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? British
Copyright
International
Studies
Association
1999
after Communism:
Marxism
beyond
Realism
and Historicism
ANDREW
GAMBLE*
Marx
Cox, Michael
Kenny,
and Tony
Payne
for comments
on an earlier draft
this article.
'Fin-de-si?cle
Socialism:
Socialism
after the Crash', New Left
See for example Robin Blackburn,
185 (1991), pp. 5-67; Robin Blackburn
1991); G. A.
(ed.), After the Fall (London: Verso,
New Left Review,
190 (1991), pp. 5-20; Alex Callinicos,
The
'The Future of a Disillusion',
Cohen,
'Marx after Marxism',
Stedman-Jones,
1991); Gareth
Revenge
(Cambridge:
Polity,
of History
Marxism
1990).
Today (February
2
as a distinctive
characterizations
of Western Marxism
strand of Marxism
One of the most
influential
on Western Marxism
is Perry Anderson,
Considerations
1976). For a critical
(London: Verso,
Review,
assessment
of Anderson's
account
of History
(Minneapolis:
University
see Gregory
Elliott, Perry Anderson:
of Minnesota
Press, 1998).
The Remorseless
127
Laboratory
128
Andrew Gamble
and alternative
not
the
USSR
supported
because they were opposed
in fact,
regimes in the Third World. Many Marxists,
because
the
Soviet
admired
but
they
system,
simply
to the United
the USSR
States, and because on occasion
did lend support to revolutions, for example in Cuba and Vietnam.4 Many also gave
reluctant support to the USSR
because at times it appeared to represent less of a
threat to peace than did the United
States. During
the most intense moments
of the
on the Marxist
Cold War?especially
in the early 1980s?many
left tended to be less
critical of the Soviet Union
than the United
States for fanning the arms race.
The link which developed
after 1917 between Marxism
and the interests of a
a
nation-state
had
another
effect:
the
rise
of
rival
form of realism in
specific
major
international
relations in the shape of official Marxism-Leninism.
This offered an
account of the international
an
based
account of the
instrumentalist
upon
system
state policy on the one hand and the interests of national
between
relationship
and territory was
resources,
capital on the other. The struggle to seize markets,
regarded as the essence of the imperialist era, which Lenin predicted would be the
last stage of capitalism.
This brand of realism differed from mainstream
realist
in seeing a close
theory in at least three ways: in being more openly materialist,
between the action of states and their internal character, and offering a
connection
broader view of the determinants
of state action than just the calculation by elites of
their security interests. In the theory of imperialism
in particular what states did
abroad very clearly reflected the interests of the dominant
sections of their national
as vague and ill-defined as the national
interest.
capital and not just something
Marxism-Leninism
still viewed the international
Nonetheless,
system in terms of
conflict and states, and competing
national
rather than the global
economies,
economy or the world system.5
or Marxism-Leninism
It would be wrong
as
therefore to see Soviet Marxism
to realism. The opposition
it and main
between
having been theoretically
opposed
stream realism as it developed
in the Cold War era was primarily
ideological. The
of the two realisms backed different
states, but they shared similar
partisans
as to how the international
system worked, disagreeing only over which
assumptions
3
A classic example
to Serfdom
is F.A.Hayek,
The Road
(London: Routledge,
1944)
4
a Cause', New Political Economy,
Michael
'Rebels Without
Cox,
3:3, (November
1988), pp. 445^160.
5
state system which
The international
of realist
emerged after 1917 invited the development
E.H.Carr's
attack upon idealism
in The Twenty Years Crisis: An Introduction
to the
interpretations.
Relations
the case for a realist analysis of
Study of International
(London: Macmillan,
1939) made
international
relations and sparked a wide-ranging
and still continuing
debate. See 'The Eighty Years
Review of International
Crisis
24 (1998). In his later history of the Soviet Union
1919-1999',
Studies,
Carr went on to provide a systematic
defence of the Soviet Union
and its policies
from a realist
perspective.
Marxism
after Communism:
beyond Realism
129
and Historicism
two realisms
role. But what made
state played
historical
the more
progressive
was
state
state
different
from
the
the
what
made
system
system of
post-1917
possible
was
a
not
the nineteenth
There
continuation
of
great power rivalry, but
century.
just
and
social
universalist
also a contest between
systems. This became
ideologies
a
1945
into
between
and
each
after
Communism,
magnified
struggle
capitalism
In this bipolar world the ideological
championed
by one of the two superpowers.
a
in all
East
and
West
had
between
struggle
impact on domestic politics
profound
a
severe
of
and
network
alliances.
