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General
Future oil prices will remain high buyers are leaving the
market
Ausick 2/17 Paul Ausick, Energy Editor at 24/7 Wall Street, 2-17-2014, The Oil
Futures Market: Prices Are High Because Nobody Wants to Play, 24/7 Wall Street,
http://247wallst.com/energy-business/2014/02/17/the-oil-futures-market-prices-arehigh-because-nobody-wants-to-play/
Gasoline prices in the United States have risen nearly six cents a gallon in
the past month, and the spot price for a barrel of West Texas Intermediate (WTI)
crude oil has risen from $97.63 at the end of December to $99.47 now,
after a brief sojourn last week above $100 a barrel. We noted Monday morning that
gasoline prices remain above $3 a gallon in every state, with a national average of
$3.34 a gallon, and we note some of the temporal reasons for the higher prices.
Pump prices are not likely to fall much in the next few months as refineries enter
the turnaround period when they stop producing cheaper winter gasoline and begin
making more expensive summer fuel. There may be a more fundamental
change also keeping crude oil prices high at a time when U.S. production
is at its highest level in more than a dozen years: the futures market is
being abandoned by non-commercial (i.e., speculative) participants. Even
commercial participants are looking to get out of the trading business.
Occidental Petroleum Corp. (NYSE: OXY) has said that it will reduce its proprietary
trading business and Hess Corp. (NYSE: HES) is trying to sell its Hetco trading
operation. As these market participants leave the market, fewer buyers
remain, which lowers the futures price that producers can get as a hedge
for future production. The result is an increase in price spreads between current
cash spot prices and futures prices cash prices rise and futures prices fall. That
leads to a market condition called backwardation. The following chart shows the
difference between the current WTI price per barrel and the price 12 months out.
As more players exit the futures market, there are fewer buyers willing to
take the long side of the bet on future crude prices. The result could well
be lower inventories, a result already noted by the International Energy Agency
(IEA) in its most recent report: At the end of December [global] commercial
inventories stood at 2,559 million barrels, their lowest absolute level since 2008.
Moreover, the stock deficit to five-year average levels widened slightly to 103
million barrels, the first time the 100 million barrel level has been exceeded since
mid-2004. There is evidence that as backwardation increases, stockpiles decrease.
Crude prices remain high and so do refined product prices. Energy
economist Philip Verleger notes in his latest weekly newsletter: Looking to the
future, we see no reason for commercial inventories to increase. The market offers
no incentive at the moment to build stocks. To the contrary, it is imposing growing
punishments on those who hold oil. For this reason, we agree with the IEA that the
glut will be more and more elusive. In other words, prices will remain high and
probably rise even higher as commercial inventories are drawn down. It
looks like summer driving is going to be expensive.
The world can expect energy prices to continue their generally upward
spiral in the years ahead if global energy policies remain the same, the
International Energy Agency (IEA) reported this week. Rapid economic
development in China and India, coupled with relatively consistent energy use in
industrialized nations, will likely strain the world's ability to meet a projected rise in
energy demand of some 1.6 percent a year until 2030, the agency predicted
Wednesday in its annual World Energy Outlook report [PDF]. The IEA significantly
increased its projections of future oil costs in this year's report due to the
changing outlook for demand and production costs. It now expects crude
oil to average $100 per barrel over the next two decades and more than
$200 per barrel in 2030, in nominal terms. Last year's forecast estimated that a
2030 barrel would amount to only $108. "One thing is certain," said Nobuo
Tanaka, the IEA's executive director, in a prepared statement. "While market
imbalances will feed volatility, the era of cheap oil is over." Oil and
natural gas resources are expected to supply the world for more than 40
years at current consumption rates. But the report expressed concern that
rising world energy demands will outpace production. "There remains a
real risk that under-investment will cause an oil-supply crunch in that
timeframe," the report said. "The gap now evident between what is currently being
built and what will be needed to keep pace with demand is set to widen sharply
after 2010." The price of meeting the world's energy demands is estimated at $26.3
trillion through 2030-an average of more than $1 trillion a year, the IEA said. In
addition to higher prices, most new oil fields are offshore or smaller than
in years past, making oil extraction more difficult than ever. "Oil resources
might be plentiful, but there can be no guarantee that they will be
exploited quickly enough to meet the level of demand," the report said.
Demand for oil is predicted to rise from the current 85 million barrels per day to 106
million barrels per day in 2030, the report said. Due to this year's high oil prices, the
predictions are 10 million barrels per day less than what was projected last year.
Still, this represents an increase of 1 percent per year.
Low Supply
OPEC Oil prices will continue to rise low supply from Iraq
turmoil
McGovern 6/14 Bob McGovern, staff writer at Boston Herald, 6-14-14,
Experts: Gas prices will rise, Boston
Herald,http://bostonherald.com/business/business_markets/2014/06/experts_gas_pri
ces_will_rise.
Gas prices in the United States will continue to rise as OPECs secondlargest oil producer fends off total collapse at the hands of extremists,
experts say. The price of oil rose to $107 yesterday as the crisis in Iraq reached
a fever pitch. Oil prices rose more than 4 percent this week alone, and experts
are worried the continued violence could have an ongoing effect on prices at the
pump. The violence and turmoil in Iraq is already affecting oil prices and
have boosted the price to a 10-month high, said Mary McGuire, director of
public and legislative affairs at AAA Southern New England. Its likely that well
see an increase this week or the week after at the pump as the result of
our new oil prices. Fear in oil-producing countries can have a drastic
effect on the bottom dollar.
decade, would indicate global prices sharply on the upside, with the U.S.
and Canadas maximum output becoming the global center of gravity in
the oil world. A faint thunderclap, already being heard is the cutback in
capital expenditures by oil giants Exxon Mobil, Chevron, and Royal Dutch
Shell, as exploration costs soar, awaiting the opportunities by these lead
corporations to be assured of expanding economic demand and the
acceptance of higher prices with it.
Oil prices will stay high, shale oil boom will not change prices
Badiali 3/31 Matt Badiali, editor of S&A Resource Report, 3-31-2014, Why
gasoline prices are so high in spite of the shale boom..., The Crux,
http://thecrux.com/shale-oil-is-booming-but-youre-still-paying-50-to-fill-up-your-gastank-this-is-why/.
I had just wrapped up my talk to a small group of private-equity folks when a hand
went up in the back of the room Will the shale oil boom drive the price of
gasoline down? I get this question all the time Its the first thing people ask
after I tell them how great and prolific shale oil is. But the answer is no. And the
reason is simple exports. We export a lot of petroleum out of the U.S.,
which takes the extra supply out of our market and keeps the price of the
stuff we want gasoline and diesel high. In December 2013, the U.S.
exported the most petroleum products in the 31 years that the U.S. government
tracked the data. I know, I know, you may have heard that its illegal to export
crude oil. While thats technically true we still exported 137.8 million barrels
of Not Oil in December. Not Oil is crude oil that was refined into gasoline,
jet fuel, or diesel. Some of the exports arent even useful products just partially
refined oil. Thats how refineries get around the export ban. In 2013, we sent 1.3
billion barrels of Not Oil abroad. Thats a 12% increase from 2012. The question
that I had was where did it all go? The answer to that question is in the table
below. I cobbled this together from data published by the U.S. Energy Information
Administration (EIA). I broke down the values to show the percent of U.S.
exports to various countries and regions. As you can see, it goes all over
the world So if you are looking for the reason it costs you $50 to fill up the gas
tank in your Camry blame those guys. They keep buying, so the refiners keep
selling. And with the latest developments in Russia, U.S. refiners may find new
markets in Europe too. You can read more about that here.
General
Low oil prices inevitable 9 reasons
Colombo 6/9 Jesse Colombo, Forbes economic analyst, 6-9-2014, 9 Reasons
Why Oil Prices May Be Headed For A Bust, Forbes,
http://www.forbes.com/sites/jessecolombo/2014/06/09/9-reasons-why-oil-pricesmay-be-headed-for-a-bust/.
Though the U.S. shale oil boom of the past several years has led to a
renewed surge of domestic oil production as well as an oil glut, crude oil
prices have remained stubbornly high. There are a growing number of reasons,
however, why crude oil prices are likely to finally experience a bust in the
not-too-distant future. I avoid making firm predictions about the oil market
because there are so many conflicting variables that affect oil prices, from supply
and demand, geopolitics (which is inherently unpredictable), and the global
monetary environment, but it is important to be aware of several factors that
have a high probability of pushing crude oil prices lower in the next couple
of years. 1) The unwinding of record speculative bullish bets To prop up
the global economy after the 2008 financial crisis, global central banks dramatically
cut interest rates and printed trillions of dollars worth of new currency via
quantitative easing programs. Extremely stimulative monetary environments
increase the desirability of hard assets such as oil and other commodities
because they are a hedge against currency debasement and the
associated risk of inflation. For the past half-decade, institutional investors
have clamored into the crude oil market, causing prices to soar 140 percent from
their post-financial crisis lows. The chart below shows that large crude oil futures
speculators (green line under chart) are currently making a record bet of 423,136
net contracts on the continued appreciation of oil prices: The data that I am citing
comes from the U.S. Commodity Futures Trading Commissions weekly
Commitments of Traders (COT) report that shows the aggregate number of futures
and options contracts that are held by three different categories of futures market
participants: large speculators, small speculators, and commercial hedgers. Large
speculators the group that is placing the record bullish crude oil bet are typically
investment funds that trade in a trend-following manner, which means that they
tend to capture the middle part of market moves, but are often wrong at important
market turning points. The nature of the large speculators trend following trading
systems cause them, as a group, to bet most aggressively right before the trend
reverses. As the old Wall Street adage goes, when everybody gets to one side of
the boat, it usually tips over. For this reason, large speculators become an effective
contrary indicator when their aggregate trading positions reach extreme levels,
either on the upside or the downside. While extreme aggregate trading positions
can persist for quite a while, as is the case in the crude oil market for the past few
years, they are still a reliable indication that a powerful market reversal is likely to
occur when the proper catalyst eventually appears and sends speculators heading
for the exits. So far, no bearish catalyst has presented itself in the crude oil market,
but the other points that Ive listed in this piece may combine to form a perfect
storm that finally causes the oil market to crack. 2) The smart money is
growing increasingly bearish In the futures market, there is a buyer for
every seller, and a bull for every bear (on a contract-by-contract basis). For
every futures contract currently being held by bullish large speculators in the oil
market, there is someone on the opposite side of the trade. In the current crude oil
market, it is the commercial hedgers that are taking the exact opposite position as
the large speculators: Commercial hedgers are the actual producers and users of
crude oil (the Exxons and BPs) who utilize the futures market as a form of insurance
against adverse price moves. Commercial hedgers are considered to be the smart
money because, after all, they are the physical crude oil market and have firsthand
information about future supply and demand trends. Commercial hedgers now
have a record 445,492 net contract short position in the crude oil futures market,
which indicates that their greatest concern is not an increase in crude oil prices, but
a sharp decline. Commercial crude oil hedgers are aware of many of the bearish
points that I am discussing in this article, which likely explains why they are heavily
hedging against a coming crude oil bust. 3) The global monetary environment
is tightening As discussed in point #1, the crude oil price boom of the past halfdecade is due in large part to the incredibly stimulative monetary environment that
has been created by central banks in a desperate attempt to prop up global
economy after the financial crisis. Now that unemployment is falling and the risk of
an imminent deflationary crisis has been reduced in the U.S. and U.K. (two major
countries that are running QE money printing programs), the current global
economic cycle is moving into a phase in which stimulative central bank policies will
be gradually pared back and eventually reversed. The U.S. Federal Reserve is
expected to complete the tapering or ending of its QE3 program by the end of 2014,
while the Fed Funds Rate is expected to start rising as early as 2015. Similarly, Bank
of Japan is now preparing for the eventual ending of its Abenomics monetary policy
now that it is much closer to achieving its 2 percent inflation target. Bank of
England is considering plans to start raising interest rates in the coming years as
well, which is a precursor to the tapering of its QE policy. The European Central
Bank, however, is bucking the monetary tightening trend after cutting its
benchmark interest rate last week by 10 basis points to 0.15 percent and
introducing a deposit interest rate of negative 0.10 percent. The ECB is also
considering launching its own quantitative easing program in the future. Unlike the
U.S. Federal Reserves QE programs, a European QE is not likely to be as supportive
for crude oil prices because even mere rumors regarding it have weakened the euro
and boosted the U.S. dollar in the past month, which has put downward pressure on
commodities prices. Many commodities, including oil, are priced in U.S. dollars, so
central bank policies that are bullish for the dollar are typically bearish for
commodities prices. The simultaneous tightening of U.S. monetary policy and the
loosening of European monetary policy could set the stage for a powerful bull
market in the U.S. dollar. The U.S. Federal Reserves policies are by far the
most important monetary variable for crude oil prices, so its tightening
over the next few years represents the ending of one of the key driving
forces behind crude oils bull market of the past half-decade. In addition,
the massive inflation and imminent currency devaluation that many
commodities traders had expected to occur as a result of quantitative
easing programs has not materialized and is unlikely to in the near future.
4) The shale oil boom is increasing supply Surging North American oil
production, courtesy of the recent U.S. shale and Canadian oil sand booms, is
dramatically reducing U.S. oil imports and has even led to a glut of light, sweet
crude oil in the United States. In the past five years, U.S. oil production
experienced a sharp reversal of its long-term downtrend and recently hit a
twenty-five year high: Net U.S. oil imports fell to a 28-year low in 2013 as a
result of the shale oil boom: U.S. oil production is expected to grow to 9.2 million
barrels a day in 2015 and 9.6 million by 2016, which would make the U.S. the
worlds largest oil producer, ahead of even Saudi Arabia and Russia. Canadas oil
sand boom is expected to boost the countrys oil production by 500,000 barrels per
day to achieve a total production of 3.9 million barrels per day in 2015, much of
which will be exported to the United States. As the world largest oil consumer, the
United States oil boom has significantly decreased the countrys reliance on foreign
sources of oil, particularly from the volatile Middle East. This is one of the main
reasons why global oil prices have remained relatively flat for the past several years
despite the Arab Spring revolutions that led to an 80 percent decrease of Libyan oil
production and other disruptions, as well Russias recent invasion of eastern
Ukraine. According to oil analyst Lysle Brinker, oil prices may have soared to as high
as $150 a barrel without the increase of U.S. oil production. A glut of light, sweet
crude oil is even forming in the United States as a result of rising domestic oil
production as well as the U.S. crude oil export ban that dates back to 1975. Oil
companies and oil-producing states such as Texas and North Dakota are pushing to
have the export ban lifted so that the U.S. can export some of its newfound energy
bounty to the global oil market. While shale oil deposits are found throughout the
world, other countries face greater difficulties in their attempts to replicate the U.S.
oil shale boom. The same technologies that have enabled the oil shale boom
fracking and horizontal drilling have also led to a nearly 40 percent increase in
U.S. natural gas production since 2007. Now one of the lowest cost fuels, natural
gas is expected to further reduce the United States reliance on oil, particularly for
electricity generation, heating, chemical manufacturing, and even transportation.
The high price of oil in the past decade has been a major driving force behind the
U.S. shale energy boom because it enabled the use of new drilling technologies that
would not have been economically viable at lower prices. The continuation of the
U.S. shale energy boom in the next few years is likely to put pressure on
crude oil prices in accordance with the principle, the only cure for high
prices is high prices. 5) Production is starting up again in many
countries Oil production and exports are poised to begin again in many
countries that experienced severe disruptions in recent years: Iran: After
Western economic sanctions were placed on Iran due to its nuclear program caused
a near-collapse of its economy and currency in 2012, the nation appears ready to
strike a deal so that it can export its oil to the West again. Oppenheimer oil analyst
Fadel Gheit claims that the Iran-related supply risk premium accounts for 20-30
percent of the price of oil, which would disappear and send prices to the $75-$85
range once a deal is finally struck with the West. 1 million more barrels of oil per
day could enter the market when Irans nuclear issue is resolved. Iraq: Iraqs oil
production recently hit a 30-year high as its oil industry rebuilds after the war and
decades of underinvestment. Iraq has the worlds fifth-largest proven oil reserves,
and several hundred thousand more barrels of oil per day are expected to come
online this year alone. Libya: Libyas oil production plunged by over 80 percent
from 1.6 million barrels a day to just 237,000 barrels a day after the countrys
revolution in 2011. While Libyas oil situation remains volatile due to protests that
have shut down pipelines and ports, an eventual resolution could double production
to 500,000 barrels a day. Venezuela: Despite numerous political challenges that
have reduced Venezuelas oil production in the past decade, Leo Drollas, the head of
the Centre for Global Energy Studies, expects 250,000 more barrels of oil per day to
come online this year. European energy companies Eni SpA and Repsol SA have
signed deals last week to invest up to $500 million each to develop Venezuelas
Perla oil field, which is considered to be one of the most important discoveries of the
past decade. 6) OPECs limited ability to boost prices by cutting
production When oil prices dropped significantly in the past, OPEC countries
would cut their oil production to bolster the price of oil. Growing fiscal deficits in
many OPEC nations in recent years, however, make it far more difficult to
cut oil production because these countries can no longer afford the loss of
oil revenues. 7) Global oil demand is slowing Led by China and other
emerging nations, global oil demand spiked in the years following the 2008 financial
crisis, which contributed to oils bull market. Since 2011, oil demand growth has
slowed significantly to a half-decade low largely due to the ongoing
economic slowdown in China and emerging economies: 8) The global
economic recovery is actually another bubble As discussed in the last
point, oil demand and prices are highly dependent on global economic
growth. The financial crisis and subsequent Great Recession was what popped the
2008 oil bubble after prices reached nearly $150 per barrel. After the price of oil
sank in late-2008, the post-2009 economic recovery helped oil prices to rise 140
percent from their financial crisis low. Unfortunately, my extensive research has
found that the global economic recovery that has driven oil prices higher is actually
an artificial, bubble-driven recovery that I call a Bubblecovery. In a desperate
attempt to prevent a deflationary depression, central banks pumped trillions of
dollars worth of liquidity into the global financial system and cut interest rates to
virtually zero percent. In short order, new economic bubbles started ballooning in
China, emerging markets, Canada, Australia, Nordic countries, commodities, tech
startups, and U.S. equities and housing prices, to name a few (read my
Bubblecovery article for more information). Property and credit bubbles are inflating
once again all around the world in a pattern that is very similar to the last decades
bubble that caused the financial crisis in the first place. This chart shows that
Canadas housing and household debt bubble is even worse than the U.S. bubble
last decade: These days, it makes no difference whether you look at the charts of
property prices and debt in Canada, or in Australia, Norway, Hong Kong, China, or
Singapore; the charts all look the same and show the same classic bubble pattern.
The world is caught up in an epidemic of post-2009 bubbles, but the vast majority of
people are completely unaware and in denial. Here are a few terrifying statistics
that show how dangerous Chinas economic bubble is: Chinas total domestic
credit more than doubled to $23 trillion from $9 trillion in 2008, which is equivalent
to adding the entire U.S. commercial banking sector. Borrowing has risen as a
share of Chinas national income to more than 200 percent, from 135 percent in
2008. Chinas credit growth rate is now faster than Japans before its 1990 bust
and Americas before 2008, with half of that growth in the shadow-banking sector.
The post-2009 economic bubbles are the primary reason why the global economy
started growing again because bubbles create temporary growth booms before
ending in crises. When the post-2009 bubbles pop, global economic growth
is going to sink (and there will not be a quick recovery like last time),
which will reduce demand for oil. 9) The ending of the commodities
supercycle As I mentioned in the last point, commodities are one of the key
bubbles that I have identified. Artificial, debt-driven economic growth in China and
other emerging market nations combined with the unprecedented ocean of central
bank liquidity caused commodities prices to triple since 2002: Hundreds of billions
of dollars worth of investment capital clamored into commodities as investors began
to treat commodities as a new long-term asset class, similar to equities and bonds.
Many of these investors also viewed commodities as a way to play the China and
emerging markets boom. Record high commodities prices spurred a massive global
exploration and extraction boom that is now leading to growing gluts in numerous
commodities, particularly growth-sensitive commodities like copper and iron ore, as
rising supply is met with slowing demand from China and emerging markets. As
stated earlier, the only cure for high prices is high prices. When the post-2009
global economic bubble pops, I believe that commodities prices will finally
experience a true bust.
Oil prices are heading down for the next few years
Conerly 13 Bill Conerly, economic and business analyst, 5-1-13, Oil Price
Forecast for 2013-2014: Falling Prices, Forbes,
http://www.forbes.com/sites/billconerly/2013/05/01/oil-price-forecast-for-2013-2014falling-prices/.
Oil prices are headed down, and I mean down at least $20 a barrel. The
key reason is that prices have been high. Its not a paradox, but a result of
the long time lags in oil production. Oil prices were fairly stable from 1986
through 2001, averaging just $20 per barrel. Then prices started rising, spiking to
$134 just as the recession began. The price of oil has been above $80 for the
past two and a half years. With rising prices has come a dramatic increase
in exploration activity. During the era of low prices, the number of drilling rigs in
operation around the world was 1,900 on average; now we are at nearly double that
pace, and we have been for nearly three years. Drilling activity results in oil
production, lasting for many years after the drilling is over. Take a look at the
accompanying chart of drilling rigs and total production. Drilling jumped up after the
oil price hikes of 1973 and 1979. By 1986, increased oil production brought prices
crashing down. Oil exploration quickly followed suit. Production, however, continued
to grow long after new drilling declined. When drilling was high, much of the activity
was exploratorytrying to find the oil. When prices fell, the riskiest drilling made no
sense. What was left was in-fill. The oil field had been identified, and further wells
were needed to best utilize the resource. These wells are fairly low risk, with high
rewards compared to the cost of the drilling rig. As a result, even low levels of
drilling activity led to substantial increases in global production. Today
weve had moderately strong drilling activity for several years. New fields
have been identified and delineated. Now well see fairly mild drilling
activity but continually increasing production. In the past year
production has been soft, barely growing, but thats a reflection of weak
demand. In the short run, production can be dialed back to save more oil
for the future. In the long run, though, production capacity rules the
roost. What of demand? Demand should grow a little slower than the global
economy. Unless the world starts to booman unlikely scenario, given problems in
Europe and the United Statesproduction capacity will grow faster than
demand, pulling prices down. What of peak oil worries? The concept is often
sound when looking at one wellbut even a single well will sometimes be re-worked
to increase its output. For the world as a whole, the peak oil theory fails to
consider that higher prices lead to greater exploration for new oil fields,
greater in-fill drilling of established fields, better care of older wells, and
development of new technology for all of these functions. The worlds oil
production will peak when the cost of finding new oil rises and the
development of alternative energy makes the value of oil decline. Over
the coming few years, look for oil prices to decline at least below $80 a
barrel and quite possibly more.
