COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR

OF THE

GREEK LANGUAGE
BY

JOSEPH WRIGHT
PH.D., D.C.L,, LL.D., LITT.D.

FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY

PROFESSOR OF COMPARATIVE PHILOLOGY IN THE
UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD

'

Nur das Beispiel fuhrt zum Licht;

Reden thut es nicht

Vieles

'

HENRY FROWDE
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON, NEW YORK AND TORONTO
1912
[All rights reserved^

THE STUDENTS' SERIES OF

HISTORICAL AND COMPARATIVE
GRAMMARS
EDITED BY JOSEPH WRIGHT

OXFORD

HORACE HART

PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

PREFACE
Grammar

In writing this

have followed as

Series,

my

far

Grammars

possible the plan adopted in the other

as

of the

object being to furnish students with a concise

account of the phonology, word-formation, and inflexions

As the book

of the language.

some more or

This

omitted.
dialects

less

is

not intended for specialists

is

especially the case in

which have been preserved

as to render

of their phonology.

It

must

not,

full

account

however, be assumed

have been entirely omitted

that these dialects

contrary,

regard to those

such scanty fragments

in

impossible for us to give a

it

on the

have made considerable use of them

in the

phonology and elsewhere, wherever they have helped

throw

light

dialects,

Much

important details have been intentionally

to

upon the development and history of the other

such as

Attic, Ionic, Doric, Aeolic.

of the time and labour spent on this

Grammar

has been taken up with selecting examples from the vast

amount of material which

had collected to illustrate the

This selection was

sound-laws of the various dialects.

necessary

if I

students for

planned,

was

whom

keep steadily

to

the Series of

otherwise

view the class of

would have been

it

produce a Comparative Greek

Grammar

times the size of the present one.

compression of the material,

In

far
at

originally

easier

In spite of this great

all

Greek Philology.

255345

to

three

least

venture to think that

included within a modest compass

1

in

Grammars was

have

that the ordinary

Preface

vi

require

student will

know about the subject, and I

who thoroughly masters the book

to

believe that the student

only have gained a comprehensive knowledge of

will not

Comparative Greek Grammar

in particular,

but will also

have acquired the elements of the Comparative Grammar

of the Sanskrit, Latin, and Germanic languages.

Examples

have been more copiously used from these than from the
other branches of the Indo-Germanic family of languages,

because

it

study this

who

can be safely inferred that the students

Grammar

will

already possess

practical

knowledge of one or more of them.

This Grammar makes no pretence whatever of being an
original

and exhaustive

of this kind there

on the

treatise

is practically

either of these features,

but

In a book

subject.

no scope

for a display of

have contrived

to

bring

within a comparatively small space a great deal of matter

which

who

will

be new to students, and especially to those

are unable to study the subject in works written in

foreign languages.

All that

have attempted

to

do

is

to

furnish our countrymen with a systematic and scientific

treatment of Comparative Greek

and

philological books

Grammar based upon

articles of the best

present day in the wide

field of

Comparative Philology.

Specialists in the subject will accordingly find

is

new

in the

still

is

all

the other Indo-Germanic languages

and not a few points about which

a great divergence of opinion even

philologists.

that

innumerable points which have never been

satisfactorily explained,

there

little

book.

In Greek as in
there are

the

workers of the

In

all

such cases

among

the best

have carefully considered

the various explanations which have been proposed, and

have given those with which

agreed without, as a

rule.

Preface
stating

my

authority,

but where

vii

was unable

with any of the proposed explanations

preferred to state that the

phenomenon

to

agree

have generally

in question

has

never been satisfactorily explained or that the explanation

is

unknown, rather than burden the book with attempted

explanations with which

did not agree.

have generally

omitted to give the authorities for various statements

made

throughout the Grammar, except in special cases where

I

thought

it

desirable to

refer

the student for further

information to the sources which deal more fully with the

case in point.
I

gratefully

acknowledge the help

have derived from

the learned books and articles by the splendid band of

Philologists who have done so much to throw
upon the history and philology of the various Indo-

German
light

Germanic languages.
list of the books and

On pp.

xiv-xvii will be found a select

articles

which

useful in the writing of this book, but a

have found most

mere place

in a list

would not adequately express my indebtedness to the

works of Brugmann, Hirt, Gustav Meyer, Osthoff, Johannes Schmidt, and Wackernagel. In conclusion I wish
express

to

my

sincere thanks to the Controller of the

University Press for his great kindness in complying with

my

wishes in regard to special type

for his valuable, collaboration in the

verborum

and

to

Mr. A. Davidson,

making of the index

lastly to the press-reader,

Mr.

W.

F. R.

Shilleto, for his invaluable help with the reading of the

proofs.

JOSEPH WRIGHT.
Oxford,
January^ 1912.

CONTENTS
PAGES

INTRODUCTION

1-4

Indo-Germanic languages

Classification of the

The Greek

and their

dialects

( i).

classification ( 2).

CHAPTER

Pronunciation and Accentuation

Vowels (4-18)

5-18

Consonants ( 19-27). Pitch and

broken or acute and slurred or
stress accent ( 28)
circumflex accent ( 29) word-accent ( 30-4) sen;

'

'

'

'

tence-accent ( 35-40).

CHAPTER
The

II

Primitive Indo-Germanic Vowel-sounds

The Indo-Germanic vowel-system

18-20

Table of
the normal development of the prim. Indg. short and
long vowels, short diphthongs, and short vocalic nasals
and liquids in Greek, Sanskrit, Latin, Old Irish, Gothic,
Old English, Lithuanian and Old Slavonic ( 42).

CHAPTER

( 41).

III

The Greek Development of the Indo-Germanic Vowelsystem

The
46)

21-49

: a

short vowels

( 50-1)

( 47-8)
;

52)

43)

53)

(
;

54)

44)

( 45)

long vowels

( 55).

ei ( 58)

The

oi ( 59)

eu ( 61) ou ( 62). The long diphthongs

General remarks on the short vocalic nasals and

60)

( 63).

The

3 ( 49).

short diphthongs : ai ( 56-7)

au

liquids ( 64)

short vocalic nasals

( 65)

short vocalic

Contents
PAGES

The long

liquids ( 66-7).

The lengthening

( 68).

vocalic nasals

of short vowels

and liquids

The

( 69).

shortening of long vowels ( 70-1) quantitative metathesis ( 72). Assimilation of vowels ( 73-4).
Epen;

Prothesis

thesis ( 75-6).

Anaptyxis

77).

( 78).

Vowel-contraction ( 79-80).

CHAPTER

IV

Ablaut

49-61

General remarks on ablaut ( 81-5). The weakening

or loss of vowels ( 86-90). The lengthening of vowels
91-4).

bases

The

ablaut-series ( 95-6).

Dissyllabic

( 97).

CHAPTER V
The

Primitive Indo-Germanic Consonants

Tableof the prim. Indg. consonants

( 98).

62-71

The normal

Indg. explosives in Greek,

Germanic, Gothic, Sanskrit,
Lithuanian and Old Slavonic : the tenues ( 100);
the tenues aspiratae ( 102) the
the mediae (
mediae aspiratae ( 103). Consonantal sound-changes
which took place during the prim. Indg. period

prim.

equivalents of the
Latin, Old

Irish, prim.

( 105-12).

CHAPTER
The Greek Development

of the

VI
I

ndo- Germanic Con-

sonant-system

71-111

of mediae aspiratae to tenues aspiratae

De-aspiration of aspirates ( 115). Assimilation

The change
( 114).

of consonants (^" 116-17). General remarks on the semiGeneral

vowels ( 1 18-19)
( 120-6); j ( 127-30).
remarks on the liquids ( 131
1( 132-5); r( 136-8).
General remarks on the nasals ( 139);
( 140-6)
;

( 147-54)

(^ 159-60)

t (

80).

r)

The labials :
bh ( 162-3). The

( 155-6).

ph (

161);

( 157-8)
dentals :

164-70); d ( 171-4); th ( 175-6); dh ( 177Indg. palatals,

The normal equivalents of the prim.

a3

Contents
pure velars and labialized velars in Greek, Latin,
Old Irish, Germanic, Sanskrit, Lithuanian and Old Sla-

The palatals : k ( 182-7) g ( 188gh ( 193-4). The pure velars:

qh ( 200); gh ( 201). The
( 195-6); g ( 197-9)
labialized velars: q"' ( 202-4); g' ( 205-7); q"h
The spirants s ( 212-23)
( 208) g^h ( 209-10),
sh, zh ( 225) )?, \>h, d, dh ( 226) j ( 227).
( 224)
vonic

( i8i).

kh

91);

192);

CHAPTER

VII

Sandhi

111-116

General remarks on sandhi ( 228)

initial sounds ( 231-2).
( 229-30)

sounds

final

CHAPTER

VIII

The Formation of Nouns and Adjectives

116- 138

General remarks ( 233). Root-nouns ( 234). Suffixes

ending in a vowel :ja- ( 235) --, -a- ( 236); (i)jo-,
;

ew(i)jo ( 237)

(i)ja, -ejo-,

ma2)

239)

-ino-, -ina- ( 243)

245)

-meno-, -mena-

--,

ra- ( 248)

-;

251)

(263);

-u-

d-en275)

279)
282)

The
(s<

-tero-, -tera- ( 254)

-men-

(i)jen (

-wrent ( 276)

273)

-er (

-t-,

270);

-ro-,

-sko-,

-tewo-,

-is- to-, -is-ta-

ti- (

-3s (

277)

-tat ( 284)

-wen

-dh-, -s ( 274)

-n^es-, -w^es-, -dh-es- ( 280)

287-92).

247)

-dhlo-, -dhla- ( 250)

262) ; -i264); 1, -nu-, -ru- (265); -tu-(266);

^eu ( 268).
Suffixes ending in a con-

283)
formation of
;

241-

-s-no-, -s-na-

( 272)

-lo-, -la- (

249)

267);
en ( 269)

sonant:

244)

-mo-,

-no-, -na- (

255); -tro- ( 257); -to-, -ta- ( 258)

-mi-, -ni-, -ri (261)
( 26o)

259);

-ko-, -ka-, -qo-, -qa- ( 252)

-ska, -isko-, -iska- (253)

-tewa-

246)

240)

-ma-

-ino-,

-bho-, -bha-

dhro, -dhra-

-wo-, -wa- { 238)

-t-,

-ter- (

278)

271)

-nt-

-es-

-jes ( 281),

-wes-

k, -d-, -g- (

285).

compound nouns and

adjectives

Contents

xi

PAGES

CHAPTER

IX

Declension of Nouns

139-213

The number and gender

of nouns ( 293-5). Cases

( 296). Case-formation in the parent Indg. language
The cases of the singular ( 298-306), dual ( 307-10),
:

Syncretism

plural ( 311-17).

weak case-forms ( 319).

A. The vocalic declension

Strong and

318).

Feminine a-stems
masculine a-stems (323).
neuter
Masculine and feminine o-stems ( 324-5)
o-stems ( 3261 the so-called Attic declension ( 327).
Masculine and feminine short i-stems ( 328); neuter
short i-stems ( 329) the long -stems ( 330). Masculine and feminine short u-stems ( 331-2) neuter short
u-stems ( 333) the long u-stems ( 334I The diphthongal stems : au-stems ( 336) eu-stems ( 337-8)
ou-stems ( 339-40) oi-stems ( 341).
B.
The consonantal declension : Stems ending in
an explosive ( 342-4) stems ending in -n (345-50)
stems ending in -nt ( 351-5) stems ending in -went
stems ending in -1 ( 358) stems ending in
( 356-7)
( 359-62) neuter stems in -as-, -os- ( 364-5)
nouns and adjectives of the type
( 366-7)
stems in -os, -os- ( 368)
stems in -jes-, -jos-, -jSsneuter stems in -as- ( 370). The r- n-de( 369)
(

320-1)

-ja-stems

322)

clension ( 371).

CHAPTER X
Adjectives

213-232

The

declension of adjectives ( 372-4). The comparison of adjectives : The comparative degree ( 3756)

the superlative degree

377); irregular

comparison

Numerals : Cardinal numerals ( 379-88);

ordinal numerals (389-93) other numerals ( 394-6).
(

378).

Contents

xii

PAGES

CHAPTER

XI

Pronouns

232-249

General remarks on the pronouns ( 397-401).

Personal pronouns ( 402-3). Reflexive pronouns
Possessive pronouns ( 406). Demonstra( 404-5).
Relative pronouns f 413).
tive pronouns ( 407-12).
Interrogative and indefinite pronouns ( 414-15). Other

pronouns

( 416).

CHAPTER
Verbs

249-340

General remarks on the verbs ( 417). Number ( 418).

Voices (419-22). Mode or manner of action ( 423-5).
Tense formation ( 426). Moods ( 427-8). Reduplication ( 429). The augment ( 430-1). General remarks
on the personal endings ( 432). The personal endings
of the active ( 433-41). The personal endings of the

middle

( 442-8).

ot the present
The classification oi
the various ways in which the present is formed ( 449)
the athematic and thematic conjugations ( 450). The
Class I Unreduplicated
various classes of the present
monosyllabic light or heavy ablaut-bases ( 452-4).
Reduplicated monosyllabic athematic heavy
Class

The

formation

ablaut-bases ( 455). Class HI Dissyllabic light bases

with or without reduplication ( 456-7). Class IV:
Dissyllabic athematic heavy ablaut-baseswithorwithout
:

General remarks on the

reduplication ( 458-9).
formation of the various classes (V-VIII) of nasalpresents ( 460). Class V Verbs of the type
:

461-2).

463-5).

Class VI

Verbs of the type

Class VII: Verbs which have a nasal
:

infixed before the final consonant of the root-syllable

( 466).

IX The
:

Class VIII
s-presents

469-71).

Class

dental suffixes

The verbs

( 468).

XI

-to, -do

in

Class

( 467).

Class

X The sko-prcsents
:

Presents containing one of the

or -dho- ( 472-5).

Class XII

Contents
PAGES

The

various types of j-presents ( 476-97) : Primary

thematic presents ( 477-80)
primary athematic
presents ( 481)
denominative verbs ( 482-96)
;

causative and iterative verbs

The

future ( 498-501).

marks on the
(503-6).
514).

aorist ( 502).

The s-aorist
The perfect

( 523)

The moods
525-9)

( 539-44)

( 497).

The
The

( 507-13).

515-22).

INDEX

557-75)

re-

The passive aorist

The pluperfect

the subjunctive
the imperative

Verbal adjectives

CHAPTER
(

: General

root- or strong aorist

The injunctive ( 524)

the optative ( 530-8)
th e infin itive- (545-5o)

Participles ( 551-4).

Adverbs

Aorist

( 555-6).

XIII
341-345
346-384

SELECT LIST OF BOOKS USED

Bartholoniae, Chr.

Studien zur indogermanischen Sprachge-

Halle, 1890-1.

schichte.

Studien auf dem Gebiete des

Griechischen und der arischen Sprachen. Leipzig, 1886.

Baunack, Johannes und Theodor.

Die Vocalcontraction bei Homer.

Bechtel, Friedrich.

Halle,

1908.
Bechtel,

Die Hauptprobleme

Fritz.

Lautlehre
Blass,

seit Schleicher.

Uber

Friedrich.

die

der

indogermanischen

Gottingen, 1892.

Aussprache des

Griechischen.

Berlin, 1888.

Les

Boisacq, Emile.

dialectes doriens.

Paris and Liege, 1891.

Britgmann, Karl. Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. Strassburg, 1902-4.
Griechische Grammatik. Munchen, 1900.
Die' Demonstrativpronomina der indogermanischen Sprachen.

Brugmann,

Leipzig, 1904.

und Dclbriick, BertJiold. Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen.
Karl,

Strassburg, 1886-1900.

Vol.

(Einleitung

und Lautlehre),

(Wortbildungslehre = Stammbildungs- und

Formenlehre), 1889-92, by K. Brugmann. Vols. HI-V
(Syntax), 1893-1900, by B. Delbruck. Second edition :
1886; vol.

vol. I (Einleitung und Lautlehre), 1897; vol.

(Lehre
von den Wortformen und ihrem Gebrauch), 1906-11.

Das Verbum der griechischen Sprache seinem

Bauc nach dargestellt. Leipzig, 1877-80.

Curtius, Georg.

Fraenkel, Ernst.

auf

-Tijp,

Geschichte der griechischen Nomina agentis

(-T-), erster Teil.
Strassburg, 1910.

-, -

Select List of

P.

Giles,

short

manual

Classical Students.

Henry,

Books used

of Comparative
London, 1901.

Philology

for

Precis de grammaire comparee du grec et du

Victor.

Paris, 1908.

latin.

Handbuch der griechischen Laut- und Formenlehre. Heidelberg, 1902.

Der indogermanische Ablaut. Strassburg, 1900.
Der indogermanische Akzent. Strassburg, 1895.

Hirt,

Hermann.

Hoffmann, Otto. Die griechischen Dialekte in ihrem

schen Zusammenhange. Gottingen, 1891-8.
Jacobi,

histori-

H. G. Compositum und Nebensatz, Studien iiber die

indogermanische Sprachentvvicklung. Bonn, 1897.

Johansson, K. F. De derivatis verbis contractis Hnguae graecae

quaestiones. Upsala, 1886.
Beitrage zur griechischen Sprachkunde. Upsala, 1891.

King, J.

E.,

and Cookson,

C.

The

inflexion as illustrated in the

principles of sound and

Greek and Latin languages.

Oxford, 1888.
Kretschmer, Paul.

Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechiGottingen, 1896.

schen Sprache.
Kiihner, Raphael.

Sprache,

Ausfiihrliche

Grammatik der griechischen

Auflage in zwei Banden, besorgt von

Friedrich Blass. Hannover, 1890-2.

Kiirschat,

dritte

Grammatik der

littauischen

Sprache.

Zur griechischen Lautgeschichte.

Upsala,

Friedrich.

Halle, 1876.

Lagercrants, O.
1898.

A. Grammatik der altbulgarischen (altkirchenslavischen) Sprache. Heidelberg, 1909.

Handbuch der altbulgarischen (altkirchenslavischen)
Sprache. Weimar, 1898.

Leskien,

A. Introduction a I'etude comparative des langues

indo-europeennes. Paris, 1908.

Meillet,

Meister,

R.

Die griechischen Dialekte.

Meisterhans, K.
1888.

Grammatik der

Gottingen, 1882-9.

attischen Inschriften.

Berlin,

Select List of

xvi
Meringer,

Books used

Indogermanische

Rudolph.

Sprachwissenschaft.

Leipzig, 1903.

Beitrage zur Geschichte der indogermanischen Deklination.

Wien,

1891.

Grammatik.

Griechisclie

Meyer, Gustav.

Berlin, 1882-4.

A Grammar

Monro, D. B.

Leipzig, 1896.

Grammatik der griechischen und

Meyer, Leo. Vergleichende

lateinischen Sprache.

Homeric

of the

dialect.

Oxford,

1891.

Hermann. Zur Geschichte des Perfects im Indogermanischen mit besonderer Rucksicht auf Griechisch und

Osthoff,

Lateinisch.

Vom

Strassburg, 1884.

Suppletivwesen

Sprachen.

der indogermanischen

Heidelberg, 1900.

Hermann, und Briigmann, Karl. Morphologische

Untersuchungen auf dem Gebiete der indogermanischen

Osthoff,

Sprachen.

Leipzig, 1878-90.

Studien zur Lehre von der Wurzelerweiterung

und Wurzelvariation. Upsala, 1891.

Persson, Per.

Pezzi, Domenico.

La lingua greca

comparativa e

storica.

antica,

breve trattazione

Torino, 1888.

Saussure, Ferdinand de. Memoire sur le systeme primitif des

voyelles dans les langues indo-europeennes. Leipzig,
1879,

and

Paris, 1887.

Kritik

Schmidt, Johannes.

der

Sonantentheorie.

Weimar,

1895.

Die Pluralbildungen der indogermanischen Neutra. Weimar,

1889.

Schulse, Gitilelmus.

Quaestiones epicae.

Smyth, Herbert Weir.

dialects

Ionic.

The sounds and

Greek

Oxford, 1894.

Untersuchungen zur
Solmsen, F.
Verslehre. Strassburg, 1901.

Summer, Ferdinand.

Gueterslohae, 1892.

inflexions of the

Griechische

griechischen

Lautstudien.

Laut- und
Strassburg,

1905.

Handbuch

der lateinisciien
Heidelberg, 1902.

Laut-

und

Formenlehre.

Select List of

Books used

xvii

und Schmalz, J. H. Lateinische Grammatik.

Munchen, 1910.
Siitterlui, L.
Zur Geschichte der Verba denominativa im

Stols, Friedricii,

Strassburg, 1891.

Altgriechischen.

Thumb,

Albert.

Handbuch dergriechischen

Dialekte.

Heidel-

Glossar,

Heidel-

berg, 1909.

Handbuch des Sanskrit mit Texten und

berg, 1905.

Die griechische Sprache im Zeitalter des Hellenismus.

Strassburg, 1901.

Handbuch der neugriechischen Volkssprache.

Strassburg,

1895.

Untersuchungen

iiber

den Spiritus Asper im Griechischen.

Strassburg, 1889.
Thiirneysen, Rudolf.

Handbuch des

Alt-irischen.

Heidelberg,

1909.

Wackeniagel, Jakob.

Altindische Grammatik.

Gottingen, 1896-

1905.

Das Dehnungsgesetz der griechischen Composita.

Basel,

1889.

Vermischte Beitrage zur griechischen Sprachkunde.

Basel,

1897.

Wheeler, Benjamin Ide.

Der griechische Nominalaccent.

Strass-

burg, 1885.

Whitney, William Dwight.

Sanskrit Grammar.

Leipzig and

London, 1896.
Wright, Joseph.
1910.

Grammar

of the Gothic language.

Oxford,

ABBREVIATIONS
abl.

TRANSCRIPTION
we

In the following remarks on transcription

shall onl^'

deal with such points as are likely to present a difficulty to

the student

who

is

unfamiliar with the transcription used

throughout this Grammar.

Long vowels

are generally indicated

b}

by ^, as ., 9 close vowels by or
n, r
as 1,
vocalic liquids and nasals by
German Gotter, and ii the ii in Mutter.

nasal vowels

Sanskrit

and

the

j in

s, to

= the palatal, and

XE. just.

The

dot

i]

as a, ,

as e or e

the

in

the guttural ng-sound.

placed under a dental,

is

indicate the cerebral pronunciation of these con-

sonants, as

t,

d, n, s.

The combination

explosive + h

is

pro-

nounced as a voiceless or voiced aspirate according as the

first

element
the

ch

in

is

voiceless or voiced, as th, ph, dh, bh.

XE. church,

bral sh-sound.

is

the palatal and s the cere-

Final -h from older

-s

or

-s

in

NE.

hand.

Primitive Germanic
In the wTiting of primitive Germanic forms the signs ]> = the th in NE. thin ; d, tS the th
in NE. then; b = a bilabial spirant which may be pronounced like the
in NE. vine; 5 = a voiced spirant,
=
often heard in the pronunciation of German sagen
German ch and the ch in Scotch loch.
:

Gothic : ai = the e in NE. get; ai = nearly the i in

NE. five au = the in NE. lot au = nearly the ou in
NE. house; ei = i like the ie in German sie and nearly
= the th in NE. thin medially
like the ee in NE. feed.
J
after vowels b, d = the
in NE. hving and the th in then
;

medially between vowels g

prim. Germanic g, before
another guttural it was pronounced like the n, ng in NE.

XX

Transcription

think, sing;
dially

NE. y

between vowels h

positions
in the

it

was

you; initially before and meh in NE. hand, but in other

in

the

ch

like the

in

Scotch pronunciation of

Scotch loch

when

the

wh

qu

in

NE.

hr

the

queen.

Lithuanian:
the
in

first

e in

e= thee in NE. get; e = long close e like

German leben

German Bote

= long close

like the

the diphthong ie or ia

the

diphthong uo or ua ; y = like the ie in German sie and

nearly like the ee in NE. feed, j = the y in NE. you;
= the s in NE. measure and the j in French jour;
c = the ts in NE. cats; cz = the ch in NE. church;
sz

= the

sh

in

NE.

ship.

Old Slavonic
German leben, but
:

a diphthong ia or

e in French ete

=a

ea

=a

NE. cats; c
Scotch loch.

ts in

positions

= the

it

first

e in

was probably

a very close e nearly like the

or
y was probably
y in NE. you; c the
NE. church ch = the ch

very close

an unrounded u-sound.
in

long close e like the

some

in

= the

ch

in

INTRODUCTION
Greek forms one branch of the Indo-Germanic family
This great family of languages is usually

1.

of languages.

divided into eight branches

I.

Aryan, consisting of:

Vedic

(the

(i)

The Indian group,

The

the Prakrit dialects.

oldest portions

date at least as far back as 1500

fix

including

language of the Vedas), classical Sanskrit, and

their date at a

much

b.

earlier period,

Gescliichfe der indischen Littemiur, pp.

Iranian group, including

{a)

West

of the

Vedas

c, and some scholars

see Winternitz,

246-58.

(2)

The

Iranian (Old Persian,

the language of the Persian cuneiform inscriptions, dating

from about 520-350 b. c.)
East Iranian (Avesta sometimes called Zend-Avesta, Zend, and Old Bactrian the
language of the Avesta, the sacred books of the Zoro-

astrians).

Armenian, the

II.

the

fifth

III.

century a.

Greek, with

oldest

monuments

of which belong to

d.
its

numerous

dialects

( 2).

IV. Albanian, the language of ancient

oldest

V.

monuments belong

Italic, consisting of Latin

The

and the Umbrian-Samnitic

Latin are descended

From the popular form of

Romance languages Portuguese,

dialects.

the

Illyria.

to the seventeenth century.

Spanish, Catalanian,

Provengal, French, Italian, Raetoromanic,

Roumanian or

Wallachian.

VI. Keltic, consisting of:

(i) Gaulish (known to us by

names and words quoted by Latin and Greek authors,
and inscriptions on coins) (2) Britannic, including Cymric
or Welsh, Cornish, and Bas Breton or Armorican (the

Keltic

Introduction

*'*:

.2..::

oldest records of

Cymric and Bas Breton date back

eighth or ninth century)

Manx.

Scotch-Gaelic, and

Old Gaelic ogam

(3)

to the

Gaelic, including Irish-Gaelic,

The

inscriptions

monuments are

the

which probably date as

far

oldest

back as about 500 a. d.

VII. Germanic, consisting of:
(i)

Almost the only source of our knowledge of

Gothic.

the Gothic language

made in the
West Goths.

lation

the

{2)

is

the fragments of the biblical trans-

by

fourth century

Ulfilas, the

Bishop of

Scandinavian or North Germanic, which

divided into two groups

[a)

Swedish, Gutnish, and Danish [b]

including Norwegian, and Icelandic.
;

The

West

Scandinavian,

oldest records of this branch are the runic inscrip-

some of which date

tions,

sub-

is

East Scandinavian, including

as far back as the third or fourth

century.
(3)

West Germanic, which

{a)

High German,

to about the
[b)

Low

Dutch

is

the oldest

composed

of:

monuments of which belong

middle of the eighth century.