Even
detractors
of
established
countries,
complex
all great power politics were forced to have an ideological preference for either the
It was scarcely possible to be even-handed
and condemn
was
a
not
in
the
USSR
the system of
And
for
many,
only
key player
equally.
a
the
'other'?one
which
had
and
far
but
states,
ideological
significance
magnetism
a
as
status
in
its
world.
another
superpower
two-superpower
beyond
had a deep impact not just on the
For this reason the collapse of the USSR
on
arena
as well.
order but
the ideological
of world politics
Its
international
United
both
left
ignominious
implosion appeared to destroy the credentials of the broad Marxist
at a stroke.6 The triumph of the West and the triumph of capitalism were complete
such. The pulling down of
triumphs, and were hailed?and
widely recognized?as
was paralleled
the statues erected to the leaders of Marxism-Leninism
by the
in the rest of
edifices of Marxism
metaphorical
pulling down of the theoretical
(however distant they
Europe, as well as the Third World. For radical intellectuals
the shock was especially great. Politically
might have been from the Soviet Union)
so long as it survived in
however,
they may have had little time for the USSR;
state of political degeneration,
it provided a point of reference for anti
in theWest. Critics did not have to profess loyalty to the Soviet
capitalist opposition
Union; but the fact that it existed allowed them to be critics of their own society?
and its disappearance
made
it far more difficult for them to remain so. How could
they when Soviet-style
planning had not only failed to deliver the goods but had
of those who had lived under the capitalist
been openly rejected by the majority
alternative for so many years?
whatever
In this way the fortunes of the USSR and the fortunes of Marxism
became fatally
and this explains why the collapse of the former appeared much more
critics hailed
significant than just the collapse of an especially large state. Marxism's
it as an end of ideology, an end of history. Admittedly,
Marxism
lived on as the
official doctrine of a number of states, Cuba, Vietnam, North Korea and above all
China. But in the first three its only purpose seemed to be to justify one party rule,
while China,
the
party rule, has clearly abandoned
though clinging to centralized
idea of creating an alternative
Instead from the 1980s it
society or economy.
entwined,
developed
a state-led
strategy which
accepted
China's
incorporation
into global
capitalism.7
Fred Halliday,
'The End of the Cold War and International
Relations:
Some Analytic
in Ken Booth and Steve Smith (eds.), International
Theoretical
Relations
Conclusions',
State University
Press, 1995), pp. 38-61.
(Pennsylvania
7
Manuel
Castells, End of Millennium
(Oxford: Blackwell,
1998), pp. 287-307.
and
Theory
Today
130
Crawling
Andrew Gamble
from the wreckage
if anything
What
new world order
is now
Marxism
that any insights
from
dissociated
international
would be the pretensions
politics. What would be abandoned
to be a self-contained,
theory of the social sciences,
over-arching
to mainstream
alternative
disciplinary
approaches, with its own
interdisciplinary
to political practice.
and special relationship
of concepts, methodology,
Marxism
of
an
set
far
argue however that the collapse of Communism,
Many defenders of Marxism
to revive the discourse of classical
from being a disaster, is in fact a great opportunity
the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism.
Marxism
and abandon
It liberates Marxism
to a state which had long since ceased to
from a false position,
tied by association
as a critical
to do with Marxism
have anything
theory of society, and which
a
a
a just society. Marxism
not
forward
but
backwards
towards
step
step
represented
set to regain its vitality and its reputation for critical analysis which
it
to
the
1917
revolution.
No
linked
the
of
fortunes
any
enjoyed
longer
parti
state system
cular state, it can analyse the forces which are shaping the international
in a dispassionate
and objective manner, once again under
and the global economy
as global social relations. The analysis
of
relations
the
social
capitalism
standing
it starts from the global economy. The state is
does not start from the nation-state;
once more as one aspect of the social relations which constitute global
understood
has lost its chains, and can speak in its own authentic
capitalist society.9 Marxism
is therefore
before
accents
once
more
to
reignite
a revolutionary
politics.10
If Marxism
is to have a future, however, it will not be because there is a return to
is very different today from what it was
the world before 1914. The global economy
are very different also. When
and
resistance
then, and forms of political
struggle
as the agent which would
first emerged it identified the workers' movement
Marxism
at
the
Marxism
end
of
the
twentieth century is a
the capitalist
overthrow
system.
an
It
of
in
is
still
search
of
capable
theory
providing a searching and often
agent.11
account of the nature of the global political economy and the structures
unequalled
it is no longer a serious
But as a political practice
which
shape its development.
an
few
and
lacks
effective
strategy. Very
presence
parties of any size or
political
or
a
now
Marxist
Marxist
call
themselves
adopt
parties,
ideology. The
significance
in
the
has
old unity of theory and practice
(often precarious
past)
finally been
sundered.
8
This
is very
of States
the State and the
Political Economy,
9 Peter
Burnham,
Wealth
view
Political Economy,
1:2 (1994) p. 229.
10
Hillel Ticktin,
'Where Are We Going Today?
(1998), pp. 21-48.