Increasing oil supply will continue to drive down oil prices, EIA
proves
Eaton 14 Collin Eaton, staff writer at the Houston Chronicle, 1-8-2014, US oil
boom will slow in 2015, feds forecast, Fuel Fix,
http://fuelfix.com/blog/2014/01/08/us-oil-boom-could-ease-in-2015-eia-says/.
Increasing oil supply from the U.S. and other non-OPEC countries is
expected to drive down prices for Brent, the international benchmark crude, to
an average $102 per barrel in 2015 from an average $109 per barrel last
year. Meanwhile, U.S. benchmark crude West Texas Intermediate will likely trail
Brent by a $12 per barrel discount next year 2015, the EIA reported. WTI
fell further behind Brent last year after pipeline companies untangled a bottleneck
of crude in Cushing, Okla., stranded at storage facilities on the way to Gulf Coast
refineries. That had kept U.S. oil prices elevated for several years. International
crude prices, especially in North America, may also face pressure this year
from rising oil output from the Middle East and slowing economic growth and
oil demand in China, Moodys Investors Service reported this week. Crude
supplies from non-OPEC companies are expected to reach a record
increase of 1.9 million barrels per day this year. Prices at the pump are
also expected to fall next year on the surge in crude: Drivers could pay an
average $3.39 for a gallon of regular in 2015, down from a projected $3.46 this
year, according to EIA estimates.
techniques that work in the U.S. may not be directly applicable to other nations.
Although these hurdles will slow shale reserve development outside North
America--and in some instances may make production unfeasible--we expect that
global shale production will become increasingly significant beyond 2020,
S&P said.
zero. Pump prices rose modestly to around $3.67 a gallon on average this week
for regular gasoline in the wake of last weeks extremist takeover of northern Iraq,
according to Gasbuddy.com. They remain just slightly above the $3.63 average level
this spring and the $3.61 level posted a year ago, and far below the levels over $4
where gas prices regularly landed before the shale oil boom. The restraint in fuel
prices is not entirely new, though it has been noticeable this week. Mr. Montalbano
said the glut of oil coming out of the Midwest has had the beneficial effect of
holding down oil prices for several years. It enabled the world to easily absorb
the loss of 1 million barrels a day of premium crude production caused by
the collapse of Libyas oil industry several years ago, as well as the subsequent loss
of 1 million to 1.5 million barrels a day of Iranian crude exports because of a U.S.led sanctions regime since 2012. Neither of those events had much impact on world
oil prices in a departure from the past. Sanctions against Iran, civil war in Libya,
and general unrest in the Middle East have all had minimal effects on price volatility
thanks to the U.S. energy renaissance, said Jared Meyer, a policy analyst at the
Manhattan Institute for Policy Research. The most important contribution to
oils price stability has been the substantial increase in U.S. production.
Jan. 30 sales of its synthetic crude oil sold for $10.84 under WTI in the fourth
quarter. The oil fetched a $2.52 premium in the same period a year ago. The
company warned investors that rising U.S. production could push sales to more
distant refineries, leading to higher transportation costs. Volatile prices will
persist for several years until additional pipeline or other delivery capacity is
available to deliver crude oil from Western Canada to new markets, the company
told investors. The prospect of a U.S. oil glut is a risk and the key reason why
Suncor and Total decided not to go ahead with another upgrader in Alberta, Ms.
Mohr said. The hugely expensive plants convert raw bitumen into refinery-ready oil.
The two companies last year scrapped plans to build the $11.6-billion Voyageur
mega-plant, fearing the project wouldnt be competitive with lower-cost shale oil.
Thats starting very much to play out as we expected, Suncor chief executive
Steve Williams said this week. What were seeing now is the Voyageur-type
investment, its very difficult to justify doing that. RBC estimates the U.S. can
accommodate another two million barrels a day of production growth before testing
refinery and storage limits. Output could slow without exports if WTI prices
drop below US$80, Mr. Mariani said. We dont foresee the same problem
happening for heavy oil, he added. The real issue in the U.S. is light oil.
Fritsch, senior oil and commodities analyst at Commerzbank in Frankfurt. "But the
tail risk will keep oil prices elevated for now. Hence, I expect Brent to stay above
$110 for the time being." Sunni insurgents are battling government forces for
control of Iraq's biggest refinery - the 300,000-barrels-per-day Baiji complex - that
has been under threat for nearly two weeks since militants overran northern cities.
[ID:nL6N0P51PO] "Markets have already factored in the Iraq situation unless something more chaotic happens. The threat of supply disruptions
is receding," said Avtar Sandu, senior commodities manager at Phillip Futures.
U.S. crude CLc1 climbed 20 cents to $106.23 a barrel. It hit $107.50 in early Asian
trade after federal officials approved exports of condensate, an ultra-light oil, in a
marginal relaxation of a 40-year ban on U.S. oil exports. U.S. crude closed down 14
cents in the previous session. Analysts say allowing more U.S. oil to be exported
could help tighten the domestic market, pushing up prices. U.S. officials have told
energy companies they can export a variety of condensate if it has been minimally
refined, a U.S. Commerce Department spokesman confirmed to Reuters, although
he said there had been "no change in policy" towards crude exports. News of a
rise in U.S. crude oil and gasoline stocks helped drag oil prices lower. U.S.
crude inventories rose by 4 million barrels in the week to June 20, to 382.6
million barrels, compared with analysts' expectations for a decrease of 1.6
million barrels, data from the American Petroleum Institute showed on Tuesday.
Crude stocks at the Cushing, Oklahoma, delivery hub rose by 424,000 barrels, the
API said. [ID:nZXN047B00] [ID:nL2N0P51HN] The U.S. government's Energy
Information Administration (EIA) releases its data for the week ended June 20 later
on Wednesday. [EIA/S]
Oil prices will decrease in the long run despite Iraq fighting
Deshpande 6/22 Abhishek Deshpande, commodities analyst at Londonbased Natixis, 6-22-14, Crude oil outlook: Crude oil prices can rise above $120 if
Iraq crisis escalates, Business Standard, http://www.businessstandard.com/article/markets/crude-oil-outlook-crude-oil-prices-can-rise-above-120if-iraq-crisis-escalates-114062200772_1.html.
Over the past week, Brent crude prices have increased by close to $5 a
barrel ($2.5 a barrel for WTI), introducing a clear Iraq risk premium. The oneyear high in oil prices was triggered by the sudden eruption of an Al
Qaeda-linked militant insurgency in northern Iraq last week, raising fears of
supply shortages and a civil war that might also draw in oil-rich neighbours. Iraq is
the second largest producer of crude oil in the Organization of The Petroleum
Exporting Countries (Opec). The successs in northern Iraq of the Islamic State in
Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) clearly demonstrates the extent to which the country is at
risk of fracturing along religious and ethnic fault lines. ISIS poses a threat not only to
Iraq's stability but also to Iraq's oil supplies and energy infrastructure. The refinery
at Baiji, near Mosul, is now under ISIS control. With a capacity of 310,000 barrels a
day, it is the country's biggest. It supplies oil products to Baghdad and most of the
northern provinces. Baiji is also a major provider of power to Baghdad. By targeting
Iraq's oil facilities, as it did with the Kirkuk-Ceyhan pipeline in the past and Baiji
now, ISIS is undermining both government revenue and essential energy supplies
(fuel and power). Nevertheless, with the majority of Iraq's operational oil
infrastructure located either in the Shia-dominated far south or the northeastern
Kurdish autonomous region (guarded by 190,000 troops), it is unlikely that Iraq's oil
supply will be materially affected, unless the conflict escalates substantially. What is
more worrying is the risk that ISIS might advance into Baghdad, threatening the
potential breakdown of Iraq as a sovereign entity. We expect strong support for
Brent prices over the next few weeks, due to the Iraq-related risk premium. Were
there to be a withdrawal of a substantial portion of Iraq's 3.3 million barrels
a day crude oil supply from the market, this could take global spare
capacity dangerously close to zero, suggesting an increase in crude oil
prices well above $120 a barrel. Events in 2007-08 (see chart) are clearly our
closest guide to how high prices could go in such a scenario. In the summer months,
Opec's remaining spare capacity would be insufficient to meet peak
demand. Saudi Arabia is currently producing close to 9.75 mn barrels a day, with
spare capacity of only 2.5 mn barrels a day. High oil prices pose a significant
threat to the Indian economy. Being heavily dependent on imported crude oil,
a rise in oil prices would damage the government's fiscal balance and
widen its current account deficit. The rupee would then weaken and the
combination would result in higher inflationary pressure. Over the longer term,
once the Iraqi crisis is resolved, there are good reasons why oil prices
should fall. The need for Western powers to work closely with Iran could
lead to a swifter resolution of the latter's nuclear ambitions, thereby
releasing additional Iranian oil on global markets once the US and
European Union embargoes are lifted. There is also the prospect of
greater autonomy for the Kurdish regional government in Iraq, whose
attempts to export crude via Turkey have so far been thwarted by
Baghdad.
Links
Negative
owners of oil
will adjust their production and inventories until the price of oil is
expected to rise at the rate of interest, appropriately adjusted for risk . If the
OPEC cartel), with its strong pricing power, still plays a role. But the fundamental insight is that
price of oil is expected to rise faster, they'll keep the oil in the ground. In contrast, if the price of oil is not expected
The
relationship between future and current oil prices implies that an
expected change in the future price of oil will have an immediate impact
on the current price of oil. Thus, when oil producers concluded that the demand for oil in China and
to rise as fast as the rate of interest, the owners will extract more and invest the proceeds.
some other countries will grow more rapidly in future years than they had previously expected, they inferred that
the future price of oil would be higher than they had previously believed. They responded by reducing supply and
raising the spot price enough to bring the expected price rise back to its initial rate. Hence, with no change in the
current demand for oil, the expectation of a greater future demand and a higher future price caused the current
price to rise. Similarly,
Russia and in Mexico implied a higher future global price of oil and that also required an
increase in the current oil price to maintain the initial expected rate of increase in the price of oil. Once this relation
is understood, it is easy to see how news stories, rumors and industry reports can cause substantial fluctuations in
current supply and demand were initially in balance, the OPEC countries and other oil producers would respond by
reducing sales to bring supply into line with the temporary reduction in demand. A rise in the expected future
demand for oil thus causes a current decline in the amount of oil being supplied. This is what happened as the
the expected future supply of oil would also reduce today's price. That fall in the current price would induce an
immediate rise in oil consumption that would be matched by an increase in supply from the OPEC producers and
others with some current excess capacity or available inventories. Any steps that can be taken now to increase the
future supply of oil, or reduce the future demand for oil in the U.S. or elsewhere, can therefore lead both to lower
prices and increased consumption today.
Even small changes in the oil market have large price effects
Nerurkar 11 Neelesh Nerurkar, 4-1-2011, specialist in energy policy, U.S. Oil
Imports: Context and Considerations CRS,
http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R41765.pdf
Domestic supply disruptions can also shift trade flows. After hurricanes
Katrina and Rita shut in oil production in the U.S. Gulf of Mexico, U.S. imports
increased by around 0.7 Mb/d between July and October 2005. The increase was in
refined products; hurricanes shut down more refining capacity than crude oil
production. Crude imports fell. Supply disruption in countries that are not
traditionally major sources of U.S. imports may still have significant implications for
the United States because they raise the price of oil worldwide. The oil market is
globally integrated, refiners can shift the crude they use, and refined products
are interchangeable commodities; so a disruption anywhere can affect oil
prices everywhere. For instance, the United States imported only around 0.1 Mb/d
of oil from Libya in 2010. (For context, the U.S. consumed about 19.2 Mb/d in 2010.)
Most of Libyas crude supply went to Europe. But when unrest shut down Libyas
exports in February 2011, global prices rose, including prices for oil imported into
the United States from elsewhere and oil produced domestically. Global supply was
reduced and European refiners had to look to other oil sources, bidding up those oil
prices to secure substitute supplies. 10 The price of oil may rise until it makes
up for the amount of supply no longer available due to the disruption. This
can occur by price rising enough that some consumers no longer demand
Increase in U.S. Crude Oil exports would drive down the global
market price
Bastasch 14 Michael Bastasch, Reporter at The Daily Caller News Foundation,
04/04/2014, The Daily Caller Exporting US crude oil could LOWER gas prices
http://dailycaller.com/2014/04/04/report-exporting-u-s-crude-oil-could-lower-gasprices/
The ICF study was done on behalf of the American Petroleum Institute, the main U.S.
oil lobby, which is pushing for the federal government to lift its ban on crude oil
exports in the midst of a major oil and natural gas boom. API and some
lawmakers argue that allowing oil exports would boost economic growth and
lower oil prices because U.S. crude would increase the global supply,
driving prices downwards. Gasoline costs are tied to global markets and
increasing supplies would save consumers at the pump. Consumers are
among the first to benefit from free trade, and crude oil is no exception, said Kyle
Isakower, vice president for regulatory and economic policy at the American
Petroleum Institute. Gasoline costs are tied to a global market, and this
study shows that additional exports could help increase supplies, put
downward pressure on the prices at the pump, and bring more jobs to America,
Isakower added. The push on Capitol Hill for free trade in U.S. crude oil has been
Alaska Republican Sen. Lisa Murkowski. Alaska is the countrys fourth largest oil
producing state, according to government data. Right now, U.S. oil can only be
exported if its refined first, this gives refiners access to crude oil that is
discounted because the export ban holds down domestic prices. This
means refiners enjoy a nice profit margin because they pay lower prices
for crude than on international markets while selling gasoline and other
products at global market rates. Only a handful of major refiners have opposed
allowing crude oil exports. Led by major U.S. refiner Valero Energy, the opposition
has said that keeping crude oil in the U.S. would enhance energy independence and
give the country an economic advantage. It makes more sense to keep crude oil
here in the U.S., said Valero spokesman Bill Day. It has significantly reduced
American dependence on foreign oil, kept U.S. refining utilization high, and
insulated American consumers from geopolitical shocks. But the recent U.S. oil
boom has led to huge production increases, mainly of light crude oil and lease
condensate. But U.S. refineries are largely equipped to handle heavier crude coming
from Saudi Arabia and Canada. This means that there is a mismatch between U.S.
refinery capabilities and the countrys newfound supply, according to ICF. So there
is a mismatch between what refineries can process and the type of oil coming out of
the ground in the U.S. This, along with lagging energy infrastructure development,
means that there is a growing glut of U.S. crude, which is driving down prices for
refiners, but doing little to help consumers of petroleum products. U.S.
international trade in petroleum products is not subject to volume
restriction for imports or exports and so U.S. product prices are set by
international markets,ICF noted. Allowing U.S. crude exports reduces U.S.
and world petroleum product prices by moderating world crude oil prices
and allowing for more efficient refinery operations.
duty trucks have been retrofitted across Canada, while refueling terminals have
been popping up near interstates in the U.S. to service company-designated
vehicles. The cost savings in fuel is significant, usually representing more than two
dollars per gallon. The downside is on the infrastructure side. It will take several
years of heavy capital investment to provide the network of transport pipelines,
storage and terminal facilities, filling stations, and related requirements. And we
must consider the cost of retrofitting engines. At an average of $35,000 per vehicle,
it will remain an obstruction for some. I expect to see an increase in natural gas-asfuel usage continuing, but remaining on the truck side for 2013. Personal autos will
stay a niche market in the near-term. Still, this will comprise an improving demand
area for natural gas. 5) Electricity Consumption from Gas Set to Spike Fifth is the
massive transfer underway from coal to gas as the preferred fuel for generating
electricity. Coal will remain a fuel of choice in several sectors of the world and will
still be cost effective in certain regions in the U.S. But the days of "King Coal" in the
generation of electricity are drawing to a close. The figures here are massive. The
American market is replacing more than 90 gigawatts (GW) of generating capacity
by 2020, virtually all of this coal-fired. In addition, the phasing in of non-carbon
regulations (cutting mercury, sulfurous, and nitrous oxide emissions) will add
another 20 GW to the retirement agenda, once again coming almost exclusively
from coal. Each 10 GW transferred to natural gas will require an additional 1.2
billion cubic feet of gas per day. If only 50% of the expected transition from coal to
gas occurs, the added demand will eliminate three times the current total gas in
storage nationwide.
OCS
Drilling in the OCS lowers prices
Medlock 8 Kenneth B. Medlock III, 7/8/08, Fellow in Energy Studies at Rice
University's James A Baker III Institute for Public Policy and an adjunct assistant
professor in the Economics Department at Rice, Open outer continental shelf,
http://www.chron.com/opinion/outlook/article/Open-outer-continental-shelf1597898.php
A confluence of factors is responsible for the recent price run-up at the pump.
One important factor behind the strength of oil prices is the expectation of
inadequate oil supply in the future. This has led to a debate regarding the
removal of drilling access restrictions in the U.S. Outer Continental Shelf
(OCS). According to the Department of Interior's Minerals Management Service
(MMS), the OCS in the Lower 48 states currently under moratorium holds 19 billion
barrels of technically recoverable oil. Some analysts claim that opening the OCS will
not matter that much, as the quantity of oil is only about two years of U.S.
consumption. But a more appropriate way to look at the issue is this: If the OCS
could provide additional production of 1 million barrels per day of oil, our import
dependence on Persian Gulf crude oil would be reduced by about 40 percent.
Moreover, at 1 million barrels per day, the currently blocked OCS resource would
last about 50 years. Of course, opening the OCS will not bring immediate supplies
because it would take time to organize the lease sales and then develop the supply
delivery infrastructure. However, as development progressed, the expected
growth in supply would have an effect on market sentiment and eventually
prices. Thus, opening the OCS should be viewed as a relevant part of a
larger strategy to help ease prices over time because an increase in activity
in the OCS would generally improve expectations about future oil supplies.
Lifting the current moratorium in the OCS would also provide almost 80
trillion cubic feet of technically recoverable natural gas that is currently offlimits. A recent study by the Baker Institute indicates that removing current
restrictions on resource development in the OCS would reduce future
liquefied natural gas import dependence of the United States and lessen the
influence of any future gas producers' cartel.
Oil companies'
under-investment in world capacity and a series of oil crises in Venezuela,
Nigeria, and Iraq led to a reversal of the spare capacity situation by 2003.
Predictably, oil prices rose sharply, approaching $40 per barrel by the end of 2004, $60 per
barrel by late 2005-when spare capacity bottomed out at 1-1.5 MMBD, the lowest it had ever been relative to total
world oil supply-and close to $80 per barrel by the fall of 2007 .
of declining future U.S. oil demand. A major policy shift by the United States could
also move world oil markets out of the high anxiety state they have been
operating in for several years now: increase spare capacity and market anxiety almost inevitably
will subside, because of the creation of a margin of error in the event of perceived threats to supply or actual
disruptions.
Natural Gas
Increase in natural gas exports lowers global oil prices
Deutch 11 John Deutch, January/February 2011, Foreign Affairs, Former
Director of Central Intelligence and Former Undersecretary of Energy, The Good
News About Gas, The Natural Gas Revolution and Its Consequences,
http://www.web.mit.edu/~chemistry/deutch/policy/2011-TheGoodNewsAboutGas.pdf
Countries that import natural gas should anticipate more competing sources of it,
which will lower prices and reduce concerns about the security of the gas supply.
No longer, it seems, will the world be dependent on a few nationsIran,
Qatar, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Turkmenistanthat control the bulk of
conventional natural gas reserves. Countries that produce natural gas will need
to adjust to lower revenues from natural gas exports; for some of them, the
adjustment may be quite severe and potentially destabilizing. As gas acts as a
substitute for oil, demand for oil will fall, putting downward pressure on
oil prices. This will lessen, but certainly not eliminate, the geopolitical influence
that major oil-exporting countries enjoy today. It is perhaps a permissible
exaggeration to claim a natural gas revolution. But like all revolutions, whether and
to what extent the benefits are realized will depend on how rapidly the economic
and political systems adapt to the change.
LNG to countries that use oil for heating or industrial processes could also
decrease demand for petroleum products, putting downward pressure on
oil prices .
Renewables
US investments in alternative energy cause speculators to
value oil lowersharply tanks prices globally immediately
Yetiv and Feld 7 Steve and Lowell, Professor of political science at Old
Dominion University and senior international oil markets analyst at the U.S. Energy
Information Administration until March 2006, America's Oil Market Power: The
Unused Weapon Against Iran, World Policy Journal, p. proquest
As is typical of world oil markets, this situation soon changed. Low oil prices and resurgent economic growth spurred
rapid oil demand growth in Asia and elsewhere. But supply couldn't keep up with demand .
Oil companies'
under-investment in world capacity and a series of oil crises in Venezuela,
Nigeria, and Iraq led to a reversal of the spare capacity situation by 2003.
Predictably, oil prices rose sharply, approaching $40 per barrel by the end of 2004, $60 per
barrel by late 2005-when spare capacity bottomed out at 1-1.5 MMBD, the lowest it had ever been relative to total
world oil supply-and close to $80 per barrel by the fall of 2007 .
anxiety almost inevitably will subside, because of the creation of a margin of error in the event of perceived threats
to supply or actual disruptions.
US armed forces. Reliance on foreign oil also makes the United States vulnerable to
fuel price shocks or shortages if supply is disrupted. In 1997, about a third of US oil
came from the Middle East. By 2030, if energy policy does not change, the country
may be relying on Middle Eastern, and possibly Central Asian, oil for two-thirds of its
supply. Some analysts believe that oil discovery peaked in the early 1960s and that
a decline in global oil production, and the beginning of increasingly high prices, will
occur within 10 to 12 years.[32] Some regions, especially New England, still use
significant amounts of oil for electricity generation even though nationwide most oil
is used for transportation. Electric vehicles, especially if powered from
renewable sources, could also play an increasingly important role in
reducing oil use and emissions from the transportation sector. And higher oil
prices, absent sufficient fuel competition, could lead to higher prices for other fossil
fuels.
U.S. demand is key to global oil prices the Aff eliminates the
cause of current high prices
Zakaria 4 Fareed, phD in political science from Harvard and former managing
editor of Foreign Affairs, Newsweek, Don't Blame the Saudis , 9/6,
http://www.fareedzakaria.com/ARTICLES/newsweek/090604.html
But the more lasting solution to America's oil problem has to come from energy
efficiency. American demand is the gorilla fueling high oil prices--more than
instability or the rise of China or anything else . Between 1990 and 2000
the global trade in oil increased by 9.5 billion barrels. Half of that was
accounted for by the rise in U.S. imports. America is consuming more
because it is growing more--but also because over the past two decades, it has
become much less efficient in its use of gasoline, the only major industrial
country to slide backward. The reason is simple: three letters--SUV. In 1990 sport
utility vehicles made up 5 percent of America's cars. Today they make up 55
percent. They violate all energy-efficiency standards because of an absurd loophole
in the law that allows them to be classified as trucks.
the royal bowels: every hour of every day, every oil state and company in
the world keeps an unblinking watch on the United States and strains to
find a sign of anything from a shift in energy policy to a trend toward
smaller cars to an unusually mild winter that might affect the colossal
U.S. consumption . For this reason, the most important day of the week for oil traders anywhere in the
world is Wednesday, when the U.S. Department of Energy releases its weekly figures
on American oil use, and when, as one analyst puts it, the market makes up its mind
whether to be bearish or bullish.