Low Franconian or Old

Franconian, called Old

until

about 1200.

Low German, with records dating back

century.
Up to about 1200 it is generally
[c)

to the ninth

called

Old

Saxon.
Frisian,

[d)

the oldest records of which belong to the

fourteenth century.
{e)

English, the oldest records of which belong to about

the end of the seventh century.

The

Baltic

Old Prussian, which became

extinct

VIII. Baltic-Slavonic, consisting of:

division,
in the

embracing

{a)

seventeenth century,

{b)

(i)

Lithuanian,

(c)

Lettic (the

and Lettic belong to the

sixteenth century); (2) the Slavonic division, embracing:
[a] the South-Eastern group, including Russian (Great
oldest records of Lithuanian

Introduction

2]

Russian, White Russian, and Little Russian), Bulgarian,

and lUyrian (Servian, Croatian, Slovenian);

{b)

the

Western

group, including Czech (Bohemian), Sorabian (Wendish),

The

Polish and Polabian.

oldest records (Old Bulgarian,

Old Church Slavonic) belong

also called

to the

second half

of the ninth century a.d.

The

Greek records exhibit clearly defined

which have been treated in some
detail in the phonology and accidence of this book.
For
a detailed account of the Greek dialects and of the literature
on the subject see Thumb, Handbuch der gnechtschen
2.

oldest

dialectal peculiarities

Dialekie (1909).
It is to

Greek

we must look for the

The literary language,
many respects artificially

inscriptions that

purest forms of the various dialects.

especially that of the poets,

is in

Towards the end of the fifth century b. c.

was gradually formed on the basis of the Attic dialect
constructed.

a literary language

common

which almost

to all Greeks,

entirely excluded the use of the other dialects from the

later prose literature of antiquity.
is

taken as the standard and

than the other dialects.

divide the

Greek

It

is

In this

grammar

Attic

treated in greater detail

was formerly the custom

dialects into three

groups

to

Ionic-Attic,

and Aeolic. This threefold division was both unand unscientific, because Aeolic was made to
embrace all Greek dialects which were not either IonicAttic or Doric, whereas strictly speaking Aeolic proper only
embraces the North-East group of dialects.
The only
really scientific classification of the dialects must be based
on the lexicographical and grammatical peculiarities as
exhibited on the oldest inscriptions.
In this manner Greek
Doric,

satisfactory

can be conveniently divided into the following dialects or

groups of dialects
:

I.

Ionic- Attic

(i)

central portion of the

Ionic including the dialects of

West Coast

of Asia

(a)

The

Minor together

Introduction

Samos {b) The Cyclades

Naxos, Ceos, Delos, Paros, Thasos, Siphnos, Andros, los,
Myconos (c) Euboea. (2) The dialect of Attica.
II. The Doric
group including the dialects of (i)
Laconia together with the dialects of Tarentum and
Heraclea
Messenia
(2)
(3) Argolis and Aegina; (4)
Corinth together with Corcyra {5) Megara together with
Byzantium and Selinus (6) The Peloponnesian colonies
of Sicily; (7) Crete; (8) Melos and Thera together with
Cyrene (9) Rhodes together with Gela and Acragas
Anaphe,
(10) The other Doric islands in the Aegean
Astypalaea, Telos, Nisyros, Cnidos, Calymna, Cos, &c.
with the islands of Chios and

The dialect of Achaia and its colonies.

The dialect of Ells.
V. The North- West group including the dialects
III.

IV.

Epirus,

(i)

Acarnania, Aetolia, Phthiotis and of

(2) Locris and Phocis including Delphi.

of
the

Aenianes
VI. The Arcadian-Cyprian group including the dialects
of (i) Arcadia (2) Cyprus.
VII. The North-East or Aeolic group including the
dialects of (i) Lesbos and the coast of Asia Minor adjoining (2) Thessaly except Phthiotis (3) Boeotia.
VIII. The dialect of Pamphylia.
;

PHONOLOGY
CHAPTER

PRONUNCIATION
3.

The account

of

Greek pronunciation given below

only approximately accurate.

is

impossible to ascertain

It is

with perfect certainty the exact pronunciation of any lan-

guage

The Greek

in its oldest period.

always the same sound-value

different periods the

in the

letter

had not
and at

letters

the dialects,

all

was often used

Many examples

different sounds.

found

same

in

to

express

of this kind will be

For a detailed account of Greek

Ober die Aussprache des Grie(1888) and for the history of the

phonology.

pronunciation see Blass,

chischen, third edition

alphabet see Kirchhoff, Shidien ziir Geschichte des griechischen Alphabets, fourth edition (1887),

and

Giles,

Manual

of Comparative Philology, second edition (1901), pp. 517-22,

where other literature on the subject will also be found.
A.
4.

a,

I,

When

vowels.

The Vowels.

were used

to

express both short and long

long they are expressed in this grammar

by a, I, V. ,
were short, the corresponding long of
which were expressed by , .
had approximately the same sound as in German
5.
Mann, Gast, and northern English dial, lad, as ay/ooy,

, ,, '^.
,^ ,^ ,
;

Phonology

, , ,, ., , .
had the same sound as the a

6-9

English father, as

in

Dor.

French

was a

ete, as

close vowel in Attic and Ionic like the e in

',

That

shown by

dialects is

was close

the contraction of ee to

^^.

ei

in these
(

12) in

some
was open, hence the contraction of ee
in words like ^';,
and it
to
must also have been open in Elean and Locrian where
e partly became a ( 44, note 2).
was an open vowel like the ai in English air and the
h in French p^re, as Zrju,
9 Att. Ion.

words

from

like

Doric dialects the

==.\.

',

In Aeolic and

,(

,, . ,
,
;

beside Dor.

The

from older
was originally more open than the 7; = Indg.
and the latter
e, the former was written
on old Ionic
inscriptions, but the two sounds fell together in Attic in
the fifth century b. c, see 50, 51.
was an open
7. It cannot be determined whether
vowel like the i in English bit or a close vowel like the i in

,.

French fini, as
was probably close like the ie in German Vieh
and nearly like the ee in English see, as

.
8.

?,

was a

close vowel which

is

,,

common

English dialects in such words as coal (kol), foal

in the final syllable of such words as fellow (felo),
(windo).

corresponded

It

German Bote

in

= ),

some
and

(fol),

,,.

in quality

window

but not in quantity to

That
and Ionic is shown by the contraction
from
of 00 to ov ( 17) in words like
was an open vowel like the au in English aught, as
the

in

was close

(b5ta), as

in Attic

,,.

,,.

^.

9. In Attic, Ionic and probably also in some other

dialects

as

=)

had the same sound as the u in French tu,

The original u-sound (=the u in

-7

Pronunciation

English full) remained in Laconian, Boeotian, Lesbian,

Thessalian, Arcadian, Cyprian and Pamphylian, but was
generally written ov (see 47, note i).

,.

i;=u

in those dialects

10.

The

>,
+ i;

11.

tti

12.

short diphthongs

+ v;

,.

a,

preserved

which changed short u

e,

in

ai, ei, ol

av, ev, ov

but the original

i,

to

ii,

6 (=Indg.

like the

in

was

quality

the second element of the u-diphthongs.

was nearly

= a,

vi

English five, as

as

58) had nearly the same sound as

ei,

the ai in English stain until about the beginning of the

century

fifth

b.

c,

then became long close e

it

, , ^ ^,

in Attic,

Ionic and the milder Doric dialects, although the

retained in writing, as

The

was then used

to

ei

was

express the long close e which

arose from contraction and from compensation lengthening,

as

0',

rpus, u.\ov from

Cret. ev9,

*^

0i'Aee, ^rpeje?,

from

*9,

*-'

h =

this

ei

was written e on the oldest Attic inscriptions, whereas prim.

Greek et was always written ei,
13. 01 had the same sound as the oy in English boy,
as oiSa,

^^,
=

above) was a special Greek development and arose partly from the loss of an intervening consonant and partly from contraction, as
vios from
14.

ui (see

L'i

*fiSva/a,

*/9,

loc. sing.

Hom.

,.

.,

had the same sound as the au in German Haus,

15.
and was nearly like the ou in standard English house, as

1.

had approximately the same sound as

heard

in

house

(eus),

17.
fifth

ov

the

{=

mouse

(meus), as

Indg. ou,

century b.c,

it

, ^,

is

often

English dialect pronunciation of

southern

62)

= o+v

(see

Zev.

above) until the

then became long close

through the

Phonology

intermediate stage of long close

The

retained in writing.

Cret.

was always

8\^,

^,

= Dor.

from *8opfo^ ;
from

on the oldest Attic

18.

although the ov was

ov was then used to express the

which arose from contraction and comfrom voos,

later

pensation lengthening, as
;

this
was written
whereas prim. Greek ov
;

inscriptions,

written ov.

The

original long diphthongs ai, ei,

,,; ,^,,
became short before consonants already
&c.

thongs

18-21

, ,
^
,? *

long close
&c.

63).

The second element

-, -,

ceased

, \, )

to

au, eu,

Greek, as in

from

*,

of the long final diph-

be pronounced in the second

probably much

century b.c, and in

in prim.

modern mode of writing these diphthongs

earlier.

as a,

u,

The
(0ea,

only dates back to manuscripts of the

twelfth century.

B.

The
plosives , ,

The Consonants.

voiceless explosives

19.

the voiced ex-

had approxi-

mately the same sound-values as in English.

consonants require special attention.

The remaining

and the

r,

liquid

the nasals

20. In the oldest period of the language y

", ?, ^,

positions a voiced explosive like the

ago, as ykvos,

in

was

in all

English go or
but already at

an early period it became a voiced spirant in the popular

dialect medially between vowels.
The guttural nasal r)
(=the in English think and the ng in sing) was expressed

by

1^

on the oldest inscriptions, but after the combinations

qm in such words as
had become
( 155), it came to be expressed by y, as ayyeXoy,

,
?
, , ^.

21.

In the earliest historic period of the language

was a compound consonant

like the

zd

in

English blaz(e)d

Pronunciation

22-4!

, ^, .

^^

and arose from older dz by metathesis ( 129, 8), as

The dz must have become
Zev9,
zd before the
disappeared in words like
from

,.

*-8(:

69,

forms like
in Attic
probably became
beside
some time during the fourth century b. c. Some scholars
was pronounced like the s (= z) in English
assume that
measure, pleasure already in the earliest period of the
153)

cp. also

language.

had a strong

22.

formed by trilling the point of

It was voiceless initially
and medially after , , and probably
trill

the tongue against the gums.

(written

p,

see

215),

In other positions

after all other voiceless consonants.

, ^, ,,,
it

was voiced

epvOpos,

like the

^),

other positions, as

in

z)

before voiced explosives, as

6$,

(cp.

--

voiceless

in

doubtful

,, ,
It is

-- and Attic, Boeotian, Thessalian and

were pronounced in such words as Ion.
beside Attic, &c.

129,

7).

th

in

like the

but

Xvkos.

the Ionic

Cretan

hard, bearing, bear, as

eap.

was voiced (=

23.

how

Scotch r

Some

--,

scholars assume that the

English thin or a kind of lisped

s,

was

whilst others

was the same as the sh in English she.

were aspirated voiceless explosives like
German paar, teil, kein and in the Anglo-

think that the sound

24. 0,

, X

,,,
^, ,
' '
.

the p,

t,

in

Irish pronunciation of pair, tell, kill, as

;

, '.?

^,

\,

re0oy,

became a spirant (= th in English thin) at an early period

some dialects,
and
also became spirants later, but
, , X must have been aspirated voiceless explosives at

in

the time de-aspiration

took place, cp.

^, ^,

and also when , ,

became aspirated before a following rough breathing, cp.
:

ov,

115)

Phonology

25.

y\f

|,

, ^.

probably represented the combinations

(often written

?,

0?), as e^co,

^,

25-8

y,

The spiritus asper corresponded to the EngHsh

It
house, and was originally represented by H.
disappeared in the prehistoric period in Lesbian, Elean,
then
the dialect of Gortyn, and the Ionic of Asia Minor.
came to be used in Ionic to represent the e from older a
was halved \-, ], and the
At a later period the
( 51).
former was used for the spiritus asper and the latter for the
lenis.
From these fragments came the later signs and
27. On F and 9 see 120 and 47, note 2.

26.

'

in

'.

"

Accent.

By

28.

accent

in

its

widest sense

is

meant

the

gradation of a word or word-group according to the degree

of stress or of pitch with which

Although

uttered.

strictly

its

various syllables are

speaking there are as

different degrees of accent in a

many

word or word-group as

there are syllables, yet for ordinary purposes

it

is

only

necessary to distinguish three degrees, the principal accent,

the secondary accent, and the weak accent or as it is
generally termed the absence of accent.

accent

is

The secondary

as a rule separated from the principal accent by

one intervening syllable.

Indo-Germanic languages have parti}' pitch
(musical) and partly stress (expiratory) accent, but one or
other of the two systems of accentuation always predominates in each language, thus in Greek and Vedic the
accent was predominantly pitch, whereas in the oldest
periods of the Italic dialects, and the Keltic and Germanic
The
languages, the accent was predominantly stress.
effect of this difference in the system of accentuation is
clearly seen by the preservation of the vowels in unaccented
syllables in the former languages and by the weakening or

at least

All

the

loss of

them

in

the latter.

In the early period of the

Accentuation

29]

parent Indg. language, the stress accent must have been

more predominant than the pitch accent, because it is only

upon this assumption that we are able to account for the
origin of the various phenomena of quantitative ablaut
86-90).

(^

now

It is

a generally accepted theory that at

a later period of the parent language the system of accentuation became predominantly pitch with which

was

probably connected the origin of qualitative ablaut ( 83).

This pitch accent was preserved in Greek and Vedic, but

became predominantly
of nearly

predominantly stress
the

stress again in the primitive period

It had also become

Greek by about the beginning of
see Kretschmer, Kuhn's Zeitschrift,

the other languages.

all

Christian

era,

in

XXX, pp. 591-600.

29.

The

quality of the prim. Indg. syllable-accent

was

broken or acute and the slurred or

The former was a rising and the latter
circumflex.
a rising-falling accent. Long vowels with the acute accent
were bimoric and those with the circumflex trimoric. All
original long vowels including the first element of long
diphthongs had the acute accent. The circumflex accent
was unoriginal and arose in prim. Indo-Germanic in the
of two kinds, the

following

manner

'

as from -a-es in the

'

'

{a)

From

nom.

pi.

'

the contraction of vowels, as

of a-stems, -os from -o-es in

the nom. pi. of o-stems, -oi from -o-ai in the dat. sing, of

, ?

The circumflex also arose by

^eo), see 79.
from *r/)e/e9,
vowel contraction within Greek itself, as
T)yov<5 from
from
from
{b) When a short vowel disappeared after a long vowel, as
in gen. sing. Oea^ from an original form *dhwesaso (cp.
92 {a)), cp. also uav^ from an original form *nawos
beside Zeii? from *djewos. (c) When a medial long diphthong lost its second element, as in ace. sing,
Vedic
gam (= metrically gaam), Zfju, Vedic dyam (= metrically
dyaam), from *gom, "djem, older *goum, *djeum. The
o-stems, cp.

^?,

Phonology

12

same change from

when

disappeared after a long vowel, as Lith.

beside

(=

a nasal or liquid

akmu

(=-o), stone

Goth, tuggo (=-o), tongue beside

(=

-on or -en), cock; Lith.

This distinction

30

the acute to the circumflex accent also

took place in prim. Indo-Germanic

^,

-e),

wife beside

was preserved

in the quality of the accent

in final syllables containing a

hana

long vowel in Greek, Vedic,

Lithuanian, and in the oldest periods of the Germanic

^, ^

languages.

The

old inherited difference in the quality of

the syllable-accent
syllables
oiKOL,

was

also preserved in

beside

The

shall turn.

mora

in prim.

30.

in final

loc. sing.

opt. XdiroL, cp. Lith. te-sukS, he

circumflexed trimoric and the acuted

moric short diphthongs of

operation

Greek

which had not the principal accent, cp.

beside
and nom. pi.

final

Greek before the

syllables
trisyllabic

had each
law came

di-

lost

into

30).

The word-accent

in the

parent Indg. language was

was not determined

by the number or the length of the syllables which
This freedom in the position of the
a word contained.
principal accent of a word was better preserved in Vedic
than in any of the other Indg. languages. The free accent
was still preserved in prim. Germanic at the time when
Verner s Law operated, whereby the voiceless spirants
became voiced when the vowel immediately preceding
them did not bear the principal accent of the word (100,
note 4). At a later period of the prim. Germanic language,
the principal accent became confined to the first syllable
free or movable, that is its position

either

And in like manner the principal accent of

word became confined to the first syllable in prim.
Italic and Keltic, for the further history of the principal
accent in these branches see Brugmann, Grundriss, ar^c,
of the word.

the

vol.

i,

second

The

ed., pp.

971-80.

word-accent became restricted

in

its

freedom

in

Accentuation

31-2]

13

prim. Greek by the development of the so-called trisyllabic

law whereby the principal accent could not be further than

word nor further than

the third syllable from the end of the

the second syllable

/6?,

*9
*9,

when

from

long, as

from

cp. Skr.

originally

Words

svadiy^sam.

was

Skr. dpa-citih, 0ep6-

bharamanah, bharamanasya,
Skr. janasam,
Skr. svadiyan,

/,

*?

the last syllable

Skr.

from *yiv^a(cv
from *afa8l
:

of the type

by quantitative metathesis ( 72) are not

exceptions to the above law, which was older than the
change of
to eo).
At the time when this new system of
from older

accentuation

came

into existence the original trimoric long

vowels and short diphthongs and the original bimoric short

diphthongs , -ai, -ei had each lost a mora ( 29), cp.
beside
from Indg. *genesom, loc. sing,

^; ^, .

^^
nom.

pi.

The new system

polysyllabic enclitic

of accentuation was also extended to

words in which more than the two or

morae were unaccented, as

*-9,

*-,

, *',
, ,,,, ,
noTepoio

from

*'-

*'--,

(cp.

Note.

from
from

*--

38).

In the

thrown as

far

Lesbian dialect the accent was in all cases

back as the trisyllabic law would permit, as

= Alt.

Zev?,

';,

Doric dialect see

31.

^^,

, ) ^, ,

respectively three last

<;.

For

<;,

peculiarities of the

38, note.

In words ending in a trochee with a long vowel or

a diphthong in the penultimate, the highest pitch

went

from the second mora of the syllable to the

from
from "vafi^, hence also

from

*,

^^
first,

as

eVraorey.

32. Dactylic oxytona or oxytona ending in a dactyl

,,,,, ,Phonology

,,
6,

became paroxytona, as ayKv\os,

,
,

33-5

869,

aloKo^,

beside
&.C.
This law
has numerous exceptions owing to analogical formations,
after the analogy of forms like
as

^^
^^,

, ^**
*,

8^6
^^,
^^.
after

after

&c.

after

33. But apart from the above changes

*, , ,

formations like

\,
(^)
from

-, and conversely

*efoy after

*,

remained

in

439)

,
,:
Skr.

for

madhu,

bhratarah,

guruh,

dvvov,

*,

^,

analogy of

*^, -

after

after

for

did not

*,

come

^,,
in conflict with

Skr. jdnah, janasah,

Skr. duhitar,

Skr. udhar,

Skr.

Skr. data,

Skr. pita, pitdram, pitrsu. Dor.

Skr. pat, padah, patsu,

for

reoy,

^^
it

^,

Skr. srutdh,

and analogical

after the

the original Indg. accent generally

Greek when

the trisyllabic law, cp.

:

for

Skr. asuh,

^^

Skr. janita,

Skr. rudirah,

vSkr.

Skr.

sapta, &c.

As we have already seen ( 28) there are strictly

many grades of accent in a word as there are
syllables.
In Greek the principal accent of a word was

34.

speaking as

indicated by the acute or circumflex and all other syllables

were regarded as unaccented. And as papyri show an
attempt was sometimes made to indicate such syllables by
But in ordinary Greek
the grave accent, as in
the grave accent became restricted to final syllables and
merely denoted the absence of accent as contrasted with

^.

the acute, as
35.

relations

between the

word-group.

beside

we have to do
various members

In sentence-accent

No word

with the accentual

of a sentence or

of whatever part of speech was

Accentuation

3^-8]

15

originally alwaj's accented in every position in the sentence.

Any word

under certain conditions lose

could

inde-

its

pendent accent and thus become enclitic. Certain particles

were always enclitic already in the parent Indg. language,
as *qe = re, Skr. ca, Lat. que, *ge in e/ze-ye = Goth, mi-k,
<Scc.
OE. me-c, *de in
The original distinction

-^,

between the accented and unaccented forms of the pronouns

was still preserved in the oldest periods of the separate
Indg. languages and in many of these languages it has
been preserved down to the present day ( 397 ff.).

36.

partly

The

was

vocative

enclitic

or

originally partly accented

unaccented.

It

was accented

beginning of a sentence and unaccented

The accented form became

in

at

and
the

other positions.

most part generalized in

have the same accentuation
as the nominative.
Vocatives like
probably represent the
original forms '-ctieX^e,
&c., cp. norepo? from
*'-noTepo9 ( 30), and that forms like Zev = Ziv,
apep for *-Zv, *'-, *'-avep were accented after the
analogy of the trisyllabic forms which were subject to the
trisyllabic law.
In Vedic the accent was always thrown
back on to the first syllable when the sentence began with
the vocative, as dgne, devi, vadhu, pitar, beside nom.
for the

, , -^"-,
prim. Greek and thus

came

to

$6,

agnih,

devi, goddess, vadhiah, woman, pita, ace.

fire,
pitaram, father.
37. When one word defined another more closely in

compounds the first element was generally accented and

the second became enclitic, as
tv-vnvo'i,
cp. Lat. denuo = de
6-89,
cp. OE.un-cup, unknown; Nea-

,
-,
-, -9, -9,
9, ,

cp.

dva-dasa,

38. In prim.

-, -^

-,

Lat. decern viri; ev

, 9.
Skr.

/-?,

46-,

-^

Indo-Germanic the

finite

forms of the

Phonology

[38

verb were partly accented and partly enclitic. But when

the one and when the other form was used, it is impossible
to

determine for

all

cases because the original system of

verbal accentuation has not been preserved in the historic

period of any of the languages.

It

was best preserved

in

forms of the verb were always

accented in subordinate sentences and at the beginning of
principal sentences, but unaccented in all other positions,
cp. yddi pragdcchati, if he goesforward, apnoti im^ 15kam,

Vedic

in

which the

finite

he obtains this world, beside

prd gacchati, he goes forward,

ni padyate, he

a-bharam

lies

down,

fixed rule that the finite forms

= '-^,

the

but

were always accented

in

subordinate sentences, independently of their position in

the sentence, was doubtless a special development within

Vedic itself. The original rule in the parent Indg. language probably was that the finite forms were accented
when they began the sentence, but unaccented when they
But after negatives and other
came after the subject.
adverbs including the augment, they were partly accented
and partly unaccented. The type ov
was probably the rule at the beginning of
the sentence, and also after unaccented words, as

, :

9, -6-(9,

, -, --

--, -.

The original rule that the finite forms were accented

when they began the sentence was preserved in Greek in

,, ,

a few aorist imperatives like eiVe, kX6e, evpe,

beside aneine,
tive

forms became generalized

it

became the

for older

&c.

,
,
*

Greek to
forms as far as was

rule in prim.

throw back the accent of the finite

permitted by the trisyllabic law, as

540)

for all positions in the sen-

tence, cp. also aor. mid. imperatives like

In other respects

and such impera-

e^evpe,

/,
,'^,

*}^, *ftv,

imdh, vidma, da-d-mah, dadarsa;

{^),

Skr.

for

Accentuation

39-40]

older

*7',

ly

*6,

&c. The original unaccented or

forms then came to be accented after the analogy

enclitic

The original accented and

unaccented forms were preserved side by side in el, eVri,

of the original accented forms.

beside

<ttI,

,,

&c.

,,,
,
^
,
,
, ,,,.
.

Note. Doric had a processive accent both

nouns as compared with Attic, as

^,

= Att.

Att.

39. Oxytona preserved their accent in pausa, but other-

The

wise became proclitic, as avSpl

is

?,

verbs and

in

the interrogative

pronoun

tls

only exception

which always preserved

its

accent.
40. The accented word in combinations consisting of
an accented word and an enclitic preserved its original
accentuation when the combination was in accordance with

the trisyllabic law, as

kaTi,

re,

^,
?,

^,

,,

ye,

became accented by the trisyllabic law, the

first word was accented in the same manner as it would be
if followed by another originally accented word, as
If the enclitic

^,,

,,

were due

analogy of

.^

versely

aXyea

to the

for

&C. for

*aAyea

In other cases where

,
*
,
,

Forms

&c.

we should

like

&c.

(Sec.

after the

and con-

analogy of

expect the original

accentuation to be regulated by the trisyllabic law,

we

find

nothing but deviations from the law.

These deviations
were due to the tendency in the language to preserve the
position and individuality of the accent of the first word,
and partly also to prevent two acutes following each other in
successive syllables. The trisyllabic law only held good for

Phonology

more than two

these combinations in so far as not

first

its

TLva,

acute

own

syllables

to

(,, .

menon, got the acute accent on the

to

41

be unaccented after the principal accent:

word, whether proparoxytone or properispo-

were allowed

The

final syllable in

ayyeXoy

accent,

addition

xiy,

This
^-) "</^<^ ^)
was the same which unaccented words had before

enclitics, as

r/j/ey, ef

re,

&c.

Paroxytona remained unchanged before monosyllabic

enclitics containing a long vowel, as

, .

Dissyllabic enclitics got a principal

oxytona, as

was the same accent which

of a sentence, as

Gmmmattk,

enclitics

accent after par-

had

at the

This

beginning

See Brugmann, Griechische

pp. 157-9.

CHAPTER

II

THE PRIMITIVE INDO-GERMANIC VOWELSOUNDS

41.

The

parent Indo-Germanic language had the follow-

ing vowel-system

Short vowels

a, e,

i,

o, u, 9

Long

a, e, i, 5, u

Short diphthongs ai, ei, ci, au, eu, ou

Long

Short vocalic

ai, ei, 5i,

1,

m,

au, eu, 5u

n, r

Note. i. The short vowels i, u, a, the long vowels i, u,

and vocalic \, m, n, r occurred originally only in syllables
which did not bear the principal accent of the word.