11
a Cause'.
'Rebels Without
Cf. Michael
Cox,
The Nature
of Contemporary
Crisis',
Critique,
30-31
Marxism
after Communism:
beyond Realism
and Historicism
131
has tended to
This may turn out to be an opportunity. The creativity of Marxism
such as the theory of imperialism
and by instru
be frozen by realist doctrines
accounts of the state, but also by historicist narratives which identified the
mentalist
as the industrial working
of
revolution
class, and socialism as the necessary
agent
of history. To regain its analytical
power and its place among other key
we
our world, Marxism
to
to
with
which
understand
needs
try
perspectives
It does not
rediscover what makes
it distinctive,
its critique of political
economy.
start from a blank sheet. There is a rich legacy of ideas and approaches within
Western Marxism which can be drawn upon. This article will discuss ways in which
to the international
theories, often building on approaches
contemporary Marxist
goal
which developed
new ways of
developing
system
historicist
in the
thinking
and realist biases of the past.
Transcending
are
the
historicism
Francis
claim in 1989 (before the opening of the Berlin Wall and the
Fukuyama's
of
the
Soviet
that history had ended was roundly criticized, parti
Union)
collapse
saw it as yet another meta-narrative
who
of modernity,
cularly by postmodernists
but perhaps
least by Marxists
who
the
of
themselves,
recognised
importance
as
was
drawn
it
from
Alexandre
Marxist
Fukuyama's
Kojeve's
question,
interpret
ation
human
resources
to be
overcome.
a series of historical
Perry Anderson,
pp. 279-376.
Francis
original
Fukuyama,
article was
'The Ends
The End
'The End
of History'
of Engagement
guarantees
(London:
Verso,
1992). The
Andrew Gamble
132
to discredit
to purge
and invalidate Marxist
The
much
scholarship.
struggle
Marxism
of this kind of historicism
has been a long one; what Fukuyama
has
is reminding his Marxist
succeeded in doing (inadvertently)
readers that for Hegel,
the meaning
of history was revealed only after a particular phase of history is past.
dead after the battle of Jena in 1808, because
he
history
Hegel
pronounced
as
in
the
of
the
French
Revolution
carried
forward
recognised
principles
by
armies the fully developed
of modernity.
victorious
What
Napoleon's
principles
and many of his critics is that the claim that history has ended
escapes Fukuyama
can only be a judgement on a particular history, and a particular
time. At the very
a new process will be under way. What
the judgement
is valid in
was
a
his
is
that
the
end
of
the
1980s
decisive
turning point. A
Fukuyama
insight
new world was being made, and this involved the supersession
of the terms of the
is invalid is his belief that this new world will not
ideological battle of the old. What
own
its
develop
history.
moment
of
to acknowledge
The fall of Communism
forced Marxists
finally that the confident
belief that socialism would
involve the replacement
of the market by some form of
or democratically
planning, however decentralized
organized, was flawed. This belief
was one of the lasting legacies of the 1917 Revolution.
some Marxists
Although
was
at
not
that
the
Soviet
Union
all
but
socialist
else',
'something
always argued
did believe
that it contained
elements were
Those
certain
socialist
14
Manuel
Marxism
after Communism:
beyond Realism
and Historicism
133
on capitalist
focused
resilience,
reproduction of capital.22
The historicist
in Marxism
elements
introduced a strong moralizing
previously
tone into the discussion
of certain
institutional
characteristics
of capitalism,
the market, because this was destined to disappear
in the higher stage of
particularly
socialism. With
the discarding of historicism Marxists
have been freed to develop a
the market, but treats it
theory of the capitalist economy which no longer demonizes
instead as one tool through which economies are governed. This has opened the way
to analyses of the institutional diversity of capitalism, discarding
the assumption
of
an invariant logic of capital, and investigating
the contribution which markets make
17
Adam
18
Robin
21
1982).
New Left Review,
229
(1998),
pp.
1-264.
Andrew Gamble
134
to the reproduction
they are constituted
how
institutions,
realism
Transcending
to international politics
contributions
of aMarxist
perspective
was global rather than
that capitalism
from the beginning
is its understanding
in its reach. This insight became clouded during the ascendancy
national
of Marxist
theories of imperialism, but in the 1970s it was reborn in new theories of how the
social and political institutions of capitalism make up a world system24 or
economic,
world order.25 One of the spurs to this has been the development
of the discourse
can rightly claim that Marx and Engels were among
around globalization. Marxists
the first nineteenth
century theorists who perceived the trends towards globalization
not just of economic
culture and politics. For
activity, but of social arrangements,
Marx
of capital accumu
the creation of the world market was one of the outcomes
of existing boundaries
of territory and concepts of space
lation. The undermining
was one of the main ways in which new sources of profit were located, and the
of capital assured.26 Marx's
famous passage from the The Communist
reproduction
so well the
is
it
it encapsulates
often
but
bears
cited,
repeating, because
Manifesto
of capitalism
extraordinary
insight which Marx and Engels had into the dynamism
for the political organization
of the world economy. Their tone,
and its consequences
as many commentators
have noted, was more adulatory
than critical of the achieve
ments of capitalism:27
a cosmopolitan
of the world market
has through
its exploitation
given
bourgeoisie
to production
in every country.