After
the United States, no other market offers exporters like Russia or Saudi
Arabia the same opportunities for both growth and volume of sales, and
no oil producer, whether country or company, can afford to miss out. Today, a
producers share of the U.S. market is a critical measure of that
producers political standing and future prospect s. Saudi Arabia, for example, is so
country except China and Japan, and that trend has continued in the first decade of the new millennium.
desperate to maintain its share of the U.S. market that it sells oil to Americans at a discount. Even oil states with
profoundly anti-American sentiments Venezuela, Libya, and until recently Iraq are exceedingly cordial when it
comes to selling or trying to sell oil to Americans.
Affirmative
but no one is allowed to export it. So, the Iron Law cannot come into play: its not
possible to export that extra, newly produced, oil.
So what does happen? It gets refined into that gasoline and avgas and so on (not
entirely, but this is the driver of prices). Those products are freely exportable and
given that they will command the world price, be able to compete against the same
products made from the higher priced N Sea, African and so on oil, they will be
exported. What doesnt happen, not to any great extent that is, is that
Americans get lower gasoline prices. Because the refined products are
exportable and fungible to they will still trade at those world prices,
whatever the price of US produced crude.
This isnt entirely exact as there will always be some leakage in such schemes. But
essentially what the ban on crude exports has meant is that refiners get higher
profit margins and crude producers lower ones. For the refiners get to buy US crude
at the depressed inside the US price, refine and then receive the world price for
their products. By allowing exports this artificial boost to refining margins
disappears. Crude producers can either export at the world price or sell to domestic
refiners at again that world price. The refiners dont have the law bending the
market into giving them a fatter margin.
This doesnt make much difference to us as consumers , either inside or
outside the US. It also doesnt make much difference to the oil majors as
they own both crude production and refining capacity. It affects which
division makes the profits, yes, but not the profits of the overall company. So
whether or not crude exports should be allowed is really a fight down in the second
and third tiers of the independent companies. Who gets the profit, the crude
producers or the refiners?
This is only the start of course, this is only about condensates, but it bodes well for
relaxing the ban on all crude exports soon enough. Theres no good reason why the
law should favour the refiners over the crude producers at all.
though not wildly bullish on oil prices, believe there are seven good reasons
why we will not see a sustained plunge in crude (but they call them seven
sources of hidden oil market elasticity). 1. Decline rates at mature fields Its
conventional wisdom that the output of mature oil fields declines at a rate of 5% to
10% a year, slowly fading away over time but never giving up the ghost entirely.
The Bernstein analysts earlier this year conducted a study of 3,100 oil fields that
debunked that myth. They found that some fields decline much faster. The decline
rate in the Gulf of Mexico, for instance, is 23%, with the North Sea is about 10%.
Russian fields fare a little better, at a 3.5% decline rate. Even if the average decline
rate worldwide is just 5%, that means the industry needs to develop a new Saudi
Arabia every two years, just to stay even. 2. Motorists are sensitive to
gasoline prices Data from the Dept. of Energy and the Federal Highway
Administration shows that the number of miles that American motorists drive is
inversely correlated wtih gasoline price increases. As gas prices rose 25% in early
2008, the number of miles driven dropped by roughly 3.5%. When gas prices fell
35% into the 2009 recession, miles driven jumped up 2%, year over year. Theres
not enough new Priuses or Teslas on the road to change this yet: if gas prices fall,
demand for gas will increase. 3. European imports Despite weak markets,
European refiners can be expected to buy more when prices fall. This is
what they did when prices dipped last year buying an additional 1.2 million bpd.
Europes crude oil inventories are also about 10 million barrels below 5-year
averages, so importers there would likely be buyers on a price dip. 4. China
inventories The Bernstein analysts note that in 2012 China increased the rate at
which it built up its oil inventories, adding 240 million barrels in 2012 after 140
million in 2011. When oil peaked in February China cut back its oil imports
to the lowest level in five months, indicating that if prices fall theyll pick
up the pace. 5. Rising marginal costs Despite the enormous growth in
the U.S., the costs of getting that oil out are growing at unprecedented
rates. Bernstein figures that the cost of producing the last barrel rose from $89 in
2011 to $114 in 2012. About 95% of U.S. production was done at a marginal cost of
$71 a barrel. Part of the marginal cost calculation involves non-cash expenses like
depreciation, but over the longer term a corporation will not survive if its marginal
production costs are higher than the going price of crude. 6. U.S. stripper wells
The first to go will be stripper wells. These are marginal wells that produce less than
15 barrels per day. But theres a lot of them, enough to produce 1 million bpd when
the price is high. Production costs are often high on stripper wells because they
often bring up a lot of water along with the oil, and water can be expensive to treat
and get rid of, especially when you dont have economies of scale. Most of these
wells become uneconomic at oil prices less than $90. 7. OPEC The cartel has a
stated production cap of 30 million barrels per day. But member states are
producing more like 30.4 million today. But the OPEC nations need prices of $90
to $100 to balance their budgets and keep their people happy with government
spending. They will adhere to quotas in order to get prices back up. The
Saudis have proven that they can be very disciplined when it comes to cutting
output. In 2009 when oil prices crashed they scaled back by 1.5 million barrels per
day. They also tend to export less when prices are low, and keep the oil in the
kingdom. Overall, the Bernstein guys believe that these seven criteria would be
enough to tighten global oil supplies by 1.5 million barrels per day if Brent crude
were to fall to $90 that would be enough tightness to bring prices back above
$100. Invest accordingly.
oil exploitation -- and relaxed restrictions on the Gulf and drilled in the
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in Alaska and off the coast of California,
where America's most easily accessible offshore oil is located -- it still
would not have much of an impact. "With the exception of the deep Gulf, where
there are restrictions, people are drilling as fast as they can," said Lynch, who
regards himself as a moderate Republican. He is bearish on oil prices and believes
the cost of crude will drop soon, regardless of an government policies. "You might,
under really optimistic scenarios, over five or six years, add 2 million
barrels a day of production," said Lynch, who favors more drilling, even if he
rejects the politicians' arguments. "On a global scale, it's significant. But we
would still be big importers -- we would still be dependent on foreign oil."
And prices would not move much because of it, the analysts explained. Oil is traded
on a world market, and the United States does not have enough petroleum to
increase the global supply, which would reduce demand -- and thus the
price -- for fuel. "In 2009, the U.S. produced about 7 percent of what was
produced in the entire world, so increasing the oil production in the U.S. is
not going to make much of a difference in world markets and world
prices," said the EIA's Martin. "It just gets lost. It's not that much." And boosting
drilling in the outer continental shelf? "What comes out of the OCS is about 1
percent of the world total, and that's not enough to affect world prices,"
Martin said, even noting that she believes there are even more untapped reserves
than officials can estimate at the moment.
*Note this article cites several experts on international oil prices.
in currently protected places. Interestingly, the Big Five oil companiesBP plc, Chevron Corp.,
Conoco Phillips Inc., ExxonMobil Corp., and Royal Dutch Shell plchave been spending a huge amount of their half
trillion dollars in recent profits buying back their own stock. Perhaps they should invest some of their record profits
the
U.S. oil supply-demand balance is insurmountable. We have less than 2
percent of the worlds known reserves, yet use 25 percent of its oil. Even if we
drilled off of every beach, and inside every national park, refuge, and forest, the United States does not
possess enough oil to significantly offset our growing demand .
in developing these leases before they greedily ask for access to more protected places. Most importantly,
Investor Confidence
High Oil Prices Maintain Investor Confidence
Helman 6/24 Christopher Helman, Forbes staffer, 6/24/13, Why Cheap
Gasoline Could Be Bad for Americas Economic Comeback, Forbes,
http://www.forbes.com/sites/christopherhelman/2013/06/24/would-cheaper-gasolinebe-good-or-bad-for-america/
America is, of course, in the midst of an unprecedented oil boom. Thanks to
advances in drilling and fracking, oil companies have figured out how to develop
massive reserves in fields like the Bakken and Eagle Ford. Since 2008 U.S. oil output
is up 43%, including a massive 1 million barrel per day gain in 2012. This year, for
the first time in decades, the U.S. relies less on imported oil than on domestic
supplies. According to IHS IHS -1.06%-CERA, the boom in unconventional oil
and gas supports 1.7 million jobs, generates some $70 billion in federal,
state and local taxes, and adds roughly $250 billion a year to the U.S.
gross domestic product. And all those numbers are set to grow in the
years to come. But only if oil prices stay high. Its high prices that
incentivized drillers to develop the Eagle Ford and Bakken the two
biggest contributors to oil growth. The average costs of getting a barrel of oil
out of those fields is between $60 and $65 a barrel, according to Morgan Stanley MS
+0.62%. That includes the costs of surveying, drilling, fracking, processing,
transporting, taxes and royalties (but excludes costs of land acquisition). At current
prices companies will go right on drilling. But if for any reason oil were to drop
to $60, activity would quickly dry up. And considering that the average
unconventional oil well declines in volume by more than 50% in its first year, it
wouldnt take long for domestic supplies to slump and for jobs to slump with it.
when inevitable price shocks occur. What the global economy needs are
stable, sustainable prices that can provide the basis for effective planning.
Employment
High oil prices lead to energy employment
The Financial Daily 13 economist newscast, 12/6/13, Shale Gas and Oil
Boom Gains & Vulnerabilities Lexis Nexis
Rising oil and gas prices since the early 2000s prompted a resurgence of
energy employment. Increased use of horizontal drilling and hydraulic
fracturing led to further gains in oil and gas hiring. As of 2011, the states
with the highest shares of energy employment were Alaska, Louisiana, New Mexico,
North Dakota, Oklahoma, Texas, West Virginia, and Wyoming. As shown in Figure 2,
energy employment shares increased in all eight of these states from 2000 to
2011.5 Although there is little oil and gas activity in West Virginia, its coal
production grew because coal prices followed the upward trend in oil
prices in the 2000s. Despite these gains, however, almost every one of these
states depends less on the five main energy-related industries than they did in
1982.
Extraction
Low Oil prices prevent investment in extraction
Travberg 13 Gail Travberg, editor of The Oil Drum, 12/18/13, OilPrice.com,
How Low Oil Prices could Cause the Death of Oil, http://oilprice.com/Energy/OilPrices/How-Low-Oil-Prices-could-Cause-the-Death-of-Oil.html
Because of diminishing returns, the cost of oil extraction keeps rising. It is hard
for oil prices to increase enough to provide an adequate profit for producers. In fact,
oil prices already seem to be too low. Oil companies have begun returning
money to stockholders in increased dividends, rather than investing in
projects which are likely to be unprofitable at current oil prices. See Oil
companies rein in spending to save cash for dividends. If our need for investment
dollars is escalating because of diminishing returns in oil extraction, but oil
companies are reining in spending for investments because they dont
think they can make an adequate return at current oil prices, this does not
bode well for future oil extraction.
stimulus? A little, but not much . According to Andrew Kenningham, a senior economist with
Capital Economics, a $20 fall in oil prices basically transfers about 1 percent of
global GDP from countries that mainly produce oil (such as Russia and Saudi Arabia)
to countries that mainly use oil (lots of places). Since oil-consuming countries
tend to spend a bit more money on goods and services, this wealth
transfer will likely boost the global economy by about 0.5 percentage
points. That helps. But its not nearly enough to solve the worlds problems.
Cheaper oil may cushion the fall in demand, particularly in the U.S., where the pass-through from crude oil to
gasoline prices is high, Kenningham told Housing Wire. But it cannot reverse the slowdown.
James Hamilton, an economist and oil expert at the University of California San Diego, concurs. He notes that
gasoline prices have always tightly followed oil prices, so prices at the pump in the United States are likely to drop
thats not
enough of a boost to overcome all the other problems in the world : If gasoline
by quite a bit in the months ahead. That will put a little more money in the pockets of drivers. But
prices do fall from their value in April near $3.92 to $3.12, that would be an 80 cents/gallon swing. With Americans
buying about 140 billion gallons of gasoline each year, that translates into an extra $112 billion over the course of a
year that consumers would have available to spend on other things besides gasoline. So should we be celebrating?
Im afraid not. The primary reason that oil prices have come down is because of growing signs of weakness in the
world economy. I am very concerned about where events in Europe are going to lead, and recent U.S. data indicate
Cheap gas helps, but not so much if you dont have a job. The
When times are good and the global economy is
expanding, the world bumps against what appears to be a ceiling in the
production of easy oil. At that point, prices tick up, threatening to
squelch the recovery. Conversely, when times are bad, falling oil prices
dont appear to be enough to prop up the economy again.
some weakening.
Turns Case
Low Oil Prices Turn the Case only sustained high prices lead
to long term investment in renewable energy
Akst 6 Daniel Akst, contributing editor at the NYT and various other
publications, 9/17/06, The Good Thing about Oil Prices Is the Bad News, NYT,
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/09/17/business/yourmoney/17cont.html?
ref=yourmoney)
Dont kid yourself. Anything that reinforces the role of fossil fuels particularly oil
as the industrial worlds primary energy source is bad, not good. Anything that
prolongs the life of the internal combustion engine is a negative, not a positive.
Anything that makes it cheaper to pump greenhouse gases into the atmosphere is
cause for mourning rather than celebration. What we need is not lower oil
prices but higher ones significantly higher, enough to deter consumption
and make us look seriously at alternatives. Of course, it would be nice not to
have to rely on cartels and circumstances to make us moderate our consumption.
Hefty taxes on carbon-based energy, the proceeds of which could fuel
research into nonfossil alternatives, would be a much better approach, since
then at least wed be paying ourselves instead of our friends at the
Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries. As a bonus for saving the
planet, we might even undermine the intolerance and autocracy that are abetted in
many places by oil money. The sad fact is that just as oil is the lifeblood of Western
economies, oil revenue often is the lifeblood of tyranny. Oil-rich regimes that
trample the rights of women, finance terrorism and preach intolerance are sustained
by what we spend on gasoline and heating oil. The unfortunate paradox is that
moderating oil prices, while they may reduce the earnings of despots in the short
run, will only support our harmful addiction and the power of those same despots
in the long run. If that were the only bad thing resulting from lower oil prices, it
would be sufficient. Ah, but theres so much more. Lower oil prices would
promote more driving, for instance, a dismal outcome that would increase air
pollution and, in all likelihood, highway fatalities. More than 43,000 people were
killed on United States roads last year, and 2.7 million were injured. Many
thousands die annually from airborne pollutants as well. Then theres sprawl.
Cheaper gas will mean more far-flung, automobile-dependent communities. That
will bring more driving still, which will result in even more pollution and accidents.
This is to say nothing of the health effects associated with driving everywhere
instead of walking. All that driving brings us back to global warming. Fossil
fuels are implicated in what appears to be significant human-induced
climate change. Everyone I know professes to worry about this, but lets face it:
nothing but drastically higher prices will deter most of us from consuming
more carbon-based energy. Meanwhile, oil prices remain distressingly low.
Adjusted for inflation, remember, prices peaked some 25 years ago. HIGHER
prices have worked wonders before. Today, Americans can generate a
dollar of gross domestic product using just half the energy required in
1973, that watershed year of the oil embargo and lines at gas stations. In
Russia
As the unrest in the Middle East bites into supplies, prices for
crude approached $105 a barrel this week. That's helping drive windfall
profits that are enabling the world's biggest energy exporter to finally
emerge from recession triggered by the global financial crisis in 2008. But while that's good
news for Russia's economy, Kremlin critics say rising energy prices are
again shoring up the country's authoritarian government -- and that's bad for politics.
Energy Savior Russia is using the crises in the Middle East and Japan to burnish its
image as the world's energy superpower. Prime Minister Vladimir Putin -- who has predicted
not in Russia.
that Russia's GDP will equal its precrisis level by next year -- exchanged his usually stern demeanor for an
uncharacteristically friendly manner last week and promised to help Japan, where the nuclear crisis has forced
electricity blackouts. He predicted the effects of the earthquake and tsunami to energy supplies there will be longterm. "In that regard, we have to think of accelerating our plans to develop hydrocarbon-extraction projects --
electricity cable to Japan and offered Japanese companies stakes in Siberian gas fields. Moscow has issued more
offers since, including encouragement for Japanese companies to invest in Russia's coal industry. But some analysts
are warning Russia's heightened focus on its global energy role is eroding any -- already distant -- hopes the
government would enact economic reform. The Kremlin vowed to diversify the country's economy after plummeting
oil prices dealt the economy a body blow during the global financial crisis. Anti-Westernism Rising Political analyst
was especially loud during the precrisis oil boom. He points to President Dmitry Medvedev's comments this month
in which he blamed Western countries for prompting the Middle East unrest, adding that "they have prepared such
a scenario for us." But
He lashed out
on March 22 in his strongest anti-Western comments in years, condemning the UN Security Council for authorizing
force against Libya. He said last week's resolution enabled Western countries to take action against a sovereign
state "under the guise of protecting the civilian population." "It actually resembles medieval calls for crusades when
But the
atmosphere in Moscow is more nuanced then the rhetoric suggests. Medvedev
someone called on others to go to a certain place and liberate it," Putin said. Redefining Foreign Policy
rejected Putin's comments, calling them "unacceptable." And despite Putin's displeasure, Russia declined to veto
the resolution when it came to a vote last week, instead choosing to abstain. Fyodr Lukyanov, editor of the journal
"Russia in Global Affairs," sees that decision as more significant than the tough talk. "It's not typical," he says.
"Russia used to take stands for or against, particularly when it comes to issues such as intervention in other
countries." He says foreign policy isn't being driven by rising oil prices. "It's about the gradual refocusing of Russian
interests and redefining of Russian foreign-policy identity from a global one to a more regional one." That change,
he says, reflects a "much more rational calculation of priorities." "It doesn't mean Russia is more pro-Western,"
Lukyanov says. "Russia
now, Gaddy sees few long-term effects for Russia from the Middle East unrest, saying oil prices were predicted to
rise to $105 to $108 this year even before it began, while commodity prices are expected to continue rising for the
economic crisis will endanger the nation's political stability , achieved at great cost
after years of chaos following the demise of the Soviet Union. Already, strikes and protests are occurring among
rank and file workers facing unemployment or non-payment of their salaries. Recent polling demonstrates that the
once supreme popularity ratings of Putin and Medvedev are eroding rapidly. Beyond the political elites are the
financial oligarchs, who have been forced to deleverage, even unloading their yachts and executive jets in a
dimension that is even more relevant then the economic context. Despite its economic vulnerabilities and perceived
economic crisis can transform itself into a virulent and destabilizing social
and political upheaval. It just may be possible that U.S. President Barack Obama's national security
team has already briefed him about the consequences of a major economic meltdown in Russia for the peace of the
world. After all, the most recent national intelligence estimates put out by the U.S. intelligence community have
already concluded that the Global Economic Crisis represents the greatest national security threat to the United
States, due to its facilitating political instability in the world. During the years Boris Yeltsin ruled Russia, security
forces responsible for guarding the nation's nuclear arsenal went without pay for months at a time, leading to fears
2. Infrastructure spending
Bennallack 11 Owain, executive editor of Develop, The one market you can
buy on higher oil prices 3-3, http://www.fool.co.uk/news/investing/2011/03/03/theone-market-you-can-buy-on-higher-oil-prices.aspx
Yes, we're talking about Russia. As Matthias Siller, Investment Manager at Baring Asset Manager explains:
upward momentum."
The following graph shows the relationship between the oil price and the Russian
market very clearly: You can clearly see that going on this prior trend, the Russian market could be about to shoot
upwards. It's already started 2011 with a bang in comparison with most other emerging markets, which have wilted.
It's an election year in Russia, and incumbents flush with oil-fuelled tax
receipts could well increase infrastructural and social security spending,
to the benefit of banks, construction firms, property companies, and
retailers.
* A boost to oil production: Russian oil companies badly need to upgrade their facilities to get
more of their reserves to market. A higher oil price would give the Russian authorities leeway to introduce better
tax incentives to encourage this, which could enable Russia's producers to increase their output and profits. The
Russian market is on a P/E of just 10 and forecast to fall to around 7, so on the face of it this is pretty compelling
opportunity.
and the deterioration of the Russian military so deep, that the potential of
improved oil revenues to bring Russia back to a position where it could
dominate its neighbours, much less threaten the United States, is remote.
energy sector shape the Russian investment climate? SD: Well, there are many ways how the events happening in
this is the
biggest source of cash flow generation in the country , so in a sense its the
biggest source of investment funds, both for the companies, and for the
government and also because oil companies invest very significant
amounts of money every year, so the ability of Russian oil companies to
spend money affects really the entire Russian economy from transport
companies to oil service companies to catering companies to local airlines
so it is still, despite the significant efforts to diversify the economy, its a very important
source of investment funds. Thats kind of one angle, and another angle is what is happening in the
the oil and gas sector influence what is happening in the broader economy. On the one hand
Russian oil and gas sector, since it is the biggest sector in the economy, affects the general investment climate,
from the kind of sentiment perspective.So, when something good happens like potentially was going to happen, BPRosneft deal, or if there are good events happening, new fields are being developed, new pipelines are being
brought on-stream, that gives investor additional confidence that the economy is progressing very well, and people
are investing money in it, and the whole country is open for business.Vice versa, if things are not going well, if deals
are breaking up, if instead of going to work people going to courts against each other, that clearly creates a big
drag on the investors sentiment for all of the Russian economy, not just oil and gas. RT: Are government moves to
diversify the economy away from energy likely to succeed in the short term? And in the long term? SD: Its a trick
question.Someone told me that the first time the Russian government has become concerned about its reliance on
oil and gas revenue, was, in fact, almost immediately after oil and gas was found in Siberia, in 1973, 1974.One of
the central communist party committees has discussed the subject. So that was 1974.Almost 40 years later I think
we still find ourselves in the current situation where the economy and the
budget are very, very, dependent on oil and gas. I personally dont see how it is
going to change. In the near term, and even in the long term , because
even if the Russian oil production begins to decline , or the global oil production begins
to decline, what will happen at that time would also mean high oil prices, so if
global production will be getting lower, the oil price will be getting higher
because of that. So, as a result, the Russian intake from commodity exports would more or less stay the
same it would be a big amount of money coming into the country. And there is very few other sources of hard
government can diversify the economy and at the same time take advantage of the energy resources that it has?