Indo-Germanic Vowel-Sounds

42]

The

short vowels

i,

u,

and vocaHc

forms

loss of e in the strong

ei,

1,

eu, el,

19

m, n, y arose from the

em, en, er, which was

caused by the principal accent having been shifted to some

other syllable in the word.
3, the quality of which cannot be precisely defined, arose
from the weakening of an original a, e, or 5, caused by the
It is generally pronounced like the final vowel
loss of accent.

in

German Gabe,

gift.

were contractions of weak diphthongs which arose

from the strong forms eis, ai, ei, oi eus, au, eu, ou through
The e in eia, eua had disappeared before
the loss of accent.

and

Although the si, 9u, which arose

the contraction took place.
from the weakening of long diphthongs, generally became
contracted to i, u, there are phonological reasons for assuming
that they occasionally

conditions and thus

became

ai,

au under

certain

unknown

together with original ai, au, but the

fell

uncontracted forms were so rare in the parent Indg. language

no further account

that

will

The diphthongs were

be taken of them

in this

Grammar.

falling diphthongs, that is the

accent

was on the first element (see 98, note 4). Strictly speaking
the combination a, e, or
+ nasal or liquid is also a diphthong,
because the history and development of such combinations are
precisely parallel with those of the diphthongs ai, ei, oi and
au, eu, ou.
2.

Upon

See Ch. IV.

grounds

theoretical

it

is

generally

assumed
1, m,

the parent Indg. language contained long vocalic

see

that

n,

r,

68.

42. In the following table is given the normal development of the prim. Indo-Germanic short and long vowels,
short diphthongs, and short vocalic nasals and liquids in
the more important languages, viz. Greek, Sanskrit, Latin,
Old Irish, Gothic, Old English, Lithuanian and Old

Slavonic

20
Indg.

Phonology

[42

The Short Vowels

43-4]

CHAPTER

21

III

THE GREEK DEVELOPMENT OF THE INDOGERMANIC VOWEL-SYSTEM

The Short Vowels.

A.

43. Indg.

a remained

Greek as

in

also in the oldest

periods of the other languages except Old Slavonic where

it

became

field;

aka,

aggwus, narrow;

Lat.

drive;

to

viifid,

Lat.

O.Ir anim,

ago, O.Ir, agim, / drive,

Lat. ango, cp. Goth,

Lat. alius, Goth,

soul,

breathe out, expire

ambo

animus,

aVe/zoy, zuittd, Lat.

Skr, dniti, he breathes, Goth, us-anan,

Skr. anti, opposite, before, Lat.

OHG. ahsa,

|/, Skr.

,,

ante, before, Goth, and, along, on, Lith. ant, on

aksah, Lat. axis,

aljis, o/her;

salann, Goth, salt, O.Slav,

Lat. gen. salis, O.Ir.

soli, salt;

to

, ,

Skr. ajami,

O.Icel.

lead,

aypoy, Skr. ajrah, Lat. ager, Goth, akrs,

o, as

Lith, aszis, axle

Skr.

apa, Lat. ab, Goth, af, from, away from

Lat. aro,
Goth, arja, Lith. arivi, 1 plough, cp. O.Ir. arathar, plough

Lat.

dacruma, lacruma, Goth, tagr,

tear;

wild boar, Lat. caper, O.Icel, hafr, he-goat;

veda.

?,

Skr.

i,

44. Indg, e

Greek, as

(i),

i),

O.Ir. e,

Lith. O.Slav, e) generally

(i),

Goth.

remained

in

Skr. janah, Lat. genus, race, generation

Skr. ddsa, Lat. decern, Goth, taihun,

ahdm,

Lat. ego, Goth, ik, 1;

sedere,

e,

a, Lat. e, (o,

Skr. hanuh, jawbone, Lat. gena, Goth, kinnus, cheek;

yei/i;y,

ete,

OE.

(ai),

= Skr,

OE.

sittan, to sit;

eat; eVoy, Skr.

<,

teji

Skr, sadah,

kya>,

Skr.

seat,

Lat,

Skr, admi, Lat, edo,

OE,

sdnah, Lat, senex, 0,lr. sen, Goth.

Phonology

22

45

sineigs, Lith. senas, old; enerai, Skr. sdcate, Lat. sequi-

I follow
Skr. saptd, Lat.
septem, O.Ir. secht, Goth, sibun, Lith. septyni, seven;
Skr. sdrpami, Lat. serpo, / creep
kari, Skr. dsti,

tur, he follows, Lith. seku,

^, ^

Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith. esti,

hlifa,

Lat.

steal

is

from

Lat. clepo, Goth.

*]^,

medius, Goth, midjis, middle

Goth, fimf, Lith. penki, five

mddhyah,

Skr.

Skr. pdnca,

irivn,

Skr. pari, around,

about, Lat. per-, O.Ir. er, Goth, fair, Lith. per-, through;

Skr. ca, Lat. que, and

re,

O.Ir. berim,
Att.

9,

ndvah,

Skr. bharami, Lat. fero,

bere, O.Slav, berg,, / bear; Cret. rpeey,

Skr. triyah, from *trejes, three; v{F)os, Skr.

novos,

Lat.

sravati,

-us,

Goth, niujis, new;

pe{F)ei,

Skr. jdnasah,

pitarah; 0epere

= Skr.

generis

Lat.

^* ?
i.

It is difficult to

account

'.

Hom.

from

Att.

some of the above examples the

beside

in

from

<;,

Lesb.

Skr.

O.Slav,

bairij),

for the

,,
*-

, , ,, ,
,
^,
<
=
^
Note.

narepe?

bhdratha, Goth,

berete.

optyvaopai

Skr.

flows; aye, Lat. age; 5e5op^a= Skr. daddrsa

Skr. abharam, XvKe = Skr. vfka, Lat. lupe

it

=
=

yei/eoy

OE.

Lat. equos.

may be due

,- ,.

In

to vowel-

assimilation, cp. 73-4.

2.

fupyov,
3.

became

before

and Lac),

Locris, as

became before guttural vowels in Boeot. Cypr. Pamph.

some of the Doric dialects (Arg. Cret. Heracl.

Thessal. and

Att.

and

in the dialects of Elis

tpyov,

as

45. Indg.

remained

Boeot.

in

/"cVia

crea

Cret.

Greek and generally

the oldest periods of the other languages, in Latin

e finally (mare beside

pi.

it

also in

became

maria) and before r from older s

The Short Vowels

461

(gen. cineris beside

nom.

Lat. bi, OE. twi, two; Horn. ^^^,

OE. witon, we know, cp. Lat. videre

,,

itum

cp. Lat.

Dor. ace.

8:,

^=

him, Lat. Goth,

tv,

23

*-,

from

cinis), as Bi-

Skr. dvi-,

Skr. vidmd,

is,

Skr. imdh,

Lith. jis, he;

Skr. minomi, Lat. minuo, / lessen, Goth, mins,

Ti's,

Lat. quis,

who ?

*],

from

less;

loc.pl.

Lat. pix, Lith. pikis,

/>///

, 8,

Skr. trisu, Lat. tribus,

O.Ir. trib, Goth. J)rim, Lith. tris6, tribus;

Skr.
= Skr.
svadisthah, Goth, sutists, sweetest
tisthami, cp. Lat. sisto
Skr. ismi, Lith. esmi, am ;
Skr. asti, Lith. esti, is; Dor. 0epoi/Ti = Skr. bhiranti ;

,
?, ,
turrim;

avim,

cp. Skr. avih, ace.

loc. sing,

sheep, Lat. turris,

Skr. matdri, Lat. matre, O.Slav.

materi.

46. Indg.

(Skr. a, also

open

in

syllables, Lat. O.Ir.

Goth. Lith. a, O.Slav, o) remained in Greek, as

?, =
o, (u),

nail,

SiSopKe

Skr.

bolt,

jambhah,

Skr. dadarsa

?,

tooth,

Lat.

OE. camb, comb

domus

619,

Skr.

a\ah, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis, sheep, cp. Goth, awistr, sheep-

fold

ahtau, eight

Skr. asta, astau, Lat. octo, O.Ir. ocht, Goth.

;

09,

Skr. yah,

Lith. akis, O.Slav,

ore,

OHG.

who

oko, eye;

farah, pig, boar;

dual oWe, cp. Lat. oculus,

?,

,,

Skr. patih, master, cp. Lat. potis

Lat. porous, O.Ir.

Lith. pkts, husband,

Skr. katardh,

Skr. pra,
Goth, luajiar, Lith. katrks, tvhich of two?
before, Lat. pro, O.Ir. ro-, Goth, fra, Lith. pra-, O.Slav,
;

pro

TO,

Skr. tad, Goth. J)at-a, O.Slav, to,

= Skr.

the, this

vrkah, Lat. lupus, wolf; yivo?, Skr. janah, Lat.

genus, race, generation
Skr. yugam, Lat. jugum,
Skr. bharamah, Goth, bairam, we bear
yoke. Dor.

?,

Dor.

Skr. bhdranti, Lat. ferunt, Goth, bairand,

they bear; e0e/3oi/

= Skr.

dbharam.

Phonology

24

47

47. Indg.

u remained

in the oldest

Greek and generally

also in the oldest periods of the other languages, but already

at

an early period

became

in Attic

,,
it

ii

and Ionic and pro-

Skr.
bably also in many of the other dialects, as
Skr. yugdm, Lat. jugum,
rudhirdh, Lat. ruber, red;

Goth, juk, yoke

Lith. dukt6, daughter;
;

Skr. duhitdr-, Goth, dauhtar,

Skr. srutah, Lat. in-clutus,

= Skr. sunah, Lith. szuns, cp. OE.
renowned; gen.
hund, hound; vvos, Skr. snusa, Lat. nurus, daughter-inSkr. guruh, Goth, kaurus, //i'iTirv; 8p,Lclt.

^,

dacruma, lacruma i75i!s' = Skr. svaduh

ma,dhu, Lith. medus, honey, OE. medu, mead.
;

Note.

preserved

The original u-sound seems

i.

in

the

Laconian,

Arcadian, Cyprian and

lects

it is

Boeotian,

Pamphylian

to

wme, Skr.

have been regularly

Lesbian, Thessalian,

dialects.

In these dia-

mostly represented by ov (sometimes also by o) after

the introduction of the Ionic alphabet at about the end of the

fifth

century

explosives

b. c.

and

In Boeotian u

became ju

(lov) after

dental

, ,.

We have no means of determining the approximate date

which u became
(= the u in French tu) in Attic and
Ionic.
But it is certain that Ionic was no longer pronounced
like the u in English put at the end of the fifth century b. c,
otherwise the Boeotians, &c., would not have taken
to
represent their u-sound, when they adopted the Ionic alphabet.
Original u must have become a front vowel (ii) in Attic at the
the guttural
period of the oldest inscriptions, because before
and never by 9, see Meistertenuis is always represented by
2.

at

On the other
hans, Grammaiik der att. Ifischriften, pp. 3, 22.
hand the Attic and Ionic change of u to U must be older than
the

55), cp.

from

which arose from older 00, co ( 80), otherwould have fallen together with original Indg.
from *^\oyoo, yivov%, older ycVto?
gen. sing,
= Skr. jdnasah, beside /xCs = Skr. miis, Lat.

(written ov)

wise this

*5

OE. mus.

The Long Vowels

48-50]

25

It is difficult to
Indg. initial u appears as v.
48.
account for this change unless we may assume that u
through the intermediate stages ii, iu, ju (cp.
became

NE. use
user

(juz,

northern

?, ^,

dial, iuz),

Goth, ufar, over, above

/,

Skr. upari, Lat. s-uper,

Skr.

varepos,

udrah, water

Skr,

serpent,

ivater

Lith. udra, otter

oyiimal,

Old French u in words like

ME. usen from O.Fr.

the development of

127), cp.

uttarah,

latter,

later.

,,-, :

which arose from the weakening of original

a, e, 5 ( 87), became a in all the Indg. languages, except
Lat. pater,
the Aryan branch where it became i, as

49.

a,

O.Ir. athir, Goth, fadar, Skr. pitar-, fatlier

Lat.

status, Skr. sthitah, standing, Goth. sta]3S, place

Skr. duhitar, daughter;

mitar, tamer;
aniti, he breathes
kravih,y7i'5//,

raw meat

cp.

Skv.

nom.

samitah

Note.
;

In forms

8<;,

^,

like

Lat. datus,

Skr.

Kpias, Skr.

ace. neut. pi.

Skr. hitah,

for

Skr. da

Skr. janitar-

bhiranti.

Skr.

^ /*

*8tSayu.ev

for

the

was due to qualitative assimilation to the , , but this

e in the second syllable of dissyllabic

e,

does not account for the

heavy bases

:.Skr. janitar.

like

The Long Vowels.

B.

Indg. a

50.

(=

,,

Skr. Lat. O.Ir. a, Germanic Lith.

O.Slav, a) remained in
Attic, as

Dor.

sweet; Dor.

all

Skr. svaduh, Lat. sua vis, OS. sw^oti,

Skr. matar-, Lat. mater, O.Ir. mathir,

OE. modor, O.Slav, mati,

?,

the Greek dialects except Ionic and

mother, Lith. mote, wife; Dor.

a kind of oak, Lat. fagus,

OE. boc-treow,

beech;

20

Phonology

51-2

member of a clan, Skr. bhratar-, Lat. frater,

OE. br5))or, brother, Lith. broterSlis, little
brother; Dor.
Skr. agam, / went; Dor. eVrai^, Skr.
dstham, / stood, Lat. stare, to stand, cp. OE. st5d,
/ stood; nom. ace. sing. Dor.
cp. Skr. asva,
dsvam, mare ending of the third pers. dual active Dor.
Dor.

O.Ir. brathir,

',

,,

Skr. -tam.

(=long open e) in prim. Attic

Indg. a became
and Ionic. In the oldest historic period this was more
= Indg. e ( 52), the former being written
open than the
from
and the latter in the oldest Ionic inscriptions,
again in Attic
older a remained in Ionic, but became
51.

after p,

, ,,,, ,
,
>,
,.

e,

= Attic,

i,

as Dor.

Ionic

yev^a, vf^avias,

^^,

,,

Attic

^,

':,

&c.

17^1^?,

.,

Attic

Ionic

But

did not

y^ve^-q,

become

when an intervening

in

f had disappeared, as Att.

Lesb.
Arcad. Kopfa
Att.
Ion.

Ion.

from

,.
after

^,

*epf.
e

Indg. e

52.

OE.

se,

O.Slav,

(=

e)

Skr. a, Lat. Goth,

e,

O.Ir.

i,

Lith. e,

generally remained in Greek, as

*-[,

Skr. vami, / blow, Lith. vejas, wind; Hom.

Skr. sami, Lat. semi, half;
asam, / was
Lat. mensis, O.Ir. mi,
ace. Zfjv = Skr. dyam, sky;
month, Skr. mas-, Goth, mena, Lith. menu, moon
I am full, Skr. pratah, Lat. \^\^\%, fidl, filled
= Skr. dddhami, cp. Lith. deti, to put, place; efr/y,

from

Skr.

-,

Skr. syah, O.Lat. sies, thou

Note.

closer than

and the
Dor.

mayest be.

In the oldest Attic and Ionic

i.

from Indg. a

latter

in the

but

together in Attic in the

( 51),

Indg. e was

the former being written

oldest Ionic inscriptions, as

=
fifth

Dor.

8<:.

century

b. c.

ME =

The two sounds

fell

The Long Vowels

53-4]

Indg. e became a very open sound

2.

of Elis, which was often written

ei

Ionic alphabet

the

,,

in

/xr^,

^.

became long

close

12, 58) after the introduction of the

remained

, , ??.

century

fifth

Pamph.

53. Indg.

it

the dialect

(ee) in

/,

as

In Boeotian, ThessaHan and Pamphylian

e which was written

27

in

c, as

Boeot.

Thess.

Greek and generally

also in

b.

^, leathern

the oldest periods of the other languages, as

Skr. siman-, parting of the hair on the top of the head,

rope, cord; irid, ivillow, Lat. vitis, vine, Lith.

sti-ap,

OE, sima,

vyti, O.Slav, viti,

to

, poison

virus, O.Ir.

wind, plait;
fy

t6<i

Lat. vis;

Skr. pitah, having drunk, O.Slav,

'{),

from *flao9, Lat.

drink thou,

^,

(/^),

drink;

piti, to

Skr. pivan, //, phunp;

cp. Skr. na
vinah, new, Lat. haedinus, Goth, gaiteins, belonging to

a goat.

(= Skr.

54. Indg. 5

Lith. u, O.Slav, a)

Skr,

gam

gnath, known
Lat.

dnum,

O.Ir. a, Lat. and

remained

-,
=

Skr.

Germanic

dadaml

danam,

Skr.

,
, ,
^,

O.Ir. dan, gift, Lith. duti, O.Slav, dati,

Vedic duva, dva, O.Ir. ., two

ptavl, / have drunk, Skr. pati, he drinks
ming, Goth, fldus, OE. fibd, flood, tide, cp. Lat.

give;

weep aloud; Dor.

(Att. Ion.

the ov of which

has never been satisfactorily explained), Skr. pat,

foot;

Skr. asuh, quick, Lat.

,,=

Note.
iSovKC,

Skr. taksa, carpenter

OE.

quicker;

fot,

= Vedic

Skr, data, giver; nom. ace. dual of o-stems

vrka
mi;

to

Lat.

swim-

to

Greek, as ace. sing. Dor.

Skr. jnatah, Lat. ()18, O.Ir.
in

Skr. bhara

Skr. bharatad, cp, O.Lat. estd.

became

^ Att.

, -.)
(written

in the

Thessalian dialect, as

Phonology

28

remained

55. Indg.

in the oldest

55-7

Greek and generally

also in the oldest periods of the other languages, but already

an early period
changed u to ii (
at

it

became u

were, cp. Lith. buti, to be

those dialects which

in

>^
^,

47), as

dbhutam, ye two

Skr.

courage, passion, Skr.

dhiimah, Lat. fumus, Lith. diimai (pi.), smoke;

Lat. scutum, shield
Skr. mus-, Lat. OE. miis, mouse
Skr. bruh, OE. bru, eyepvy, Skr. OE. nii, now;
brow
I make to rot, Skr. puyati, he stinks, Lith.
;

puti, to

rot,

^,

OE,

^,

foul, rotten;

OE.

Lat. sus,

vy,

su,

sow, pig, Skr. su-kardh, boar.

The Short Diphthongs.

C.

ai

di,

(=

Indg. ai

56.

OE.

Skr.

a, Lith. ai,

Greek, as

(e),

e, Lat.

O.Slav,

O.Ir.
e)

ae (older

ai),

Goth.

generally remained in

I burn, Skr. Qah^ah, firewood, Lat. aedes,

origmsWy fire-place, hearth, O.Ir. slqA, fiire, OE.

2A, funeral, pile amv, Lat. aevum, Goth, aiws, life-time,
Lat, scaevus,
Lat. laevus, left;
eternity;
left; fern. nom. pi. rai' = Skr. te, Lat. is-tae
sanctuary,

^,

^,

Skr. bharate, bharante.

In Boeotian

Note.

which a century
(written

at became ae in the fifth century b. c,

became , and then still later long close

later

ci).

The combination

57.

vowels

in

Attic

and

,,;

-aif-

Ionic,

became

-a-

from

as

before

devar-, Lat. levir, Lith, deveris, broiher-in-laiv

aifd, beside

beside

Forms

like

out the

was due

in

forms

^,

from

e-

*8[,
;

and

i-

Skr.

ad, Cypr.

*Kaifei,

*KXaifi,

from *1^].
were new formations due to levelling

Ion.

Att.

..

like Kaei,

to the influence of

See

In Att. aUi the ai

75, 125.

58. Indg. ei

OE.

Goth.

i,

Short Diphthongs

Tlie

58-9I

(=

Skr. e, O.Lat.

(written

later

ei,

Lith. ei,

ei),

29

(e),

O.Ir. e,

i,

O.Slav,

(ia),

remained

i)

Greek until about the beginning of the fifth century b.c,

it became long close e in Attic, Ionic and the milder
Doric dialects, although ei was retained in writing. This

in

when

accounts for the writing of

* =

Tpeh from

Att.

thongal pronunciation was

ei

still

are
to

I show,

announce ;

^,

lend;
cp.

OE.

Note.

In

*.

say,

Goth, ga-teihan,

eti, Lith. eiti, eit,

Lith. leku,

OE.

leave,

bidan,

' = '.
ei

59. Indg. oi (= Skr.

, ,,

when

to

he goes, Lat.

Goth, leihran,
remain-,

^,

to

to rise.

Boeotian

c, as

in

Lat. dico,

Skr.

Lat. fido, cp.

stigan,

centur)' b.

eltri,

eV,

thou goest;

is,

^,

*[^6^,

tell,

old diph-

preser\-ed at the time

^, ^^
=

such forms as

The

=
such forms as Att.
as compared with (f)av6s =
from
Examples

vowel contraction took place

from

for older ee in

Skr. trayah.

OE.

had become

e,

O.Lat.

already in the

oi, oe, later

fifth

O.Ir. oi,

remained in
Skr. veda, Goth, wait, OE. wat, / know;
Greek, as
the one on dice, Lat. oinos, unus, O.Ir. oen,
Goth, dins, OE. an, one; masc. nom. pi. tol, Skr. te,

(oe),

Goth,

Goth.

ai,

OE.

J)ai,

\- =

rireca, has

left,

a, Lith. ai,

\>a.,

Lith.

tS,

Goth, laihr,

the,

OE.

ct).

these;

e)

Skr.

XiXoine,

lah, he lent;

loc.

pi.

Skr. vrke-su.

Note. In Boeotian ol became oc

which two centuries later became
(written

O.Slav,

(e),

in the fifth century

and then

still

b.c,

later

Phonology

30

au (=Skr.

Indg.

60-2

Lat. Lith. au, O.Ir. 5, (ua),

^,
from *^, OE.

Goth, au, OE. ea, O.Slav, u) remained in Greek, as

Lat. augeo, Goth, duka, Lith. dugu, / grow,
increase, cp, Skr.

ojas, strength

ravpos,

stalk;

avo^

sear, Lith. sausas, dry, withered;

Lat.

caulis,

Lat.

taurus, bull; av, av-re, again, Lat.

(=

Skr. 5, O.Lat. ou, later u, O.Ir. 5, (ua),

au-t, au-tem.

Indg. eu

61.

Goth,
as

OE.

iu,

eo, Lith. au, O.Slav, u) remained in Greek,

Skr. osami, Lat. uro, / burn

^,

Skr. josati, he

of,

choose

learns,

inquire,

Goth, ana^biudan,

to offer

voc.

Zev

62. Indg.

yeuoo,

/ give a

to order,

, O.Lat.

taste

OE. ceosan,

Skr. bodhati, he

is

to

awake,

command, OE. beodan,

Lat. jumentum,
= Lat. Jupiter.

ou (= Skr.

Goth, kiusan,

tastes,

Lat.

ou, later u, O.Ir.

numen,

, (ua),

Goth. 4u, OE. ea, Lith. au, O.Slav, u) remained in the

oldest period of the language, but in Attic and Ionic it
became u through the intermediate stage of long close
although the ov was retained in
This accounts for the writing of ov for older oo
from older
in such forms as gen.
( 325) and
from older
From our knowledge
in
( 69).
of the other Indg. languages the diphthong ou must have
been fairly common in the parent language, but in Greek
there are only a few words which contain it, as
It occurred originally especially in
Goth, hausja, I hear.
the perfect active singular of verbs which have -iv- in the
present stem-forms and in nouns related to such verbs, as
in the fifth century b. c,

'

writing.

'
^

^'

^^
*^;
^, ^,
8(^
*,
^, ^(\,
Horn.

active

for

formed direct from the present, see

D.
63.

from

fut.

but in verbs like

The Long Diphthongs

63]

The

31

the perfect
Szc,

was

518.

The Long Diphthongs.

parent language had the same number of long

as of short diphthongs, but the history of the former in the

separate languages differs materially from that of the

The second element

^=

medially before consonants (especially m), and also

as ace. sing.

gauh;

latter.

of long diphthongs often disappeared

Hom. and

Dor.

Skr.

gam

finally,

beside nom.

Lat. oct5, Skr. astau beside asta, Goth.

ahtau, Indg. *oktOu. The exact conditions under which
the second element remained or disappeared have never
been ascertained. When the second element was preserved

in the European languages, the first element was regularly

shortened before a following consonant, as Zevs from

*9 =

Skr.

dyauh, sky;

When

beside Skr. vrkaih.

Lat. lupis, Lith. vilkais,

the second element of a long

diphthong disappeared or when the first element was

simply shortened, the resultant long vowel or short diphthong had the same further development in the different
languages as the original simple long vowels or short
diphthongs.
ai

Opt.

senayai,

^/

-^/,

from

^^,
;

beside indie.

dat. sing,

^,

an army, Lat. mensae, Osc. deivai,

to

^^
cp.

divae,

Skr.

Goth,

gibai, to a gift, Lith. rankai, to a hand.

ei

Opt.
;

aor. eXeiyjra

Indg. *eleiqsm (cp.

507);

fe-lare, root dhei, suckle.

oi

*-,

,,

from
from

beside

*\/ = Skr.

indie.

araiksam,

cp. Lat.

XvKois, Lat. lupis, Lith. vilkais, beside Skr,

fe-mina,

vrkaih

^
,

32
opt.

sing

Phonology

^^,

from

[64

^^

beside indie,

(with the enclitic particle

-a),

cp.

au: vavs beside Skr. nauh, ship; loc. pi.

nausu.
= Skr. dyauh, sky
eu Zevs from
ayauksam, Indg. *ejeuqsm (cp. 507); ace.

*^

dyam.
5u
:

from

gam

Skr.

vrka;
plduju,

m,

n,

1,

*9 =

Skr.

OE.

cp.

gauh

flod,

Skr.

Skr.

'^ =

Skr.

Skr.

Zfji/

Dor.

ace.

vrkau beside

tide,

beside

Lith.

rinse.

The Vocalic Nasals and

E.
64.

dual of o-stems

dat.

Skr. dat. sing, tasmai,

him.

vrkaya

Lat. Iup6, Lith. vilkui, beside Skr.

The

Liquids.

and liquids, generally written

distinguish them from the correspond-

vocalic nasals

r in order to

ing consonants m, n,

1,

r,

occurred originally in unaccented

They arose

in the parent Indg. language

through the loss of a preceding (rarely following) vowel.
This loss was caused by the shifting of the principal accent
from the syllable originally containing the vowel to some
other syllable in the word. Then consonantal m, n, 1, r
became vocalic just in the same manner as consonantal i
and u in the combinations ei and eu became vocalic after
icpvyov
the loss of e in such words as

syllables only.