To the great chagrin
of
and consumption
character
on which
it has drawn
from under
the national
the feet of industry
reactionists,
ground
The
it
stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being
are dislodged
a life and death
whose
introduction
becomes
industries,
They
by new
raw
for all civilised
that no longer work
nations,
up indigenous
by industries
are
drawn
from
the remotest
whose
but raw material
industries
zones;
products
destroyed.
question
material,
not
consumed
satisfied
by
the products
In place
of the old wants,
of the globe.
but in every quarter
only at home
we find new wants,
of the country,
for their satisfaction
the productions
requiring
In place
of distant
lands and climes.
of the old local and national
seclusion
and
we
self-sufficiency,
And as inmaterial,
nations
become
instruments
even
the most
heavy
artillery
of extinction,
23
of
have
common
production,
barbarian
with
in every
intercourse
universal
direction,
interdependence
of nations.
which
to adopt
. . .The
bourgeoisie,
facilitated
by the immensely
The
nations
into civilisation.
by the
means
property
it batters
down
the bourgeois
mode
all Chinese
of
cheap
walls
production;
rapid
improvement
of communication,
of
all
draws
all,
are the
of its commodities
prices
... It
on
all
nations,
compels
pain
what
it compels
them to introduce
in Retrospect
and Prospect',
and Society,
19:2 (1990),
Economy
Jessop,
'Regulation Theory
'Financial
Structures
and Egalitarian
Economic
pp. 153-216; Robert Pollin,
Policy', New Left Review,
214 (1995), pp. 26-61.
24
The Modern
World System
Immanuel Wallerstein,
Press, 1974).
(New York: Academic
25
Power and World Order (New York: Columbia
Robert Cox, Production,
Press, 1987).
University
26
to Capital
The Limits
David Harvey,
(Oxford: Blackwell,
1982) and The Condition
of Post Modernity
27
Bob
(Oxford: Blackwell,
1989).
and Friedrich
Karl Marx
Engels,
The Communist
Manifesto
(Harmondsworth:
Penguin,
1973), p. 71.
Marxism
it calls
civilisation
creates
a world
into
after
after Communism:
their midst,
its own
i.e. to become
beyond Realism
bourgeois
and Historicism
themselves.
In one word,
135
it
image.
This passage has been rightly cited as one of the first theories of globalization,28
remarkable for the way in which it draws together economic, political, and cultural
as a
and understands
aspects of the impact of capital accumulation
capitalism
of
But
for
much
the
twentieth
the
of
century
global system.
organization
capitalism
as a global economy has not been central to Marxist
analysis. Instead, as argued
a more
as imperialism,
narrow political
of capitalism
above, the organization
concept, was
Soviet Union
culminated
previous
Simon Bromley
'Marxism and Globalization'
in Andrew Gamble,
David Marsh
and Tony Tant (eds.),
Marxism
and Social Science
(London: Macmillan,
1999), pp. 280-301.
29
Tom Kemp,
Theories
Theories
Brewer, Marxist
(London: Dobson,
1967); Anthony
of Imperialism
of
in the Theory of
(London: Routledge,
Imperialism
1980); Roger Owen and Bob Sutcliffe
(eds.), Studies
(London: Longman,
1972).
Imperialism
30
Manuel
Castells The Rise of the Network
Society
(Oxford: Blackwell,
1998), p. 93.
31
Bob Jessop, The Capitalist
State (Oxford: Martin
Robertson,
1982); State Theory: Putting Capitalist
in Their Place
States
'Marxism and the State' in Gamble,
(Cambridge:
Polity,
1990); Colin Hay,
Marsh
and Tant (eds.), Marxism
and Social Science, pp. 152-74.
136
Andrew Gamble
of
have theorized
Imperialism
separate authorities,
the tension between
but
left relatively
the two.
and war
in Marxist
in different ways
The most
The tension has been resolved
writings.
influential in the twentieth century was the theory of imperialism, and its variants,
account of international
relations focused on indivi
which offered a Marxist-realist
of imperialism argued that the most powerful
dual capitalist nation-states.