SD: Well thats a slightly different question.The answer to that is very simple.If you are endowed with significant
natural resources, one way how you diversify your economy, if this is still the core of your economy, the core of
your wealth, the way you diversify and the way you make the economy more diversified is by creating more value
added.So I think the clear sort of strategic goal that the Russian government should pursue is increasing the degree
of refining of, for example, for oil.So instead of selling simple vacuum gas oil, maybe fuel oil, which is subsequently
being refined into high value added products in the west, you build these refining complexes here.Instead of
burning associated gas, for example, you create petrochemical refining complexes which process it into various
I dont think it is
fair to say that, ok if you have a natural resource driven economy, you are
in a bad situation. I mean Australia has a natural resource driven economy,
and so does Canada, and so does Norway, but there are always ways, if you think about
liquefied gas, and various associated petrochemical products, and you export that.So,
things to create value to make it more diversified, and the more you add value, the more added value is in the
product you sell the less vulnerable you are to commodity price swings.Because commodity price swings affect,
fir4st and foremost, the raw natural resources, and to a much lesser degree they affect the final product.So we all
know how much the oil price changes every day, but the price per tonne of rubber or plastic or certain
petrochemical specialized products doesnt change that often.Its subject to much more longer term contracts.And if
there
are different ways, I think, how you can diversify the economy, and simply
make Russia, instead of raw material exporter, into a high quality, high
value added energy exporter. In different types of energy, and different types of resources, as your
final product. And that I think is the only kind of reasonable diversification
strategy. RT Do you think Russia has Dutch disease and how does energy reliance work in Russia with the
you go from producing gas to also producing electricity, that doesnt change daily, its not as volatile.So
import competing sector? SD: There are elements of Dutch disease, so I think not all the symptoms are here
disease, and whatever people say , fortunately if oil prices are high it is good
for Russia, and it is good for Russia as a whole , not just for Russian oil
companies. RT: How open is the Russian energy sector to foreign investment?
think not all the symptoms are here because the oil industry is not, Dutch
disease happens when one industry, in this case oil and gas industry, really begins to crowd out investment and
for Russia as a whole, not just for Russian oil companies. RT: How open is the Russian energy sector to foreign
investment? SD: Its both open and closed.I think it is fairly open to larger strategic deals.We have seen BP-Rosneft
deal, which although it has been declined, for the time being, on technical grounds, and it didnt happen, the fact
that both sides wanted to do it, that the Russian government was willing to receive that investment, and BP was
willing to make it, I think it is a big testament to how open the industry is for business.Total bought a big stake in
Novatek, there are certain PSAs which continue to operate.If they went through difficult times, but both Sakhalin 1
and Sakhalin 2 are producing energy and making money off it.So on the one hand it is open, on the other hand it
clearly has become much more concentrated among the top players, so if you look beyond that, there are various
laws on participation in the Russian oil and gas sector, and, in general, if you are an up and coming western
company that wants to come in and develop the Russian reserves, I think you would have a problem unless you are
a global major that can bring something to the table with technology with capital etc, then I think it is fairly
open.So, I think it is more open than many many other emerging markets in the world.I would say that for big
companies it is fairly open, for small and mid sized companies it is fairly difficult, simply because the industry has
become a lot more concentrated in recent years. RT: Do you think energy prices will remain about where they are
for the short to medium term, and what does this mean for the Russian economy? SD: Well we went through the
period two years ago when the oil went from $90/bbl to $150/bbl down to $30/bbl, and for every price level there
was an absolutely credible explanation why this is the right price level.So I really have no idea what the oil price will
be in the future.The various research suggest that the price of about $60-$80/bbl makes production of oil
economical for most of the producers so if it drops below $60 a lot of people would have to stop production
because they would begin to lose money and at a price of about $80/bbl everyone is making a reasonable margin
for them to continue doing it so I think we should probably see the oil price gradually weakening a little bit to
where it was before the latest rally.And speaking about Russia $75-$80/bbl would give the government more or less
a balanced budget and more or less kind of stable existence for one or two years, but I think the way the social
expenditures, and the way the budget expenditures have been growing that pace of growth would not be
sustainable with the $80 barrel of oil.So, $75-$80 is OK to balance the budget one or two years maybe borrow
money a little bit externally going forward, I havent done this calculation, but there have been some analysts who
have done the math, and it seems that every year Russia would need an oil price of about $5-$10 dollars per year
higher to meet the rising budget expenditures.
Disease in the original context refers to the contrast between external health and internal ailments (The Economist, No. 26, 1977). It
also refers to the negative impact of expansion of natural resources in a country with oil price rises on its manufacturing growth
through the subsequent appreciation of the real exchange rate of its national currency (see Ellman, 1981 and Corden, 1984).
Although the real exchange rate of the Russian national currency (ruble) appreciated along with increases in oil prices, it is clear that
could not show any large expansion in physical terms during the favorable growth period. The oil and gas industry was the booming
sector only in terms-of-trade. Putin seemed to expect the real expansion of oil and gas extraction through re-nationalization of the oil
and gas industry. The Russian oil and gas industry has been stagnant in real terms since 2005, partly due to this re-nationalization.
Although the fixed capital increment in the oil and gas sector showed subsequent increases, the value of its sectoral total factor
productivity (TFP) remained negative, and, thus, the oil and gas GDP growth was also very low for the 2004-2009 period and
negative for the 2006-2007 period (Rosstat HP as of September 8, 2010). The oil and gas sector will need tremendous capital
replacement investments to raise its TFP. The marked oil price falls induced Russias great contraction of the GDP in 2009, while the
oil and gas GDP did not show such a decline. This stagnant sector only buffered the overall growth contraction in 2009. Ironically,
Russia, with more than 10-million-barrel daily production, was the worlds largest producer of crude oil in 2009 thanks to a
remarkable output adjustment (an 11 percent reduction) by Saudi Arabia (BP, 2010). Russia, free from the OPEC output adjustments,
has always escaped the restraints of oil price increases, while it has been forced to face reductions in oil prices head-on. Fourth,
import substitution, including domestic assembling of foreignmake durable goods, appeared along with the boost of imports in Russia.
The real appreciation of the exchange rate of the ruble boosted the
imports of consumer goods and eased the imports of equipment and
intermediate goods, which is considered to have contributed to
improvements in the manufacturing TFP. Based on the unpublished Rosstat data on import matrix,
Surprisingly,
the share of imports of manufacturing investment goods in the total gross demand for them amounted to 40 percent in 2006. In this
paper, we examine statistically some of these facts to diagnose the Russian Disease and focus on the terms-of-trade effects on the
overall growth as well as the manufacturing development. First, showing the key differences between the Dutch and Russian
also present three variants (oil prices, terms-of-trade, and trading gains) of the concept of terms-of-trade effects using the SNA
real appreciation of exchange rates). We also suggests the significance of the manufacturing industry for the Russian economy.
prices on two kinds of real exchange rates (CPI-based and GDP-based real exchange rates).
off its military-modernization plans. Urgent infrastructure upgrades won't happen, either. And the population
trapped outside the few garish city centers will continue to live lives that are nasty, brutish and short - on a good
Should oil prices and shares keep tumbling, Russia will slip into polni
mode - politely translated as "resembling a dockside brothel on the
skids." And that assumes that other aspects of the economy hold up - a fragile hope, given Russia's
overleveraged concentration of wealth, fudged numbers and state lawlessness. Should we rejoice if the ruble
continues to drop? Perhaps. But what incentive would Czar Vladimir have to halt
his tanks short of Kiev, if his economy were a basket case shunned by the rest of the world?
Leaders with failures in their laps like the distraction wars provide . (If religion
is the opium of the people, nationalism is their methamphetamine.) The least we might expect
would be an increased willingness on Moscow's part to sell advanced
weapons to fellow rogue regimes. Of course, those rogues would need money to pay for the
day.
bardak
weapons (or for nuclear secrets sold by grasping officials). A positive side of the global downturn is that mischiefmakers such as Iran and Venezuela are going to have a great deal less money with which to annoy civilization.
gains growth benefits from an expanding population, Russia, like much of Europe,
is aging; while economists fret over Chinas excessive dependence on
investment, Russia badly needs more of it. Most of all, Russia is little more
than an oil state in disguise. The country is the largest producer of oil in the
world (yes, bigger even than Saudi Arabia), and Russias dependence on crude has
been increasing. About a decade ago, oil and gas accounted for less than half of
Russias exports; in recent years, that share has risen to two-thirds. Most of
all, oil provides more than half of the federal governments revenues.
(MORE: How Google Is Making Science Fiction Real) Whats more, the economic
model Putin has designed in Russia relies heavily not just on oil, but high
oil prices. Oil lubricates the Russian economy by making possible the
increases in government largesse that have fueled Russian consumption.
Budget spending reached 23.6% of GDP in the first quarter of 2012, up from
15.2% four years earlier. What that means is Putin requires a higher oil price to
meet his spending requirements today than he did just a few years ago.
Research firm Capital Economics figures that the government budget balanced at an
oil price of $55 a barrel in 2008, but that now it balances at close to $120. Oil prices
today have fallen far below that, with Brent near $100 and U.S. crude less than $90.
The farther oil prices fall, the more pressure is placed on Putins budget,
and the harder it is for him to keep spreading oil wealth to the greater
population through the government. With a large swath of the populace
angered by his re-election to the nations presidency in March, and protests erupting
on the streets of Moscow, Putin can ill-afford a significant blow to the
economy, or his ability to use government resources to firm up his popularity.
Thats why Putin hasnt been scaling back even as oil prices fall. His
government is earmarking $40 billion to support the economy, if necessary, over
the next two years. He does have financial wiggle room, even with oil prices falling.
Moscow has wisely stashed away petrodollars into a rainy day fund it can
tap to fill its budget needs. But Putin doesnt have the flexibility he used to
have. The fund has shrunk, from almost 8% of GDP in 2008 to a touch more
than 3% today. The package, says Capital Economics, simply highlights the
weaknesses of Russias economy: This cuts to the heart of a problem we have
highlighted before namely that Russia is now much more dependent on high
and rising oil prices than in the past The fact that the share of permanent
spending (e.g. on salaries and pensions) has increasedcreates additional
problems should oil prices drop back (and is also a concern from the perspective
of medium-term growth)The present growth model looks unsustainable
unless oil prices remain at or above $ 120pb. (MORE: How to Improve
Obamacare) The only way out of the trap is to decrease Russias dependence on
oil. That will require a much higher rate of investment, and especially private sector
investment, to develop new industries and create better jobs. Improving the poor
investment climate, however, will take a long list of reforms, which include fixing
inefficient state enterprises, allowing greater competition, stopping the state from
crowding out the private sector, and fighting widespread corruption. Putin himself
has repeatedly advocated for just such reforms, as he did in a speech at the St
Petersburg International Economic Forum in June: We are well aware of
year's budget would be "very frugal, tight and responsible". That implies that sooner
or later, falling oil prices will force cutbacks that will hit the pockets of ordinary
Russians. "The silver lining of a failing oil price is that it does increase the urgency
of social reform and budget cuts," says Kingsmill Bond, chief Russia strategist at
Citigroup. ($1 = 32.9862 Russian roubles)
with Russias finance minister, Aleksei L. Kudrin, which was nationally televised on state news channels for the
publics enlightenment as the two discussed, just short of gloating, the benefits to Russia of a global oil panic. Mr.
budget revenues have become considerable, Mr. Putin said matter-of-factly. Mr.
that if prices hold Russia will be able to resume
contributions to its sovereign wealth funds for the first time since the summer
of 2008, when the global recession began. One of those sovereign
investment vehicles, the Reserve Fund, could reach $50 billion by the end
of the year, Mr. Kudrin reported. Just a few months ago Russian officials planning the 2011 budget had
Kudrin,
anticipated the fund would be depleted. Good, Mr. Putin responded to Mr. Kudrins account, nodding with
satisfaction. Russia, of course, does not have to look back farther than 2008 to see that a spike in the price of oil
meeting with President Dmitri A. Medvedev announcing the deal. Mr. Margerie said his company was committing
about $4 billion to the venture. Russia
investment, he said.
Oil experts say that because global production capacity for oil is still far larger than
world demand, the run-up in prices is being fueled by fear more than by reality. The concern is that the violence in
Libya could spread to other member states of the Organization for the Petroleum Exporting Countries, which are
Russia is not only outside OPEC, and thus free from the
cartels production restraints, but also, with its formidable secret police apparatus and a
primarily Arab nations.
gas to Europe.
to a very
significant degree, Russias budget revenues and overall fiscal health is
still very dependent on the level of oil prices. RT: How does the energy sector shape the
Russian investment climate? SD: Well, there are many ways how the events happening in the oil
and gas sector influence what is happening in the broader economy . On the
dependence has declined greatly in recent years, but I think the sad truth remains that,
one hand this is the biggest source of cash flow generation in the country , so in
a sense its the biggest source of investment funds, both for the companies, and for the government and also
from transport companies to oil service companies to catering companies to local airlines so it is still, despite the
boosting stock market performance for U.S. investors. This development also has a long-term benefit as a strong
ruble benefits the countrys domestic sectors, something well discuss later. A second factor driving Russia has
geopolitical and natural disaster events that have transpired during the
past few weeks. Russia is relatively safe from the type of political uprisings
seen in the Middle East and North Africa. Its government is decidedly popular with the public
been the
and the one-two punch of President Medvedev and Prime Minister Putin give the government clout on both
the different sectors of the Russian market following a sustained rise in oil prices. Merrill Lynch compiled research
on the seven instances where oil prices rose 20 percent in a two-month span and maintained at least half those
gains over the following six month period. Historically, the average gain for Russian equities is more than 34
percent. While energy generally jumps out ahead when oil prices move higher, you can see that it lags other
sectors as the rally progresses. We have long been positive on both Russian financials and the consumer sector and
these sectors appear well positioned going forward. Consumer-oriented equities such as retailers have historically
been the best performers, netting an 85 percent gain on average and triple the gain of energy equities. Retailers X5
and Magnit should be able to capitalize on these trends. Russian financials are next with an average 83 percent
to the American Society of Civil Engineers report that rates Americas infrastructure a D, the World Economic
Forum says the quality of Russias infrastructure lags that of other emerging countries such as South Africa, Turkey,
according to Merrill Lynch, and its estimated that Russia loses 6 percent of GDP each year due to underdeveloped
roads. In fact, the combined length of Russias roadways declined 6 percent between 2002 and 2010 despite a 60
percent increase in car penetration, Merrill-Lynch says.
and rail network. Russia currently has roughly 300 operational airports but just 40 percent of them have
paved runways and 30 percent do not have an airfield lighting system, Merrill Lynch says. The rail network, almost
entirely constructed during the Soviet era, is highly concentrated in the Western region of the country and is
estimated to require more than $70 billion in investment for upgrades and repairs by 2020, according to Merrill
Lynch. Russias aging power grid is unreliable and accident-prone . Merrill Lynch
projects that significant investment by 2020 is required to update and modernize the grid. With industrial
consumers accounting for 85 percent of electrical consumption, keeping the power up and running is essential to
maintaining Russias industrial production levels. To finance the much needed infrastructure improvements, the
Russian government created the $420 billion Federal Target Program (FTP). The FTP focuses on key transportation
areas such as rails, autos, marine and civil aviation. The FTP has specific goals to meet by 2015 such as increasing
the percentage of roads that meet federal standards by 23 percent. The plan also calls for a 47 percent increase in
the shipment of goods and a 40 percent increase in airline penetration through improvements of aviation
infrastructure. In addition to the FTP, three special events will help drive Russias infrastructure spending: The 2012
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Summit, 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi and the 2018 World Cup. Merrill
Lynch estimates that total spending for the World Cup will reach $50 billion. Construction for the Games in Sochi
includes 161 miles of roads and 65 miles of rails, and the APEC calls for 48 new objects to be constructed for a total
collapse of the Soviet Union. The decline was caused by a dramatic drop in
world demand for oil, a decrease in world oil prices, the depletion of exploited
Russian oil fields, and the lack of investment in discovering new ones. Production
began to grow in 1997, at first gradually, then more rapidly reaching 9.8 mbd in
2008, still below the 1989 level.52 Oil production has continued to increase but at a
decelerating rate, with possible implications for the future. Russias Economic
Performance and Policies and Their Implications for the United States Among the
factors which contributed to the deceleration of oil production was the Yukos case
which led Russian oil companies to reduce investment in upstream activities. Also,
the heavy taxation of oil revenues is another contributing factor. Most oil-sector
investment in Russia is aimed at increasing current production rather than
developing new fields; therefore, any slowdown in the growth of capital spending is
soon reflected in slower growth of production and exports. Russia will be not be able
to sustain oil production over the long term if the investment in the sector is not
increased.54 While oil production activities represent a small direct part of
Russian GDP, the income derived from oil production has contributed
significantly through the multiplier effect to overall GDP growth. According
to the IMF, the Russian federal government budget enjoyed a fiscal surplus
equivalent to 4.6% of GDP in 2007; however, if oil-related revenues are
excluded, the budget would have been in a deficit equivalent to 4.7% of
GDP.55 Of course, the IMF calculation assumes that the Russian government would
have maintained the level of expenditures. This analysis suggests that Russia is
becoming more reliant on world oil prices increasing or at least remaining
high. The significance of oil and other natural resources to the Russian
economy is perhaps no more evident than in Russian foreign trade. Even
during the Soviet period, oil and other natural resources were by far the
primary source of hard currency revenues. They have maintained and, at
times increased, their importance in post-Soviet era Russian foreign trade.
In 2007, energy resources (oil, natural gas, and coal) accounted for 65% of
total Russian export revenues. Metals accounted for another 14% of Russian
exports.56 Russias increasing reliance on exports oil and other energy resources
and raw materials has made Russian trade vulnerable to the volatility of
international commodity prices. Exports of machinery and equipment accounted for
only 5% of Russian exports.57
Russia Answers
No Link: [insert]
No Internal Link: oil isnt key to Russias economy.
Adomanis 12 Mark Adomanis, Forbes Contributor, 7/18/12,
http://www.forbes.com/sites/markadomanis/2012/07/18/russias-economy-in-2012-astrong-start-and-an-uncertain-future/
The IMF recently cut its forecast for Russias 2013 GDP growth from 4 percent to 3.9 percent, and
repeated its forecast that 2012 economic growth would come in right at 4
percent. The Russian Ministry of Economic Development is slightly less optimistic, predicting that 2012 GDP
growth will be in the 3.4-3.7% range (though it reserves the right to revise this upward if necessary). Well the
results of the first half of 2012 are now available from Rosstat and, at first glance,
they would appear to be ground for significant optimism: GDP grew at a 4.9% rate, fixed
capital formation grew at 4.7%, and retail turnover galloped ahead at a
rapid 6.9% annual rate. Also on the positive side of the ledger was a 3% growth
in disposable incomes and a strikingly large 10% decline in unemployment
to a post-Soviet low. Russia has now officially surpassed its pre-crisis GDP
peak and is doing so with oil prices that are roughly $30 a barrel less than
they were in 2008 , when the world energy market was at the height of its
decade-long run up in prices, and with notably lower levels of both unemployment and inflation. So
while the Russian economy isnt exactly a world-conquering colossus, its
arguably in better shape than its ever been: prices are more stable, more
workers are active, and investment and consumption are increasing.
Russias oil exports are up, its currency is strong, and its gross domestic product (GDP) growth has hummed along
at a 7 percent clip for the seventh year in a row, surpassing all other Group of Eight (G8) members. Maybe President
Vladimir Putins pledge to double Russias GDP does not sound so farfetched. Think again, some economists say.
Russias economy, buoyed by an increase in global demand for oil, has fully rebounded
after the 1998 collapse and ruble devaluation , experts urge caution. Recent growth, like a
While
Potemkin village, is not what it seems on the surface, due more to skyrocketing world oil prices than to sound
macroeconomic policies. Indeed, Moscow has expanded control over Russias main cash-cow: energy. The Russian
oil and gas sectors new paradigm can be summarized in two words: state domination, Ariel Cohen, a senior
research fellow at the Heritage Foundation, wrote in a February 2005 executive memorandum. The free-market
paradigm has been abandoned. For example, the governments October 2003 arrest of Mikhail Khodorkovsky,
formerly Russias richest man and head of the countrys second-largest oil company Yukos, sent shockwaves
through the market (In the year after Khodorkovskys arrest, capital flightonly $2.9 billion in 2003soared to $9
billion). Gazprom, the state-controlled gas behemoth, recently acquired Sibneft, Russias fifth-largest oil firm, and
now enjoys a near monopoly on the countrys gas production and vast network of pipelines. Hence, Moscows
maneuvers have validated charges that Russias economy is unhealthily tied to oil, a commodity whose value
fluctuates widely. In
had scrounged for credits from this bank. Oil fever has not infected all Russians . The level
of enthusiasm among the general public and particularly among experts does not match the levels observed
after Sputnik and cosmonaut Gagarin were launched into space, to say nothing of the excitement after the
famous liberal journalist, wrote about the inverse correlation between the level of democracy and the price of
oil. What is more, even Vladislav Surkov, until now the Kremlin's leading ideologue challenging Medvedev, in a
another, is preoccupied with oil. While the US, Europe, China, and India are concerned about fuel supply and
the adverse influence of high oil prices on the economy and standard of living, several countries, including
As the
experiences of Stalin and Khrushchev showed, Russian leaders
sometimes overstretch the potential of their advantages and lose a
sober perspective of reality. Mesmerized by his clout, Putin may accept
"the invitation" of the Russians to stay in power after 2008. Today, 51% of the
Russia, have turned their oil resources into weapons for achieving their domestic and foreign goals.
Russians would vote for him if he decided to try for a third term, which he promised not to do. In the foreign
arena, Putin has already shown less willingness to cooperate with the West and the US in particular. His foreign
policy may harden even more. However, it is unlikely that Moscow will demonstrate direct hostility toward the
damage to Russia's international relations, the oil delirium is more problematic to the country's long-term
conspicuous disregard for the growing problem of corruption in society. With the vision of the Russian
leadership blurred, it may become increasingly insensitive to various destructive tendencies in the country.
The impact of the price of oil on political decision-making in Russia is crucially important to the world and
should be closely monitored.