.
^,

so also

But already

^, '^
in the

, '^8

niuOo^,

parent language or at least

in the prehistoric period of all the Indg. languages, the

vocalic nasals and liquids

Lat.

came analogically

principal accent in certain words,

as

to

have the

Skr. sapta,

septem, from *eptni, older *septm, seven

?,

Skr. vrkah, Lat. lupus, Goth, wulfs, Lith. vilkas, from

*wiqos, older *wlqos.

and Liquids

Vocalic Nasals

65]

Short Vocalic Nasals.

I.

In Greek and Sanskrit m,

65.

ment according

33

had a twofold develop-

word

to their position in the

and before consonants except semivowels

they became a in these two languages, and in Lat. em, en,
Germanic um, un, Lith. im (im), in (in), O.Slav, , (im, ),
as
Skr. dasa, Lat. decern, Goth, taihun, from *dekm,
beside Lith. desimt, O.Slav, desft, from *dekmt ten;
Skr. satdm, Lat. centum, Goth, hund, from
*kmtom, hundred;
Skr. gatih, gait, step, Goth, gaqumj>s, assembly, from *gmtis;
Skr. sa-krt, once,
Lat. sim-plex older *semplex, from *sni
eV from *sem,
one
ace. sing, of consonantal stems as
Lat. pedem, ferentem; Hom.
from *esm, / was.
Skr. tatah, Lat. tentus, from *tntos, stretched-,
Lat. densus;
Skr. hatah, kt'l/ed:
Skr. a-jnatah, Goth, un-kunjjs, unknown, from
1.

Finally

-,

^,

-^,

?,
,
-,

*n: *ne, not

pi,

,
, ,

nomen, name

from *pedens, Goth, fotuns, /^^/;

loc. pi.

in this case the regular

*,

almost entirely obliterated in Greek by

*,

formed

after the

= Skr.

for

memento

they sit;

ace.

of n-stems, as

development was

new

formations

analogy of the other cases, as

svasu

, ,,.
Lat.

Skr. padah, Lat. pedes

of consonantal stems, as

Skr. nama., Lat.

Hom.

345)

for
;

^, ,

Skr. asate, from *esntai,

and similarly

Before vowels and semivowels m,

became am, an
Greek and Sanskrit, but in Lat. Germanic and Lith.
they had the same development as in i. Some scholars
2.

in

maintain that the original vowel did not entirely disappear

in these positions, but that

quality.

Instead of m,

and assume

that the

it

merely became reduced

in

they accordingly write em, n

became a
D

in

Greek and Sanskrit

Phonology

34

[h

^>^>

and the consonants ni,

remained. Other scholars write
the sounds in question as mm, nn before vowels and m,
before

The

semivowels.

correct

interpretation

of

the

development is probably that the off-glide of the nasal

remained consonantal, and that this eventually became
a

full

nasal consonant, cp. the consonantal off-glide in

seldm

seldom

NE.

^ ^.
- -, -),
,
,
^ ^ ^, ^.
iz,

(in

is,

^),

ritn

it,

written

Skr. sama-, Goth.

*smo, some one, any one

pi.

sumai, from

Skr. tanuh, Lat. tenuis,

(in

OHG.

it.

dunni, from *tnu-,

stretched,

thin

Boeot.

Vedic gana, O.Icel. kona, from *gna

Goth. qin5,
= Skr.
woman;
Skr. anudrdh, waterless
tanute
from
Hom.
from
from *tavf
from
]- and -avj- became
( 75), as
older
Lat. venio from *gwenj5, older *gwemj5,
Indg. *gmjO, cp. Skr. opt. gamyat, he may go.
from
*Kavj(u and similarly
:

*/.

--

6$,

*],

, ^. , , , ,
*],
;

2.

. Many

Short Vocalic Liquids.

points connected with the development of the

Indg. vocalic liquids in the various languages have never been

definitely settled.

The vowel which was developed

before

or respectively after liquids in the prehistoric period of the

European languages seems to have been unstable in quality,

it was preceded or followed by a labial or guttural.
In Greek, Latin, Keltic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages
the vowel sometimes appears in this position as u, as in Gr.
Lat. lupus, O.Slav, vluku, beside Skr. vrkah, Indg.

when

9,

*wlqos, wolf;
:

^.

from

*],

beside Lat. folium

For further examples, see Brugmann's

Grundriss, S:c., vol. i, second ed., pp. 453-5.

It will also
be noticed from the normal development of the vocalic

and Lk/hk/s

rocalic Nasals

67'

35

below that the vowel sometimes appears

The reason for this
before and sometimes after the liquid.
twofold development is unknown.
pa beside
In Greek
ap only occur before consonants. In all other positions we have
Various attempts have been made
by scholars to account for the diiference in the position of
liquids given

,.

the vowel, but they

leave a large residuum of unex-

all

plained forms.

67. In several languages

ment according
1.

Gr.

ap,

word

Skr.

pa,

In this position they became

Before consonants.

had a twofold develop-

1,

to their position in the

Lat. ol, ul

r,

in

or, ur, prim.

,
-, ; ^
'
^,
,, , ,,
, ,,, ,
,
, ,,^,,
,
^,
,
, ^,
,,
,^
. , ,,
,,,,
Germanic
in

ul,

ur (rarely

lu, ru)

Slavonic

il,

ul,

Indg. *sqljO

'*],
=

Lith. szirdis, lieaH;

:

to

dare

&c.

adrsam:

Skr.

ketviftas, fourth

to

dares,

from *TTfpa

Ion.

loc.

OE. faederum,

lie

Lat. cornus,

Hom.

Aeol.

fill;

coTnura, cornel-tree;

folde,

Lith. skiliu,

stir up,

cp. Skr. dhrsnoti,

Aeol.

Goth, ga-daursan,

pitrsu,

OE.

and similarly

or

Lat. cor (gen. cordis), O.Ir. cride,

Ion.

ol,

from

T09, Lith.

aur, but

ri,prim. Baltic-

plprmah, we

Skr.

strike fire,

li,

Skr. prthuh, broad,

as

ir,

Skr. prthivi, earth;

Goth,

the other Germanic languages, Keltic

Skr.

pi.

fathers;

and similarly

The combination

became

from

as

-aip- ( 75),

convulsively, Lith. spiriu,

I push

*],

with the foot ;

from

Indg. *dhwrjos.
2.

Before vowels

1,

r (cp.

65,

D 2

2)

became

in

-apf

I struggle
and similarly

*/,
,

Gr.

ap,

Phonology

36

(=

Skr. ul

Indg.

Keltic al, ar,

?,

1),

ur, ir

{=

[68

Indg.

1,

r),

Lat.

Germanic and Baltic-Slavonic as

al, ar,

in

i,

as

,^, , ^ , .
,
, ^, ^ . ,
,
enduring, Skr. tula, balance,

takes away, Goth. J)ulan,

OE.

scale,

Jjolian, to

strew, Lat. palea, chaff;

Imt, nest;

O.Ir. talla, he

suffer,

Skr,

endure;

kulayam,

Skr. guruh, Goth, kaurus, Indg. *cjrus, heavy;

Skr. purdh, Goth, faura,

Skr. siras-, head;

Examples of

Lat. jecur, liver

3.

OE.
:

final r in
:

Greek are
;

fore, before;

Skr. yakft,

eap from Indg. *wesr.

Long Vocalic Nasals and

Liquids.

Whilst all scholars agree that the parent Indg.

language possessed short vocalic nasals and liquids, there
is considerable difference of opinion as to whether long
vocalic nasals and liquids existed in the parent language.
Just as i, u, m, n, 1, r arose from the weakening and
eventual loss of e in the diphthongs ei, eu, em, en, el, er,
and as i,
arose from the weakening and eventual loss of
e in the combinations ej9, ew9, it can be assumed upon
theoretical grounds that m, n, , r arose in the parent
language from the weakening and eventual loss of e in the
combinations ema, eng, ela, era, where 9 represents the
reguweakening of a, e, or
But whereas i and
( 87).
larly appear in the oldest stages of all the Indg. languages,
no language has preserved a long vocalic nasal or liquid in
historic times. Notwithstanding the above parallels the sub 68.

ject

still

requires further investigation before

it

can be estab-

lished with any degree of certainty that these sounds existed

Most of the forms which are suplong vocahc nasal or liquid in Greek,

in the parent language.

posed

to represent a

Latin and Keltic admit of an entirely different explanation,

viz. as

the

first

being dissyllabic heavy bases with loss of vowel in

syllable and preservation of an original long vowel in

68]

Vocalic Nasals

and Liquids

37

*gnatos from the base *gena,

genitor, but this would not
account for Skr. jatah, born, begotten, which presupposes
an original form *gntos *3,108, whence Dor.
from *dhwn9tos *gr5ter
beside
Att. Ion.
beside
from the base *gero, whence Gr.
from *gr9dhrom. But this explanation of the Greek and
Latin forms would not account for the equivalents in
Sanskrit, Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages.
From what has been said above it will be seen that the
whole subject is at present beset with unsolved difficulties.
Brugmann, Kurze vergleichende Grammatik, pp. 121-38,
regards the following as the normal development of the
long vocalic nasals and liquids in the various languages.
For the treatment of the whole subject from an entirely
the second syllable

whence

90), as

Lat. (g)natus, bofu

^,

different standpoint, the student should consult Hirt,

indogermanische Ablaut.

Indg.

Der

Phonology

38

69

jatdh, Lat. (g)natus, born, Goth, airj^a-kunds, born of the

earth
Lat. genitor.
:

tall,

OE.

Lat. lana,

Skr. murdhan-, height, head Skr. urna,

wulle, Lith. vilna, from *wina, wool: Gr.
;

, ,^-,
? *?,
ov\o9 from *fo\vos,

Skr. purnah,fl lied, O.Ir.

thick, fleecy;

Ian, Lith. pilnas,///.

spread, strewed

girndh, swallowed

Skr.

devourer,

drunken

girtas,

Lat.

Dor. Ion.

up,

Skr.

Lat.

Lith.

stirnah,

quadra-ginta ;

Skr. purvyah,yir5/.

from

The Lengthening

stratus,

of Short Vowels.

69. Short vowels were often lengthened through the

This process is sometimes

In Att. and Ion. e became
became
(written
58), and

loss of a following consonant.

called compensation lengthening.

long close e (written

ov,

see

ei,

see

62) through the intermediate stage of long close 5.

and . The following are the prinwhich short vowels were lengthened
I. In final or medial syllables in Attic and Ionic through
the loss of a nasal before a following s whether original or
developed from some other source, the long vowel having
passed through the intermediate stage of a long nasalized
Masc. nom. sing.
vowel, as ely from *sems, Cret. eVy.
Ace. pi.
from
/zeAay,
Goth, wulfans; Heraclean
Cret.
Cret. -avs
was the nom. used for the ace), Cret.
(Att. Ion.
Masc. nom. sing,
rpiVy, Goth. J)rins.
from
(cp. Skr. pad-vant-, having feet),
from
In Dor. they became

cipal cases in

?,
;

*'\',

*(f)ipovTJa,

see

,, ,*',
*]

^/.

*]

from
Dor.
Skr. bharanti, Goth, bairand

from

129,

6.

*^$,
-,

*, ,
,

^ ,
,

Dor.

fem. participle

The same lengthening

also

occurs through the loss of a nasal in the combination Ion.

-,

Att.

--,

from older

\]-

156), as Ion.

Lengthening of Short Voivels

69

*/',
^,*, *ey'^'
from

older

from

cp.

0^', Att.

Ion.

Ion.

*^ayXyou//.

^,

39
Att.

from

2. s in the combination ms,ns + vowel became voiced

and then became assimilated to the preceding nasal. The
long (double) nasal remained in Lesbian, but in the other
dialects it was shortened or simplified and the preceding
vowel was lengthened by transferring the long quantity of
the consonant to the vowel, as gen. Att. Ion.
Dor.
cp. Skr. h.sa, Lat. anser for older *hanser, Germ,
gans, goose; aorist Att. Ion.
from
Dor.
Att. Ion.
Dor.
Lesb. '^^, from

^,

/?,

*>
*^

^,

.*^

Att.

from

ceding

6,

Ion.

,*]
,
L,

V,

cp.

129,

2,

from

'^\],

from

from

Dor.

Lesb.

from

,
,,
in

Lesbian, but

simplified in Att. Ion. with lengthening of the pre-

^, ^,

Att.

eVez/za,

became w, pp which remained

pj

I'J,

became

Ion.

,
,, ,^,
*.
^,

*], *]
as Att. Ion.

pity,

Lesb.

from

Lesb.

neipa from

*7re/3/'a

*6].

See

4.

4. s in the combination S4- liquid or nasal became voiced

and then became assimilated to the following liquid or nasal.
The long (double) consonant remained in Lesbian, but was

,, ,

*
^,

simplified in the other dialects with lengthening of the pre-

from
Att.
sa-hasram, thousand;
from *aeDor. aeXaua, Lesb.
Att. Ion.
Att. Ion. ^?. Dor.
Lesb.
from
Dor.
*aa/xe- = Skr. asma, Indg.
Lesb,
= Skr. asmi, Indg. *esmi; Att.
Ion.
Lesb.
from
Lesb.
from
ceding vowel, cp.
Ion.

,
;

*/"?.
5-

2,

Lesb.

as Ion.

cp. Skr.

^,

,,
,
^^ ', ,
*5 ^,
;

Intervocalic af disappeared with lengthening of the

Phonology

40

^,

^,

preceding vowel, as Dor. vaos, Ion.

from *uaaf6^

*/'09

Horn,

reXeioy,

Att.

/?

70-1

72),

from *Te\eafVTs,

109 from *iafos.

-/- became -- by assimilation, which remained in
Lesbian and Thessalian, but in the other dialects the long
(double) consonant was simplified with lengthening of the
preceding vowel, cp. 2, as Att. Ion.
Dor.
from
Hom.
from *fpo
Lesb.
from
Lesb.
from
See 148.
from
7. Short vowels were lengthened in Ionic, but not in
;

6.

, ,,
*
,
^
*
^.,
*^

, , ,*[ ?,,
^, ^
, , ,,. , ,
combinations

Attic, with the loss of F in the

Ion.

from

Att.

Dor.

and similarly Ion. d'vaTos,

^^,

beside Att.

Sovpos, ovpo9,

The Shortening

*,'
'
, ',*,

Dor. Kopfd

^evos,

124,

6.

of Long Vowels.

Long vowels were shortened

70.

Att.

riVco,

'49,

See

^^?,

as

vf, Xf, pf,

Ion.

^.

Att.

Ion.

in prim.

Greek before

'*,

a following nasal, liquid, or semivowels- consonant, as third

'iyvov

beside

first

*',

from

pers. plural

from

pers. sing,
;

from

'^^

from

,,
from

*',

(. Dor. '^, ', Dor. ,

forms

*aevTai,

for

*,

like

Hom.

'-

*^vowere new formations

*-

with the long vowel levelled out from the other persons

from

ace. pi.

from

*,

*,

older

from

*:

in participles like aivT-,

vati, he bloios),

(69), older

*,
-

*9,

cp.

cp. Skr.

from

month,

from

parsnih,
(cp.

+ consonant,

Long vowels were shortened

especially in Attic

^,

'/

Skr.

For examples of the shortening

of long vowels before a semivowel

71.

Lesb. gen.

see

63.

before long vowels

and Ionic and partly also

in

Doric.

Assimilation of Vozvcls

72-3]

There was

41

them before short

also a tendency to shorten

vowels in Ionic and Doric, but the exact conditions under

which the shortening took place are difficult to determine,

, ^./
, ,, .

Brugmann,

see

are

aurora;

Qka,

^^

navam;
Dor.

Grammatik, pp. 56-7. Examples

Lesb. avoa^i from
cp. Lat.
Dor. Baa; Att. v^mv, Hom. vr]5iv, Skr.
Hom.
from -r/f '. Ion.
Gricch.

^?

Horn,

eouy,

Att.

*'9,

beside Hom.
The combinations

became etw, d in prim.

and Ionic, but in later Ionic the law was greatly
obscured by various new formations due to analogy and
by dialectal differences within Ionic itself, as gen. Att.

72.

Attic

?,

'?, Hom.
Cyprian

Hom.
Hom.

-fjfoi

navah
Hom.

Skr.

?,
/,

Dor.

beside

-fjo?,

?,

nom.

^, ^.

ace.

reco?

Hom.

ueco^,

Hom.

Assimilation of Vowels.

The vowel

73.

in

an originally unaccented syllable was

often assimilated either partially or entirely in quality to

The examples occur

mostly on inscriptions in the various dialects, and show
how valuable inscriptional forms are for philological purthe vowel of the following syllable.

poses as compared with the forms in ordinary literature.

to before a following e, as Att.
beside

eyxeXfoy from
neSSa, cp. Att.
to
to

and

probably took place

?7/3 with
e

cp. Lat. anguilla

before a following

,,

levelling the

with

*;09,

from

in prim.

Boeot. rpe-

This assimilation of
Greek, but owing to

^ ^

^^

was mostly restored again, cp.

beside
&c., and conversely ^/Jeeiy,

^,
,

from

ovSeo^

Hom.

Herod,

^/,

similarly

and
on inscriptions of the Cretan, Elean and North-

Western

dialects.

^,^

Phonology

42

*6
68

before

to

^^

*\

beside Ion.

Att.

and

following

from

74-5

from

as

.
,^\
cp.

beside

?
^? ?
, ' ^,
viSiS
e

beside

';

beside

Att.

Heracl. gen.

Arcad.

Arcad.

before a following

to

a,

from

as late Att.

^,
Sepanii

Corinth.

Hom. nom.

cp.

beside

beside

.
,
*
^
^ ?, ,;

*'

and

before a following

to

Att.

as

?,

beside

beside

before a following

to

from

to

beside

opoyvLa, cp.

a,

as

^-

before a following

to

For a

beside

to y before a following
Kut'ii^ei'?

from

as

a before a following

(Hesych.)

beside

i,

as Att. inscription

from

as

detailed treatment of vowel assimilation in

Greek

, , ^,,

see J. Schmidt, Kuhn's Zeitschrift, vol. xxxii, pp. 321-94.

is also due to
to e after / and
74. The change of

,, ,

partial assimilation in

^,

y\rU6os,

such double forms as Upos,

,,

&c.

beside

Epenthesis.

75. In the combinations

a, o-\-vj, pj, fj

the

palatalized

preceding consonant and then disappeared.

The
palatal element in the consonant then combined with the
the

*/

preceding vowel to form a diphthong, as

from
older
Indg. "^gmjo, cp. Lat. venio, Goth, qima,

,*], ;

*],

/ come
and similarly
;

from

fem.

from *TKTavja,
Att.

ay

from

76-81

Prothes'is

*],

similarly

ei,

76.

VI

Indg. *sprjO

from

Indg. *dhwrjos, hinge of a door;

from
from *8aLf(u older *8aFJa>, and
cp.

*efapj09,

*/,

from

*ayKovja.

43

,^,.

See

The combinations

129,

3.

aaj, oaj, (aj,

/' became

ai, 01,

(through the intermediate stage ahj, &c.), and then

^, ,
*/,
,

the second element of the diphthong partly disappeared in

*/
,

and Ionic before a following 0, as Hom.

from *^/, cp. aor.
;
;
Skr. tdsya; Hom. ^^, from *e/ze(r/"o ; opt.
Hom.
Att.
from */^, Skr. syam; Hom.
from
cp.
reXa, from
from *fi8vaja = Skr. vidusi.
pf. part. fem. Hom.
ey

Attic

from

*6/

See

129,

9.

Prothesis.

assumed

77. It used to be

Greek before an
scholars are

initial liquid,

now

that prothesis took place in

nasal or f

vowel, but most

was only developed

in the initial

combination Indg. r

vowel, as epe/3oy, Skr. rajah, Goth, riqis, darkness;

OE. read,

Skr. rudhirdh, Lat. ruber,

Lat. rego.

Even

generally agreed that a prothetic vowel

these examples

in

7-ed

opky(u beside

not improbable

is

phase of ablaut which

that the initial vowel represents a

it

has not been preserved in these and similar words in the

Forms

other Indg. languages.

beside Lat. lino

man

beside Skr. nar-,

beside

like

beside Lat.

beside Lat.

beside Skr. vati, he blotcs

Hom.

mulgeo

n5men

{)

{)

beside

which were formerly regarded as containing a prothetic

vowel, represent a different grade of ablaut.
A-NAPTYXIS.

78.

By

anaptyxis

is

meant the development of a vowel

between a liquid or nasal

sonant.

Vowels of

a preceding or following con-

this kind are

found

in

the

old and

Phonology

44

, , ?, ?
.
modern periods of most of
examples occur

gether

the Indg. languages.

No

79

sure

Greek, but they are not altoon inscriptions, &c,, as Attic (Vase)
(Hipfor

in classical

uncommon

ropovos (quoted by

ponax) for

Hesychius

for

Cp.
beside
Tarentum) beside ropvos,
Lat. pocolum, poculum beside p5clum, French canif
beside English knife, mod. northern dial, starak, stak
beside Old English styric, styrc, calf; filam, marabl
beside standard English film, marble.

Vowel-contraction.
79. In treating of vowel-contraction

distinguish three periods

(i)

it

is

necessary to

contractions which took place

already in the Indg. parent language,

(2)

those which took

place in primitive Greek, and were accordingly

all

the

Greek

dialects,

and

(3)

common

to

those which took place in the

individual dialects.

To treat
first

in detail the

question of vowel-contraction in the

period would be beyond the plan and scope of this

grammar, because the resultant long vowels or diphthongs

were not merely common to Greek, but to all the Indg.
languages. It will therefore be sufficient to give here only
a few examples of such contractions
e 4- e > e, as
Skr. asam, from *esm, older *e
(augment) + esm, / was.
+ a > in the dat. sing, of o-stems, as
from
*dhweso + ai, cp. the original ending preserved in infinitives like
Skr. vidmane, to know Att.
Cypr. ofua, Skr. davane, to give.
+ e > in the nom. pi. of o-stems, as Skr. vrkah,
Goth, wulfos, from
older *wlqo + es, wolves, cp.
:

^,

*18,

a + e > a
she-wolves,

in the nom. pi. of a-stems, as Skr. vrkah,

from *wlqa + es.

Voivel-coniradion

8ol

45

^,

a + a > a in the dat. sing, of a-stems, as

cp. Goth.
gihki, for a gift, Indg. -a + ai.
Most of the contractions were due to the loss of intervocaHc s (through the intermediate stage h) and j in primitive Greek.
After the loss of these consonants the combinations a, e,
were contracted in certain cases
-f 1 or
in the prehistoric

period of
place

f took

intervocalic

The

the dialects.

all

much

at

loss of

period

later

and

accordingly belongs to the history of the separate dialects

But the great majority of vowel-contractions took

Greek became differentiated into the
various separate dialects. Vowels were contracted in Attic
more extensively than in any of the other dialects, although
even in this dialect there were certain combinations which
did not undergo contraction in all cases
ea, where an intervocalic
(i) The combinations eo,
s or j had disappeared, remained in dissyllables, but underwent contraction in words of more than two syllables, as
from
060y from *efao9, but
'iap from *fiaap, but gen.
but
from *8], I bind,
from *fiaapo9 Sios from *8fijos
but
But when the same combinations arose
after the loss of f they remained uncontracted in older
Attic even in words of more than two syllables, as ui{f)o9,
122).

place after primitive

,^
:

*^,

^,

{)\6^,

T]8k{f)o!iv,

[)
^,

gen. r]8k[f)o^,

from *afos,

as,

until;

Kpe{f)a9,

f,

kvvi{f)a,

as

-,

ue{f)ap6i,
eof,

{)8,

,
(2)
t,

^,

Cypr.

r]8e{f)a.

Dor.

-fjFos;

In like

oa remained uncontracted
y^6{f)avos,

IlepiKXiovs, from *-K\ifeaos.

by

Hom.

etwy,

Hom.

manner the combinations ?,

after the loss of

[),

, ,

gen.

The combinations e,were contracted when preceded

but remained in other cases, as ace.

80.

-eay

Below

gen.
is

?,

beside

aXids, beside

-.

given a classification of the contractions

arranged according

to the

nature of the

first

vowel.

.*
^

Phonology

46

>

a^- a

+ >

*8;

in Att. Ion., but

/3

from

a-fi

from

>,

^,

(,

Ion., but

in Att.

from

from

in Dor., as

Att. Ion.

in

Horn,

>
>

from

Dor. (Theocritus) kna^d from -ao

in

-.
77

from

au, as

>

the

all

from

*5?,

.
in

,
,
^.

Indg. *dnsulos.

^,

as

dialects,

in Att. Ion., but

,
> ,

Dor.

Dor. Aeol. and Elean, as

Boeot. (fivaavres from -aoj^rey.

a+f

from *afi-

from

Dor.

a-\-o>

from o/oae.
from *naFi9
yipai from ykpai.

Dor.

as

80

from

Horn. Ion.

in all the dialects, as

Horn.

from

Dor. Locr., as subj.

from
Ion.

}.
6,
;

/?

,
5
;
^,
, ^.,{) , .
//

from
as subj.
+;
from
+ > , as rt
+ {= e) > in Att., as

from

Ion.

*0-

from ae/pay.
fiavo^
6 (= prim. Gr. ei) > in Att. Ion., but ; in Dor., as
;

from *(^)6'5 indie,

from opaei.
a + oi > a>, as 5^ from

from

Dor.

//,

from

from
> , as
+
+ > ;, as gen. ^poy from *fkaapo^,
e + e > ei (= long close e) in Att. Ion. and

(^

, ,,
,
6;

severe Dor.
and severe Dor., as
from
from 0'
Lesb. severe Dor.
from
TpeiY, Lesb.
= Skr. dsi; 76/ from
+ > 1, as eZ from
yit'ei from ^yiveai.
in Dor., and ev in Ion.
+ o > ov (=5, later u) in Att.,
from
and Boeot., as Att. yipovs from *yepro9 ;
in Aeolic

from *yei'eaa.

mild Dor., but

(,

*/.

*6

Soi

Virau'lcoutraciioii

*.]^
/ioy

^
-^^

beside

from

47

, ,
^
Ion. Boeot.

from /StAeoy older *j8eAe^oy.

+a >
+ >
6 +
>

677

>

i;

in Ion.

e?;

>

?;

in Ion., as dat.

T?

in

77

+
+

>.
>

j;

7;,

( 51),

as

from -e?;?.
from

as

0^

in

Att.,

^; = Att.

the dialects,

all

via.

yei^ea.

from

as

^).

0, ?,

as

^
from

Dor.

beside

Ion.

^() =

Skr. bhdrase.

as

from

+ ai>7),a.s indie, mid. 0epi; from

+ (= e, 58) > (= long close

e),

^^

*//09, older *K\if^avos.

e
(

^.
,
^,
,
/.
, ,,
,
,- .
;

+ ti (= prim. Gr. ei) >

+ 01 > 01 in Att., as

>
+
+ > ,

as

as Ji

as 0iAei~ from

ei,

from

from
from Atfi, Att. -da' had

^
,

from the

its

genitive,
o

+a

>,

+e >

from

as

Indg.

