. Reporting was performed in 4 tiers:

UPPAP National Synthesis Workshop (1999).

Following this national synthesis workshop, teams of core researchers worked

Exploration of the same issues using different PRA tools;

Limitations and lessons learnt

Problems with tools

Cultural sensitivities and

Participants frequently hoped to gain some benefit from the process.

UPPAP the continuing process

2.1 What Is Poverty?

All pervasive like sunshine.

Key: = stones used by the community

Figure 2.1: Community well-being ranking by women in Oladot, Kumi

2.1.2 A poor household is

3. Lack of basic necessities, household and personal assets: In this

6. Services: Poor households are often defined as those in which the

2.1.3 A poor person is

Figure 2.2: What does a poor person feel?