In explaining the
recent resurgence of authoritarianism in Russia one does not need to reread Dostoevsky
or draw on the Bolshevik legacy. It is enough to take into account the rise of the price
of oil. At least this is what one might think when reading the new Freedom House study Nations
how Fyodor Dostoevsky's characters should be governed, you will understand".
in Transit 2006 (released on 13 June 2006 in Berlin) that rates the democratic performance in twenty-seven
green revolution The combination of the "orange" fears of the elites and the new price of oil has produced a real
regime change in Russia. In less than two decades Russia has been transformed from a communist one-party state
into an oligarchic one-pipeline state. The monopoly of power is now fixed not in any article of the constitution but in
the legislation regulating the use of the energy infrastructure. When at the most recent European Union-Russia
summit, at Sochi in May 2006, Gazprom rejected EU demands for Russia to open its pipeline network to access by
independent producers and other countries, this was a declaration of the new Russian philosophy of power. The
western response to the rise of Russia as a non-democratic energy superpower is a mixture of indignation, fear and
double-standard politics. The visit in May of the United States vice-president Dick Cheney in Lithuania is a disturbing
illustration of this new reality. Cheney went to Vilnius where he ferociously attacked Russia's democratic record; the
next day he flew to Kazakhstan and praised Nursultan Nazarbayev for stabilising his country. If the American vicepresident reads the democracy ranking in the Nations in Transit 2006 survey he will learn that in Kazakhstan there
is even less freedom than in Russia. But what senior members of the American administration are reading these
days is not reports of human-rights organisations but reports on the US's energy-resource balance. The result is a
democracy-promotion effort will have results only if it is combined with a common EU energy policy. A coalition
composed of old cold warriors, western-funded NGOs and freedom-loving youth is no longer capable of bringing
democracy to Russia; a new, effective coalition needs to be more of an eclectic mixture of environmentalists,
business leaders and innovative scientists. In this context, Vladimir Putin is absolutely right to believe that the only
real challenge that he faces is not from within Russian society but from outside. Where Putin is wrong is in fearing
the spectre of an "orange revolution" that could be exported to Russia. What he should be afraid of is a green
revolution in the west.
Only when the price of oil falls in the west will freedom rise
in Russia.
So, if you want to see Russia free and democratic, stop signing anti-Putin petitions and voting for
hardline anti-communists. This will change nothing. What you should do is to turn down the lights when you leave
Clinton worried about multiple warheads on Soviet ICBMs, pondered communist expansion in Asia, and was curious
enough about the Soviet Union to travel there. Bush was doing other things during the Cold War. My guess is that
he never met a "Soviet" citizen. Unlike most of his foreign-policy advisers, who made their careers fighting the Cold
War, Bushs thinking is unencumbered by a past era. For many, this lack of experience is frightening. Yet Bushs
lack of baggage also presents opportunities. Twelve years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and 10 years after the
Soviet Union broke up, it is striking how many Cold War practices continue. Tens of thousands of U.S. troops remain
in Germany, Pentagon war plans still aim to destroy with nuclear missiles Russian military plants (many of which are
long out of business), and U.S. and Russian heads of state still meet to discuss arms control. " The
best
defense against a hostile Russia in the future? Promoting Russian
democracy and integration into the West now." Bushs willingness to think
beyond the Cold War must be applauded. Already, he has compelled everyone to rethink the
strategic equation between offensive and defensive weapons systems. Although still unwilling to discuss concrete
this past July to link the discussion of these reductions with consultations about defense systems, Bush has moved
closer to convincing the Russians that his plans for missile defense need not threaten their security. But getting
Russian acquiescence on this new equation is the easy part of dismantling Cold War legacies. After all, Presidents
Yeltsin and Clinton agreed years ago that nuclear arsenals should be reduced far below levels agreed to in Start II.
And despite all the posturing, Putin and his security officials dont really believe that the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty
is the "cornerstone" of strategic stability between the United States and Russia. They rightly have calculated that
even the most robust U.S. missile defense system will not make nuclear deterrence obsolete. Most important,
Russian government officials know that a U.S. missile defense system is a tool of limited utility in most foreign and
security policy issues. And thats the problem with Bushs current policy toward Russia. By focusing almost
Bush
has devoted almost no attention to the most important issue in U.S.Russian relationsRussian democracy and Russian integration into the
West. If Russia becomes a full-blown dictatorship in the next 10 years, a U.S.
missile defense system will be a rather useless weapon in the arsenal for
dealing with an enemy Russia. If, in this worst-case scenario, autocratic
Russia decides to invade NATO member Latvia, destabilize the Georgian
government, or trade nuclear weapons with Iran, Iraq, or China, our
missile defense system will do little to deter these hostile acts against
U.S. national interests. "If Bush can nudge Putin in a more democratic direction, then he will be
remembered as the president who dispelled the last lingering elements of the Cold War." The best defense
against these potential hostile acts is to promote Russian democracy and
integration into the West now. If Russia becomes a full-blown democracy in
the next 10 years, then the prospects for conflict between the United States and
Russia, be it over the Latvian border or the balance of nuclear weapons, will be
reduced dramatically. A democratic Russia moving toward entry into the European Union and even
exclusively on securing Russian acquiescence to missile defense and U.S. withdrawal from the ABM treaty,
NATO will also make possible the unification of Europe and the final disappearance of East-West walls (be it through
visa regimes or military alliances) that still divide Europe.
reading the main story Start Quote Buying things online, which is a normal thing to do in the West, is just starting here
Richard Creitzman Fast Lane Ventures "We
Oil prices not key to economy inflation and prevents oil from
driving growth
Kelly 11 writer for Reuters (Lidia, May 19, 2011, Russia's economy struggles
for sustainable growth http://in.reuters.com/article/2011/05/18/idINIndia-57105920110518)
Russia's economy is struggling to attain sustainable growth despite the
surge in prices for its oil exports, data showed on Wednesday, pointing to
another tough decision on official interest rates later this month. Industry output
grew at its slowest rate in 18 months in April, while producer prices rose
more than forecast and weekly consumer inflation, stuck at 0.1 percent,
underlines the conflicting pressures on the central bank. Pledging to keep fullyear inflation below 7.5 percent ahead of presidential elections in March 2012,
the central bank is expected to continue tightening monetary policy -- but
a sluggish economy will complicate its decision-making on how to control
prices and manage rouble appreciation driven by high oil prices. Investors
have been scrutinising data for clues on the central bank's move after the regulator
unexpectedly raised all key rates last month, including the benchmark refinancing
rate. The latest data, including Monday's figures showing gross domestic
product growing a weaker than expected 4.1 percent year-on-year despite
surging oil prices, suggests that emerging Europe's largest economy is
struggling. "We would have expected that given the high oil prices
something of this would transfer to the real economy , but the big story is
inflation, which is eating into the real income of consumers," said David
Oxley, an emerging markets economist at Capital Economics in London.
China signed last month, Putin tried to show the U.S. that it is not the only superpower he can do business with.
Spoils of the Soviet era At home, the Kremlins recouping of petroleum riches for the purposes of the state and its
elites paved the way for Putin to remake Yeltsin-era Russia into a centralized, autocratic regime under his control.
When Putin first came into office in 2000, the spoils of the Soviet Union had been divvied up among the oligarchs
understandably provoking the ire of an impoverished population, especially one weaned on statist, anti-market
thinking. Moreover, the constitution allowed the state to reserve ownership over subterranean resources. This
enabled the Kremlin to wrest control of the bulk of gas and oil industry revenues from the privatized oil companies,
tycoons such as Mikhail Khodorkovsky and foreign oil companies. By the mid-2000s, Russias oil production was
surging, as were prices for petroleum products on the international market, which laid the basis for economic
recovery and stability in Russia. This was a welcome relief from the hardship caused by the implosion of
communism a decade before. Finally, average Russians could buy smartphones and new cars and take vacations
abroad. While Russias ascent slowed during the 200809 financial crisis, it bounced back quickly, continuing to
bolster the middle class, swell state coffers and enhance Putins popularity. This relative economic improvement
catapulted the Russian leader into an undisputed position of power as both president and prime minister. Yet
ever more centralized state, silence the opposition and civil society and, as of 2014, assert a claim to great-power
status by annexing a sovereign territory. According to Michael L. Ross, the author of The Oil Curse,
The far-reaching
privatization wave that occurred after the fall of communism has partly
reshaped these traditional economic divisions, leaving a good slice of the biggest factories in
the satellite states economies support led to an arrest in any possible productive development.
the hands of the public sector through its state-owned or state controlled enterprises and the holding companies.
This change happened, especially under the Eltsin government tenure, without any effect
on the whole productive structure except for the ownership of some of the more profitable state
enterprises. The internal political and financial scenery emerged in this way and and brought Russia to the new
millennium with a roughly tripartite economic structure. The first segment is composed by a number of small
enterprises and activities which suffered huge technological backwardness and isolation from the rest of the
countrys economy. The second segment is made up of an extended public sector which stretches to cover the
majority of strategic financial and productive enterprises once owned by the soviet regime. The control over these
strategic economic strong points is exerted through public holding companies or by the federal government directly.
The third economic part, which came to light at the beginning of the new millennium, is constituted by the state
enterprises or some of their branches that the so called oligarchs were able to gather at the time of the vast, non-
trend has been going on without any interruption and is still evident today. Nevertheless the last eleven years have
seen the rising need to cope with the lack of economic alternatives outside of the above mentioned pillars, that
historically have been the backbone of Russias productive system. The necessity to enlarge the economic options
has been felt by Moscow as a priority on paper, but it hasnt been already addressed successfully. Throughout the
ten years of Putins hold on power, there have been some efforts to solve the problem of imbalance between
overdeveloped and underdeveloped economic sectors. However, the various attempts to diversify Russian economy
have been, it seems, in vain. It is also possible to affirm that in the same period of time, what could have been
considered as a temporary weakness, caused by the understandable postsoviet financial and institutional
difficulties, has become Russias permanent structural feature, keeping the national economy from being helpful to
the bulk of the population. In this context the last ten years have seen the funding of the three key Russian
productive sectors (defence, energy and steel) rise until the great majority of the total state investment spending. If
we take into consideration 2010 and the beginning of 2011, we can easily observe that the tendency described
above hasnt changed considerably. On the contrary, in October 2010, Prime Minister Putin and Energy Minister
Shmatko announced at a conference held in gas-rich Siberia that investments in the gas sector will escalate until
2030 to an amount of approximately 450 billion dollars. The plan hinges on the national gas monopoly of Gazprom,
the state company which is the strategic point on which Russian economic and political powers rely. Moreover the
nuclear energy and oil production output will be augmented through large supplementary investments made by
public and private Russian agencies. The defence sector will have an even larger share of the investments at hand
for the future, confirming the past trend. By 2020 the military spending will reach almost 2% of Russian GDP, with a
extensive army and renewal of heavy weapons worth 650 billions dollars up to the same year. The steel industry is
following the same path, mostly for two reasons: the unquenchable Asian demand that keeps alive the profitability
of the production, and the home consumption stirred (directly or indirectly) by state economic activities. These
huge investment plans, focused on the few already-developed economic sectors, will absorb most of the public
financial resources in the approaching decades. Its a situation that reveals the misleading nature of the
declarations and actions taken by the Russian political authorities ahead of an urgent and widely recognized need
to diversify the Russian economy. In fact the necessity and the will to work effectively for the diversification of the
economic structure has been a central issue in the official statements made by Moscow, more than once in the last
years. For what concerns the policies oriented towards this goal, the agreements with the European Union in the
spring 2010 whose content went from know how and technology transfer to bilateral cooperation in research must
be underlined. Furthermore a national plan to modernize and upgrade the productive activities in Russia has been
lunched in the fall 2010 with a massive commitment by the government, but which remained largely on paper. Even
though something has been done, the endeavours made by the public authorities have so far fallen apart,
generating activities separated and isolated from the general (and frail) economic net. This outcome has tragically
resembled the national outlook depicted by the three main national sectors inside a weak economy. In addition, it
must be noted that technological research and the productive activities which have flourished in the last years as a
consequence of the efforts made by Moscow to encourage innovation and diversification of the economy, have kept
a strong association with the three main national economical sectors. In this way the possible benefits of an
enlargement to the whole economy of dynamic and new activities have remained limited to little circle of industries
linked to the main ones. The Special Economic Zones (SEZs), established in the last decade as a tool to attract
investments and start new enterprises on the Russian territory, are to be considered as another example of failed
attempt to enlarge the economic participation of a wider segment of the population. They didnt generate the
expected effect on the countrys wellness as a whole, only improving artificial arithmetical indexes, sacrificing
labour rights and environmental laws without a real positive outcome for the majority of the people. The same goes
for the Foreign Direct Investments in Russia. They have been mainly directed to the three driving sectors of the
national economy, almost without touching other parts of the national economical structure that are in need of
support. While in terms of foreign investments draw the gas and oil industry kept on gaining ground in the last few
years, the rest of economy, especially the small and medium enterprises, lagged behind almost to a standstill. The
poor judicial and institutional accountability, holds investors from risking something in other activities than the ones
already developed whose attachment to state interests assures a sufficient degree of certainty in the mid-term
repayment. The strong pledge of Moscow in attracting foreign investments, emerging in the last decade, has risen
simultaneously to a lack of internal autonomous economic action, apart from the three main sectors and a few
others. This circumstance is still present and yet the ineffectiveness of this strategy has not been fully understood
and overturned by political authorities. In fact it prevents the economy from acting autonomously and the political
actors from taking the proper role in shaping a complete, modern and balanced industrial policy. The concentration
of the foreign investments in a small number of productive sectors has caused a mounting vulnerability of the three
sectors themselves. As the weight of foreign capitals grew in these segments of national economy, so did the
potential risks involved in a sudden downturn or retirement of investments. It happened in the last three years with
the effects of the international financial crisis. In 2009 foreign direct investments in Russia fell by 13% against 2008,
while the 2010 figure was even worse. This sharp and harmful drop was generated by the concentration of foreign
capitals in the primary and narrow part of the national economy. Another problem connected to the missed
diversification of Russian economy and thus its polarized and imbalanced nature, is its exposure to the oscillations
of world market trends. This is especially true for the energy sector, which is mainly export oriented and makes up
for the majority of the state monetary resources and reserves. In fact the fluctuation of oil and gas prices is
dangerous for Russia, given the lack of flexibility in its economy, and the prominence of this sector inside the
national economic setting. A proof of the difficulties explained above has been given recently by the 15% fall in gas
and oil sales to EU during 2009 and 2010. At the same time the economic growth is diminished by 8% in 2009. This
explains briefly but clearly the damaging effect caused by the low range of productive options present in the
Russian economic structure, especially in times of financial turbulence or market prices variations. Another example
is given by the very high unemployment rate observed in some of the biggest Russian cities which are dominated
by an almost single sector industry. The so called mono-industrial
economy (energy, weapons and steel) have created the image of the state abroad as a and have shaped the post-
be made. The development of these three sectors is harming the environment producing goods in an unsustainable
(unfortunately apart from the weapons). Whats more, the production, on an extremely large scale, of heavy
weapons has a double moral repercussion. On one side the export of weapons and war technology in general
produces violence in other parts of the world; on the other side the huge defence spending at home is removing
(and will even more so in the near future, given the plan outlined above) essential resources otherwise vital to face
many social and economic problems which badly affect Russia. The three sectors are still gaining ground inside the
crisis hit Russian economy, developing rapidly but in a quantitative way (more steell, more weapons, more gas,
more aluminium etc.). Rather than taking into account the need to raise significantly the quality standards and,
in the Russian economic structure, especially in times of financial turbulence or market prices variations.
analysts say it
deprives the economy of incentive to diversify with the bulk of investment
coming into the highly profitable energy sector. "High oil prices push us back
to ... the pre-crisis development model in the medium-term prospect," Alexei
Devyatov, an Uralsib bank analyst, said. "The economy starts focusing on the raw
a boon for Russia, where energy revenue accounts for 65% of the budget revenue, but
materials sector, while other industry growth will slow down ." In 2010, as oil prices
eased, Russia's processing industry expanded 11.8% compared with a 3.6% growth of the mining industry, statistics
show. Windfall oil revenues flowing into the country put the central bank at the crossroads whether it should target
inflation, like central banks in developed states, or curb the strength of the ruble. The central bank started changing
its policy to target inflation, one of the Kremlin's everlasting woes, last fall, when it widened the floating corridor of
its currency basket, consisting of dollars and euros, and cut the volume of its monthly interventions. But more
petrodollars hunting for the ruble make the national currency more expensive which translates into less competitive
Russian exports, primarily in oil. "Rising oil prices change central bank's policy. It is returning to its previous policy,"
Devyatov said. But easing the ruble means switching on the printing press and fueling inflation. "If oil prices are
high, it is difficult for the central bank to fight inflation which is considerablly flat now. It is difficult to prevent
inflation from growing when producers' costs are rising and capital, which correlates with the oil price, is coming in,"
Alexandra Evtifyeva from VTB Capital said. But in the short-term, Russia will benefit from soaring oil prices which
will help it replenish state coffers. "We have a chance to balance our deficit-ridden budget thanks to the oil prices,"
Investcafe analyst Dmitry Adamidov said. A strong inflow of liquidity will also help replenish the country's Reserve
Fund, set up to cushion the federal budget against a fall in oil prices, which was battered considerably by the
international financial crisis.
High oil prices are credited with Russia's strong 8.3% growth in 2000, the highest rate in more than 30 years. Every dollar rise in Russia's oil is said to contribute 0.4% to GDP. Energy and
metals constitute 80% of exports and the bulk of the domestic equity market. The prevailing view in Russia is that devaluation of the ruble after August 1998 played an important role in
recent growth by increasing domestic demand, as Russian consumers switched to cheaper domestic goods.
development of non-oil production, then lower oil prices are the cure. Less
foreign earnings from oil exports would reduce the rise in the domestic money supply,
slow inflation, ease or halt ruble appreciation, thus stimulating growth in non-oil
industries. If so, the Russian government should simply instruct the country's oil
exporters to sell oil at a lower price. Less foreign currency earnings would increase Russian growth. It would also curry favor with
Western countries by reducing their oil import bills. Who knows? Perhaps Western Europe and the United States would buy manufactured Russian goods out of gratitude. Or write off
some portion of Russian debt. Actually price-for-debt might be negotiated. There is probably no single gesture that would earn Putin more thanks in the West, and kudos from economists
and bankers, than a decision to cut oil prices.
It would be a small price to pay if lower oil prices reduce profits and equity
values of energy firms since the presumed benefit would be the promise of higher future
economic growth. Sacrificing current growth from high oil earnings
appears to be a price worth paying to encourage an increase in domestic
non-oil output and the promise of higher future growth from a weaker
ruble.
High oil prices hurts relations with Russia and causes Russian
expansionism history proves
Applebaum 11Masters in IR from the London School of Economics, BA from
Yale (Anne, The Washington Post, When oil prices rise, Russia has freedom over a
barrel, Tuesday, January 4, 2011, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/article/2011/01/03/AR2011010304070.html )
Why the change of tone? Why now? Many complex theories have been hatched to explain it. This being Russia, none can be proved. But perhaps the explanation is very simple: Oil is
(when oil was still only at $18) he allowed the Berlin Wall to fall, freed Central Europe and ended the Cold War.
Prices fluctuated, but they did not really rise again in the 1990s (plunging as low as $11 in 1998), the years
when Boris Yeltsin was still trying to be best friends with Bill Clinton , the Russian
media were relatively free and there was still talk, at least, of major economic reforms. But in 1999 (when oil prices rose to $16 a
barrel), Yeltsin's prime minister, Vladimir Putin, launched the second Chechen war, the West
still aspires
for Russia to be a superpower," says Steven Pifer, a former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine. "There are
only two ways for Russia to achieve that: nuclear weapons, and oil and natural
gas sales." The price of a barrel of oil was nearly $105 at midday Tuesday, steadily climbing from a 52-week low of $76.35 per barrel
in October. Oil prices began to rise in late 2010, peaking at $113 per barrel in May 2011, before dipping last summer and then rising
again. [Whose Russia Comment Was More Damaging: Obama's or Romney's?] Russia is the world's second-largest oil exporter at 5
million barrels a day, and its the ninth-leading natural gas exporter at 38.2 billion cubic meters a year, according to the CIA World
Factbook. Russia rakes in nearly $500 billion annually in exports, with the CIA listing petroleum and natural gas as its top two
muscularity on "Putin's re-emergence." The Russian once-and-soon-again president "clearly sees playing the national card as the
Diversification Inevitable
Diversification is inevitable Russia will import key
technologies and business models from the west.
Blau 10 John Blau 6/30/2010, reporter for DW, German national broadcasting
network, Russia looks westward for help with high-tech diversification,
DWhttp://www.dw.de/russia-looks-westward-for-help-with-high-tech-diversification/a5742646
After more than a decade of relative freedom, Russia's economy is dependent on the
energy sector. Now leaders in Moscow want to build up a high-tech
industry with help from the West. Graphic depicting a microchip Russia hopes to race ahead toward hightech diversification Hit by the global financial crisis that led to a sharp fall in trade, Russia has
embarked on a campaign to develop its economy away from being simply
an exporter of primary commodities, such as oil and gas. President Dmitri Medvedev
is staking much of his economic vision on creating a globally competitive high-tech industry. Part of
Moscow's plan is to buy into or even acquire key companies located in
technologically advanced, competitive markets such as Germany and
France. Infineon speculation Russia's growing appetite for technology companies
is the likely cause of renewed speculation about Russian financial holding
company Sistema acquiring a stake in German chipmaker Infineon. The
Russian government, Financial Times Deutschland reported without citing sources, has called on Berlin to let
Sistema take a 29-percent stake in Infineon. According to the report, both Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir
Putin insisted on the plan in talks with German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Infineon chip Infineon is on Russia's
high-tech acquisition radar Sistema has declined to comment, and Infineon is providing little information. A
spokesperson told Deutsche Welle the chipmaker "is not currently holding talks" with the Russian company,
declining to comment on whether the two firms or the leaders of their countries have negotiated in the past. In
December 2009, Sistema confirmed talks about becoming a partner in a possible investment in Infineon by the
Russian state. Munich-based Infineon already has some operations in the Zelenograd region near Moscow, where
Russia's largest semiconductor companies, Mikron and Angstrem, operate facilities. Already a big user of German
technology Angstrem is already a big user of technology from Germany; the manufacturer, for instance, hired
M+W Zander in Stuttgart to build a new chip factory and also took over a production line operated by Advanced
Micro Devices (AMD) in Germany. Another key component of Medvedev's high-tech diversification plan is to create
reportedly talking about a Russia-Infineon hookup It's not as if Russia needs to start from scratch, though. The
country has long been a leader in aviation and space technology, where, with the help of advanced microelectronics
technology and expertise, it hopes to become a force again. Russia was also at the cutting edge of photovoltaics
a need for
transparency is "correct," he argues that reciprocity, at this point in
Russia's economic development, is better. "Just 20 years ago, private ownership in Russia
Rahr, an expert on Russia at the German Council for Foreign Relations in Berlin, believes that while
was forbidden," Rahr told Deutsche Welle, adding that "time is still needed" for Russia to establish the level of
Saudi Arabia
2NC/1NR
Saudi Arabia is completely dependent on oil revenues social
services and employment
Luft 13 Gal Luft, Senior adviser to the United States Energy Security Council
and co-author of "Petropoly: The Collapse of America's Energy Security Paradigm,
American oil boom is bad news for Saudi Arabia, Newsday, 5/28/2013,
http://www.newsday.com/opinion/oped/american-oil-boom-is-bad-news-for-saudiarabia-gal-luft-1.5355333
With no revenues from personal income tax and 40 percent of its 28
million citizens under the age of 15 - not to mention a male population
that is mostly employed in the bloated public sector - Saudi Arabia is
heavily dependent on oil revenues to provide cradle-to-grave social
services to its people. And the financial liability has only gotten heavier
since the Arab Spring forced the regime to fight public discontent with ever
more gifts and subsidies. To make things worse, Saudi Arabia is the world's sixth sixth! - largest oil-consuming country, guzzling more crude than major industrialized
countries such as Germany, South Korea, and Canada. With so much of its oil consumed
at home, the kingdom has only 7 mbd to export - even as government expenditures are on the
rise.
over $300 by 2030. And this cuts to the heart of the dilemma: To balance its budget
in the future, Saudi Arabia will need to either drill more barrels and sell them for
lower prices or drill fewer barrels - actively reducing global supply - and sell each at
a higher price.