*aidosm;

ou in Att. Ion. mild Dor., but

severe Dor,, as

in

^,

severe Dor. -are, from -oeTe

Att. eXarrofy, Ion.

from
o-'rL>

-oey,

from

*KofiAo$

ovis, Skr. dvih.

+ > Of in Att. Ion. and mild Dor.,

;

Tj

>

i/ooy

/9,

),

from *ofi?

oly

but

in

Lat.

Aeol. and severe

in all

Boeot. Lesb. severe Dor.

severe Dor. -arrey, from

89,

> , as
> , as subj.
> in all the
from

Dor.

.
,/ , ^
^.
.
from

Dor., as

+
o +

from

Indg. *-oses.

as

OL,

from

irova

from

Ion.

from -;.

dialects, as

from

the dialects, as

from

-ooj/rey.

Phonology

48
o

+ ci (=

long close

from
o

+ c (=

prim. Gr.

beside Lesb.

>,

> ov,
from

from

as

,
6
,
,
from

as

oi,

6[.

^vvool.

from

*.

older

from

*
,

from aeXioy
a+

>

-.

See

>
>

Dor. Lesb.

323.

from

-aay, cp. 323.

in

/,

Dor. and Aeol., gen.

older

+ >

*.

from

as dat. Dor.

a,

>

in

from

+; >

+V >
+ et {=

^.

>

nom.

+>

Gr.

gen. Dor.

from

,
-rjFe?;

} from

Ion.

from

*^J7i7.

^ in Att. Ion. and mild Dor., as

^^.
the
from * ^ from *(.
Ion.

+ ( (=prim.

from

^^ all the dialects, as Att. subj.

e)

from

Att.

in all the dialects, as Att. subj.

long close

Dor. and Aeol.,

, ,

pi.

*, *.
?;

-.

Skr. tasam.

in all the dialects, as

ace.

olXlos

Dor. Boeot. ay, from Soy, until;

in all the dialects, as

yay from

+
+

72) in Att. Ion., but

^0?, Att. ecoy.

Dor.

gen.

Hom.

Dor.

*.

^
^

^.
^,

from
D, as parepos, pTJrcpoi from
from
from

a,

>
as

+ y > , as Att. (inscription) a'y = ,

Dor. yd from
+ > , Att. Aay beside Hom.
in Dor. and Aeol., as Dor. olXlos, Lesb.
+

>

80

^,

from

ov, as

>

ei)

inf.

89,

as

from

euroi

>

e)

oluoet?.

from

ei)

>

; in

all

dialects, as Att.

in Att. Lesb., but

Lesb.

from

^^ =

Dor. and Boeot., as Att.

^,
^.

in

Dor. Boeot.

from

*TTp(iifaTo^

0)

Ablaut

8r-2l

, as
> , as

+e >

+<

>

+
+
+

49
from

Att.

?;

-^.

^
^. / ^.;
^ -.
from

plycovre^

-cooi/re?.

>,
>,
>

+6 =

from
from

in all the dialects, as

from
r;

^ .^
^

-.

from
from -?;.

as subj.

as subj.

/aiyo)

in all the dialects,

from

as

subj.

from

prim. Gr. 6)

+ 01 > , as
+ Of > , as

>

as

from

from *-/.
from

CHAPTER

IV

ABLAUT
81. Up to this point we have treated the Indg. vowels
and their equivalents in the more important languages
without any reference to the manner in which these vowels
stand to each other in any one language.
It now remains
to illustrate and formulate the manner in which they stand
to each other, or in other words to discuss the phenomenon
of what is called ablaut or vowel gradation.
And for this
purpose we shall confine our examples almost entirely to
Greek, partly because it is the language which concerns us
most intimately in this book and partly because, having
preserved the Indg. vowels more faithfully than any other

language,

it

is

best fitted to illustrate the various

phenomena

of ablaut.

By

vowel gradation is meant -such

and accentual differences in the
vocalic elements of groups of etymologically and morphologically related words as were caused by sound-laws
which operated in the prim. Indg. language before it

82.

ablaut

or

quantitative, qualitative

Phonology

50
became

^, :
Such

differentiated into the separate languages.

7-,
-.
? --

root-syllables of

in the

are e.g. the differences

eXinov,

83

. . .
,
-^ ,
,
*,
^
,
.
:

pes

Dor.

Dor.

give.

'

from

According as the vowels which stand

83.

Lat.

Dor.

datus Skr. da-d-mdh, we

Examples in other than
Goth. wulf5s, wolves,

Lat.

are

root-syllables

pedem

Lat.

in ablaut

relation to each other differ in quality or in quantity only,

or both in quality and quantity,

we have what

called

is

qualitative, quantitative or qualitative-quantitative ablaut.

Qualitative ablaut only occurs in syllables which have

the strong grade of ablaut and

.-.

ablaut

as

96),

ev

It

The

ablaut.

most

to

'ip

-.

Dor.

account for this phase of

interchange between e and

and between e
have been so regulated that e originally
the chief-accented syllable and
in the next

and 5 seems
stood in

difficult

in the e-series of

,
,

most part confined

for the

and of e

is

is

^
.,

to the interchange of e

to

following syllable, as in
:

^,

^-^, .

Quantitative and qualitative-quantitative ablaut mostly

,^ ,
-=

arose through the loss or weakening of vowels in un-

^
,,

accented syllables, as
:

The

Indg.

5.

-^

^, '4.
:

Skr. i-mdh

e^mi,
:

Dor.

Lat.

datus

Indg. a

a.

must have been more predominant than

the pitch accent at the time quantitative ablaut came into
stress accent

Ablaut

84-5]
existence, because

it is

51

only upon this assumption that we

are able to account for the weakening and eventual loss of

vowels

unaccented syllables.

in

84. Scholars are

See

28.

now generally agreed

that the factors

which brought about the phenomenon called ablaut were ot

various kinds. Although the prime factor was doubtless
the system of accentuation which prevailed at different
periods in the parent Indg. language, there were also
several other factors more or less connected with accent,
such as vowel-contraction, lengthening of vowels by compensation for the loss of a vowel in the next syllable,
rhythmical lengthening (see Wackernagel, Das Dehniingsgesetz der gricch. Composita),

numerous analogical forma-

mixing up of the various ablaut-series through

tions, the

the influence of analogy,

&c.

And

as

all

these vowel-

changes and probably many others connected with ablaut

took place long before the separate languages came into
existence,

it

practically impossible

is

determine their

to

chronological order or to be certain about the precise

nature of some of the vowel-changes.

In the following

account of ablaut certain more or less problematical details

have been omitted as being beyond the scope of this book.

student who wishes to pursue the subject in greater
detail should consult Brugmann's Grundnss, vol. i, second

The
ed.,

pp.

482-505,

pp. 138-50

Hirt's

and Kurzc vergleichende Grammatik,

Der indogcrmanische Ablaut and the

Handbuch der

excellent epitome in his

Formenlehre, pp. 84-105.

85. From the examples given above

seen that ablaut

root-syllables

words

not confined to what

but that

For

syllables.

is

into root-bases

--

it

occurs

--?,

Dor.

it

and

Skr. bhari'tra-m, arm,

ev

also

practical purposes

is

griech. Laut-

(
is

82-3)

be

equally in

other

-
-:

convenient to divide

ev
:

will

generally called

suffix-bases, as in
:

it

und

---

Lat. feri-mus (older

Phonology

52

86

OHG.

bera-mes. In the following paragraphs we

simply bases or ablaut-bases, and
Bases or ablaut-bases are
suffix-bases simply suffixes.
The monosyllabic
mostly monosyllabic or dissyllabic.
bases are called heavy or light according as they contain
mos),
shall

call

root-bases

a long or a short vowel, as *dhe,

Dor.

*es,

*ei

in

*,

*bha

-, -.

in

--,

The

dis-

heavy when the first syllable

contains a short vowel and the second syllable a long vowel,
and light when both syllables contain a short vowel, as
*pele, fill, *gen6, know, *peta, y7>', see 458; *leiqe,
The bases underwent numerous
leave, in XciVe-re
vowel-changes owing to the operation of various sound-laws
which took place in the prim. Indg. period. The more
important of these changes were
syllabic bases

are called

I,

The Weakening or Loss of Vowels.

86. Vowels were weakened or disappeared in syllables

which did not have the chief accent of the word. Such
syllables are said to have the weak grade of ablaut.
The
weak grade is subdivided into weak grade i (wg. i) and
weak grade 2 (wg. 2) according as the syllable in which it

occurs originally had the secondary accent or was unaccented.

In the former case short vowels merely became

reduced in quality (generally written e, o, a) and long

vowels became reduced in quality and quantity (generally
written , 49), whereas in the latter case both short and
long vowels disappeared through the intermediate stage
of reduced vowels.

At a

later period in the parent Indg.

language the reduced short vowels

full

quality again

and thus

strong grade vowels

fell

e, o, a.

e,

o,

regained their

together with the original

When

the vowel e entirely

em, en, el, er) the

second element of the diphthong became vocalic or re-

disappeared in diphthongs

(ei,

eu,

Weakeuhig or Loss of

7-9]

inained consonantal according as

sonant or a vowel

in the

53

was followed by a con-

it

next syllable.

Long vowels were reduced

87.

Voivels

(= Aryan

to a

but a in

the other languges) or disappeared in the heavy ablaut-

*^

49), as ^ero? for

series

Indg.

*dhatos

,
;

-,

Lat.

Skr. bhavi-tum, Indg.

*bhewa.

Skr.

(he gods,

da-dh-mah

sthitah,

Lat. stare,

*bhew3-tum,
sing,

-dita

-,

be

to

da-dha-mi,

base

--, deva-ttah, given by

sing, da-da-mi,

with -ttah from older *-d-tos beside Lat. datus,

- from

beside

The

88.

pi.

Skr.

Skr.

Dor.

Dor.

da-d-mdh

payrjvai

Aiyycu,

note), Lat.

49, note), Skr. hitdh,

:

for

Lat. status, Indg. '^states

pi.

--, Xayapos
datus,
86^ *6 49,
--,
d5ntim ',
:

*e-bhw9t

base *bhewa.

element of the long diphthongs

first

au was reduced

The

ei, 5i, ai,

9u then became
contracted to i,
before a following consonant already in
the prim. Indg. period.
But as the second element of long
eu, 5u,

to

9.

9i,

diphthongs often disappeared in the parent language

we

thus have the ablaut relation

the earliest historic period of

all

dhitdh, pp., sucked, Lat. filius

felare,

,,

ayati, he gives
root

inf.

Skr. miirah,

and

and

u, as

e, 5,

63)

in

he sucked, Lat.

beside Skr. pay-

patum,

drink

duU,

from

Skr.

mulam,

''

,
-

stupid

70),

Lat.

became unaccented they were

:

-uai,

a and

the languages, as Skr.

,
6
-,
.
When

m5rus.

shortened to

drink

e, o,

Skr. ildhar, udder

-^

to

evpi

(-,

Lat. di-rutus

?,

89. In the light ablaut-series the short vowels e, o, a

were reduced

to voiceless (?)

the intermediate stage of

e, o,

or disappeared ^through

At a later period in the

parent Indg. language the reduced vowels regained their
full

quality again

e,

and thus

o,

a.

fell

together with the original

Phonology

54
strong grade vowels

^^,

as

e, o, a,

Indg.

gen. sing. Lat. pedis, Skr. padah, Indg. *pedes

from

*oq

-^,

Indg.

*aktos

Greek there are no sure examples of the

light ablaut-series.
is

^, .

*- '
:

When the vowel

In
in the

*--

*.

from

^,

from

loss of o,

which stands in ablaut relation

Examples of the loss of e are
Skr.
from
Indg. *s-mes *es-mi,
e5oy from *9,

s-mdh ds-mi, / am
Lat. pedem, '^ from

pi.

should also be noted that the above

It

not the same as the

to e, as in

90

*peqtos,

e entirely disappeared in the diphthongs

ei, eu, em, en, el, er the second element of the diphthong
became vocalic or remained consonantal according as it was
followed by a consonant or a vowel in the next syllable, as

,
*^-,,
^
'
-,
*
(
.
, ^ -., ,-;-':
-,
.,
i'/zei/

from

el?

imdh

Skr.

xe(f ),

*9

emi,

from

Hom.

from

yeveTO,

Skr. pitrsu

i-mah, we go

*efaa

veo-yvoi

Skr. y-inti, they go

from

^-,

'iXtnov

Xtneii/,

{)9,

Indg. *j-enti

*i-mes

yeroy

k-

90.

bases

The combinations em9,

They became

(i)

ena, el3, era

, , ,, , ,

97) a threefold

development

when

had

in

the

heavy

Greek.

prim.

in

element

first

pa (see 68) when

had the secondary accent, (2)
the last element had the secondary accent and the first
pa when neither
element disappeared, and (3)
the first nor the last element had the secondary accent
and (e)J9, (e)w3 became i, u, as
(Hesych.)
from
Lat. latus
Dor.

,,,

from

,
.

,
,
-,
-^ ^?; ^,,
Lengthening of Vowels

91-2]

08^

Dor.

-^.

bhavitum,

/o

Z>^,

Lat. (g)natus

Lat. lana.

Dor.

re-

base *weje

e-0u

Skr.

inf.

base *bhewa.

The Lengthening

2.

55

of Vowels.

kinds of vowel lengthening took place in

the prim. Indg. period, as lengthening by compensation for
the loss of a syllable, contraction of vowels and rhythmical
91. Several

lengthening. See Streitberg, Indogermanische Forschungen,

pp. 305-416.

iii,

With

92.

quantitative ablaut

is

connected the prim.

Indg. lengthening of vowels by compensation for the loss

The vowels

of a syllable.

thus lengthened have what

is

The vowels

in

called the lengthened grade of ablaut

nearly

all

the examples which have this lengthening belong

And

the lengthened vowels e,

and Ig. 2.
short accented vowel in an originally open syllable

to the e-series of ablaut.

are respectively called

{a)

(Ig.).

became lengthened

if

Ig. i

the following syllable

This occurs especially

appeared.

nouns, as Lat. pes. Dor.

s'from

in the

entirely dis-

nom. singular of

prim. Indg. *pets, *pOts,

8,

,
,
,
,
,
,
,? , , .

*p6des or -os, *podes or -os, beside ace. pedem,

from prim. Indg. *p9tere
Indg. *pedm, *podm;
Lat.
Indg. *p3term; and similarly
beside
:

ferus,

base *kered, cp.

Note.

Also

{b)

The

when a

was

short vowel disappeared after a long

from an original form *dhwesaso

also lengthened in prim.

singular of

Hom.

vowel, as in gen.

active

the s-aorist,

as

nom.

Indg. in the

*leksm from

older

Phonology

56
*legesm,

cp.

Lat.

lexi

pres.

legit

Lat.

93-5

vexi,

Skr.

a-vaksam pres. vehit, vahati. The s-aorist in Greek

was a new formation with the vowel from the present, as
:

^-^,

e-Ae|a,

but Skr. i-raiksam, see

507.

augment with a following vowel,

as in rja ( 79), Skr. asam, Indg. *esm from older *e-esm
^a for
Skr. ayam, Indg. *ejm from older *e-ejin
Dor,
ajami.
Skr. ajam pres.

93. Contraction of the

*,

The

',

the dat.

nom. plural of a-stems -oi from -o-ai in

singular of o>stems -os from -o-es in the nom.
in the

plural of o-stems, see

94. Rhythmical

79.

lengthening

in

the

first

elements of

, ^, ^^-, '^

compounds and before

suffixes so as to avoid a long suc-

cession of short vowels, as

Hom.

as -as

contraction of case-endings with the stem,

from -a-es

Up6^,

erepos.

Ablaut-Series.

95.

The vowels vary

within certain series of related

The parent Indg. language

vowels called ablaut-series.
had six such series, three light and three heavy, viz.

Ablaut-Series

96]

57

lengthened grade have already been explained

ceding paragraphs.

And some

indication of the probable

origin of the difference between strong grade

grade 2 has been given

in the pre-

much

in 83, but

and strong

still

remains

obscure about the origin of these qualitative differences.

The
is

first

found

syllable

in

ablaut-series

is

by

far the

of dissyllabic heavy

syllable of dissyllabic light

grade of this series occurs

in

alwaj's in the

It

first

and in the second

and nearly always in the
bases.
And one or other

bases

syllable of dissyllabic light bases

first

most important.

many monosyllables and

nearly

all

suffixes.

The

second and third series are exceedingly rare. Apart from

a few monosyllabic heavy bases the fourth, fifth, and sixth

heavy
and even here the number of examples is not very
great.
The e in the fourth series often came to be regarded as a formative element in prim. Greek and was
then extended by analogy to bases to which it did not
series only occur in the second syllable of dissyllabic

bases,

originally belong, see 458, 506.

96. Many examples of the various grades of ablaut
have been given in the preceding paragraphs. In this
and the following paragraph are given examples of the

various ablaut-series, and of their application to dissyllabic

light

and heavy bases.

58
sg. I.

(-

Phonology

96

Dissyllabic

97]

The

III.
sg. 2.

sg. I.

Wg.

Ig. 2.

a
Lat.

I.

wg.

2.

amb-ages

The

IV.
sg.^i.

59

a-series,

Ig.^ I.

Bases

-a/CToy

e-series.

wg.

sg. 2.

wg.

I.

2.

'*

^eroy for *0aroy

Skr. d4-dha-mi
i

--V.

for

The

o-series,

wg.

sg. 2.

^oro? for
Lat.

da-dh-mdh

hitah

donum,

wg.

I.

*?

Skr.

2.

da-d-mah

Lat. datus,

VI. The a-series.

sg.

I.

wg.

Sg^2.

I.

^
'^, <

wg.

2.

Dor.
Dor.

Dor.
Dor,

<-^
t

?
Dissyllabic Bases.

97. In the parent Indg. language either the first or

the second syllable of dissyllabic bases always contained the

weak grade of ablaut. Both

but not the strong grade.

syllables could

From

this

it

have the weak,

follows that forms

Phonology

---

-9,

97

Dor.
and
of the type ^epe,
cannot be original. The prim. Indg. forms corresponding
to the former were *bher, *bhr.t(h)e, *bhr.mes = prim.
and to the latter *gi-gna-mai =
Gr. *0ep,

*,-.
*9,
^^, -, ^-^,

prim, Gr. ^yL-yva

e, o. See
manner forms of the type yeroy
(stem yej^ey-, Skr, jdnas, Lat. gener),
-s, &c. were
new formations which came into existence long after the
factors which caused the phenomenon of ablaut had
ceased to operate. Such new formations took place partly

and similar forms contained the thematic vowels,

And

450, 456.

in the

in like

parent Indg. language

itself

and partly

in

the pre-

historic period of the separate languages.

In the following examples of dissyllabic bases the grade

of ablaut before the

refers to the

syllable of the

first

base and the one after the + to the second syllable.

{a) Dissyllabic light bases
sg. i + wg. 2 Lith. lek-mi,
/ leave, sg. 2 + wg. 2 Xi-XoLir-a, Ig. i + wg. 2 Skr. a-raiks:

am

507), wg. 2

*leiq(e), *liq-e.
Ig.

2 + wg. 2

-, ,

+ sg. i e-Xi7re-y, wg. 2 + sg. 2

Lat. fer-tis,
+ wg. 2
( 92 (a)), wg. 2 + sg. 2 --9: base

sg. i

i+wg.

genu,

^,

24-wg. 2
wg. 2 + vvg. 2
base *geneu.
Skr. abhi-jnu, down to the knee, yvv^
sg. I + wg. 2 SeKa-T09, wg. 2 + sg. 2 -/coi/Ta = Indg. *-dkomta,
= Indg. *-dkmti base *dekemt-.
wg. 2 + wg. 2
Lat. augere, wg. 2 + sg. i Lat. vegeo,
sg. i+wg. 2
*bhere.

wg. 2 + sg.

sg.
I

Goth, kniu,

Lat.

Ig.

+ wg.

sg.

-,
:

^-

^,

lg. 2 OE. w5cor, progeny, usury, wg. 2 + sg. 2

Goth, wahsjan, to grow, wg. 2 + wg. 2 Skr. ugrdh, mighty
base *aweg, increase,
wg. 2 + sg. i eap from *wesr,
from
wg. 2 + lg. I Lat. ver from *wesr, Ig. i + wg. 2

wg. 2 +

*aus5s, wg. 2

+ wg.

2 Skr. usas-, daivn

base *awes,

shine, flasJi up.

(b)

in the

The long vowel (e, 5, a)

second syllable of these bases was weakened to 3

Dissyllabic heavy bases.

Dissyllabic Bases

97]

when

61

was on the first syllable ( 458). When

was on the second syllable the long vowel was

the accent

the accent

preserved and the short vowel of the

syllable dis-

first

appeared, as *tem9, *gen9-, *pet9 beside *tme-, *gno,

*pta.

therefore impossible to determine to which of

It is

the long vowels the

goes back unless forms have been

preserved in which the second syllable of the base origin-

The same

ally

had the accent.

the

prim. Indg. combinations em9, ena,

became

in prim.

difficulty also exists

,,,

Greek

pa when the

of the combination had the secondary accent

last

with

which

era,

el9,

element

They

90).

thus

fell

together with the base forms of the type *pta with

long

a.

Examples are sg.

--

base *teme,

from *vayiman, loom,

+ wg.

Lat. viere, wg. 2

for *yva-aLS, wg.

OE. cnawan

, -,

sg.

wg. 2 + sg.

sg.

i+wg.

sg.

i+wg.

+ wg.
2 + sg.

sg. i

9
I

^, wg. 2 +

i
i

+ wg.

Iria, Lat. vitis,

(g)n5tus,

wg.

sg.

(*gne), to

wg. 2

"^,

+ wg.

-,

know, wg. 2 + wg.

Ig.

+ wg.

base *peta, spread

sg.

base *geno, *gene, gignere.

2 + wg.

sg.

veman-

Skr. jani-t5h,

- -,
:

Skr.

2 + wg. 2 {f)oTaos, wg. 2 +

sg.
i

base *weje; plait, wind.

jd-jnih, germinating

+wg.

cut.

beget,

Lat.

Skr.

sg. i
i

out, fly.

Skr. bhavi-tum from

*bhewitum, to be,
wg. 2 + sg. I Lat. -bam from *-bhwam, wg. 2 + wg. i e-0u
from *e-bhw9t, wg. 2 + wg. 2
base *bhewa, be.
*kera, mix.

-,

sg.

i+wg.

(Hesych.), wg. 2

latus

- -:

wg.
i

+ sg.

+ sg.

^-,
i

base *tela, bear, endure.

wg.

i+wg.

Dor.

base

--

?,
i

Lat.

62

Phonology

98

CHAPTER V
THE PRIMITIVE INDO-GERMANIC
CONSONANTS

98.

The

Indo-Germanic

parent

following system of consonants

language had

the

Primitive Indo-Gernianic Consonants

98]

63
ng

only occurred before their corresponding explosives, nk,

qg, &c.
2. Spirants are consonants formed

ijq,

by the mouth passage

being narrowed at one spot in such a manner that the outgoing
breath gives

sound

rise to a frictional

nidus, English nest

3.

The

nasals

and consonants
4.

and

The
full

and

= Gr.

*ozdos
liquids

is

part.

*nizdos

Lat.

6<;, Goth, asts, botigh.

had the functions both of vowels

between the so-called semivowels

that the latter always bear the accent of the

which they occur,

but in words

like

in

e. g.

element of the diphthong

sonant

e. g.

64).

essential difference

vowels

syllable in
first

narrowed

at the

only occurred before voiced explosives,

is

EngHsh cow, stdin the

a vowel, the second a con-

French rwd (written

roi),

bjer

element of the diphthong is a conIn consequence of this twofold

sonant, the second a vowel.
function, a diphthong may be defined as the combination of

(written biere), the

first

a sonantal with a consonantal vowel.

And

it is

or rising diphthong according as the stress

is

called a falling

upon the

first

or

second element.
5.

From

the above system of consonants have been excluded

which only existed

certain rare sounds

in the parent

in combination with other sounds, viz.

sh and zh,

language

and d,
and dh.
sh and zh only occurred in combination with tenues and
mediae and arose from the older combinations, tenues aspiratae
and mediae aspiratae -f- s, as tsh, psh, dzh, bzh from older
J?

Jjh

ths, phs, dhs, bhs.

J)

and d only occurred

after palatals

and

velars

which were

originally unaspirated, as kj>, q]?, gd, gd.

J)h and dh only occurred after palatals and velars which
were originally aspirated, as kj)h, qj^h, gdh, gdh from older
kh)), qhj, ghd, ghd.
In the present state of our knowledge
it is

impossible to determine

nounced

in

t-sounds,

and

the
in

how

these four spirants were pro-

parent language.
Sanskrit, Latin,

In Greek they became

Germanic and the Baltic-

Slavonic languages they became s-sounds.

See

225-.

Phonology

64

99-100

and the mediae aspiratae only

6. The tenues aspiratae
occurred before vowels, semivowels, liquids and nasals. When

came

they

to stand before explosives or spirants, they

became

deaspirated, as pth, bdh, tsh, dzh from older pht, bht, ths,

dhs, see

It is

7.

109.
doubtful whether the parent language had a spirant

j,

see 227.

99.

The

following tables contain the normal equivalents

of the Indg. explosives in Greek, Latin, Old Irish, prim.

Germanic, Gothic, Sanskrit and the Baltic-Slavonic lanFor examples see the paragraphs dealing with
guages.
labial, dental, palatal and velar explosives.

100.

Indg.

I.

The Tenues.

rr

]
;

ts,

tt,

liquids
4.

The Mediae

st>ss;

cs, ct, ret,

The

and

noss,

Indg. tenues p,

the voiceless spirants

f,

t,

J),

65
before nasals and

c disappeared

cht, rt, %z.

k, q,

q^ became

-=

Goth,

in prim.

f,

J),

Germanic
These

h, hr.

became by Verner's Law the

and
when the vowel next preceding them did not, according

voiceless spirants as also Indg. s

voiced spirants
finally

b, d, g,

to the original Indg.

accent of the word.

gw,

(see 103, note 2) medially

system of accentuation, bear the principal

The

Indg. tenues remained unshifted in

the combination s + tenuis,

and

t also

remained unshifted in

In some words the Indg.

velars, when preceded or followed by a w or another labial in
the same word, appear in the Germanic languages as labials by
the Indg. combinations pt, kt, qt.

assimilation, as Goth. fimf,yfw, wulfs,

*wlqWos.
101.

Indg.

2.

The Mediae.

wolf^

Indg. *per)q^e,

Phonology

66

102.