Theorists
to seize as much
states used their military
and financial
territory and
capacities
resources as they could to increase the opportunities
for successful accumulation
by
their own capitalists. The rivalry between the leading capitalist powers was therefore
in the system of capital accumulation
itself. As the world market was
endemic
extended and its immense possibilities
opened up, the absence of any overarching
created fierce competition
between
states?economic,
political,
authority
political
and finally military. The link between capitalism and war became one of the firmest
in its classic form in Lenin's
of Marxist
immensely
analysis, expressed
postulates
influential pamphlet Imperialism.33
The outbreak of the First World War appeared to vindicate this Marxist
analysis,
of the Soviet State this became one of its central beliefs
and with the establishment
texts. However
there were from the start other
and Imperialism one of its canonical
in Marxism,
for example
the tendencies of the global economy
ways of analysing
or Rosa Luxemburg;
Rudolf Hilferding,
these
those developed
by Karl Kautsky,
and the freezing of Marxism
became
buried by the rush to canonize
Lenin,
Leninism as a state ideology. The full richness of the Marxist
analysis was obscured.
Only much later did new theories of the global economy and world order re-emerge.
to explain
the
The thesis of imperialism
leading to war had been employed
of the world
into regional blocs in the 1930s and the outbreak
of the
division
Second World War, but the theory began to work extremely poorly from the 1950s
state system was between the United
onwards. The main conflict in the international
the leading capitalist powers
rather than between
the USSR
(Europe
were
dismantled.
The
and
the
of
colonial
great
concept
empires
against America)
which
the
idea
of
underlaid
discrete national
powers
imperialist
using
capitals
to compete against one another, also began
economic, political and military means
to become more transnational
to break down as capital appeared
with the emer
States
and
companies.
32
International
and Vulgar
Peter Burnham,
'Open Marxism
33 V.
The Highest
I. Lenin, Imperialism:
Stage of Capitalism
Political
Economy'.
(Moscow,
1917).
Marxism
after Communism:
beyond Realism
and Historicism
137
Fordist
process,
production
and
the incorporation
of science into the
production methods,
the expanded
role of the state in the reproduction
of
capital.
The more
open global economy of the 1990s also contrasts quite markedly with
that rivalry between
the leading
years, when Marxists
predicted
war.
would
the
world
The
into
contemporary
(and
imperialist powers
again plunge
of new regionalisms
around the three poles of the
highly uneven) development
a new
States?has
introduced
global economy?Europe,
Japan and the United
tension but hardly matches
the regional blocs of the 1930s.34 The global economy
is
no
means
to
which
free
of
conflicts
continue
involve
the
several
of
by
military
clashes between
states, but there have been no signs of military
leading capitalist
these states themselves.
the
interwar
Hegemony
for the lack of conflict in the Cold War era employed the
influential explanation
The division
of the world between
the two superpowers
concept of hegemony.
to suppress
the natural conflicts between
different
states, and
helped
capitalist
to be successfully
enabled the leading capitalist powers
united under American
But some Marxists,
like Ernest Mandel,
leadership to defeat Communism.35
thought
was
an
state of affairs, and predicted
that this
unnatural
that once tension was
One
34
Andrew
Gamble
and Anthony
Payne
(eds.), Regionalism
and World
Order
(London:
Macmillan,
1996).
35
Michael
Cox, US Foreign Policy After the Cold War: Superpower Without A Mission?
(London:
1995).
36
versus America
Ernest Mandel,
Europe
(London: Verso,
1968).
37
Ankie Hoogvelt,
Globalisation
and the Post-Colonial
World: The New Political Economy
of
Development
(London: Macmillan,
1997).
RIIA,
138
Andrew Gamble
as a
the more ambitious attempts to do this was world systems theory.38 Originating
a concept of capitalism
as a world
critique of modernization
theory, it developed
system in which there was continual conflict between the Centre and the periphery
the different components
of the Centre for control of the periphery.
and between
The world system develops
through cycles in which at any one time one power may
over the whole world
to unify the centre and exercise hegemony
be in a position
to its economic
which
is closely tied to relative
dominance,
as measured
and foreign investment.
by trade, productivity,
In world systems theory, the world moves
through periods of relative stability and
of
relative
followed
conflict, disorder, and war. The ending of
prosperity
by periods
of a new phase of
the Cold War on this account does not signal the beginning
a
in
but
which
American
will
be increasingly
American
power
hegemony,
phase
as
states
assert
themselves.
other
challenged
as a system of
In world
is understood
systems
theory, capitalism
primarily
system due primarily
economic performance
to be understood
through
and by
forces holding the global order together than in its proclivity to self-destruct,
elites seek to win consent for particular visions of the
the way in which transnational
in a world economy
is constructed
world. He focuses particularly on how hegemony
to how
is fragmented,
in which
paying
special attention
political
authority
are
elites
unified through the creation of networks which share ideas,
transnational
institutions. These world orders40 give rise
aggregate interests, and facilitate common
to what the Amsterdam
of control,41
school have called comprehensive
concepts
and neoliberalism,
which are then diffused through national
such as Keynesianism
38
39
40
The Modern
World System
Immanuel Wallerstein,
Press, 1974); C. Chase
(New York: Academic
Structures
Dunn,
(Oxford: Blackwell,
1989);
(ed.), Global Formation,
of the World Economy
The Capitalist
World Economy
Immanuel Wallerstein,
Press,
(Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
1979).