Saudi Backstopping
Saudi perception of demand reduction will cause them to
release spare capacity crashing prices and forcing out
alternative energies for decades
Meyer and Swartz 8 Gregory Meyer and Spencer Swartz, Adjunct Professor
@ University of Phoenix + staff writer for the Wall Street Journal, 5/5/2008,
ENERGY MATTERS: Saudi Fears Of High Oil Prices Fade With Demand, now
available at http://snuffysmithsblog.blogspot.com/2008/05/saudi-fears-of-high-oilprices-fade.html)
Saudi Arabia's role in the global oil market has sometimes been likened to the
Federal Reserve, calibrating its output depending on market signals. Critical to this
unique standing has been Saudi maintenance of a cushion of "spare capacity," now
estimated at about two million barrels a day. For much of the recent period, the
kingdom has refrained from tapping into all or most of its spare capacity.
Within oil industry circles in places like Houston, the Saudi power has also carried a
somewhat ominous connotation. Faced with growing production from the U.K.,
Mexico and other non-OPEC countries in the mid-1980s, Saudi Arabia flooded
the market in an effort to drive out high-cost production and reassert its
dominant market share. The 1986 oil price crash ushered in more than 15 years
of mostly-lower crude prices, instilling a memory of economic hardship on the
western oil industry that continues to be reflected in Big Oil's caution during these
heady times. The shift to lower petroleum prices also impeded the
development of renewable energy for about two decades . In his book, The
Prize, Daniel Yergin compared the Saudi tactic in the 1980s to power plays by John
Rockefeller and other heavyweights in the history of oil who have used a "good
sweating" to drive out competitors. "No one is worrying about over-supply," Yergin
said in an interview. Instead, the market is preoccupied with meeting growth in
China, India and other fast-developing economies. "What (the Saudis) have
discovered is that the tolerance level in consumers is higher than they
thought," said Thomas Lippman, an adjunct scholar at the Middle East
Institute, a Washington research institute. Given the specter of higher demand in
Asia and the increased cost of bringing on new oil production, many analysts
believe the long-term price of oil is in the $45-$60 a barrel range. Recent comments
by Naimi suggest the Saudi official sees an even higher floor than that. "A line has
been drawn now below which prices will not fall," Naimi said in March in an
interview with PetroStrategies, a French energy publication. Citing the marginal
costs of biofuels and Canadian tar-sands, Naimi defined the floor as "probably
between $60 or $70." Naimi in April said Saudi Arabia was putting off a plan to
expand oil capacity beyond 12.5 million barrels because of concerns about demand
growth. "Unless we see really genuine demand, we have to pause right now and see
what happens," Naimi told Petroleum Argus. Some energy analysts say the
Saudi move suggested a more sober outlook on oil prices. "If they see a lot
of risk on the demand side then you could see very low prices and
Saudi Arabia's goal is to assure that oil's role in the international economy
is maintained as long as possible. Hence Saudi policy has always
denounced efforts by industrialized countries to wean themselves from oil
dependence, whether through tax policy or regulation. Saudi strategy focuses on three different political
arenas. The first involves the ties between the Saudi kingdom and other OPEC countries. The second concerns
Riyadh's relationship with the non-OPEC producers: Mexico, Norway, and now Russia. Finally, there is Saudi Arabia's
Given the
size of the Saudi oil sector, the kingdom has a unique and critical role in
setting world oil prices. Since its overriding objectives are maximizing
revenues generated from oil exports and extending the life of its
petroleum reserves, Riyadh aims to keep prices high as long as possible.
But the price cannot be so high that it stifles demand or encourages other
competitive sources of supply. Nor can it be so low that the kingdom cannot achieve minimum
revenue targets. The critical balancing act of Saudi foreign policy, therefore, is to
maintain oil prices within a reasonable price band. Stopping oil prices from falling below
link to the major oil-importing regions -- most importantly North America, but also Europe and Asia.
the minimum level requires cooperation from other OPEC countries and occasionally from non-OPEC producers.
Preventing oil prices from rising too high requires keeping enough spare production capacity to use in an
emergency. This latter feature is the signal characteristic of Saudi policy. The kingdom can afford to maintain this
spare capacity because of the abundance of its oil reserves and the comparatively low cost of developing and
producing its reserve base. In today's soft market, in which
Saudi Arabia
kingdom has close to 3 mbd of spare capacity. Its spare capacity is usually ample enough to
entirely displace the production of another large oil-exporting country if supply is disrupted or a producer tries to
reduce output to increase prices. Not only does this spare capacity help the kingdom keep prices in check, but it
It is a blunt
instrument that makes policymakers elsewhere beholden to Riyadh for energy
also serves to link Riyadh with the United States and other key oil-importing countries.
security. This spare capacity is greater than the total exports of all other oil-exporting countries -- except Russia.
Saudi Arabia's
OPEC partners must also cooperate with the kingdom in part to prevent
Riyadh from producing a glut and having prices collapse; spare capacity also serves
"blackmail" Washington -- an assumption that is more difficult to accept after September 11.
to pressure key non-OPEC producers to cooperate with Saudi Arabia when necessary. But unlike the nuclear
the Saudi weapon is actively used when required. The kingdom has
periodically (and brutally) demonstrated that it can use its spare capacity
deterrent,
to destroy exports from countries challenging its market share . This tactic is the
weapon that Saudi Arabia could use if Moscow ignores Riyadh's requests for cooperation.
Middle East
Venezuela
Canada
High oil prices due to Middle East conflicts threaten the global
economy
Chapman 6/26 David Chapman, Technical Analyst & Investment Manager
with Economics Degree, 6-26-14, Rising Oil Prices A Problem for the World
Economy, Gold Seek, http://news.goldseek.com/GoldSeek/1403805389.php
Oil prices appear to be forming a potential ascending triangle over the past few
years. The high thus far in this pattern was at $114 in April 2011. The current top of
the pattern is near $111 and a breakout above that level could suggest a major
move to the upside. If the pattern is correct as an ascending triangle a breakout
over $111 could suggest a move towards the top of the major channel currently
near $148/$150. If oil prices were to move those levels it could be suggesting that
the situation in Iraq deepens. Persistent high oil prices would also threaten
the fragile global recovery. The huge pattern from 1980 appears as a huge
ascending wedge triangle. Normally that is a bearish pattern. The top of the channel
hooks the 1980 top up with the top of 2008. The bottom channel starts with the
1998 low and runs along the low of 2008. The top of the channel is currently near
$190 while the bottom of the channel is currently near $80. There appears to be
considerably more latitude for a sharp rise in oil prices as opposed to any
down move. If the ascending triangle pattern is correct there appears to be
considerably more ability for oil prices to rise within the triangle. The turmoil in
Iraq and Syria are civil wars that are threatening to spread into other
countries and drag in foreign powers. In the middle of this sits some of the
largest oil reserves in the world and one of the major choke points for the
shipment of oil. If oil prices were to rise further because of a further
deterioration of the conflict in the Middle East it could become a major
problem for the world economy.
Higher oil prices are slowing global economic growth, and the impact is likely
to spread in coming months. Stocks sink amid concerns out of China and Europe,
continued turmoil in Arab world. Unemployment rate slipped in Md. and Va. in
January, held steady in D.C.
Oil prices helped raise the U.S. trade deficit to a seven-month high in
January, when crude prices were $87.50 a barrel. Oil is now trading at more than
$100 a barrel, suggesting the gap will widen in coming months. Even fast-growing
China isn't immune - higher oil prices contributed to a rare trade deficit
there in February. "It's a bad start, because we all know the oil shock is
still coming," said Paul Ashworth, an economist at Capital Economics.
Pricier oil dampens consumer spending and that cuts into economic
growth. Surging oil prices can also stir up inflation fears, triggering higher
interest rates that cut into household and business spending. In January,
America's foreign oil bill rose 9.5 percent, or $3.04 billion, to $34.9 billion. That's the
highest monthly total since October 2008. Since then, political turmoil in Libya,
Egypt and Tunisia have sent oil prices surging. At the same time, accelerating
economic growth in Asia and Latin America has also boosted demand. The impact is
visible in bold numbers each morning on gas station marquees across the United
States. Pump prices have risen 13 percent in the past month to a national average
of $3.53 a gallon, according to AAA, Wright Express and Oil Price Information
Service. Airlines have also been rapidly raising their fares to offset higher fuel costs.
American Airlines said Thursday it is increasing its base fares by $10, the seventh
price hike this year by U.S. airlines. Jay Bryson, global economist at Wells Fargo
Securities, said he has cut his U.S. growth estimate for the January-March period
to 2.9 percent, down from about 3.3 percent last month. Much of that reduction is
due to the impact of higher oil and gas prices. The $46.3 billion trade deficit in
January also will subtract from economic growth. Higher prices for oil helped
drive imports up at the fastest rate in 18 years, as did rising demand for
foreign cars, auto parts and machinery. Imports rose at nearly twice the pace
of exports, to $214.1 billion, the Commerce Department said. Exports rose to an
all-time high of $167.7 billion. That isn't all bad news. A wider deficit is partly a
sign of greater spending by businesses and consumers. But it also means that
more of that spending is going overseas, reducing U.S. economic growth.
Imports of foreign-made autos and auto parts increased 14 percent, or $2.67 billion,
as auto production rose in the U.S. and Canada. Demand for big-ticket capital goods
such as industrial machinery and computers increased 5.2 percent. Imports of
consumer goods, such as clothing, shoes, electronic appliance and toys and games,
were up 2.2 percent. "To the extent that this surge reflects the strength of domestic
demand ... it isn't necessarily a disaster," Ashworth said. Rising oil prices can
slow the economy in another way: by spurring central banks to raise
interest rates. Few economists expect the U.S. Federal Reserve to take such a
step. But that's a potential problem in Europe. Both the European Central Bank
and the Bank of England appear to be preparing interest rate hikes in the
next couple of months, in an effort to keep inflation in check. Many
analysts fear that could bring a faltering economic recovery in Europe to a
halt. Though Germany, Europe's economic powerhouse, is growing strongly, a
number of countries, notably the highly indebted nations such as Greece and
Portugal, are expected to contract further this year. Europe is a major source of U.S.
exports and a slowdown there could weigh on the U.S. recovery. The turmoil in the
Middle East could have a bigger impact on Europe's economy than the U.S.,
economists at Bank of America Merrill Lynch wrote in a research note. The U.S. has
a lot of natural gas, which serves as alternative energy source, and can refine a
wider variety of crude oil, the economists said. European countries are more
exposed to rising oil prices because they primarily consume the "sweet crude"
produced by Libya. Refineries in Europe are not as well equipped as those in the
U.S. to process other varieties of oil. Still, the impact on both the United States and
Europe will likely be limited, economists said. Mark Zandi, chief economist at
Moody's Analytics, recently cut his forecast for economic growth in 2011 from 3.9
percent to 3.5 percent. He cited rising oil prices and expected spending cuts in
Washington as the reasons for the downward revision. Zandi also boosted his
estimate of the average price of oil this year from $90 to $100. Oil prices would
have to top $150 a barrel to truly threaten the recovery in the U.S. and around the
world, most economists say. Pricey oil is hurting even the strongest
economies. China, which typically runs huge trade surpluses with the rest
of the world, reported a surprise deficit of $7.3 billion for February. Higher
prices for oil and other commodities pushed imports up 19.4 percent while its
exports dropped 2.4 percent. The export decline reflected the fact that Chinese
businesses were idled for the weeklong Lunar New Year holiday. Analysts said the
rare trade deficit for China was likely to be temporary and not the start of a trend.
More expensive oil isn't bad news for everyone. Saudi Arabia, Iran and Venezuela
and other OPEC members, as well as Russia and Mexico, benefit from the rise in
prices.
divided by world GDP). Since 1965, this indicator has averaged roughly 3% of
GDP, and has only exceeded 4.5% during three periods: in 1974; between 1979 and
1985; and in 2008. Each period saw severe global recessions. In 1973 and 74, the
Arab oil embargo sent oil prices rocketing skywards in the worlds first oil shock. In
1979, a revolution in Iran knocked out much of that countrys oil output and
catalyzed the worlds second oil shock.
And, of course, in 2008 the housing bubble collided with speculative buying of new
debt instruments and a commodities boom to propel oil prices to a record high of
US$147 a barrel, which helped to trigger the global financial crisis and the worst
slump since World War II. So where are we right now? Well, Brent crude prices would
have to fall to the low $90s per barrel for the Oil Expense Indicator to drop below
4.5%. Instead of that, Brent prices have been above $100 per barrel for more than
six months (aside from an intraday low of $98.97 on August 9) and are still hovering
between $105 and $110. Oil prices play a major role in global economic
growth because oil is crucial to every part of the economy. It powers
manufacturing as well as food and commodities production, it fuels
transportation, and it is a building block for industries like plastics and
electronics. When oil prices stay too high for too long, they choke out
economic growth. Merrill Lynch analysts agree, writing in a recent note: The last
two times that energy as a share of global GDP nearedthe current level, the world
economy experienced severe crises: the double-dip recession of the 1980s and the
Great Recession of 2008. So we face two options: oil prices come down
sharply, or we enter a recession, which will drag oil prices down. Either
way, crude has to get cheaper.
gross domestic product. Annual global expenditures on raw energy have climbed to
an estimated $8 trillion to $9 trillion, exceeding 10 percent of the $70 trillion world
gross domestic product. Those figures, however, omit the succession of price upcharges along the manufacturing, marketing and delivery chain for energy-related
components of goods and services. I dont think the economy is ever going to grow
again . . . not on a sustained basis, Hall said in an interview. Since last spring, oil
prices have retreated below $100 a barrel, and global supplies are flush, even
despite trade sanctions that have curbed petroleum exports from Iran, the worlds
second largest producer.
But Christine LaGarde, chief of the International Monetary Fund, said
recently that high oil prices remain a major threat that could tip the
global economy into recession, especially if Iran triggers a price shock
by retaliating with further export cuts. Researchers at her agency have
predicted that oil prices will permanently double to about $200 a barrel
over the next decade. The soaring prices, up from less than $24 a barrel a
decade ago, are expected to cost European nations $500 billion this year, nearly
triple the average they paid for imported oil from 2000 to 2010, partly because of
the sunken value of the euro, Maria Van der Hoeven, executive director of the Parisbased International Energy Agency, said recently. Energy costs also can share blame
for crimping American workers standard of living. Adjusted for inflation, median
weekly earnings over the last quarter-century rose less than $10, while crude oil
prices nearly tripled and net U.S. gasoline prices doubled. In a paper published in
2009, Hamilton reported that the price of crude oil has jumped sharply in advance
of 10 of the 11 U.S. recessions since World War II. His bigger discovery was that the
sharp rise in prices before the economic collapse of 2008 didnt stem from an Arab
oil embargo, military conflict or other Middle East supply disruption, as occurred
before five other major economic downturns. Instead, it was largely booming
demand and stagnant production that briefly sent the price to a record $145 a
barrel in July 2008, probably accelerating the crisis that sank the world economy, he
found. Sure enough, after oil prices pulled back in 2009 and 2010,
consumption shot up by more than 5 percent last year, and prices spurted
above $100 a barrel again. The world economy soon slumped into its
current doldrums. Now scientists and economists are fretting about the
implications if oil becomes so unaffordable that it leads to a chain-reaction
surge in the costs of other fuels. What if oil prices get so high that its
economically attractive to convert natural gas and coal supplies to liquid fuels? Will
prices for those resources rocket into the stratosphere, too? Is there no way out of
energys grip?
The kinds of tradeoffs that lie ahead might be exemplified by the sudden North
American natural gas rush, which has led to a supply glut and plummeting gas
prices. The bargain prices sparked a burst of interest in converting cars and trucks
to cheaper, cleaner-burning natural gas. But only 130,000 natural gas-powered
vehicles are on U.S. roads, and replacing a sizable share of the nations 250 million
vehicle fleet with specially built natural gas-powered models would take decades
and require installation of thousands of refueling stations. Further, Sadad Al
Husseini, a former top officer of the Saudi Arabian national oil company Aramco,
told McClatchy that an intensive conversion to natural gas would make a global
(natural) gas crunch almost inevitable in the next decade. While there are vast
deposits of natural gas in the United States and worldwide, inexpensive gas
reserves are finite, he said. The more oil is displaced by gas on a crash basis, the
faster the low-cost reserves are depleted. Leading advocates of a theory that
global oil production will soon peak and begin a potentially economically
disastrous decline are standing firm, although theyve had to push back
their doomsday dates several years. The first half of the age of oil saw this
rampant expansion of industry, transportation, trade, agriculture, said Colin
Campbell, an 81-year-old retired Irish petroleum geologist who founded the peak oil
movement. The population went up six times in parallel over 100 to 150 years . . .
triggered by the cheap, easy energy that made everything possible. Now we face
the second half, which is about to dawn, which just undermines this whole world
system under which were now living, he said. Naturally, no one wants to admit
that. The global economy is premised on expansion, where what we face
is contraction, Campbell said.
between oil consumption and gross-domestic- product growth. The more oil we
burn, the faster the global economy grows. On average over the last four decades, a
1 percent bump in world oil consumption has led to a 2 percent increase in global
GDP. That means if GDP increased 4 percent a year -- as it often did before the 2008
recession -- oil consumption was increasing by 2 percent a year. At $20 a barrel,
increasing annual oil consumption by 2 percent seems reasonable enough.
At $100 a barrel, it becomes easier to see how a 2 percent increase in fuel
consumption is enough to make an economy collapse.
Fortunately, the reverse is also true. When our economies stop growing, less oil is
needed. For example, after the big decline in 2008, global oil demand actually fell
for the first time since 1983. Thats why the best cure for high oil prices is high oil
prices. When prices rise to a level that causes an economic crash, lower prices
inevitably follow. Over the last four decades, each time oil prices have
spiked, the global economy has entered a recession. Consider the first oil
shock, after the Yom Kippur War in 1973, when the Organization of Petroleum
Exporting Countries Arab members turned off the taps on roughly 8 percent of the
worlds oil supply by cutting shipments to the U.S. and other Israeli allies. Crude
prices spiked, and by 1974, real GDP in the U.S. had shrunk by 2.5
percent. The second OPEC oil shock happened during Irans revolution and the
subsequent war with Iraq. Disruptions to Iranian production during the revolution
sent crude prices higher, pushing the North American economy into a
recession for the first half of 1980. A few months later, Irans war with Iraq shut
off 6 percent of world oil production, sending North America into a double-dip
recession that began in the spring of 1981. Kuwait Invasion When Saddam Hussein
invaded Kuwait a decade later, oil prices doubled to $40 a barrel, an unheard-of
level at the time. The first Gulf War disrupted almost 10 percent of the
worlds oil supply, sending major oil-consuming countries into a recession
in the fall of 1990. Guess what oil prices were doing in 2008, when the
world fell into the deepest recession since the 1930s? From trading around
$30 a barrel in 2004, oil prices marched steadily higher before hitting a peak
of $147 a barrel in the summer of 2008. Unlike past oil price shocks, this time
there wasnt even a supply disruption to blame. The spigot was wide open. The
problem was, we could no longer afford to buy what was flowing through it. There
are many ways an oil shock can hurt an economy. When prices spike, most of us
have little choice but to open our wallets. Paying more for oil means we
have less cash to spend on food, shelter, furniture, clothes, travel and
pretty much anything else. Expensive oil, coupled with the average
Americans refusal to drive less, leaves a lot less money for the rest of the
economy. Worse, when oil prices go up, so does inflation. And when inflation
goes up, central banks respond by raising interest rates to keep prices in
check. From 2004 to 2006, U.S. energy inflation ran at 35 percent, according to the
Consumer Price Index. In turn, overall inflation, as measured by the CPI, accelerated
from 1 percent to almost 6 percent. What happened next was a fivefold bump in
interest rates that devastated the massively leveraged U.S. housing market. Higher
rates popped the speculative housing bubble, which brought down the
global economy. Unfortunately, this pattern of oil-driven inflation is with us again.
And world food prices are being affected. According to the food-price index
tracked by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, the cost of food
rose almost 40 percent from 2009 to the beginning of 2012. And since 2002, the
FAOs food-price index, which measures a basket of five commodity groups (meat,
dairy, cereals, oils and fats, and sugar), is up about 150 percent.
Food Prices A double whammy of rising oil and food prices means inflation will be
here sooner than anyone would like to think. Rising inflation rates in China and India
are a clear signal that those economies are growing at an unsustainable pace. China
has made GDP growth of more than 8 percent a priority but needs to recalibrate its
thinking to recognize the damping effects of high oil prices. Growth might not stall
entirely, but clocking double-digit gains is no longer feasible, at least without
triggering a calamitous increase in inflation. If China and India, the new engines of
global economic growth, are forced to adopt anti-inflationary monetary policies, the
ripple effects for resource-based economies such as Canada, Australia and Brazil
will be felt in a hurry.
Triple-digit oil prices will end the lofty economic hopes of India and China,
which are looking to achieve the same sort of sustained growth that North
America and Europe enjoyed in the postwar era. There is an unavoidable
obstacle that puts such ambitions out of reach: Todays oil isnt flowing from the
same places it did yesterday. More importantly, its not flowing at the same cost.
Conventional oil production, the easy-to-get-at stuff from the Middle East or west
Texas, hasnt increased in more than five years. And thats with record crude prices
giving explorers all the incentive in the world to drill. According to the International
Energy Agency, conventional production has already peaked and is set to decline
steadily over the next few decades. That doesnt mean there wont be any more oil.