The

3-

102

The Tenues Aspiratae.

tenues aspiratae were rare sounds in the Indg.

Sanskrit and Greek were the only

parent language.

languages which preserved them in historic times.

In

prim. Keltic, Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages

they

Indg.

fell

together with the original tenues.

 103]

qwh

hwael, whale;

Skr. skhalate, he stumbles.

Indg.

103.

The Mediae Asp'tratae

4.

The Mediae Aspiratae.

67
I

stumble,

Phonology

68

104-6

104. From what has been said in 100-3 it will be

seen that several of the Indg. explosives fell together in
In Keltic, Germanic and the
the various languages.

Baltic-Slavonic languages the tenues aspiratae

with the original tenues.

Sanskrit

fell

together

the only language

is

which preserved the original mediae aspiratae. In Greek

and Latin they fell together with the original tenues aspiraIn Keltic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages they fell
tae.
together with the original mediae.
In Greek, Latin, Keltic
and the Germanic languages the pure velars fell together
with the original palatals, but were kept apart in Sanskrit
and the Baltic-Slavonic languages. In Sanskrit and the
Baltic-Slavonic languages the labialized velars

fell

together

with the pure velars, but were kept apart in Greek, Latin,

Germanic and partly

also in the Keltic languages.

Indg. Sound-Changes.

The consonants underwent

105.

during the prim. Indg. period,

i.

e.

various sound-changes
before the parent lan-

guage became differentiated into the separate I ndo-Germanic

languages. The most important of these sound-changes
are given in the following paragraphs.

106. Mediae
as

nants,

became tenues before voiceless consoSkr. yuktah, Lat. junctus, Lith.

(^vKTos,

, ,,
?,

junktas, Indg. *juqtos, yoked, beside (vyov, Skr. yugam,

Skr. vettha, ihou
Lat. jugum, Indg. *^Vi<^om,yoke,

veda, / know loc. pi.

Skr. patsu, beside nom. pi.
padah Lat. nuptum,
nupsi nubere
rectum, rexi regere ; Goth, giban, to
give, beside fra-gifts, a giving, espousal; OE. bringan, to
bring, beside brohte, / brought and similarly in Gr.
Lat. augeo, Lith. kvig\x, I increase, groiv
unwashed, Skr. niktdh, washed,
from *nigj5
knowest, beside

(, eAcKTo

-?,

Indg. Sound-Changes

107-9]

explosives and
i/ie

day after

69

*
^
,
,
,
^
,
,
-.

z,

as

became voiced before voiced

107. Voiceless consonants

where

the feast,

-/3(5-

(nom.

the

is

weak form

foot, cp. Skr. upa-bda-, stamping, trampling

pi.),

of *ped,

Skr. nidah,

OE. nest, from *ni-zdos, nest, where m-=down,

the weak form of *sed, sit
from
is the weak form of *pezd which occurs in Lat.

Lat. nidus,

and -zd- is
where
pedo and similarly

,
Hom.
;

When

two aspiratae came together the first one

from *bhebhid'dhi, older *bhebhidh-dhi
This combination of
consonants was rare in the parent language.
109. When an aspirata came to stand before s or before
one or more unaspirated explosives, the aspiration became

108.

became

de-aspirated, as imperative
:

When

transferred to the last consonant.

the aspirata

voiced the whole group became voiced, as

was

from

*aighskos, Goth, aiwiski from *ai3wisk-, shame, disgrace

from *eghskatos
e|
from *legzgha,
older *leghska
from *patskho, older
*pnthsk5, Indg. *qnthsk5
^kvos from *gzhen,

;
;

older *ghsen-, Goth, gasts, guest, stranger, Lat. hostis

\// from *bzh6, older *bhs5

Cp.

devours.

The sound-law whereby

-.

bht, ght became bdh,

gdh

by new formations
the analogy of forms which regularly had r, as

prim. Greek

made

Skr. ba-bhasti, he chews,

225.

after

^,
in

was

obliterated

^,

'4,

Ae/froy

And

as

combinations like psh, bzh, from older phs, bhs, regularly

became ps in prim. Greek ( 225), the above sound-laws

may, so

far as historic

as follows
as

Greek

appear as
:

is

concerned, be formulated
before a following

vr,
;

or

,
:

,
.
Phonology

70

iic-12

:
;

Every Indg. dental + s became ts (110) in prim. Greek,

development of which see 166.
110. When two dental explosives came together a
spirantal glide was developed between them, which is
generally written
These comas t^t, t^th, d'd, dzdh.
binations became in prim, Greek
(= Skr. tt, Lat.
Germanic ss),
Every original dental + t
z8,
appears in Greek as
Examples are -.-^, unseen,
unknown, Skr. vittah, knoivn, OE. ge-wiss, sure, certain,
for the further

^>'';

visus

from *vissus

oiSa

Skr.

^, -^ ,
?
8^ ' . , .
. ^^ . ,
Lat.

uttarah,
Lat.

ob'Sessor

siiten,

veda, / know,

Tenues

dasat

,'
:

often alternated with

from

The

pango,

Skr.

breast,

/at.

111.

Lat. pingo,

thoit

^-

before or after nasals, as

mediae especially
scabo
Skr.

Lat.

*]\^

Lat. viginti.

Lat. dice

5e5ei-

alternation between mediae aspiratae and mediae

also not

69
ahdm

Skr. vettha,

oi8a,

sess, seai,
:

medah,

was

OE.

Lat.

*6^ ^^.

from

*sed, sit;

knowest

pp. Skr. sattah,

/a/ter;

uncommon,

kya>,

as

English

flint,

Lat. ego, Goth, ik

yevv9, Goth, kinnus, cheek

Skr.

Skr.

Skr. hanuh, jawbone

mahan

Goth,

mikils; and similarly between tenues and tenues aspiratae,

board;
as
Skr. prthuh, broad,
:

Skr. panthah, path.

are

unknown.

Grundriss,
112.

reasons for these alternations

further

second

examples

see

Brugmann,

629-35.
consonant often alternated with the simple

4'C.,

For

The

vol.

i,

ed., pp.

II3-T5]

consonant, as

tonare

Lat.

Indg. Consonant-System
ffrkyo<i

rkyos, Lat. tego

:

71
I groan

Goth, maitan,

hew.

io cut,

CHAPTER

VI

THE GREEK DEVELOPMENT OF THE

INDG.

CONSONANT-SYSTEM
Before entering upon the history of the individual

113.

it
will be well to treat here several points
concerning the Greek consonants in general.

consonants,

The

became tenues aspiGreek as also in prim. Italic, and thus fell

together with and underwent all further changes in common
with the Indg. tenues aspiratae ( 103, note i). For examples

114.

Indg. mediae aspiratae

ratae in prim.

see

162, 177, 193, 201, 209.

Aspirates became de-aspirated in prim. Greek as

115.

,,

when

also in prim. Sanskrit

the next syllable or the next

but one began with an aspirate

?,

thick, large,

stout,

*bheidh5 ;
bodhati, he learns, is awake
bottom, depth
from
Lat, fide, Indg.

,
.
:

,*
:

from

And
sand

budhndh,

Skr.

^^

from *dhidhemi, Skr.

place

,
;

he asks, inquires, Skr.

*4\.

dadhami, I put,

Skr. bahuh, abundant)

^.

similarly with the spiritus asper, as

'

Engl.

from *avhos older *havho9, Lith. sausos,

withered;

eSeOXov

See 213,1.

Note.

Forms

, .

like

Skr.

sadas, seat;

were new formations due to the influence of forms

<,

dry,

, , , ,,

'e8o9,

'4,

&c.

like

Phonology

72

6-17

A tenuis, whether original or from an older media

was written tenuis aspirata before a following Q.
This was not a sound-change but merely a kind of graphic

',,^^,
,
^,
,
,
,
, ^, , .

;
*
. ^,^
116.

106),

assimilation, as

ire

Aeyoo,

Assimilation of Consonants.

,,

117.

>

///,

from

as

' , ,.
:

from

as

>

> yv,
>

iWa,

Lac.

as

as

*/3/.

*\.

/.
*6

epe/zi'oy

See

from

*sedla

Before explosives

j^

OE.

189.

Lesb.

.
,
,
?.
9,
, ?.
,
.
, ,
=

as

*69

Lat. sella, from

from

setl, seai;

\v

agnus

Lat.

from

as Horn,

*-.
>

from

>

Lat. oculus, Lith. akis, eye

from

became the corresponding homor-

ganic nasal, as

>
>
>

,
,
,

as
as
as

>

Antevocalic

in

Lesb. and Thess., which became

in the other dialects with lengthening of the

simplified to

preceding vowel, as Lesb.

:

See

>

Antevocalic
simplified to

Att.

preceding vowel, as Lesb.

Lat. mensis.
Att, Ion.
:

Medial

>

Dor.

vv in Lesb. and Thess., which became

in the other dialects

?,

Ion.

216.

with lengthening of the

See

which remained

Thess.

?,

Dor.

216.
in Lesb., after short

The Semivowels

ii8]

became

vowels, but

>

Medial

in

preceding vowel, as Lesb. Thess.

:

Skr. dsmi,

Medial au

simplified to

On

Att.

>

in the other dialects, as

simplified to

from ""aiaXafo^. See 215.

in Lesb. and Thess., which became
the other dialects with lengthening of the

Lesb. XWao<s, Att.

simplified to

73

/ am.
vv in

in the

See

^, Dor. ,

Lesb. and

which became

Thess.,

other dialects, as Lesb.

from

Att. Ion.

214.

*afvs.

See

^^,
,

the prim. Gr. assimilation of the combination

166.

>

vv, as

from

*?,

see

Ion.

214.

see

223.

The Semivowels.

and j, generally called u and i-consonant, are

the consonants corresponding to the vowels u and i with
which they often interchange in different forms of the same
word, as Indg. *swepnos, Skr. svapnah, beside *supnos,
Ion.
Gr.
from *yov^a beside yovv
beside
Indg. *djeus, Skr. dyauh, sky, Gr. Zeiiy

118.

.
;

beside

loc.

Skr. divi, Gr. ALfi; Indg. *jenti, Skr. yanti,

imdh, Dor.

they go, beside *imes, Skr.

beside

In

nant are written u and

relationship to the vowels

are written

u and

in

we go
and i-conso;

u-

order to indicate their close

i.
In this grammar they

u and

,,

when they form

a tautosyllabic diphthong, as
all

fyue?,

many philological works

other positions they are written

the second element of

'^,

Zev, in

w or respectively f and

should be noted that u-consonant remained in the

period of the language not only as the second
element of diphthongs but also in other positions ; whereas
i-consonant only remained as the second element of tauto-

j.

It

oldest

syllabic diphthongs,

in

all

other positions

it

either

dis-

appeared or became some other sound.

Beside i-consonant it is generally supposed that the Indg.

Phonology

74

parent language had a spirant

sented in Greek by

sonant in

all

initially

but which

which

repre-

is

,
^,

together with i-con-

fell

the other Indg. languages, cp.

yugdm, Lat. jugum, Goth, juk,

yuydm, Goth, jus, Lith. jus,jv^.

119-20

yoke, beside
It is

Skr.
Skr.

probable however

is due to a soundchange which took place in prim. Greek under conditions

See 227.
that have not yet been discovered.
119. In the Indg. parent language postconsonantal w,
The former regularly occurred
j alternated with uw, ij.
This original
after short and the latter after long syllables.

that this distinction is not original, but

was best preserved in Sanskrit. In the other

became greatly obscured owing partly to
it
special sound laws which took place in the separate languages, and partly to numerous analogical formations
whereby forms with short syllables were remodelled on the
analogy of those with long syllables and vice versa. ReguIon. ovXos, Att.
from *o\fo9 = Skr.
lar forms were
sdrvah, whole, all; and similarly
from *6(f)pvfos = Skr. bhruvah,
beside gen.
from
cp. OE. nom. pi. bruwa, eyebrows

distinction

languages

, ?; ^,

?,

from

*'/.,
*],

,,

attain,

Lat. medius, Goth, midjis, middle

,*/

from
Skr. ajriyah

Skr. pddjah, on foot;

*/

pitriyah,

Skr.

from

paternal;

from *6pvfo
cp. Skr. asnuvanti, they
Lat. alius, Goth, aljis, other
;

from
from
from Indg. *medhjos

from

*ifo

from

*Ae/'av/'a

{) =

patrius,

Lat.

Skr.

^^

beside

Skr.

Indg.

gen.

madhyah,

naviyah

*p9trijos,

Goth.

))rije.

120. Indg.

value as
all

NE.

w, which probably had

w in

win, remained

the Greek dialects.

It

the

same sound-

in the oldest period ot

was the

sixth

letter of the

The Semivmvels

i2i]

75

digamma by

alphabet and was called

later grammarians.
disappeared so early that hardly any trace

In Att. Ion.

it

of

but in the other dialects the sound remained

is left,

it

shown by

until far into historic times, as is

the various dialects.

dialects about the
dialects

and

it

began

before

been a living sound

was

It

Boeotians

at

also

inscriptions in

to disappear in these

o,

than before other vowels.

can be shown that f must have

the flourishing period of the Greek

at

still

it

among

in existence initially

the

the time they adopted the Ionic alphabet at

the end of the

121.

began

fifth century b. c.
In all the
disappear earlier medially than initially,

metrical grounds

epic.

also

end of the

to

initially earlier

Upon

It

Initial

fifth

century

b. c.

disappeared

Ion., but

in Att.

in the oldest period of the other dialects.

It

also

remained
remained

and the old Germanic languages, but became the

(= NE. v) in Sanskrit and the Baltic-Slavonic
languages, and f in O.Irish, as oiSa, Hom. folSa, Skr.
veda, OE. wat, I know, Lat. videre
Dor. feiKari,

in Latin

spirant

Boeot. fiKUTi, Skr. vjsati, Lat. viginti, O.Ir. fiche, twenty

Cypr. foLKos, Skr. vesdh, hotcse, Lat. vicus, Goth,

weihs, village;
Pamph. /^, Skr. vdhami, Latveho, OE. wege, / carry epyov, Cretan fepyov, Elean
Fapyov, OE. weorc, work; and similarly tap, Lat. ver;
Lat.
Lat. vestis
eVoy, Lat. vetus
;
169,

69

?,

Lat. virus

, ,
,
;

h, U, Lat. vis

ired,

vinum.

from ^fXario?
wulf, Lith. vilkas, Indg. *wlqos,
;

fparpd, saying, maxim, Skr.

wyrt,

root

Att.

Lat. vitis

wolf.

wrsitkva.,

Lat.

Skr. vrkah,

OE.

Elean

Att.

command

Lesb. Fpvii?.

oTvo^,

Initial f

before

consonants was sometimes

Boeotian.

century

b. c.

written
in Lesbian and
But as Lesbian inscriptions of the fourth
have only
it follows that the
in earlier

Lesbian wasmerely graphical.

Note.

In a

few instances we have the spiritus asper where

Phonology

76
we should
*f

vdsah,

expect

from

Att.

Lat.

Vesta

has nothing to do with the

it

f,

Skr.

willing,

explanation

satisfactory

122-3

the

for

words has not yet been found.

spiritus asper in these

highly probable that

'
,
,

as

lenis,

Lat. vesper

beside

pleasure.

7i'///,

the

vallus

Lat.

riXos,

< ?,

regularly

beside

It is

but

is

due

the unsettled state of the spiritus asper in Attic of the

to

fourth century

apto

Cp. its misuse in words like

Lat. equus.
Dor.
;

B. c.

Hom.

'?,

122. Intervocalic f disappeared in Att. Ion., but

Lat.

is fre-

quently met with in some of the other dialects, as Att. Ion.

ndvah,

veos, Skr.

novem, nine

novus, new

Lat.

kv-via, Skr.

nava, Lat.

Skr. avih, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis, sheep, Goth.

oi y,

,/,

9^ , ,

awistr, sheep/old;

""Tj-fLOifos, bachelor,

widoiO, cp. Lat.

vidua

divah, of the sky

Cypr.

srdvah, renown
*Xapifei'T9

sravati,
ivevaa),

gen.

Hom.

dial,

icXeoy,

OE. widewe,

Lat. Jovis, cp. Skr.

Zli(f)oy,

gen. Att.

of Phocis

/fAe/^oy,

from *(f>afeavos
Xeaiva from *Xifauja

69,

i)

,,
;

, ,
^,
;

piei,

and similarly
;

Skr.

(aor.

pov9, Cypr. pofos,

Skr.

?,

sravk, stream
and similarly 6o6s,
It also disappeared between a diphthong and
olo's, Cypr.
following vowel, as Xaios, Lat. laevus

sravah,

Lith.

^.
a

Skr.

from

ows

//

Skr. pivan-, swelling

Skr. vidhdva, O.Ir. fedb,

olfos

on forms

like

from

*8,

aei,

Cypr. and

* ^, , , ,, ' ^,

dial,

of Phocis atfei, see

57.

regularly combined with

and
123. Medial F before
a preceding vowel to form a diphthong, as Aeol. anovpds

from

Att.

older ^fponaXov

fplvos, cp. Lesb. fp'ivo^, skin, hide.

'4^,

had their

from the

initial

simplified to p, see 138.

Forms

like Att.

beside

position before pp

became

The Semivowels

124]

w.

Indg. postconsonantal

124.

it is

77

In this combination

necessary to take into consideration the nature of the

preceding consonant.
1.

,,,

f disappeared after

Indg.

,
^,
,,
,
^
,, ,
(

from

195), as

dh

bh,

*?,

*,
9, , *^,
*^,
and pure velar q

from

(gh),

infans.

root *bheu,

from
*efavaT09, cp. Skr.
dhvantuh, covered, dark;
Skr. urdhvah, straight;
from ^Ofapjos, *efo\os,
be.

*iF

Lesb.

ferus.

,
,
2.

vapor, Lith. kvapas, smoke, vapour.

which was simplified later to initially,
Skr. dsvah, Lat. equus, horse, Goth, aitua-tundi,
Lat.

kw became

as

thornbush,

lit.

horse tooth

3.

Initial

Boeot.

tw- became

^-,-^,
cp.

coffin,

became

--

Skr.

beside Dor.
svatrdh, flourish
later to

-,

Skr. tvah, thy;

tvdc-,

hide,

cover;

skin,

, , ,

Hom.

beside

cp. Skr.

which was simplified

Skr. tva, tvam, thee;

beside

from *kwa,

tng, prosperous.

as

*9,

Lith. zveris, wild animal, Lat.

Lith. tveriu,
in Att.

dialects, as Att.

cp. Skr. tvis-, to be excited

hold, contain.

and Boeot., and

Medial -tw-

in

other

the

Hom.

Boeot.

Skr. catvarah, Goth, fidwbr, four.

4.

-, ,
,*of,^,'^^,

f disappeared after

later bis, twice

twdi, two

in

Skr. dvih, O.Lat. duis,

as

Skr. dva-d4sa, twelve, cp. Goth.

Homer sometimes with

metrical lengthening

, ^^

of a preceding short vowel or with doubling of the

Hom.
Hom.

voc. aieey,

,,
5.

Att. aieey,

from

Initial

sw became the

root *dwei,

as
;

to fear.

spiritus asper in Att. Ion., as

Skr. svdsurah, Goth, s-waihra, father-in-law

Dor.

Skr. svaduh, Lat. sua vis from

swete, sweet; 6, Skr. svah, his

and similarly e,oI,Hom.

Hom.
from

*swadwis, OE.
from

''^,'^, *^5-.

Phonology

78

125-8

Intervocalic -sw- disappeared with lengthening of the pre-

^,

^,

Att. vi<as ( 72), from

Ion.
ceding vowel, as Dor.
*^'/^?; reXT^eis from*TeXeafei^Ty (69,i); toy from ^iVfoy,

arrow.

The combinations

6.

vf, pf,

Af remained unchanged

in

beginning of historic times.

In Ionic and some of the Doric dialects the f disappeared
with lengthening of a preceding vowel, and in Attic and

some

dialects until after the

piles

-, , ;
up

^,

,,, ,,,

the other dialects without such lengthening, as Ion.

Att.

from *TLvfa>, cp. Skr. cinvati, cinoti, he arranges,

beside
and similarly Ion.
Ion. dvaros, k^lvos,

,
,
,
,
,
, , , , ', , ,""-.
,
,
^*,

Att.

.,

Att.

Arcad. KOpfcL; Ion.

Att.

125. Medial F disappeared before

j,

as

from
from

*],

gdvyah, consisting of or relating to cattle

from
*afj. See 129, 5.
126. f disappeared between consonants, as Hom.
Ion.
Lith. ketviftas, fourth
from

Skr.

*/,

Dor.

Att.

Att.

Cret.

Skr. divyah, divine, celestial;

Skr. sdrvah, all; Ion.

Ion.

Ion.

^ivos.

ielvo9, beside Att. evaros, Kevo^,

*],

{rom*TTf pay- fem.

purvi, many, gen. purvyah.
;

cp. Skr. fern,

Greek the

through
remained in all
the other Indg. languages with the exception of Old Irish
Skr. yakrt, Lat. jecur,
where it disappeared, as
Lith. pi. jeknos, /iwr; 6, Skr. yah, who, Goth, ja-bdi, if;
from
Skr. yuyam, Goth, jus, Lith. jus, jv^;

127. Initial

became

in

the intermediate stage of voiceless

spiritus asper

j.

It

-^,

^',

I honour, Skr.

ydjati, he honours.
disappeared in Greek, Latin and
the Keltic languages, but remained in Sanskrit and the

128.

Intervocalic

The Semivowels

129]

79

languages and also in Gothic between

vowels which remained as such in the historic period of
Cret. r/Dcey, Skr. trdyah, Lat. tres,
the language, as
Baltic-Slavonic

'5,

O.Ir. tri, Goth. neut. J>rija, O.Slav, trije, Indg. *trejes,

from *(.], (5eoy from *5feyoy gen. /Cioy from

(330); in adjectives denoting the material of which
and similarly
a thing is made, as Ai'^eoy from
a'Ly09,Kvu09,
cp. Lat. aureus, lapideus ;

three)

*9

*KLJos

^^,

in iterative, causative

Skr. patdyami,

and denominative verbs, as

/ hover

, ,, ,

,
, ,,,^

Goth, "wagja, / move, shake

cp.

torreo

,
,,

Skr.

vahayami, /

and similarly

let

drive,

verbs like Lat. doceo, moneo, noceo,

from

*/, *0;; and

however

(see

^,

similarly

489),

verbs like Skr. devaydti,

he honours the gods, from devdh, god Lat. planto, albeo,
cp.

finio, statue,

from *plantaj5, *albej5, *finij6, *statuj5.

129. Indg. postconsonantal

j.

In this combination

it

.
,
,
,
,
,
'
^,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.

is

necessary to take into consideration the nature of the

preceding consonant.

,
,

1. irj became
as
from *]], Lith. spiduju,
/ spit out and similarly
2.
became
as aXXos, Lat. alius, Goth, aljis, other;
Lat. folium
beauty, Skr. kalyah, healthy
from *gljO beside
and similarly
;

,,

Note.
. In the Cyprian dial, the j merely palatalized the
as
and the
thus palatalized was expressed by

=
aile

3.

OLV,

from *aljos, *alja,

ot/ier.

,,,,,

The combinations
oip,

similarly

cp. the similar process in O.Ir.

as

a, o

from

+ vj,

pj,

*8],

fj

became

Indg.

aiv, aip, ai,

*drnjo

and

;
,

Phonology
from

*]^,

older

8*7/,

Indg. *sprjO

from
cp.

Lat.

further examples see

cum

'^8]

and similarly

kolvos from *kovj6s,

from

75.

129

*;.

For

,
,
,
,
,
,
,,,
^, ^, ^, ^, ^, , , ,
4.

i^',

mained

pyj

preceded by

in Lesbian,

e,

i,

v,

became

vu, pp,

which

re-

but became simplified in Att. Ion. with

lengthening of the vowel, as Att. Ion.

Arcad.

See

69,

beside Lesb.

and similarly

F disappeared in the intervocalic combination fj and

then the j combined with the preceding vowel to form
5.

, ^ 9,

which simply became

from *8]',
from Stfjos. See 3 and 4 above.

a diphthong, except in the case of

lengthened, as

cvpeia,

*evpifja, *^ofjos, but

6.

Indg.

t,

th,

then became

dh+j became

initially

in prim.

and medially

Greek,

after long vowels,

diphthongs, and consonants, but medially between vowels

it

,
, ,
,
*], */

in Boeotian and Cretan (Cret. also ),

became
in the other dialects, as
and Ionic, and

Attic

scare away, Skr. tyajayati,

lie

expels

in

Dor.

, ,, ,
*
,
^,
;
/9
,
?,
^^,
*],

; ,, ,
,
., , ,
from

sign, token,

Skr.

from *aWja,
Ion.
from

pi. Att.

dhyaman-, thought;
;

*-/

Ion.

Hom.

Lesb.

mddhyah,

Hom.

Goth, midjis, middle;

and similarly
;

nom. ace. neut.

from

Skr.

Att. Ion.

*/

?,

Lat. medius,

Att.

from

Att. Ion.

Boeot.

Cret.

Att.

in

in

Note. 2. The presents of verbs in -^, the comparatives

-Jv and feminines in -j'a, formed from dental stems, were
all the dialects remodelled on the analogy of those formed

from K-stems (see

below), as

aor. AireV^ai

ipirrw,

The

8i

Si'Jjiivozvels

.,
,^ .,, , ,
'.
, ,, ,
,
,
,
?
, . , ,, ,
, , */ ^,
.

129]

^,

gen.

Stem

like

Att.

^.

like

^/?,

gen.

^7^9,

like

uva^

Indg. k, q, kh, qh, gh,

gh+j became

Boeot. Thessal. Cret. (Cret. also

/>//r/i

but

from

Ion.

dialects, as Att.

Lith. pikis,

),

Att.
pacyate, // ripens
and similarly Att.

Skr.

*],

Ion.

Att.

Ion,

rr in Att.

in the other

Lat. pix,

cook, ripen,

^',

cp.

Ion.

were simplified

beside

-,

cp.

/le

Indg. dj and g,

g+j became

Initial

moves himself; Att.

;

then later zd by metathesis.

Hom.

as

initially,

from

Ion.

8.

to

Skr. cydvate,

Ion.

Att.

Greek dz and

in prim.

dz became 8

in Boeot,

and Laconian, but

(= zd) in the other dialects.
Medially after consonants it became 8 in all the dialects.
Medially after vowels it became 88 in Boeot, and Cretan,

Cret.

but

(sometimes written

Ion. Zeiiy, Boeot. Cret.

Skr. dyauh, sky

from

*7.

cp. Skr.

from

*:]

Initial

but

].

cp.

Boeot.

ait off;

from

and

/' became the spiritus asper through the inter-

syuman,

j,

as

string, cord,

J became

t,

eoy',

from

as

hymn,

thin skin,

syutah, sewn.