Andre Drainville,
'International
International
Political Economy,
in the Age
Political Economy
1:1 (1994), pp. 105-132.
of Open Marxism',
Review
of
after Communism:
Marxism
and Historicism
beyond Realism
139
not
all-important.
There
are
other
many
agents,
in particular
transnational
of the new
'organic
organizations,
for
class.
The
needs
of
the
elite
order and
transnational
business
ruling
to
the
of
institutions
and
the
of
leads
creation
global
cooption
predictability
a
the
world.
One
of
these
is
that
around
groups
analyses
implication
political
state is gradually emerging in which key domestic elites have become
transnational
to maintaining
the institutions of the trans
elite, dedicated
part of a transnational
companies
transnational
and
the
international
intellectuals'
national global economy rather than being concerned with purely domestic
interests.
The decisive locus of power in such conceptions
lies with transnational
capital itself;
it is its interests and agendas which now drive the global economy
and global
are
course
states and
and
both
There
of
frictions
within
many
conflicts,
politics.
between them, but these have in general been managed
and kept
aims of ensuring that the global order itself is sustained.
subordinate
to the
wider
Accumulation
and regulation
and consumption
which can be reproduced over a
patterns of production
are
the rules, norms, conventions,
networks, forms
long period; modes of regulation
of governance, and institutions which organize and sustain regimes of accumulation.
With
these tools, regulationists
have analysed the peculiarities
of different national
social formations
and the types of production
system, Fordism and post-Fordism,
which characterize
them. They show how certain kinds of policies and institutional
In this way the regulation
school is
arrangements
protect and insulate societies.
in
with the historical
institutionalists
part of a broader engagement
by Marxists
the specificities
of national
and whether
there are different
exploring
capitalisms,
of capitalism, which are path dependent
models
and institutionally
distinct. The
interlinked
it discusses
regulation school, although
the significance of either accumulation
42
Bob Jessop,
The Paradox
of Success and
'Twenty Years of the (Parisian) Regulation
Approach:
New Political Economy,
Failure at Home
2:3 (1997), pp. 503-26; Bob Jessop,
and Abroad',
in Retrospect
School
and Prospect'; Robert Boyer, The Regulation
'Regulation Theory
(New York:
A Theory of Capitalist
Columbia
the US
Press, 1990); Michel Aglietta,
Regulation:
University
Experience
(London:
Verso,
1979); Alain
Lipietz,
Mirages
and Miracles
(London:
Verso,
1987).
140
Andrew Gamble
The reproduction
economies,
which
are structured
of capital
World
historical
materialism
and the regulation
transnational
systems
theory,
to
have
been
criticised
those
who
Marxists
wish
revive the classical
approach
by
on
a
as
Marxist
which
is
defined
system
emphasis
capitalism
by the accumulation
and reproduction
of capital.44 These approaches
all emphasize
the need to under
stand capital as a social relation?the
accumulation
of capital means
simultaneously
the reproduction
and extension of the social relationships which constitute
capital.
are long-term
structures which
These
include the economy,
the state, and the
household.
such as Ernest Mandel
have analysed
the long waves of
Theorists
and
their
and economic
by social, political
capitalist
development,
punctuation
tradition criticises world systems theory for its reliance on a
crises.45 This Marxist
and exchange
in its analysis of power in the global
theory of circulation, markets
the
for
the
Gramscians
system,
weight
they give to ideology and politics, and the
for
their
social formations
in the reproduction
national
regulationists
emphasis upon
43
in Gamble, Marsh
'Marxism and Regulation
and Tant (eds.), Marxism
and
Michael
Kenny,
Theory',
Social Science,
pp. 35-60.
44
Peter Burnham,
'Neo-Gramscian
and the International
Order', Capital and Class, 45:1
Hegemony
and Mark Glick,
'The Regulation
and History',
(1991), pp. 73-93; Robert Brenner
Approach:
Theory
a
New Left Review,
188 (1991), pp. 45-99; Robert Brenner,
'The Origins
of Capitalist
Development:
New Left Review,
104 (1977), pp. 25-93.
of neo-Smithian
Marxism',
Critique
Late Capitalism
Ernest Mandel,
1976); The Second Slump (London: New
(London: New Left Books,
Left Books,
1978).
46
'The Economics
of Global
Robert Brenner,
Turbulence'.
47
Diane Elson,
in
'The Economic,
the Political,
and the Domestic:
States, and Households
Businesses,
New Political Economy,
3:2 (1988), pp. 189-208; Jean Gardiner,
the Organization
of Production',
45
Gender,
Care,
and Economics
(London:
Macmillan,
1997).