New reserves are being found all the time in new places. What the decline in
conventional production does mean, though, is that future economic growth will be
fueled by expensive oil from nonconventional sources such as the tar sands,
offshore wells in the deep waters of the worlds oceans and even oil shales, which
come with environmental costs that range from carbon-dioxide emissions to
potential groundwater contamination. And even if new supplies are found, what
matters to the economy is the cost of getting that supply flowing. Its not enough
for the global energy industry simply to find new caches of oil; the crude
must be affordable. Triple-digit prices make it profitable to tap ever-moreexpensive sources of oil, but the prices needed to pull this crude out of
the ground will throw our economies right back into a recession. The
energy industrys task is not simply to find oil, but also to find stuff we can afford to
burn. And thats where the industry is failing. Each new barrel we pull out of the
ground is costing us more than the last. The resources may be there for the
taking, but our economies are already telling us we cant afford the cost.
Today, the world burns about 90 million barrels of oil a day. If our economies are no
longer growing, maybe we wont need any more than that. We might even need
less. Maybe the oil trapped in the tar sands or under the Arctic Ocean can stay
where nature put it.
High oil prices hinder the global economy and its recovery
The Guardian 11 Associated Press, 12-14-11, High oil prices threaten global
economy, IEA warns, The Guardian,
http://www.theguardian.com/business/2011/dec/14/iea-high-oil-prices-globaleconomy
High oil prices threaten to worsen a global economic slowdown and crude
producers should consider boosting output, the chief economist for the
International Energy Agency said on Wednesday. "The current high oil
prices have the potential to strangle the economic recovery in many
countries," Fatih Birol said in a speech in Singapore. "I hope that high oil prices
don't slow down Chinese economic growth and the negative effect that would have
on the global recovery." Crude has jumped to $100 a barrel from $75 in October
amid signs the US economy will likely avoid a recession. Most economists expect
global growth to slow next year as Europe's debt crisis threatens to drag the
continent into recession. Birol suggested crude producers should boost output amid
growing demand in developing countries and falling inventories in wealthy nations.
The Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries is meeting later on Wednesday
in Vienna to decide whether to change the cartel's output quotas. "I'm sure Opec
knows much better than me what to do," Birol said when asked if Opec should raise
output. "But seeing that oil prices are still high today and the negative effect that
has on the recovery of the global economy, I hope the energy producing countries
will take these things into account and make their decision accordingly." Birol said
crude prices could rise to $150 by 2015 if oil-producing countries in the
Middle East and North Africa don't invest $100bn a year to maintain
existing fields and develop new ones. More than 90% of global crude
production growth during the next 20 years will come from that region, led by Saudi
Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Algeria and United Arab Emirates, Birol said. "Recent
developments, including the Arab spring, have changed the mindset of many
governments," Birol said. "In some countries, oil investments have been
diverted to social spending. Oil policies are taking on a more nationalistic
tone, which means not to increase production as much as is needed in the
world market."
on Mexico City for a meeting of finance ministers and central bankers from the
Group of 20 economic powers, and several of them raised concerns over the
spiralling crude costs. "A new risk on the horizon, or maybe not on the
horizon, maybe right in front of us, is high oil prices," David Lipton, First
Deputy Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund, said in a presentation
at the G20 gathering. "The situation in Iran is a risk that we have to be thinking
about. Our assessment is that the global economy is not really out of the
danger zone," Lipton added, noting, however, that it was too early to revise down
the Fund's growth forecasts. Lipton was speaking just after U.S. Treasury Secretary
Timothy Geithner said Washington was weighing the circumstances that could
warrant tapping the U.S. strategic oil reserve to counter the supply disruptions from
Iran. The fear of tightening supplies, exacerbated by a threat from Tehran
to close the Strait of Hormuz - the main Gulf oil shipping lane - have lifted
prices to new highs. Western powers are increasingly at loggerheads with Iran
over its efforts to generate nuclear power. Iran insists it wants to harness atomic
energy for peaceful ends, but the West suspects it is trying to acquire nuclear
weapons. A day after hitting a record high in euro terms, Brent crude jumped
above $124 a barrel, raising worries that a run of sharp price gains could
stymie the euro zone's growth prospects, making it harder for
governments to meet budget targets and pull the currency bloc out of its
debt crisis. Mexico, which is hosting the G20 meeting, has been pushing for the
euro zone to take further steps to solve the debt crisis and for policymakers to make
progress on increasing the IMF's firepower, lest it be needed to help in Europe. But
some countries have said there can be no talk of more IMF resources without a
stronger European firewall, which is to be discussed among European Union leaders
next week. Angel Gurria, the Secretary-General of the Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development, followed up on Geithner's comments by saying the
jump in oil prices were due to politics and would not be solved by releasing
reserves. "These prices are due to a great extent ... because there is a lot of
tension, these discussions every day over the Straits of Hormuz and Israel," Gurria
told Reuters in Mexico City. Gurria said there was no distortion in markets and oil
prices of up to $100 per barrel were "the new normal". "We are not seeing a
situation today where there is something wrong with (market)
fundamentals, in fact, we are seeing a slowdown in the global economy.
There should be a reduction in consumption," he said. The weak dollar also
was cited by analysts as a supportive factor for oil. The dollar index weakened and
the euro hit a fresh 2-1/2 month high against the dollar.
Empirics
High oil prices negatively impact global economic growth
Li 12 Dr. Mingqi Li, associate professor of economics at University of Utah, 3-142012, The Global Is Now More Vulnerable to Oil Prices than Ever, Oil Price,
http://oilprice.com/Energy/Oil-Prices/The-Global-Economy-is-Now-More-Vulnerableto-Oil-Prices-than-Ever.html
This paper examines the impact of oil price changes on global economic growth.
Unlike some of the recent studies, this paper finds that oil price rises have had
significant negative impact on world economic growth rates. A time-series
analysis of the data from 1971 to 2010 finds that an increase in real oil
price by one dollar is associated with a reduction of world economic
growth rate by between 0.04 and 0.1% in the following year. Therefore, an
increase in real oil price by 10 dollars would be associated with a reduction of world
economic growth rate by between 0.4 and 1% in the following year. For a global
economy that in average grows at about 3.5% a year, a reduction of this
size is very significant. Moreover, the regressions seem to have suggested that
the impact of oil price on economic growth may have increased over the
last one or two decades. This is in contradiction with the widely held belief that
the global economy has become less vulnerable to oil price shocks. These findings
suggest that if the world oil production does peak and start to decline in the
near future, it may impose a serious and possibly an insurmountable
speed limit on the pace of global economic expansion.
point oil becomes a powerfully reflationary force. At least, thats how it used to
work. Over the past decade, this pattern has changed. Fast growth in emerging
markets has undermined the old rules, so that, despite economic
stagnation in high income nations, we still have what are by historic
standards very high oil prices. Opec has also got better at manipulating supply
to sustain the price. The reflationary effect that Western nations used to enjoy from
a falling oil price no longer occurs. No one would suggest that this is the whole or
even primary explanation for the permanent stagnation that seems to have settled
like a pall on many advanced economies, but it is undoubtedly part of the story.
Energy prices are simply too high to allow for the resumption of more
normal levels of growth. Indeed, the real surprise is that the damage
hasnt been greater still. Even 10 years ago, the persistence of $100 a barrel oil
would have had a devastating effect on high-income economies. Today, weve had
to learn to live with it.
input cost for companies," said Kate Warne, market strategist with Edward Jones
in St. Louis. "At some stage, we should begin to see lower oil prices as a
catalyst for stocks to go up." Keep in mind that even though oil has "plunged" in
the past week, prices are still uncomfortably high. It wasn't that long ago that prices
were consistently in the $80 to $90 a barrel range. The only thing that's really
changed in the past few months to justify the huge spike in oil is that there are more
fears about supply due to the "Arab Spring" revolts in the petroleum-rich nations of
the Middle East and North Africa. It seems odd to suggest that demand for oil in
China, India, Brazil and other developing nations is falling off a cliff just because oil
has pulled back to below $100. Unless crude actually plummets below the $80 to
$90 range it was in before events in Egypt, Tunisia and Libya became fodder for
daily headlines, all that appears to be going on now is a reversion back to where
prices arguably should be absent any speculative froth. Warne said some
investors may also be making the mistake of reading too much into what
is happening in the markets on a short-term basis. Commodities plunge in
one-week? Must be the beginning of a double-dip recession! "There is often an
overreaction to information. There is this tendency where each new piece
of data is viewed as having much bigger implications than it should," she
said. Bublitz agreed that people may be overanalyzing the volatility in oil and other
commodities. There may not be a real rhyme or reason behind the big swings
because it could simply be due to program trading. Or to quote Pink Floyd: Welcome
to the Machine. "I don't want to sound all 'grassy knoll' here but I think a lot of
what's going on with the commodity markets is about algorithmic trading and
computer systems seeking momentum," Bublitz said, "To a certain degree, that's
been feeding things on the way up and the way down." So if oil prices keep falling,
resist the urge to declare that it's the start of a new bear market for stocks. Instead,
you'd be better off breathing a sigh of relief because it just might mean gas prices
won't hit a new record high after all.
Manufacturing
High oil restrains global economic activity manufacturing is
key to growth
Parkinson 13 David Parkinson, The Globe and Mail Columnist and Economy
Lab Editor, 3-22-13, Oil prices crippling to manufacturing activity and economic
recovery, The Globe and Mail, http://www.theglobeandmail.com/report-onbusiness/economy/economy-lab/oil-prices-crippling-to-manufacturing-activity-andeconomic-recovery/article10196577/
The long-overdue retreat in crude oil prices may provide a welcome break for
consumers. But it isnt enough to get oils foot off the throat of the global economy,
Julian Jessop argues. Mr. Jessop, chief global economist at London-based Capital
Economics, wrote in a research note this week that Brent crude the North Sea
crude grade that serves as a key global benchmark for oil pricing
remains at levels where, historically, the worlds energy-intensive
manufacturing sector stalls. This despite Brents pullback in the past six weeks
from nearly $120 (U.S.) a barrel to $108 a consequence of global demand
concerns as well as investor risk aversion amid the Cyprus banking crisis.
(The North American benchmark grade, West Texas intermediate, also fell nearly $8
a barrel between the end of January and early March, but has since recovered
almost half that decline.) Mr. Jessop said recent history indicates that oil is a
hindrance to manufacturing activity and, by extension, economic
recovery whenever Brent is more than $100 a barrel. The global
manufacturing PMI [purchasing managers index] fell below 50 in early 2008 when
Brent first climbed above $100, and before the global crisis hit hard. The PMI also
started to weaken in early 2011 when Brent rose above $100 again. Oil prices have
been relatively stable above $100 for most of the last two years, but the recovery
has been lacklustre throughout this period, too. High oil prices are themselves
a major constraint on economic activity, he said. Every $10 increase in
the price of a barrel of crude represents a transfer equivalent to around
0.5 per cent of global income from oil consumers to oil producers. While
global GDP would be constrained by less than that oil producers will spend some
of their windfall Mr. Jessop still estimated that a $10 rise in the oil price
reduces global GDP by about 0.2 per cent. Oil prices rose by about $12 in just
two months between early December and early February (sufficient to knock around
0.25 per cent from global GDP). It seems unlikely that it is entirely a coincidence
that the recovery in the global manufacturing PMI has stalled again this year, he
said. Our view is that this is evidence of demand destruction, where high
oil prices undermine the global recovery and hence prove to be
unsustainable. Either oil prices have to fall a lot further, or demand will
need to find new momentum from another source. But even if Brent crude
retreated into the $90-$95 range consistent with Capital Economics forecast for
the next two years we dont expect cheaper oil alone to provide enough of a
boost to global demand to offset fiscal headwinds, he said. The cumulative fiscal
tightening planned in advanced economies adds up to at least 2 per cent of their
GDP over the next two to three years, or 1 per cent of global GDP, Mr. Jessop wrote.
To offset this oil prices would have to slump by $50, taking Brent to $60. This is
not inconceivable, but it is unlikely, providing another reason to expect the recovery
to remain sluggish.
Poverty
Study shows high oil prices exacerbate poverty and hurt
economic growth
Naranpanawa & Bandara 9 Athula Naranpanawa & Jayathileka S.
Bandara, Naranpawa: BSc, PhD, Lecturer at Griffith University Business School,
2009, Poverty and Growth Impacts of High Oil Prices: Evidence from Sri Lanka,
Purdue University,
https://www.gtap.agecon.purdue.edu/resources/download/5514.pdf
In this study, two CGE models, the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model
and a
poverty-focused Sri Lankan CGE model, were linked in the top-down mode to
examine the poverty and growth impacts of high oil prices on the Sri
Lankan economy. The results suggest that in the short run, high oil prices
would have an overall negative impact on Sri Lankas economic growth
and also exacerbate poverty. Furthermore, results suggest that urban low
income households are the most adversely affected group followed by
rural low income households who are predominantly employed in the
agricultural sector. In contrast, estate low income households are the least
affected out of all low income households. Moreover, energy intensive
manufacturing and services sectors would be affected most compared to
the agricultural sector. The overall results suggest that it would be necessary
to implement complementary policies that would ease out the burden of
high oil prices on low income groups in the short run. These complementary
policies should include the continuation of the currently operating fuel subsidy
scheme, better targeting vulnerable low income groups. The IMF has also been
advocating this argument in recent weeks (see The Island, April 5, 2011). There is a
need for a proper fuel pricing policy and targeted subsidies within the context of
post-war development and poverty alleviation in Sri Lanka.
Political Instability
High oil prices cause political instability
Global Risks Insights 13 (Political risk analysis for businesses and
investors, 08-15-2013, The Real Reason High Oil Prices Lead to Instability, Oil
Price, http://oilprice.com/Energy/Oil-Prices/The-Real-Reason-High-Oil-Prices-Lead-toInstability.html)
Businesses rarely gain from political instability so trying to predict unrest is a critical
activity for any entity investing in a volatile corner of the world. One of the factors
most often cited as contributing to unrest is high oil prices. Drawing a link
between rising oil prices and political instability is not particularly novel. Indeed, it
has been pointed out by countless observers who see anger with rising
costs leading to political activism. They note that oil is linked to higher costs
across the board. The most direct interaction with oil for many people is at a gas
station. But oil prices affect the cost of nearly everything else. For example, the
price of diesel fuel for farming equipment alters food prices. This was a
major source of concern in Egypt during the revolution, where food
inflation has hit double digits multiple times in the past several years. But
if oil prices are really to blame for instability then Egypt also offers a tricky puzzle.
Oil prices peaked at $140 per barrel in 2008, before crashing during the Great
Recession. They remained at less than $100 per barrel during the start of the
revolution in January 2011. The fact that the Arab Spring timeline does not match
the rise and fall of oil prices might cause some to discard petroleum as a critical
factor in the revolutions. However, that would be to miss the real political cost
of high oil prices. High oil prices have a delayed political effect,
particularly in countries that heavily subsidize petroleum. If oil prices
spike sharply and governments are unwilling to reduce subsidies for fear
of political ramifications, it can lead to an increase in national debt and a
crowding out of public services as an increasing percent of public
resources are diverted to petroleum costs. Egyptian energy subsidies are
estimated at $16.8 billion and the Petroleum Ministry is reported to lose roughly 66
percent on each barrel of oil they produce. In more individual terms, Egyptians
spend 18 cents USD per liter for diesel fuel at pump stations, while Americans
spend over a dollar. These subsidies were a critical factor in exploding Egypts
budget. At the start of the revolution, Egyptian national debt was 73.2 percent of
GDP and the budget deficit stood at 8.1 percent of GDP. Given such numbers, it
is little wonder the government was unable to make significant gains in
healthcare, education or infrastructure. Oil subsidies were not the only
driver of this debt burden, but they were a key contributor. This toxic
combination of subsidies, rising petroleum prices, and exploding debt is
not unique to Egypt. Pakistan and Venezuela are just two examples of other
countries facing a similar situation. The lesson here for companies seeking to avoid
instability is twofold. First, rising oil prices can have an indirect political
impact through increasing debt and crowding out other government
services. Second, this effect may be delayed and not fully felt until
repayments become due in later years.
General US Economy
U.S. markets are strong now, but sustained high oil prices will
stall the economy
MarketWatch 6/22 Wall Street Journals MarketWatch, Byline Anora
Mahmudova, MarketWatch markets reporter, 6/22/2014, $50 jump in oil prices
could stall U.S. economy, MarketWatch, http://www.marketwatch.com/story/50jump-in-oil-prices-could-stall-us-economy-2014-06-22
The weekly gains now resemble daily gains of yesteryear. In fact, the benchmark
index has not had a daily move of more than 1% for more than two months. Still,
the stock market is on track for solid monthly and quarterly gains barring a
catalyst that may result in a long-awaited pullback.
Several such catalysts, such as sectarian war erupting in Iraq and consequently a
sharp rise in oil prices, continued tensions between Ukraine and Russia and the
Federal Reserve policy meeting were brushed off by investors in equity markets in
the past week.
However, if oil prices continue to climb, stock markets will take notice,
according to analysts at Morgan Stanley. Also read: U.S. oil hits 9-month high as Iraq
worries simmer
Rising oil prices translate to rising gasoline prices, but there is lag of several
weeks. Given recent jump in oil prices, gas prices in the U.S., which have remained
stable since the beginning of May, are poised to increase in coming weeks. Higher
prices at the pump will be taxing for consumers, whose purchasing power
is still questionable.
The good news is that a temporary price increase of $10 a barrel will have no
impact on the economy a year out, according to Morgan Stanley analysts. Thats
primarily due to increased efficiency of cars consumers change of behavior when
gas prices rise Americans just drive less.
The not so good news is that a permanent rise of a $10 a barrel price
increase would knock down real GDP growth by 0.4 percent four quarters out.
A sustained $50 a barrel jump in oil prices would be enough to stall the
U.S. recovery, the Morgan Stanley note said.
If situation in Iraq escalates further, markets will be jittery.
Rising oil prices worry the Fed officials too. Federal Reserve Chairwoman Janet
Yellen said escalation of war in Iraq and a jump in oil prices would be listed as
something in the category of risks to the outlook during her press conference
Wednesday following the FOMC meeting.
Low oil prices are good for US economic growth and stability
most recent evidence proves
Levi 3/26 Michael A. Levi, David M. Rubenstein Senior Fellow for Energy and
the Environment in the Council on Foreign Relations, 03-26-14, The Geopolitical
Potential of the U.S. Energy Boom, US House of Representatives Meeting Report,
http://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA00/20140326/101956/HHRG-113-FA00-WstateLeviM-20140326.pdf
The main geopolitical consequences from the U.S. oil boom will also result from
dynamics unrelated to exports. Rising U.S. oil production will restrain oil price
increases. How much so is highly uncertain, and depends on oil production decisions
by Saudi Arabia and, to a lesser extent, other major oil producers; the long-run
impact of higher U.S. oil production could be as little as a few dollars a barrel
(perhaps the most likely case) and as much as twenty dollars a barrel or more. At a
minimum, rising U.S. oil production reduces the risk of substantially
higher oil prices. Lower oil prices are good for U.S. economic growth,
reduce U.S. exposure to oil market disruptions overseas and thus increase
U.S. freedom of action in the world, harm oil exporters (some but not all of
which are hostile or unfriendly to the United States), and help oil
importers.
than the 180,000 many economists expected. Iran's Tuesday announcement that it
has halted uranium enrichment to bomb-grade levels improved the outlook for USIran relations. Sanctions have crippled Iran's oil industry, and investors hope an
easing of tensions could open up Iran's vast oil reserves to the West. The country
has the world's fourth-largest proven oil reserves and the world's second-largest
natural gas reserves, according to EIA . Oil prices remain historically high, but
the recent drop is a boost for consumers and companies who have been
waiting for prices to reflect increased production in North Dakota, Texas,
and other shale formations across the US. Those sites are at risk if prices drop
too low, however. "Fracked oil is high cost oil," Morgan Downey, a commodities
trader based in New York, writes in an e-mail. "There is a cost curve, with some able
to produce under $50 and some only if oil prices are above $75 per barrel. That's
what many forget: the boom in US tight oil supply exists only because oil prices are
high. If prices drop to $50 or less for an extended period, we could see US oil
production contract and the boom would be over."
Oil could dip to $93 a barrel by the end of the year, Lipow projects, with retail
gasoline hitting $3.20. Even then, prices would remain well above the breakeven point, in a sweet spot that helps consumers while keeping domestic
oil production profitable."Low oil prices are still a good thing for the US
economy," Jamie Webster, an energy analyst with IHS PFC Energy, a global
consulting firm, writes in an e-mail. "While unconventional oil is relatively expensive
oil to produce, we are still not in the range where investment slows
measurably, so you still have strong support for oilfield jobs."
GDP
Lower oil prices increase GDP, lower inflation, and help demand
recovery
Ranasinghe 13 Dhara Ranasinghe, CNBC Senior Writer, Reuters
correspondent and sub editor, 04-17-2013, Growth Worries? Asia Should Hail That
Oil Price Fall, CNBC, http://www.cnbc.com/id/100651177#.
As worries over the outlook for the global economy resurface, analysts tell CNBC
that Asia can take comfort from one fact the sharp fall in oil prices.
According to Credit Suisse, a sustained 10 percent drop in oil prices would
add 10-20 basis points to gross domestic product (GDP) growth in nonJapan Asia and knock 50-90 basis points off headline inflation. Oil prices
have fallen almost 7 percent in the last five days on expectations of sluggish
demand from the U.S. and China, the world's two biggest economies. The price of
Brent crude oil has tumbled 18 percent from a peak of $118 a barrel in February to
below $98 this week. Weaker-than-expected economic data from the U.S. and China
over the past week have heightened concerns that the global economic outlook is
not as strong as many expected just a couple of months ago. But the fall in oil
prices provides a silver lining, say analysts. Mizuho Corporate Bank's market
economist Vishnu Varathan says there are three reasons why the oil price
slide is positive for Asian economies. "Most Asian countries are oil
importers, so lower oil prices translate into more positive economic
dynamics in terms of consumer and investor sentiment because it will
lower inflation," he said. "It's also good for manufacturers because Asia byand-large is a net exporter of goods to the rest of the world so there are
less cost pressures." "The bigger picture good news is that lower oil prices
shift some of the resources from oil producers to consumers, aiding the
global demand recovery," he added. He said one caveat is that for net oil
exporters in Asia such as Malaysia, government coffers could suffer from the fall in
oil prices. Lower Oil Equals Lower Inflation: Analysts pointed to the positive
impact lower oil prices would have on Asia's inflation outlook. "Given the
importance of the global oil price in driving inflation in Asia, this development will
reduce upward price pressure," Credit Suisse said in a research note published
late Wednesday. "China, Thailand and Singapore are likely to be the biggest
beneficiaries in terms of lower headline inflation." Price pressures in countries such
as China and India have been seen as an obstacle to further monetary easing,
although latest data suggest inflation has started to ease. In China, annual
consumer inflation eased to 2.1 percent in March from 3.2 percent in February,
while data this week showed India's key inflation gauge eased to below 6 percent in
March for the first time since 2009. "There's been good news for the Indian
economy in recent weeks, that gold prices, crude oil prices have come off," Patrick
Bennett, currency strategist at CIBC in Hong Kong told CNBC's "Asia Squawk Box" on
Thursday. "This will have a positive impact on the trade and current account
deficit and the RBI [Reserve Bank of India] will be able to cut interest
rates again early next month." Credit Suisse adds that because India, as well as
Indonesia, subsidizes fuel heavily the fall in oil prices is good news for the public
finances in those countries. It says the lower inflation pressure from lower oil
prices supports its view that central banks in India, South Korea and
Taiwan will lower interest rates in the months ahead. The Bank of Korea took
markets by surprise last week by leaving its benchmark rate unchanged at 2.75
percent in the face of government pressure to give the economy a boost via a rate
cut. It has kept monetary policy steady for the past six months.
prices is positive for the health of the consumer and for economic growth
overall, Bill ONeill, a partner at Logic Advisors in Upper Saddle River, New
Jersey, said in a telephone interview. Its more support for the demand side of
the equation, after copper had a nice little run last week. Copper futures for
delivery in March added 0.4 percent to settle at $3.23 a pound at 1:07 p.m. on the
Comex in New York after reaching $3.2685, the highest for a most-active contract
since Nov. 11. Money managers almost tripled their copper net-short positions, or
bets on falling prices, to 24,067 futures and options contracts in the week ended
Nov. 19, U.S. Commodity Futures Trading Commission data showed. The figures may
indicate the market got a little oversold after prices declined earlier this month,
ONeill said. Inventories monitored by the Shanghai Futures Exchange fell 11
percent last week, the most since December 2011, data showed. Stockpiles
monitored by the London Metal Exchange dropped to a nine-month low today. On
the LME, copper for delivery in three months increased 0.1 percent to $7,099 a
metric ton ($3.22 a pound). Nickel, zinc, lead and aluminum fell in London. Tin rose.