The medial combinations /', oj,

1, vt,

Att. Ion.

,*/88,
88,
.
,
, ^,

it is

Boeot.

mediate stage of voiceless

song, Skr.

8=

from *8]6^, Skr. padyah, on foot

chidyate,

similarly
9-

in the other dialects, as Att.

Boeot. Cret.

^?
, ,
', ,
;

8)

and Laconian Aevs, Indg. *djeus,

became

*/',

cp.

at, oi,
;

Phonology

82

"^/,

from

tdsya

Horn,

*/,

from

ei'?;!/

*fiSvaja

/'.

Skr.

Horn,
Att.

130-2

*/

from
from

syam, / mirv be
vidusyah

Skr. vidusi, gen.

Hom.

'/

from
from */<:/-

,. ^

For further examples see

76.

disappeared after a consonant + nasal, as

from
from *eXaf
from
130.

/"^

*]

and similarly

The

in

*0-

Liquids.

Indg. parent language had two liquids

1 and
Apart from cases of dissimilation, which are common
most languages, the two sounds were regularly kept

131.
r.

The

Skr.

*66;',

Armenian and the European languages, but

apart in

in

Iranian and partly also in the Indian group of dialects

they

together in

fell

Grammar,

'

53,

According

r.

and

to

Whitney, Sanskrit

are very widely interchangeable

Sanskrit, both in roots and in suffixes,

and even in
which do not
show also forms with r; words written with the one letter
are found in other texts, or in other parts of the same text,
written with the other.
In the later periods of the language
they are more separated, and the 1 becomes decidedly more
frequent, though always much rarer than the r.'
From this
it may be inferred that where 1 and r exist side by side in
the same word, it is due to a mixture of dialects, as in
lehmi beside rehmi, / lick.
in

prefixes

there are few roots containing

132. Indg.

generally remained in Greek as also in

the other European languages, as

aile,

Goth,

sealt, salt;

^,

aljis, other;

aWos,

Lat. alius, O.Ir.

aXy, Lat. sal, O.Ir. salann,

Lat.

OE.

mulgeo, OE. meolce, / milk;

Lat. clepo, Goth, hlifa, / steal; kXvtOs, Skr.

srutdh, Lat. in-clutus, renowned, cp. O.Ir. cloth, renown,

OE.

hleo))or, sound, melody;

^,

Lat.

linquo,

Lith.

The Liquids

133-6]

83

leku, / leave, Skr. rinakti, he leaves, Goth, leihra,

pf.

XiXoina

OE.

lingo,

Skr. rireca

liccie,

OE.

bed, couch,

lick;

licgan,

^,
9,

to lie

/ lend;

Skr. rehmi, lehmi, Lat.

Lat. lectus, O.Ir. lige,

,/^,

down

Lat. nebula,

, ., ' ,
,
,, ,
OHG.

nebul, cloud,

sarvah,

mist;

Att.

Skr.

6X09,

ivhole, all.

133. In

some of

^^,
',

the Doric dialects

, as

and

Ion.

became

before

kvOoiv,

became
134. In the Cretan dialect anteconsonantal
U'consonant and then combined with the preceding vowel to

form a diphthong, as

^,

= Hom.

'=,

k\6dv,

sisters.

Cp. Mod. northern dialects aud, cud, old; kaud, koud, cold.
became
and vice versa by dis 135. Occasionally
similation.
This phenomenon is common in all the Indg.
languages and especially in Greek and Latin, as apyaXko^
from
beside
Lat.
Aleria beside
Lat. caeruleus caelum,

'

*?

beside

from *certros

pelegrinus from peregrinus

Lat. culter

fraglo beside

fragro.

136. Indg. r generally remained in Greek, as

Skr. rudhirah, Lat. ruber, O.Ir. ruad,

OE. read,

Lith.

raudas, red;
Skr. rajas-, Goth, riqis, darkness;
Skr. sarpami, Lat. serpo, / creep;
Skr.
bharami, Lat. fero, O.Ir. berim, Goth, baira, O.Slav.
bera, / bear;
Skr. trayah, Lat. tres, O.Ir. tri,
Goth. J)reis, O.Slav, trije, three;
Lat. aro, Goth.
arja, Lith. ariu, I plough, O.Ir. arathar, /)/^
Lat. ager, Goth, akrs, field, Skr. ijrah, a plain ;
Lat. porous, OE. fearh, pig;
Skr. pitar-, Lat.
pater, O.Ir. athir, OE. fxder, /a the}-.
See 77.

,
,
,
;

Phonology

84

-,

137. Indg. sr

simplified to

became

initially,

I flow, beside
I gulp down. See

as

137-40

was

voiceless pp which

later

^, Skr. srdvami, Lith. sraviii,

Lat. sorbeo, Lith. srebiu,

215.

initially (through the inter 138. Indg. wr became

mediate stage of pp) in the course of the individual dialects,
Elean Fpctrpd, saying, maxim, Skr. vratdm,
as Att.

command, saying.

See

121.

The Nasals.

139.

nasals

The

labial

sponding

Indg. parent language had

m, dental

n, palatal n,

four

and velar

kinds of
q, corre-

to the four classes of explosives p, t, k, q.

Of

these the palatal and velar nasals only occurred before

their corresponding explosives and underwent in the
different languages all

changes

in the place of articulation

common with these explosives, as Indg. *per)qe = rreuTe,

Lesb, /7, Skr. pdnca, Goth, fimf, Lith. penki, flve

in

Indg. *per)qtos

Lat.

quintus, Goth, fimfta,

Indg. *angh6 =
Lat. ango,
penktas,
The dental and
cp. Goth, aggwus, OE. enge, narrow.
All the
labial nasals occurred also in other positions.
nasals had in Greek a weak articulation before explosives
which accounts for their frequent omission on
and
inscriptions and for nasals of all kinds being expressed by
Lith.

V in archaic

Greek orthography.

. ,

generally remained initially and medially

140. Indg.
Skr. matar,
Greek, as Att. Ion.
Dor.
Lat. mater, O.Ir. mathir, OE. modor, O.Slav, mati,
Lat. mel, O.Ir. mil, Goth, milij), honey;
mother;
Skr. mus-, Lat. OE. mus, mouse
bolt, nail,

in

, ,
Skr.

jdmbhah,

tooth,

OE. camb, comb;

^,

Skr. dsmi,

The Nasals

41-5]

Lat.

sum,

^,

-,

half;

we

141.

Final

^//, Skr. vamami, Lat.

OE. sam,

Skr. sami, Lat. semi-,

, ,
bharamah,

Skr.

bear.

centum, hundred

am

Lith. esmi,

vomo, / vomit)

85

became

Goth.bairam,

Skr. satam, Lat.

n, as

Skr.

Lat. ferimus,

yugam, Lat. jugum,

gen. pi.
Lat. eram

_yo/^^

dbharam, cp.
= Skr. vrkanam; ace. sing, of vocalic stems, asAu/coi'=Skr.
vrkam, Lat. lupum
= Skr. tdm, Lat. is-tum Skr.
asvam = Lat. equam, cp.
= Skr. tam, Lat.
'i(f>epov

Skr.

is-tam

eV,

142.

mj became

,,
,,

Skr. ksam, earth

from

nj, as

*Kovjo9, older

*]<,

cp. Lat.

iam from *quom-jam.

143.

mt became

^,

cp.

nt, as

levelled

&c.

to

come;

cum, com, and quonI gather

cp.

I roar;

*/, older *],

Indg. *gmjO, Lat. venio, cp. Goth, qiman,

from

with

eVoy,

partim, sitim

Lat.

cp.

*,

Lat. hiem, winter, from

out into the oblique cases

,*, *,

Skr. gatim,

svadum.

Skr.

in

yivTO, he grasped, cp. M.Ir.

^
',
,
,
,
,
, *, . ,;
Z^meX, fetter.

all

144.

ms became

ns and then the nasal disappeared

the dialects in the combination ns

lengthening of the preceding vowel (see

from

gen. of

*5e/z?,

*(5e/i-,

house.

in

consonant without

153), as

When

ns was not

the

followed by another consonant the nasal disappeared in

most of the dialects with lengthening of the preceding
vowel, as Att. Ion. el?, Dor. ^9, but Cret. eVy, from *e/iy,
cp. Lat. semel, semper.
145. ml, mr became mbl, mbr which were simplified to
bl, br initially, as
;

flaccid, Skr.

mrduh,

beside

soft;

shooting up, high groiving, Skr.

from

mortal, beside

murdha, head
Skr. mrtah,

cp.

Skr.

amrtah

mid-

Phonology

86

146-8

^.

Cp. words like NE. humble, number,

humble, nombre, beside Lat. ace. humilem, numerum.
146. Prim. Greek , the weak grade of -^-, was
simplified to -v- after long vowels, as inf. yvwvai from
beside
and similarly

day, beside

Fr,

*'
,

,,

&c., cp. 546.

generally remained in Greek,

147.

as reo?,

Skr.

nevus, Goth, niujis, Lith. naujas, new vicjios,

cloud, Skr. ndbhas-, Lat. nebula, OHG. nehnl, fog, mist-,
vv^, Skr. naktih, Lat. nox, Goth, nahts, Lith. naktis,

navah,

Lat.

night-,

Skr.

nama,

Lat.

nomen, OE. nama, name

day before the new moon, Skr. sdnah, Lat. senex,

O.Ir. sen, Goth, sineigs, Lith. senas, old; yivos, Skr.
janas, Lat. genus, Goth, kuni, race, generation
Skr. bhdranti, Lat.
Skr. jnatah, knoivn; Dor.
ferunt, Goth, bairand, they bear; vwvos, Skr. svapnah,
Skr. svan, dog, hound.
sleep
voc.
148. Indg. In became 11 in prim. Greek, Latin, Keltic

'4,

the

^,

and Germanic.

In Greek

three categories

all

is

it

^?,

necessary to distinguish

of which belong to the prehistoric

period of the language.

The

1.

This
11 in prim. Greek.
Lesb. and Thessalian, but in the other
became simplified to 1 with lengthening of the

Indg. In which became

4, ,
,
*
,
,
, , , *.

11

remained

dialects

it

in

Dor.

preceding vowel, as Lesb.

Lesb.
from

*;
Att.

Att.

Hom.

Dor.

See

2.

69,

oos

from
from

cp.

Ion.

?,

came together

at a later

Dor.

Lesb. Thess.

from

6.

When

OE.

Hom.

Lesb.

*^^, fleecy

Att.

and remained as such

girl,

fc,

Thess.

period

it

in all the dialects, as

Pallas, epith. of Athena, to stem

became

*^,

fola, /ort/, gen. folan for *fulen; eXXoy, to

stem

The Nasals

149-53]

*,

.
,,.

*/-, cp. O.Slav, jelen, Lith. in\%t

from

87

young

deer

beside

,,
.. ,, , ,,
^
, ,*'^.
;. ,
*^
*- *6 *
*, * ^ 3.

When

^' came together

remained, as

149.

When

assimilated to

at

150.

still

period,

later

^,

came together
aW^yov,

as

Xoyoy.

\09;

became assimilated to

in

composition

it

it

became

'-

, ^,
as

151.

became the corresponding

Before explosives

homorganic

nasal,

as

nr became ndr which was simplified

to dr initially,
from
hurt,
damaged; Hesychius
Cp. words like
NE. gander, thunder, beside OE. ganra, Jjunor.
disappeared in prim. Greek before s or + con 153.
sonant without lengthening of the preceding vowel. This
sound-change took place both when s, were original or
arose from some other source, as
from
from
imperative mid.
from
ey
beside kvs, ei'y
from
from
from
Here belong also the
from
see 155.
various dialect forms of the ace. pi. of o- and a-stems.
In
prim. Greek the regular endings were -,
when the
in pausa
next word began with a consonant and
and when the next word began with a vowel, as
This original distinction was fairly
but

152.

as

"^'-.

-,

The

other dialects

^^.

well preserved in the dialect of Crete.

generalized the

, -, the

of which then disappeared

with lengthening of the preceding vowel, whence Att. Ion.

-, -,

Dor.

-, -,

Lesb.

-, -.

See

69,

Phonology

88

154-5

Note. When
a later period

it

came to stand in the above combination at

disappeared with lengthening of the preceding

, ^

vowel in Att. Ion. and in most of the other dialects, as Att.

re-introduced from the pres.
with
from
Ion.
the regular form would have been
which was a new formation for
from

*7

154.

I'

*;
*.

remained in Arcad. Arg. Cret. and Thessalian

-? and the medial -- which arose from the

before final

assimilation of consonants, but in the other dialects except

disappeared with lengthening of a preceding

of which
became
the

Lesbian the

In Lesb. the

short vowel.

combined with a preceding short vowel to form a diphthong,

as Att. Ion. eh, Dor.

Cret. eVy, Lesb. eh, one

*9, *\,

raXds, from

Ion. /xeXay,

Att.

,^

144)

from

TiOds, BlBovs, from *yLyavT9, ^TiOei^rs, *SiSopts;

*iTavTJa beside Lesb.

/, */

Att.

Ion.

ayovai, ayoiCL

prim. Gr. dyovri, aya>vTi, beside Lesb. ayoiai,

n,

The

155.

mode

oldest

yiyds,

from *
Dor. and

ay(i>aL.

r)

of representing these nasals in

which is common on inscriptions. They

Greek was by
came to be represented by after the combinations gn, gm
as in Att.
had become assimilated to rjn,
( 189),

yyvoaL,

y6s = ytf;voaL,

?;$.

It

has already been

pointed out that these nasals only occurred in the parent

language before their corresponding explosives and underin the different languages all changes in the place of

went

articulation in

qveyKa,

common

bore, Skr.

with these explosives

an^sa, he

Lat. ango, cp. Goth,

obtained, cp. Lat.

aggwus,

narroiv.

139).

nanciscor
:

ayKOiv,

O.Lat. ancus, cp. Skr. arjkah, hook, OE. din%Q\, fish-hook

7TVTi,

Lesb.

pimp, Goth,

Skr. pdnca, Lat. quinque,

fimf, Lith. penki, five

cp. Skr. rincanti, they leave.

O.Welsh

Lat. linquo,

The Labials

156-9]

156.

The

,, ,

preceding vowel before Ion.

'
Xy

Indg. ghj

129,

Ion.

89

nasal disappeared with lengthening of the

Att.

Att. ^arrooj/,

from prim. Greek

from *ay\jov, cp.

Att.

as Ion.

7),

from

^^'.

from

*//

also disappeared, but without lengthening of the pre-

It

from

ceding vowel, before

*K\ayyjoi

plango

from prim. Gr. yj, as

clango
from *nXayyj(u
gen. adXntyyo^.

Lat.

In O.Ir.

medially, as

Greek

before

TToAiiy,

and generally also

Skr. pat (gen. padah), Lat. pes,

Skr. pra, Lat.

,,

Skr. puruh, O.Ir.

Lat. plecto

initially

Skr. pitar-, Lat. pater, O.Ir. athir,

,?,

fdsder, faiher

foot]

Labials.

disappeared

it

vowels) remained in

,
^,

Lat.

Skr. Lat. Lith. O.Slav, p, Germanic f,

initially and medially between

(=

157. Indg.

OE.
OE.

The

b.

Ion.

il,

pro-,

Goth,

O.Slav, pro-,

filu,

much,

many

Skr. sapta, Lat. septem, Goth,

Skr, sarpami, Lat. serpo, / creep

OE. ofer, over, Skr. upari, above
Skr. svapnah, Lat. somnus from *swepnos, O.Ir. suan,
sleep, OE. swefan,
sleep
Lat. caper.

sibun, seven

before

, ;'
;

became

158.

became

,^,
as

as

(see

bystealih

117).

(nom. 1.), f/ie day after the feast, where

the weak form of *^Q6.;foot, cp. Skr. upa-bd4, stamping,
;

is

Lat. s-uper,

See

trampling.

p)

107.

159. Indg. b

manic

(=

remained

medially, as

Skr. Lat. O.Ir. Lith. O.Slav, b, Gerin

Greek

initially

and generally also

blustering, Skr. huk-ka.ra.h, (he roaring

,,,

Phonology

90

of a

Lat. biicina, trumpet,

lion,

bellow

libo

O.Slav, bucati,

roar,

to

Skr. barbarah, stammering

foreign,

dance, Skr. bal-baliti, he whirls

ambu,

Lat. imber, cp. Skr.

160-3

^,

water.

It

Lat.

should

be noted that b was a rare sound in the parent Indg-

,, ,

language.

On

160.

as in
as

the change of

see

before voiceless sounds,

to

/3

see

became

106.

117.

ph

,
,

ph was one of the

It was preserved
language.
161.

prim. Latin

fell

it

rarest sounds in the parent

in Sanskrit

and Greek, but

in

together with original bh, and in prim.

Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages with

I crack, crackle, Skr. sphurjati,
Skr.
he cracks
Skr. sphyah, wedge
Keltic,

original p.

phalakam,/oo/stoo/, see

?,

102.

bh

bh (= Skr. bh,

162. Indg.

Germanic

dially,

voiceless

member of a
brathir, OE.

,
,

in

O.Ir. berim,

Greek, as

OE.

here, O.Slav, bera,

nail,

bro))or, brother;

163.

On

OHG.

the change of

tion of

as in

,,

^,

^^,

nebul, mist;

jambhah,
became
as
Skr.

/ bear;

Skr. bhratar-, Lat. frater, O.Ir.

bru, Lith. bruvis, eyebrow;

Lat. nebula,

Lat. f initially and b meand Baltic-Slavonic b) became

Skr. bharami, Lat. fero,

b, b, Keltic

OE.

Skr. ndbhas-,

Lat.

tooth,

,^,

Skr. bhruh,

cloud,

umbilicus

OE. camb, comb.

:

see

117.

before voiceless sounds, as in

to

see

109.
see

On

115.

the de-aspira-

The Dentals

64-6]

91

The Dentals.
t

(=

164. Indg. t

Germanic

Skr. Lat. Lith. O.Slav,

O.Ir.

t,

th,

t,

Indg. combinations pt, kt, qt,

\, d, but t in the

generally remained in Greek initially and medially, as

st)

OE.

rdviuy Lat. tendo,

stretches

)jenne,

stretch,

Skr. tanoti, he

Lat. tenuis, O.Ir. tana, Lith. tenvas,

OE. )jynne,
6, Skr.

thin; raros, Skr. tatdh, Lat. tentus, stretched;

OE. ]?aet, the, that; rpeh,

OE. J)ri, O.Slav, trije,

,,
^,

tdd, Lat. is-tud,

Skr. trdyah,

Lat. tres, O.Ir. tri,

Lat.

tremo

OE.

faeder, /rt//!^r;

^,

Skr. bharatha, Lat. (imper.)

ferte, Goth, bairijj, O.Slav, berete,

vetus

three;

Skr. pitdr-, Lat. pater, O.Ir. athir,

ye bear;

eros,

Lat.

Skr. srutah, Lat. in-clutus, renowned, O.Ir.

^^
,
,
*\
*
*, , , ^,;
* .
*'
*
?,

cloth, renown

esti, he is

eari, Skr. asti, Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith.

Goth, hliftus,

thief;

OE. eahta,
Hom.

asta, Lat. octd, O.Ir. ocht,

165.

7 became ,

166. Prim.

as

Greek

Skr. astau,

eight.

from

109) became a double spirant

Most
is uncertain.
was ]?])(= th in Engl, thin) or a kind
Before and after consonants, and finally it

the precise pronunciation of which

scholars assume that

of lisped ss.

became

through the intermediate stage

Hom.
*widswos

dialects, as

older

it

Jaos, Att.

,
-,

from

Att.

in

'^,

eVepcrafrom

*69

Cret.

*^
^,

-, -,

the dialects, as dat.

:

pi.

beside stem

-, -, -,

Medially after long vowels and diphthongs

all

nom.

yiyas, SiSovy,

veOTt]T-,

the

all

from *fiTafo^,
from
from
from

far/^os-

Cret.

Att.

?, Cret.

'4

from

from

it

became

in

from

Phonology

167-9

,
,
,
,
,

92

it became
and

Medially between short vowels

in Att. Ion.,

Cret. (Cret. also ),

Horn,

dialects, as aor.

in Boeot.

in the other

Cret.

Att.

loc.

Skr. patsu, beside nom.

Horn,

pi.

^,
;

, , */,
^
,, , ,
167. Indg.

same

the

became

tj

*navTJa

from

129,

*6/

168. Initial

-,

as

tw- became

from
from

Att.

6.

later to

168, as

Hom.
from

Thess. Cret.

Lesb.

Lesb.

Greek and then had

ts in prim.

further development as the ts in

Att. Boeot.

which

Skr. tva, tvam,

-- in Att. and Boeot.,

as Att.

9,

Boeot.

and

fhcc.

Hom.
See

*tOtJos.

was

simplified

Medial -tw-

^,

-- in the other dialects,

^,

became

Att.

Skr. padah.

Hom.

, ', , .

Skr.

catvarah,/or. For further examples see 124, 3.

169. Ti remained initially and also in the combination
Medially it partly
as
and partly remained. The reason for this twobecame

fold

P.

treatment has never been satisfactorily

Kuhn's

Kretschmer

Zeitschrift, vol.

explained.

565-91

xxx, pp.

after investigating the subject in great detail, arrives at the

remained medially when the

was
when the accent was on the
when the was unaccented.
penultima, but it became
On the other hand Brugmann Grundriss, vol. p. 662
following result

tl

accented, and also finally

*
,.

i,

assumes that the became consonantal before vowels, as in

from
gen. Ion.
from
and then the was levelled out into the nom. and ace. sing.
l

A careful examination of the material

by Kretschmer shows that both explanations
leave a large residuum of unexplained forms, even when due
allowance is made for a considerable number of analogical
The tistems and likewise the adjectives in
formations.
collected

^' have ,

as

,,,

170-5]

The Dentals

^.

(^,

The
pi.

of oo-verbs have

in Dor. and Boeotian, as Att.

but

beside Dor.

became

170.

171.

manic

t)

before a following

from *Kut-t6^

uttarah,

, , ^. , ^
^,

verbs and the third pers.

93

See

latter.

(=

Indg. d

of

pres. third pers. sing,

in Att. Ion.,

as

Skr.

110.

Skr. Lat. O.Ir. Lith. O.Slav, d, Ger-

,,

generally remained initially and medially in Greek,

as SeKa, Skr. dasa, Lat. decern, O.Ir. deich, Goth, taihun,

OE. tien, Lith dezimt, fen

I give, O.Slav, dati, to give;
domus, O.Slav, domu, house;
;

Skr. dddami, Lat. do,

Skr.

/zoy,

damah,

Lat.

Skr. dvau, dva, Lat.

,,

duo, O.Ir. dau, d5, Lith. du, OE. twa, two;

Skr.
ddmi, Lat. edo, OE. ete,I eat; e^oy, Skr. sadas-, si-rt/, Lat.
sedere, OE. sittan, to sit;
Lat. gen. cordis,

OE. heorte, heart;

veda, OE. wat, he knows, Lat. videre, to see;
O.Ir. cride, Lith. szirdis,

padam,

,
ace.

172.

sella,

from *sedla, OE.

became

as

setl, seat.

Hom.

*f6^, quontodo.

from

Lat.

older

^.

became , as Zeuy, cp. Skr. dyauh, sky

padyah, on foot. See 129, 8.
became before a following voiceless dental, as
See 110.

173. Indg. dj

^,

Skr.

*,

Lat. pedem, OE. fbt,/oot.

became
as
from
bandage worn by runners on the ankle Lac. iXka

Skr.

Skr.

174.
:

th

175. th

was

was preserved
it

fell

a rare sound in the parent language.

It

Sanskrit and Greek, but in prim. Latin

together with original dh, and in prim. Keltic,
in

Phonology

94

Germanic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages with

t.

or mould

Skr. vettha, thou knowest

to

bake

176. Indg. sth

?,
-? =

suffix

became

?,

Skr. prthuh, broad;

in,

Skr. manthati, he twists, shakes, see

/ stand;

as

176-81
original

a platter
battle-din,

102.
Skr. tisthami,

Skr. sturah, strong; superlative

pillar,

Skr. -isthah, see

102.

dh

177. Indg.

dh (=

before and after

d, Keltic

became

r,

Skr. dh, Lat.

before

and

f initially,

after

and Baltic-Slavonic languages

voiceless

in

Greek, as

b medially

(w), in other cases

d,

Germanic

d, d)

to suck,

Skr.

dhayanti, O.Ir. denait, they suck, Lat. felare, Goth,

daddjan, to suckle
courage, passion, Skr. dhumdh,
OE. duru, pi.
Lat. fumus, Lith. pi. dumai, smoke;
Skr. dadhami, I put,
Lat. fores, Lith. durys, door
place, OE. dad, deed, Lith. deti, O.Slav, deti, to lay, cp.
wine, Skr. madhu, O.Ir. mid, OE.
Lat. facio, feci;
;

^,

,,

Skr.
medus, mead, honey
I burn, Skr.
rudhirah, Lat. ruber, OE. read, red;
edhas-, fire-wood, Lat. aedes, sanctuary, originally, fre-

medu, meodu,

Lith.

,,

OE. ad, funeral

OE. iider, udder;

place, hearth,

Lat. uber,

178. Indg. dhj became

madhyah,

,,

as

On

dh appears
:

as

^,

Skr. udhar,

, ?,

Lat. fido

middle, see 129, 6.

179. Indg.

180.

Skr. srudhi, hear thou.

pile

imperative
Skr.

before voiceless dentals, as

see

the de-aspiration of

110.

as in

see

115.

The Palatals and the Velar Gutturals.

181. In treating the history of these consonants in the

various languages

it

is

convenient to divide the Indg.

family of languages into two great groups according to the

The Palatals and Velar Gutturals

95

development which these sounds underwent in

The palatal explosives k, kh, g and gh
usually appear in Greek, Italic (Latin, Oscan, Umbrian),
Keltic and the Germanic languages as explosives or as
sounds which are directly developed from explosives,
whereas in the Aryan, Armenian, Albanian and BalticSlavonic languages they usually appear as spirants. The
former group is generally called the centum- and the latter
the satsm-group of languages, where Latin centum and Zend
satam represent the original Indg. word *)imtom, hundred.
This twofold development of the palatals is probably due
to dialectal differences which already existed in the Indg.
different

the two groups.

parent language.

In addition to the palatals the parent

language also had two kinds of velars,

pure velars and

The pure
the palatals in the centumviz.

labialized velars or velars with lip-rounding.

velars

fell

together with

languages, but were kept apart in the satsm-languages.

On

the other

hand the pure velars

fell

together with the

labialized velars in the satam-languages, but

were kept

apart in the centum-languages.

The

following table contains the normal development

of the palatals and velar gutturals in the various languages.