Marxism
after Communism:
beyond Realism
and Historicism
141
is how
One of the issues raised by the classical Marxist
analysis of accumulation
a stream which can be
far this is a process outside politics, essentially ungovernable,
dammed and sometimes diverted, but only for a time. Sooner or later the remorse
all the controls
less process of capital accumulation
bursts through,
subverting
structures such as welfare states with their employment
devised to tame it. Historical
in so
wages, and social programmes which have been established
rights, minimum
on
rest
in
different
advanced
may
countries,
forms,48
many
although
capitalist
if those who control capital
foundations which can swiftly be undermined
that higher profits are to be made elsewhere. This idea of a race to the
as Marx
or immiserization
and Engels called it, is regarded by classical
bottom,
as one of the historical
tendencies of the process of capital accumulation,
Marxists
it may be delayed or diverted for long periods. Capital always seeks
however much
out those circumstances
in which costs are reduced to the minimum
and profits
on a number of factors,
The ability of capital to do this depends
maximized.
economic
conclude
of new technologies
and the speeding up of the pace and
including the utilization
to
of
increase
the
of labour, the transfer of costs to
exploitation
intensity
production
the state (hence to the general taxpayer rather than the individual capitalist),
the
new
of
and
the
of
domestic
markets.
Under
labour,
discovery
reorganization
inno
crisis, reorganization,
capitalism no pattern remains fixed for ever. Upheaval,
vation are the essence of this most unpredictable mode of production.
to inspire major
The continuing
power of classical Marxism
insights into the
can
seen
two
recent
in
works
of
international
be
shape
by Manuel
major
politics
seems
at
its greatest in
Castells and Giovanni Arrighi. Capitalism's
dynamism always
innovation, and the period at the end of the twentieth
periods of great technological
is certainly one of those.
revolution
century with the unfolding of the informational
can
be affected, and huge transfers take
At such times all forms of employment
sectors of the economy
different
and types of occupation.
The
place between
are profound for individuals but also for national economies. Castells
consequences
in the spirit of classical Marxism
charts how a fundamental
change in the way the
for all aspects of social life?
of capitalism
is organized
has implications
culture, politics,
identity, leisure, consumption,
technology, work, and households.49
At the same time for all the dynamism of capital and its ability to subvert all existing
to the persistence
has also pointed
of
patterns of social life, Giovanni
Arrighi
in the world
hierarchical
and uneven development
economy. The rich
patterns
economies
stay rich. In the course of the twentieth century the rank order of the
states changed,
but not the identity of those states, with one
leading capitalist
Otherwise
the list is the same in 2000 as it was in 1900.50 These
exception?Japan.
two works have profound
of international
for our understanding
implications
mode
politics
48
49
system.
Gosta
Manuel
50
1990).
of the Network
1996, 1997,
1998).
Giovanni
142
Andrew Gamble
to detach
Marxism
has the resources
itself from the ruins of Communism
if it
on
some
moves
historicism
and
of
the
realism,
decisively
beyond
building
traditions
of
Western
Marxism
not
and
intellectual
critical theory,51 but
developing
forgetting its central insight into the nature of society, the social relationships which
define the different modes of production which have existed in human history. Many
in the past, in parti
of the other aspects which have defined historical materialism
saw capitalism
as a stage of development
which
cular the historicism
towards
in terms of the strategies of
socialism and the realism which analysed
imperialism
national capital and states, have fallen away. But capitalism as a very present reality
has not fallen away, and Marxism
still offers a crucial set of concepts
for under
standing
What
it.
is the nature of
precisely
Marxism
have not worn well, despite
them. The
labour theory
preserving
account of the social
institutionalist
which markets are embedded, but not
of the way
of prices or the modelling
this contribution?
The microfoundations
of
the huge investment of time and ingenuity in
as a historical
of value can be defended
which define capitalism,
and in
relationships
as a device which allows precise measurement
51
52
Andrew
Linklater,
Perry Anderson,
Steedman, Marx
(London: Verso,
53 Ankie
Hoogvelt,
54
Martin Nicolaus,
55
J. A. Schumpeter,
The Transformation
of the Political
on Western Marxism
Considerations
Community.
Ian
(London: Verso,
1972): Afterword;
et al. (eds.), The Value Controversy
Ian Steedman
1977);
after Sraffa (London: NLB,
1981).
and the Post-Colonial
World.
Globalization
'The Unknown
Marx', New Left Review, 48 (1968), pp. 41-61.
Socialism
and Democracy
(London: Allen & Unwin,
Capitalism,
1950).