Consumer Confidence
Low gas prices boost the economy consumer confidence
Geewax 13 (Marilyn Geewax, NPR Senior Business Editor, Cox News
Correspondent, Nieman Fellow at Harvard, Masters from Georgetown, 10-18-2013,
Declining Gas Prices Pump Up A Shaky Economy, NPR,
http://www.npr.org/2013/10/18/236222110/declining-gas-prices-pump-up-a-shakyeconomy)
In recent weeks, economists have been worrying about the negative impact of the
now-ended government shutdown and potential debt crisis. But away from Capitol
Hill, the economy has been getting a big boost: Gasoline prices have been
declining, week after week. In some parts of the country, a gallon of unleaded
regular gasoline is now down to less than $3 a gallon a price most Americans
haven't seen in three years. And any time the pump price starts dropping,
consumer spirits start rising. "When it falls, everyone has a smile on their face,
and when it goes up, nobody is happy," said Mike Thornbrugh, spokesman for
QuikTrip, a Tulsa, Okla.-based company that operates nearly 700 gas stations
nationwide. Dozens of them are located in the Tulsa area, where many stations sell
gas for around $2.99 a gallon, thanks to low fuel taxes and nearby refineries. Chuck
Mai, spokesman for the AAA auto club in Oklahoma, says the lowering of
geopolitical tensions involving Iran, Syria, Egypt and other places in the
Middle East has helped cut prices. "Tensions seem to have cooled there," Mai
said. "And no hurricanes threatening the Gulf [of Mexico], so everything looks
good for continued lower prices." Mai's assessment is shared by most
economists, who are predicting prices will be heading even lower over the
next several months. Analysts point to a number of triggers that shot down gas
prices, allowing the average price of a gallon to slide from $3.74 in March to $3.37 a
gallon this week.
average U.S. retail gasoline price has dropped 21 cents a gallon to $3.73 since
hitting a 2012 peak of $3.94 on April 6. The economy could gain, too.
Consumers who spend less on fuel have more to spend on other
purchases, from autos and furniture to appliances and vacations, that could help
drive economic output and job growth. The price drop will likely boost
consumer confidence. It also comes at a timely moment: Ahead of the Memorial
Day weekend, a busy one for travel and entertainment spending. Its extra money
in the wallets of most American consumers, and thats going to help, said James
Hamilton, an economist at the University of California, San Diego who studies oil
prices. Lower oil prices also mean cheaper diesel and jet fuel for shippers
and airlines. Crude oil, which is used to make gasoline, is at a seven-month low of
$92.81 a barrel. Its down nearly 13 percent since May 1. Behind the steady drop
are larger fuel stockpiles, easing fears about Iran and expectations of lower demand
as the global economy slows. The average national gasoline price is expected to fall
as low as $3.50 a gallon this summer. It could even dip near $3 in some states. The
national average is being propped up by refinery problems in California that have
lifted prices well above the national average there, according to Tom Kloza, chief oil
analyst at the Oil Price Information Service. A 50-cent drop in the gasoline price
would save consumers roughly $70 billion over a year. Earlier this year, oil and
gasoline prices were jumping from already high levels. Global demand was rising.
And production outages were reducing supplies. Tensions between Iran and the
West over Irans nuclear ambitions raised fears that output from the worlds thirdbiggest exporter would plunge.
Transportation Costs
Oil price decline benefits consumers, airlines, shippers, and
the economy
Fahey 13 (Jonathan Fahey, Associated Press Energy Writer, 04-22-2013Lower
Oil Prices Boost U.S. Drivers, Economy, The Columbian,
http://www.columbian.com/news/2013/apr/22/lower-oil-prices-help-driverseconomy/)
A sharp decline in the price of oil this month is making gasoline cheaper at
a time of year when it typically gets more expensive. Its a relief to
motorists and business owners and a positive development for the
economy. Over the past three weeks, the price of oil has fallen by 9 percent to $89
a barrel. That has helped extend a slide in gasoline prices that began in late
February. Nationwide, average retail prices have fallen by 27 cents per gallon, or 7
percent, since Feb. 27, to $3.52 per gallon. Analysts say pump prices could fall
another 20 cents over the next two months. The price of oil is being driven lower by
rising global supplies and lower-than-expected demand in the worlds two largest
economies, the United States and China. As oil and gasoline become more
affordable, the economy benefits because goods become less expensive to
transport and motorists have more money to spend on other things. Over
the course of a year, a decline of 10 cents per gallon translates to $13 billion in
savings at the pump.Diesel and jet fuel have also gotten cheaper in recent weeks,
which is good news for truckers, airlines and other energy-intensive businesses. It
makes a big difference to my bottom line, says Mike Mitternight, owner of a
heating and air conditioning service company in Metairie, La. He has five pickup
trucks that can burn $1,000 of gas per week when prices are near $4 a gallon.
Lately hes been paying as little as $3.19, and saving $200 a week. Gasoline prices
typically rise in the late winter and spring as refiners shut down parts of their plants
to perform maintenance and begin making more costly blends of gasoline required
by federal clean-air regulations. The trend was earlier and less dramatic this year.
Pump prices only came within 15 cents of last years peak. Oil production is growing
quickly in the U.S. and Canada, helping boost global supplies. And some of the
factors that pushed prices higher the two previous years political turmoil in North
Africa and the Middle East and refinery disruptions in the U.S. havent
materialized this spring. At the same time, demand for fuels is growing slower than
expected. China, the worlds biggest oil importer, is experiencing slower-thanexpected economic growth. And much of Europe is in recession. In the U.S., wintry
weather in the Midwest and Northeast has kept more drivers off the roads this
spring, analysts say. The typical U.S. household will spend an estimated $326 on
gasoline this April, the equivalent of 7.8 percent of median household income,
according to Fred Rozell, an analyst at GasBuddy.com. Thats $38 less than last
April, when households spent 8.8 percent of their income on gas. Its the difference
between going out to dinner one more time or not, says Diane Swonk, chief
economist at Mesirow Financial. It matters. The U.S. government releases its initial
estimate of economic output during the first three months of 2013 on Friday.
Economists forecast the economy grew at an annual rate of 3.1 percent, compared
with 0.4 percent in the final three months of 2012. Philip Verleger, an economist
who studies energy prices, says that many monthly household expenses are fixed,
but gasoline is one of the few big expenses that varies. That means when
gasoline prices rise or fall people notice. This is the equivalent of a
pay raise, he says. Shippers and airlines are also benefiting. Fuel is by far
airlines biggest and most volatile cost. A one-cent decline in the price of jet
fuel saves the U.S. airline industry $180 million over a year, according to the
industry group Airlines for America. Lower energy prices also give potential
customers more money to spend on air travel.
India
news/newdelhi/india-has-a-critical-role-in-new-world-economic-order-gordonbrown/article1-628888.aspx2.
India could be the fastest growing economy in the world in the next ten
years as the mass of economic activity shifts from the US and Europe to
Asia entrusting greater responsibility on India in the new global economic
world order, former UK prime minister Gordon Brown said on Saturday. "The
Indian economy will double in size in the next seven, certainly by 2020,"
former Brown told delegates at the Hindustan Times Leadership Summit in New
Delhi. India's gross domestic product (GDP) is set to grow by 8.5% in 2010-11, and
a 10% growth rate was achievable in the near term, Brown said during a special
address Lessons from the Last Global Crisis. "Your (India's) role at G-20 is
absolutely critical. India is right at the centre of the discussions," Brown
said. "It is in India's interest that the world economy grows fast." India has a
crucial role to play in driving investment, trade and consumption to push
growth in the world economy.
Rising Oil Prices Could Derail India's Economic Comeback, Wall Street Journal,
http://online.wsj.com/articles/rising-oil-prices-could-derail-indias-economiccomeback-1403268133
NEW DELHIIndia's heavy reliance on imported oil, especially from Iraq,
makes it more vulnerable than most countries to the conflict there, with
surging oil prices threatening to derail the new prime minister's plans to
resuscitate the economy.
Crude-oil prices have shot up to a nine-month high of about $115 per barrel. India
imports most of its oil and subsidizes fuel so higher oil prices are
particularly painful for Asia's third-largest economy. They could
exacerbate the country's fiscal and current account deficits as well as its
already-high inflation rates.
India's benchmark stock price index has slipped from record highs while the rupee
has lost ground against the dollar since June 10. New Prime Minister Narendra Modi
has mobilized his ministers to try to contain the fallout from what is evolving into his
first economic crisis since taking office less than a month ago.
"For an energy-deficit country like India, the oil crisis is a negative," Onno Ruhl, the
World Bank's India head, said Friday.
Indian markets were feeling a bit bubbly when the bad news from Iraq started.
India's rupee had been strengthening against the dollar and the country's stock
market was one of the best-performing markets in the world this year amid hope
that Mr. Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party would use their rare majority in
parliament to pass business-friendly legislation and long-delayed modernization of
the country's ports, roads and power networks.
Investors and executives seemed to be taking a victory lap, sure that good times
were about to return to the country that less than a year ago was dubbed by
analysts as one of the "fragile five" emerging markets expected to struggle as the
U.S. wound down its easy-money policies.
The problems in Iraq are making India look fragile again.
India is the fourth-largest oil consumer in the world and relies on imports
for more than three-fourths of its oil needs. In the year ended March 31, India
imported 190 million tons or 3.8 million barrels per day of crude oil. Iraq accounted
for about 13% of those imports, second only to Saudi Arabia which supplies about
20% of India's oil imports.
The first companies in India to feel the effects, analysts say, will be the refiners such
as Indian Oil Corp. 530965.BY +0.91% or Reliance Industries Ltd. who buy Iraqi oil.
They will have to look for new suppliers to keep their plants fully utilized if supplies
are interrupted. That could have a cascading impact on petrochemical companies,
power plants and other major users of petroleum products.
Oil and energy company shares have plunged this week. Indian Oil shares have
fallen as much as 8%, while Reliance shares fell about 5% since Tuesday.
Next, the rising cost of oil could add to India's consumer price inflation rate, which
the country has only recently been able to bring down to just over 8% in May from
the more than 11% late last year.
Over the past few years, inflation in India has hovered at intolerably high levels
while the fiscal and current account deficits have swelled, presenting serious
challenges for the economy, which has slowed to its weakest levels in a decade. The
economy grew just 4.7% in the last fiscal year, about half the nearly 9% growth it
recorded in the fiscal year ended March 2011.
"India's economy is highly sensitive," to inflation from bad weather as well
as rising oil prices, Frederic Neumann, co-head of Asian economic research at
HSBC said in a report. "A prolonged rise in the cost of crude would pose headaches
for the government and [the Reserve Bank of India] alike."
HSBC estimates that a $10 per barrel increase in the price of crude oil pushes up
wholesale inflation by a full percentage point over a 12-month period. Higher
gasoline prices push up the prices of food and most other commodities because of
the increased transportation costs.
Rising oil prices also inflate India's already massive subsidy bills. India fixes the
prices on many fuelsincluding diesel and keroseneat below cost, hoping to
shield the poor from price fluctuations. Fuel retailers are forced to lose money and
then the government compensates them for the money they lost.
An oil ministry official, who declined to be named, said every dollar increase in the
price of crude oil raises the government's subsidy burden by about 60 billion
rupees.
"This will be a setback to India's efforts to improve its fiscal situation," said
Anis Chakravarty, an economist at Deloitte, Haskins & Sells.
a defining role but a critical role in the narrative of this century. That is
what the Asia-pacific region is all about. This region in any case has been the
slowest to move," he added while addressing the ICC Asia Pacific CEO Forum. He
said these (the Asia Pacific Region) are the countries now that refer to as the
emerging economies. This economic region, which will be USD 16 trillion plus
and the potential is to double in a decade, Sharma added. India is an
important part of the South Asian economies, he added, "India is integral to
the change that is taking place. India is not an observer and India is not a
witness, India is center to it. And, we have been very clear while talking to
our partner countries and our interlocutors. I recall telling many of them
that you cannot look at Asia's economic integration without India being
the part of the process." "And I am very happy that India with our bigger
neighbour China along with Korea, Japan are very much engaged with the Asian
group," Sharma also said. The new emerging countries today are innovators
and developers and are strong partners with the developed world, Sharma
mentioned.
around the world. At the same time it has helped spur a revolution in
Indias internal consumer economy, which is on track to become the third
largest in the world by 2035. Over half of the worlds leading IT firms are
located in India and the size of this sector is expected to quadruple by
2025. Much of this growth will be fueled by specialized, top-quality small-andmedium-sized companies. Meeting the demand that Indias internal market
will generate and facilitating the export of Indian high-tech consumer
goods will be a leading challenge for the globalization industry in the
coming decade. In particular, reaching Indian customers will require the
development of sophisticated and powerful approaches to multilingual
communication based on low-cost mobile platforms, a significant engineering task.
Achieving these goals will require adoption of technical, cultural, and process
standards and close collaboration between Indian government and industry and
international organizations involved in India. The emergence of large-scale trade
flows in consumer goods between countries India, China, Russia, and Brazil has
tremendous implication for the localization industry, both in India and around the
world. New language pairs, such as HindiPortuguese, will be increasingly
important and critical content will need to be provided in a variety of languages that
are seldom addressed today. Multinational companies will need to find ways to sell
to the bottom of the pyramid and creatively adapt products to market conditions
in India and other countries. India will also have a crucial role to play in
providing services for the growing consumer markets in all of southern
Asia. With a large and dedicated base of business process and IT outsourcing
companies, India will need to add globalization capabilities to meet foreign demand
for services. At the same time, Indias twenty-two official languages provide
access to a market of over 800 million consumers, making India the new
strategic market for multinational companies looking for new markets that
will experience substantial growth.
Europe
manifests itself not only through trade, capital and migratory flows but
also via an intense regulatory activity. It is, if not the main, at least the
second most important regulatory power in the world in just about every
area, including: competition policy, where EU authorities have taken the lead in
certain aspects of antitrust; environmental protection, where the EU is the main
proponent of regulation against global warming; money, with the euro being the
second largest international currency in the world (behind the US dollar); and
financial market regulation, with European markets also ranking number two in the
world (again behind the US). The European Union is not only a global
economic power, more or less on a par with the United States. It is also
the undisputed regional economic power of a geographical area that
encompasses Europe, the Middle East and North Africa (EMENA). But is it a global
or even a regional economic leader, with clearly defined objectives and a coherent
set of foreign economic policies to achieve them?
Oil Shocks
touchstone to market stability. In fact, the U.S. shale-oil boom might roll back
the clock to the 1960s when a U.S. oil surplus (via the Texas Railroad Commission), put
Washington, not Riyadh, as the world's swing producer. In a world where the U.S. will
have few, if any, oil imports to replace during a global supply outage,
Washington will have more discretion to use the Strategic Petroleum
Reserve to help allies in times of crisis or to prevent oil producers from
using energy cutoffs to achieve financial or geopolitical goals. U.S. oil and gas exports will
also garner closer ties to allies and friendly countries through closer
economic relations.
Economists have a term for this disruption: an oil shock. The idea that such oil
shocks will inevitably wreak havoc on the US economy has become deeply rooted in the American psyche, and in
turn the United States has made ensuring the smooth flow of crude from the Middle East a central tenet of its
foreign policy. Oil security is one of the primary reasons America has a long-term military presence in the region.
Even aside from the Iraq and Afghan wars, we have equipment and forces positioned in Oman, Saudi Arabia,
any rise in oil prices is bad for growth and any fall is good. Yet historical data tells
us that most oil-price changes are not correlated with future changes in
real output growth. For example, oil prices rose steadily throughout the
mid-2000s while growth remained strong. Where oil prices do matter to
growth is in extremis, in those rare cases when an extraordinary and rapid oil-price change creates an
economic shock. But it's difficult to come up with a simple rule that tells us when
an oil shock is enough to cause a recessionor not. Crude oil prices as high
as $147 a barrel in the summer of 2008, for instance, aren't seen as the cause
of the Great Recession. Most observers would cite instead the fall of Lehman Brothers and the banking
crisis that immediately followed, events that occurred at roughly the same time. Let's just accept that
oil shocks matter. Is today's oil price of about $104 a barrel in the U.S. (and $115
globally) a shock? To be a shock, it has to be big. And "big" is a matter of context. Yes,
today's oil prices are more than 30% higher than they were a year ago.
That sounds big. But at the same time, they are more than 30% lower than
they were less than three years ago. That's big, too, but in the opposite direction. Which
context counts? Research by economist James Hamilton of the University of California, San Diego
suggests that oil prices imperil the economy when they reach a new threeyear high. Steven Kopits, managing director of the energy consulting firm Douglas-Westwood, says the overall
economy is threatened when the 12-month average oil price exceeds the year-ago 12-month average price by more
than half. Below those levels consumer and investor expectations aren't sufficiently disrupted to make a difference.
Both conditions are very far from being triggered at today's prices. To be a
shock, it has to be a surprise, and in one sense the current situation is: Despite all the pessimistic
narratives that have overhung the economy during the last six quarters of recoveryhousing double-dip, insolvent
states and municipalities, collapse of the euro zone, real estate bubble in China, and so onvirtually nobody was
predicting that the Middle East would be ept with contagious regime change spread via Facebook and Twitter. That
region has taught us anything, it is that whoever controls the oil always eventually ends up selling it to the
In the
meantime, Saudi Arabia has committed to make up for any transitory
shortfalls. Pumping an additional one million barrels a day would not be a
stretch for the Saudisdoing so would merely bring the Kingdom's production levels back up to mid2008 levels. So even if we now face a shock, it will be transitory, and it will be
buffered. That's why, for all the uncertainty, oil is now $104 a barrel, not
$1,000 a barrel. More importantly, the U.S. economy is today wellpositioned to absorb an oil spike without experiencing it as an oil shock.
First, we're nowhere near peak oil consumption , which we hit in August 2005 at 21.7
million barrels per day. We're now 9% below that, even though consumption has
recovered substantially since its worst levels of the Great Recession in September 2008. The last
three recessionsthose that started in 1990, 2001 and 2008began only after oil
consumption reached new peak levels. Economies in the early stages of
recovery, like ours today, are less vulnerable to oil shocks than those in the late
stages of expansion. As a business cycle matures, the economy experiences diminishing returns from
developed world, often despite their ravings about the developed world's imperialist evils.
any given factor of productionlabor, credit, oil or anything else. When a recovery is still new, large gains can be
levered from relatively modest increases in inputs, so the economy can afford to pay more for those inputs.
The 1979 oil shock also had deep and lasting economic effects.
Economists now argue, however, that the economic damage was more
directly attributable to bad government policy than to the actual supply
shortage. Among those who have studied past oil shocks is Ben Bernanke, the
current chairman of the Federal Reserve. In 1997, Bernanke analyzed the effects of a sharp
rise in fuel prices during three different oil shocks 1973-75, 1980-82, and 1990-91.
He concluded that the major economic damage was caused not by the oil
price increases but by the Federal Reserve overreacting and sharply
increasing interest rates to head off what it wrongly feared would be a
wave of inflation. Today, his view is accepted by most mainstream
economists. Gholz and Press are hardly the only researchers who have
concluded that we are far too worried about oil shocks. The economy also faced a
Depression.
large increase in prices in the mid-2000s, largely as the result of surging demand from emerging markets, with no ill
effects. If
Crude Reality,
http://www.boston.com/bostonglobe/ideas/articles/2011/02/13/crude_reality/)
Among those asking this tough question are two young professors, Eugene Gholz,
at the University of Texas, and Daryl Press, at Dartmouth College. To find out what actually
happens when the worlds petroleum supply is interrupted, the duo
analyzed every major oil disruption since 1973. The results, published in a
recent issue of the journal Strategic Studies, showed that in almost all
cases, the ensuing rise in prices, while sometimes steep, was short-lived
and had little lasting economic impact. When there have been prolonged price rises, they
found the cause to be panic on the part of oil purchasers rather than a supply shortage. When oil runs
short, in other words, the market is usually adept at filling the gap. One
striking example was the height of the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s. If
anything was likely to produce an oil shock, it was this : two major Persian Gulf
producers directly targeting each others oil facilities. And indeed, prices surged 25 percent in the first months of
within 18 months of the wars start they had fallen back to their
prewar levels, and they stayed there even though the fighting continued
to rage for six more years. Surprisingly, during the 1984 Tanker War phase of that conflict when
the conflict. But
Iraq tried to sink oil tankers carrying Iranian crude and Iran retaliated by targeting ships carrying oil from Iraq and
its Persian Gulf allies the price of oil continued to drop steadily. Gholz and Press found just one case after 1973 in
which the market mechanisms failed: the 1979-1980 Iranian oil strike which followed the overthrow of the Shah,
during which Saudi Arabia, perhaps hoping to appease Islamists within the country, also led OPEC to cut production,
challenge related to Persian Gulf oil, it is not how to protect the oil we need but how to assure consumers that
there is nothing to fear, the two write. That is a thorny policy problem, but it does not require large military
deployments and costly military operations.
during the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in the early 1990s, and Libyas civil strife
in the aftermath of its 2011 uprising, among others.