Marxism
after Communism:
beyond Realism
and Historicism
143
repro
production
depend upon the continual
in terms
of particular
social relations which then have particular outcomes
in the end has to stand by the
of the distribution
of power and resources. Marxism
claim that the economic power which accrues to the class which controls productive
assets is a crucial determinant
in which political, cultural and ideo
of the manner
are
exercised.
kinds
of
concepts can be deployed
logical power
Many
sophisticated
to understand
the intricacies of the relationship, but in the end if the primacy of the
and its value in social theory.
economic
is lost, then Marxism
loses its distinctiveness
There are after all many theories of the social which do not privilege the economic,
duction
or assume
that modern
society is to be understood
primarily in terms of the way in
the economy
is organised. Marxism
does make this claim, and although
it has
often been made rather badly, it is a serious claim, which like Hobbes'
claim about
on history and on society which cannot easily be set
is a perspective
sovereignty
which
aside.
as economism
the most of Marxism
does not therefore mean embracing
Making
instrumental
theories of class, which imply that class itself is the crucial feature of
and that the people who own property
form the ruling class which
capitalism,
an economistic
controls
and
What
is
about
society
politics.
important
reading of
is the notion of capital as a social relation. It is the reproduction
of this social
so
so
and
its
invasion
into
of
social
life
and
into
relation,
many spheres
many parts
of the globe that is one of the most central features of any conception
of modernity.
The fragmentation
of ownership with the rise of the corporate
and the
economy
to Marxism
of an easily identifiable ruling class is not an objection
if
disappearance
what is important for Marxist
theory is tracing how capital as a social relation is
reproduced,
imposing the structures within which all agents have to operate, whether
in assisting capital or resisting it.
Marxism
often lost its way in the past through claiming to be a total science of
the only objective
and true one. These claims were never
society, and moreover
credible and have become even less so in a period of questioning
of the foundations
and truth claims of all theories. Marxism
is incapable of explaining all the trends
and phenomena
of the contemporary
world, but it can offer an account of such
as globalization,
matters
the
informational
the changing
revolution,
inequality,
Marx
structure of work, and the changing nature of the state. It also has interesting things
to say about the boundaries
between the public and the private, and the meaning
of
non-commodified
and health?public
spheres such as welfare
goods which exist
an under
outside
the sphere of capital and its operations.
But it also provides
as to why any such noncapitalist
spheres are never inviolable, and may be
subject to political attack and invasion.
A contemporary
to the potentiality
Marxism
needs to direct attention
and the
as a mode
limits in the continued
of capitalism
of
spread and development
standing
144
Andrew Gamble
The political
interest behind
this kind of enquiry has undoubtedly
production.
shifted. At one time the perspective was the coming social revolution which would
are more likely to be
remove the capital relation once and for all. Today's Marxists
at different
levels of the international
concerned with how forms of governance
subnational
and local, may
system, global,
regional, national,
impose or release
in national and
constraints on the way in which capitalism operates and is embedded
not have been strange
to Marx.
This approach
would
He
in
in
of
what
could
do
reforms
the
limiting
capital
recognised
providing
importance
in which other social relations and ideas could flourish. The
sites of resistance
Factory Acts of the 1840s which set limits on the way in which children and women
in
could be employed in factories were one of the examples on which he commented
regional
societies.
Capital.56
as a global system has grown both more
and more
Capitalism
interdependent
enormous
enormous
in
last two
wealth
and
the
It
has
knowledge
fragile.
generated
far in excess of any that has existed
hundred years which now support a population
of the wealth
human
the same time the distribution
in previous
history. At
and unequal,
industrial
concentrated
created has remained
highly
capitalism
threaten
the
life
the
where
have
reached
activities
support systems of the
point
they
and
itself
is
marked
of
accumulation
and
the
system
by huge instabilities
planet,
in a devastating
financial
crisis with far
imbalances which
could still implode
consequences. Marxist
analysis therefore points to
reaching political and economic
new
to
in the global economy
of
multi-level
for
the urgent need
governance
systems
steer
divided
in
their
these
Marxists
remain
and
prog
problems.
identify, manage
noses. Some are pessimistic
It some
and fatalistic about the future of capitalism.57
and which drifts on to
times seems like a giant ship which has slipped its moorings
no-one
a
or
can
steer
to
find
it
take control. But others
its destruction
because
way
new
more
structures and new institu
are
If acts of resistance multiply,
hopeful.58
to live in the modern
world without
tions can be built. It may not be possible
capitalism, but capitalism need not be a single fate.
56
Karl Marx,
1976), ch. 10.
Capital
(Penguin: Harmondsworth,
57
Eric Hobsbawm,
'The Ends of History';
Age of Extremes:
Perry Anderson,
Joseph,
1994).
Century
(London: Michael
58
Acts of Resistance
Pierre Bourdieu,
Castells,
(London: Verso,
1999); Manuel
The Short
End
Twentieth
of Millennium.