The labialized velars are here indicated by ^. In other
parts of this grammar the ^ is almost always omitted as

being unnecessary, because the Greek words themselves

generally indicate whether they originally contained a pure
velar or a labialized velar.

96

Phonology

'8i

The Palatals

182-7]

The Palatals.

I.

182. Indg.

k (=

O.Slav,

sz,

Lith.

,,

Lat. O.Ir.

c,

remained

s)

generally also medially, as

OE. hund,

97

Germanic h g, 5, Skr. s,
in Greek initially and
Lat. centum, O.Ir. cet,
;

,
?,

Skr. satam, Lith. szimtas, hundred)

OE. heorte, Lith.

Goth, hlifa, / siea/

Lat. cor, O.Ir, cride,

heart;

Lat. clepo,

Lat. in-clutus, Skr. srutah, renowned, O.Ir. cloth,

Lith.

Lat. canis, O.Ir. cu,

OE. hund,

szu,gen. szuns, dog, hound;

dasa, Lith. deszimt-,

Lat. vicus,

village;

oIkos,

folKos,

Lat.

Lat. 5cior.

decem, Goth,
Skr.

Skr. vesah, house,

OE. eahta,

?,

, ^,

kw

as
became
See 124,
184. Medial kj became

183.

Skr. dsvah, horse.

Lat.

fen

oct5,

astau, asta, Lith. asztuni, eight;

renown

Skr. sva, gen, sunah,

taihun, Skr.

daddrsa, he has seen

szirdis,

Skr.

Skr. asuh, quick,

Lat. equus,

OE. eoh,

2.

in Att.

and

in Ion., as
:

root *pak.

were simplified to , and

initially, as Att.
from '^].(.. See 129, 7.
before a liquid or nasal, as
185. ks became
from
stallion-ass
Lat, mulus
Ao|oy,
Lat. luxus
from
Lat. aranea
from
from
Lat. luna from
*louksna
from
See 218.

.,
and

Ion.

*?,
;

186.
;

187.

** .
*
*
*
. ^
*,
:

k disappeared
from
{rom*

became
See 107.

before sk, as
:

eoiKa

from

from

before voiced sounds, as

Phonology

98

188-92

z,

(=

188. Indg. g

Lat. O.Ir. g,

Germanic k, Skr. j, Lith.

initially and generally

O.Slav, z) remained in Greek

as ykvos,

medially,

also

Lat.

genus, Goth, kuni, Skr.

jdnas-, race, generation, O.Ir. gein, birth

Lat.

OE. ceosan, to choose, Skr. jusate, he tastes

yovv, Lat. genu, OE. cneo, Skr. janu, ^^^
Lat.
(g)n5tus, O.Ir. gnath, Skr. jnatah, knoivn, OE. cnawan,
gusto, /

taste,

O.Slav, znati,
Skr. kjr&h,

djami, /

weorc,

drive-,

ay ,

acre;

Lat.

kyoi,

189.

came

The

awe
See

ic,

/;

milk, Skr. mrjati, he wipes, rubs.

as in yiyvmaKOi,

yv,

This explains

why the

guttural

155).

At

on inscriptions in Ion. already in the

about the end of the fourth century b. c.

fifth

be expressed by

to

was

t/v

in

simplified to

v,

Greek
as

yu, yuoa.

u occurs
in Att.

190. gj became , as
from
of, Skr. ydjate, he honours

*/, I

129,

became
:

from

stand in

*ap-nayj(u.

8.

191.

XiXcKTai

OE.
OE.

'ipyov,

M.Ir. bligim,

yv,

a later period

and

OE.

Lat.

yyvoa, arvyvo^, y6s.

nasal

Lat. ago, O.Ir. agim, Skr.

ego,

mulgeo,
iy,
melzu, /
Medial
y became ^,

ivork

meolce, Lith.

aypSs, Lat. ager, Goth, akrs,

knoiv;

to

field,

/?,

iy.

before voiceless consonants, as

See

^,

106.

kh

kh was one

192.

was generally preserved

Indg. language.

It

in prim. Latin

fell

it

of the rarest sounds in the parent

in

Greek, but

together with original gh, and in the

prim. Keltic, Germanic and Baltic-Slavonic languages with

original k.

become

It

is

doubtful what simple

in Sanskrit,

because

combination skh which

medially.

^,

it

kh would have

only occurs in the original

became ch initially and cch

/ split, Skr. chindtti from

Lat. scindo,

The Pure Velars

193-5]

*skhinatti, he

OE. scadan,

splits,

Skr. chydti, he

slits,

see

divide

to

102.

99
/

slit,

gh

gh (=

193. Indg.

h medially between vowels and

Lat.

also initially before vowels except u, f initially before u,

g before and

Skr. h, Lith.

O.Slav,

z)

Skr. himah, snow;

zema, O.Slav, zima,

,
Lith.

O.Ir. g, Germanic g, 5,
became voiceless
in Greek, as

after consonants,

z,

on

the

hiems, O.Ir, gaim,

Lat.

heman,

winter, Skr.

in winter;

ground, Lat. humus, Lith. zeme, O.Slav.

zemlja, earth, ground;

fundo, OE. geote,

Lat.

x^{F)%

I pour, Skr. hutkh, poured, sacrificed;

OE. g5s, Skr. hasah, goose;

^,

Lat. (h)anser,

Lat. lingo, O.Ir.

ligim, Skr. rehmi, lehmi, Lith. leziu, O.Slav, liza,

Pamph. /^,

Lat. veho,

OE. wege,

vezu, O.Slav, veza, / bear, carry, move

,
.
I press

tight,

lick

Skr. vahami, Lith.

;

Lat. ango,

OE. enge, narrow;

Skr. ahas-, need, distress,

fore-arm, Skr. bahuh, arm.

ghj became

194.

Ion.

2.

in Att.

^,

and

Ion., as Att.

in

See

129,

7.

The Pure Velars.

q

195. Indg. q (= Lat. O.Ir.

but c before i, and a
Indg.

before palatal vowels)

became

generally also medially, as

karkatah, cmo
fruit, Lat.

Germanic h
in

Greek

^,

celer,

quick;

drive,

initially

but c

and

Lat. cancer, Skr.

Skr. kalika.,fower-bud

carpo, I pluck, pick,

4,

k, O.Slav,

OE.

haerfest, autumn, Skr.

krpanah, sword, Lith. kerpu, / shear;

I call, call out, Lith. kalbk, speech;
beautiful;

g, 3, Skr.

, ,
,
c,

e, Lith.

?,

Lat. calo,

Skr. kalyanah,

Skr. kalah, black, cp.

Lat. caligo

Skr. kalayati, kalayati, he drives,

coUis,

Lat.

hill,

Lith.

Lat.

kalnas,

Phonology

loo
mountain

kravis,

raw

OE. hra(w),

Kpias, flesh,

gore;

blood,

Skr,

carrion,

corpse,

O.Lat. ancus, Skr. arjkas-,

oiyKos,

anka,

knot

loop,

Skr. yuktah, Lith. junktas, yoked ;

. ,
young man.
196. qj became

196-200

meat, Lat. cruor, O.Ir. cru, Lith. kraujas,

bend, hollow, Lith.

boy,

Ion.

^,

and
See

in Att.

Lat. junctus,

/^, Skr. maryakah,

root *plaq.

in

Ion., as Att.

129,

7.

g (= Lat. O.Ir.

197. Indg.

before

i,

and a

palatal vowels)

Indg.

became

gerve, crane; ay as,

ay

in

medially, as ykpavos,

also

assembly,

grus,

Lat.

OE. cran,

I assemble, Lat. grex,

herd, flock,

gramah, croivd (vyov,

yugam, O.Slav, igo, yoke;

O.Ir. graig, herd of horses, Skr.

jugum, Goth, juk, Skr.

Lat.

aTeyo?, reyoy,

house

OE.

Lith.

])aec,

Lat. tego,

stogas,

*yj ya,

from
198. gj became , as
Skr. tigmah, pointed, sharp, Lat. in-stigo.

199.

became

augu, I groiu,

O.Ir.

roof,

teg,

I cover, Skr. sthdgati, sthagayati,

he hides, conceals.

iy;

Lith.

Skr. agas, offence, crime, sin;

guilt,

ydp,

Germanic k, Skr. g but j

before
g but
Greek initially and generally
g,

Lith. g, O.Slav,

e,

See

before voiceless consonants, as

:

8.

augeo, Goth, duka, Lith.

Lat.

increase, add.

cp.

129,

See

106.

qh
200. qh was of rare occurrence in the parent language.
became
in Greek, kh but ch before i and a = Indg. e

It

in Sanskrit

in prim. Lat.

it fell

together with original gh,

gh, in prim. Keltic and Germanic with original k, q, in

Lith. and O.Slav, with original q.
I laugh, Skr.

kakhati, he laughs Koyxos, Lat. congius

measure), Skr. sarjkhah, muscle, see 102.
;

[a

small liquid

The Labialized

'

Velaria

9h
201. Indg.

Lat.

e,

gh (=

initially

Skr.

gh

but

before and

h before i, and a

Indg.

medially between vowels,

g before and after consonants, O.Ir. g, Germanic g, 5, Lith.

g but before palatal vowels) became voiceless

g, O.Slav,

?,

,
,

\8,

brass, Lith.gelezis, iron

X in Greek, as
I lay hold of, Lat. pre-hendo, / seize, Goth, bi-gita, I find,

O.Slav, gadaja, I giiess, divine;

lang, Skr. dirghah, long ;

?,

OE.

ligan, O.Slav, lezati,

mist, Skr,

stige,

meghah,

to lie

cloud;

dozvn

^,
;

Lat. longus,

O.Ir.lige, <?/, Goth,

Lith. mig,lk,/og,

O.Ir, tisigu,

I go, OE.

O.Slav, stigna, / come.

rise,

3.

The Labialized Velars.

qw

(= Lat. qu before vowels except u, but

u and consonants, O.Ir, c, Germanic hw, h gw,
f, b ( 181), Skr. k but c before i, and a = Indg. e,
g, w
Lith. k, O.Slav, k but c before palatal vowels) had
a threefold development in Greek. It became
before all
sounds except
e,
before and
andy"; r before and e

202. Indg. q^

c before

i,

-^,

whence, Lat. quis, O.Ir. cia, OE. hAva,

.Skr, kah, Lith, kas, who?; Tror^pos, OE, hwae)?er, Skr.
katarah, which of two ?
to buy, Skr. krinami,

after v, as

I buy;

^,

,,

long ago, formerly, Skr. caramah, the last;

Lat. linquo, O.Ir. lecim, Lith. leku,

he leaves, Goth, leihran,

sekii,

to

lend

leave,

pi.

jeknos,

Skr. rinakti,

Lat. sequor, Lith,

I follow, Skr, sdcate, he follows;

Skr, ydkrt, Lith.

penalty, Skr. cayate, he avenges, pu7iishes

Lat, jecur,

liver; TreTrroy, Lat, coctus,

Skr. paktdh, cooked.

Ti'y,

, Lat.

noun cid

quis, quid,

Hom.

Tea,

9, 9,
;

Oscan

pis, pid, Skr. indef. pro-

Goth, h/is, O.Slav, ceso, whose F

Lat. quattuor, O.Ir. cethir, Goth.

Phonology

J02

[203-5

fidwor, Skr. catvarah, Lith. keturi, /oi/r

Skr. ca,

and

ji.\o<i

Lat. -que,

re,

^^^

^,

Lat.

,.

quinque, O.Ir. c5ic, Goth, fimf, Skr. pinca, Lith. penki,

five.

Lat.
XvK09, Goth, wulfs, Skr. vrkah, wo/f; vv^,
nox, noctis, Goth, nahts, Skr. nakti, Lith, naktis, night;
hweol, Skr. cakrah, wheel;

9,

Note.
have

Forms derived from the pronominal stem

r.

and Herondas,

, ;, , ,

instead of
as

especially in the Ionic dialect of

also occurs beside

9.

combination with the negative

In

V.

become

2.

as

Lesb.

beside Att.
beside Att.

Forms

-forms

gen. 705 for

*9,

, ^,
*6,

cp. Lat.

129,

in
for

arose in

ovkis,

where

before palatal

beside

TTCTTapcs,

ttIvtc

were due to

Thess.

levelling out

and

similarly

etto?.

as Att.

,,

peka, I

7.

as

oculus, Lith. akis,

205. Indg. gw (= Lat.

first

Boeot.

Lat. coquo, O.Slav,

See
became

204.

from

,,

203. q^j became

picati, he cooks.

occurs beside

Lesb. Thess.

with

account

also be explained

like AetVct?, XetVct, XciVcre

the regular

^?.

Hom.

but only

because of the pre-

,
,
.
.
, ^, ;

for older

In the Aeolic dialects

vowels,

3.

manner may

like

new formation

that they

particle, as in

the original velar would regularly

ceding

It is difficult to

we may suppose

K-forms unless

the

?, '-,

are found on Ion. inscriptions

the regular forms with

Thess.

q^^o-

Herodotus

eye.

Ion.

cook, bake, Skr.

^
See

from

117.

but gu after n, and g when

lost, O.Ir. b but g before

the labialized element had been

Germanic kw,

old

j,

e,

Lith.

g,

k, Skr.

O.Slav, g but

g but

before

i,

and a

Indg.

before palatal vowels) had

The Labialized Velars

2o6]

a threefold development in Greek.

sounds except
as

Lith. gile, acorn

down; Boeot.

/?;/,

lie

has gone;

OE.

b5,

cu, cow, Lat.

bos

Att.

/right,

run.

Skr. garbhah, matrix

groin; Dor.

expect

/3

as

'49,

went, Skr.

I flee from, Lith. begu,

Lat. inguen,

Att.

In a few words
larly

an Umbrian

8, gland,

Lat.

torvos, /erce, grim,

Lat.

is

^, '^, I

.
,

Skr. tdrjati, he threatens

I flee,

trickles

^,

Dor.

Goth, riqis, Skr. rajas, darkness

dgat, he went

?, Skr. gauh,

*v6s

for

,,
;

OE. cwene,

O.Ir. ben, Goth. qin5,

Samnitic loanword

all

Lat. glans,

throw, Skr. gdlati,

O.Slav, zena, woman, Skr. gna-, wife 0/ a god

gravis, Goth, kaurus, Skr. guruh, heavy
ox, O.Ir.

before

before and after

qima, / come, Skr. gd-

go, Lat. venio, Goth,

mati, he goes, ja-gama,

became

It

and/; 5 before

6,

103

where we should regu-

occurs before
bodily

,,

strength, force, might, Skr.

jya, jiya, supreme power, upper hand ;

life,

O.Ir. biu, Goth, qius, Skr. jivah, alive;

Lat. vivos,

bow, Skr.

These forms have never been satisfactorily

Some scholars assume that g^i regularly

jya, bow-string.
explained.

,'
, ,^, , ^.

became

and that

is

not etymologically connected

with Skr. jirah.

69
.
:

living

Note.

Boeot.

gen.

-?,

Boeot.
2.

Boeot.

Thess.

Forms

Dor.

7-

Att.

lit.

well

before
;

Att.

were new formations after

like

the analogy of

with

occurs beside

In the Aeolic dialects

i.

palatal vowels, as Lesb.

gen.

sound, healthy,

and

similarly gen. epe/3co5 for *fpe8co9,

from epc^o?.

206. Q^j

became , as

^,

O.Ir. nigid, he washes,

wash
See 129, 8.
became
207.

Skr.

nij,

9.

Phonology

I04

,
^?

*6,

from
See

as

'^.

Lat.

207-9

agnus

117.

q-h

208. q^h was a rare sound in the parent language.

In Skr.
with

together with original qh, in Lat. and Gr.

fell

it

9",

Germanic with

Keltic and

in

q"",

in Lith.

and

O.Slav, with q, q.
OE. hAvael, whale ;
I stumble, Skr. skhalate, he stumbles. See 102.

209. Indg. g"h (= Lat. f

initially,

medially except

became gu, O.Ir. g, Germanic gw, , w,

Skr. gh but h before i, and a = Indg. e, Lith. g, O.Slav, g
but
before palatal vowels) had a threefold development in
and/;
Greek. It became
before all sounds except e,
Skr. hatah for
before e
before and after , as
beaming,
*ghatah, killed, slam
that after

it

-, ,

radiant, Lith.

older

produce, gain, Lith. algk, pay, reward;

^,, ,

snow

gaidrus, serene, clear;

Lat.

, ,,

Skr. ghrati, he smells

smell,

ace.

snSgas, Goth, snaiws, OE. snaw,

from forms like
with
for
Lat. ninguit, Lith. sninga, it snows, O.Ir.

nivem, nom.
;

Lith.

,
,

rains;

hanti, he

strikes, slays,

snigid,

it

Skr. dhih, Lith. angis, Lat. anguis,

snake, serpent.

OE. wearm,w;;7, Skr. gharmah,

/ heat, O.Slav, goreti, to burn
of-fendo, / s/r/^i', O.Ir. gonim, I wound, kill, Skr.

Lat. formus,

glow, heat, O.Ir. guirim,

Lat.

^,
^,

small,

I pray,

little,

ghndnti, they
Skr. laghuh,

strike.
light,

quick

Skr. vaghat, institutor of a

sacrifice

The Spirants

210-12]

, ^,

became

210. g'^hj
129,

,,
The

^,

kXayv^.

Spirants.

Indg. parent language had at least the two

spirants s and

z.

s occurred both

only occurred

finally,

as

7.

The

211.

Lat. unguis, O.Ir. ingen, Lith. nagas, claw,

nail.

See

105

in

initially,

medially and

combination with a following

media or media aspirata. In those languages where the

also
mediae and mediae aspiratae became voiceless the
became voiceless at the same time, as Goth, asts beside

6^,

*ozdos, branch, iwig

Indg.

beside Goth,

mizdo, O.Slav, mizda, pay, reward.

212. Indg.

following cases
1.

remained

See

Greek

the oldest

in

224-6.

In combination with voiceless explosives, as

, ,
, , ^, ^,

Lat. spernere,

to

Lith.

despise,

s^^irixx,

I push

eWepoy, Lat. vesper;

gloom, Goth, skadus,
stumbles

,,

as

n5sco

with the foot

OE. spornan, spurnan,

Lat.

-.

to

kick;

status; ean,

Skr.

asti, Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith. esti, is

Lat.

the

in

struggle convulsively,

darkness,

OE. sceadu, shade, shadow

I stumble, Skr. skhalate,
;

,,

scindo
Lat. axis
Lat.

Hom.

he

But

became

beside Skr. patsu, see

Att.

166.

Note.
beside

Forms

?,

like

5,

OE.

Lith, stogas,

O.Ir. teg, /u)use,

)?aec, roof,

roof,

probably existed already

in the parent language, see 112.

2.

Intervocalic

Hom.
Hom.

Att.

66,

became simplified

^^

Att.

in Attic, as aor.

to

Skr. ya.sa.mi,
:

reXeco from

I seethe,

*\]

bubble
;

Hom,

Phonology

io6

67, 7, Att.

eVeai

[213

Skr. vdcassu.

8^*-*^

But before and

* .
^, ^
9,
, ,,
.
.
became

consonants

after

dialects, as

from

from

Cret.

simplified

in all the

to

loc. pi. Att.

from

late Gr. aor.

In combination with a preceding liquid (see however

3.

as TeXaov

217),

reXos

Lesb. 6epaos

Horn,

became pp

This

Finally, as

Ai//foy,

Ion.

as

in Att.,

^;
?,

Goth, wulfs,

Lat. lupus,

Goth, sutists, sweetest;

Goth, bairais,

Horn.

Ion.

?,

Lat. quis

/^ inayest bear.

became h in prim. Greek initially before vowels

and medially between vowels, and then in the latter case
the h disappeared altogether.

213.

1.

Initially

Lat. salio

?,

Lat.

sal,

OE.

sm^; eVoy, Skr.

sanah, Lat. sen-ex, Goth, sin-eigs, Lith. senas, o/d;
Skr. sapta,
Skr, sarpami, Lat. serpo, / creep
Lat. septem, O.Ir. secht, Goth, sibun, Lith. septyni, seven

sealt, sa//; eioy, Skr. sadas, Lat. sedes,

Skr. sdcate, Lat. sequitur,

sami, Lat. semi-, ha/f;

difficult to account for

6,

lie

follows

Skr. sd, Goth, sa,

beside

v?, Lat.

sus,

-,
t/ie;

OE.

Skr.
it

is

su, sow,

pig.
Initial h-

when

disappeared

period of Greek

*(;

'iSeOXov,

/?.

*'\

older
'^,
from
avos from *avho<i older *havho9, Lith. sausas,

aspirate, as

dry;

^'

in the prehistoric

the next syllable or the next but one began with an

See

bottom

'iBos,

Skr. sddas-, seat;

115.

Note. In the prehistoric period of some of the Doric

and in the Lesb., Elean and Asiatic-Ionic dialects the
spiritus asper became the spiritus lenis.

dialects

The Spirants

214-15]
2.

Medially

= Lat. r, Goth,

^,

languages): Aeol.
Lat.

aurora

Hom.

but r in the other Germanic

Ion.

gen. yei/eoy

107

'?, from *aus5s,

Att.

r)(i>s,

Skr. jdnasah, Lat. generis

Skr. asam, / was

from ^afdSicrwu, Goth.
OE. swetra, sweeter; fo?, Lat. virus; gen. //i;6y,
Lat. muris;
I come, Skr. nksdiie, he joins
Lat. auris, OE. eare, car; gen. pi. fern. Hom.
Skr.
tasam, Lat. is-tarum, Goth, ^pizb, masc. Goth. ))ize, OE.
77a,

sutiza,

,-,
;

))ara, of the; 0epeai, 0epf/

See

initial

,
Hom.

mediate stage of
he smiles
due,

,, ^- ,

smilzu, / melt;

^, I spin, O.Ir.
Lat.

as

vv,

through the

*//

from

snathe, thread

Hom.

receive as

Hom.

inter-

Skr. smayate,

Sfiiilc,

POOS, mind,

OE.

eV,

Lat. sem-el

-.;

OE. snoru,

account for the

to

terrible,

smeortan,

OE.

or carving,

-,

to

in

smoke.

,
,

Dor. Boeot.

from

vv,

were

beside

which remained

dialects, as

Lesb.

Lesb.

Ion.

215. Initial sr, si became/?,

for cutting

in

Lesb.

with lengthening of the pre-

^,

Lesb. Thess.

9,

Skr. asma, we;

;

It

OE. smeocan,

fire,

,
'^ '^,
ive

from *<pafiavos

stage of pp,

knife

carpenter;

Skr. asmi, Lith. esmi,

Dor.

^, Skr. asma,

daughter-in-law.

a smouldering

. ,

in

smart;

Medial sm, sn became

and Thess., but became ,
ceding vowel in the other
Att. Ion.

, 86<,

smij), smith,

I burn

>,

ace.

snot(t)or, prudejtt, wise;

Skr. snusa, Lat. nurus,

is difficult

my

nivem, nom. OE. snaw, Lith. snSgas, snow

vvi<^o<i;

Skr. smarati, he remembers

OHG.

to

and medial sw.

214. Initial sm, sn became

initial

= Skr. bharase, Goth, bairaza.

and medial sj and 124, 5 for

129, 9 for

I am;

Att. Ion.

Att.

9,

Lesb. aeXdvva, Att.

lon^aeivos, Att.
from *fevv.
through the^intermediate

as pei, Skr. sr^vati, he flows

Hom.

e-ppeov

Phonology

io8

,OHG.

Lith. srebiu,

cease,

*
,
Medial

I gulp down;

sr,

became

p,

Att

Ion.

', ',
Att.

from

in

Lesb,

with lengthening of the

*9
Hom.

preceding vowel in the other dialects, as

^{)

I pour

Horn,

NE. slack Horn,

which remained
si became pp,

after short vowels, but

Lat. libo,

-.
,

slifan, to slide, glide

out,

216-17

from
;

Lesb.

Skr. sa.-hu,sra.m, ihousmid ; Lesb.

from *aia\afOY.

became

after long vowels and diphGreek, as avptov from *avapioy,

to-morrow, Skr. usrdh, matutinal; aeipSs from

Medial

sr, si

thongs already

p,

in prim.

6pav\6s from

*\^

21. Antevocalic ms, ns became

*?
?.
,

vv,

which remained

Lesbian and Thessalian, but became , with lengthening of the preceding vowel in the other dialects, as Lesb.
from
Att. Ion.
Dor.
from
Lat. umenis, Goth, ams, shoulder;
in

',
*9,

^,
.
,
^,
^
*'4 ;
; , '^, ,
, . ,
'^,

*/
Att.

Gen, Lesb.

Ion.

Lat.

German gans, goose

:

similarly

'^,

^,

Thess.

mensis; gen.

Lesb.

'^^,

'^. Dor.

Att. Ion.

from

Dor.

Lat. anser,

ereiva,

and
Ion,

It is doubtful what is the

development of these combinations in Greek,
Some scholars assume that they regularly remained in
prim, Greek when immediately preceded by the accent
and that rs then became pp in Attic, but that in other
cases they had the same development as antevocalic ms,
ns ( 216), Other scholars assume that Is, rs regularly
remained except that the latter combination became pp in
Attic, and that aorists like
eSapa
were new formations

217. Antevocalic Is, rs.

regular

'4 ,
,
,
,
^
,
,' ,
'4

'4

'4

'
,
^, ,
^, ', , ,
.

The Spirants

218-2 2]

after the

analogy of eVei/xa
:

Att.

^^, &c.

Att.

Att.

212,

,,
e/ceXaa

?,

Lesb.

Horn,

Att.

See however

Att.

Horn,

Ion. Cret.

109

218. s between a tenuis and a following liquid or nasal

became h and then combined with the preceding tenuis to

from *aTinap6s
form a tenuis aspirata, as
from *'//9 Lat. luna from *louksna.
For further examples see 185.
219. When intervocalic -h- from -- belonged to the
second vowel it became transposed so as to stand in front

/?

of the

vowel, as

first

,
*^6

Skr. osati, he burns;

Hom. , Lat, uro, / burn, singe,

Hom. Att. Upo?, Dor. Boeot. Thess.

from
But if the first vowel
was preceded by a tenuis the tenuis became tenuis aspifrom *npo-hoSos
Ion.
rata, as
from
220. When a tenuis came to stand before h, it combined
with the h to form a tenuis aspirata, as
and similarly in
holy, Skr. isirdh, siuift, active, strong;
:

Lat. sequor.

*4.

^.
:

,
';

s disappeared when the first

consonant was not a nasal and the last consonant was not
or j, but in the combination ksk the first consonant
221. Interconsonantal

,
,^
^
'
,
,
,
*
, ', ' ,

disappeared

186), as

^
^, . , , ^,
'/,

from

*..,

222.

*^^

Horn,

from

from

and

similarly

The

prepositional forms

Thessal.) were due to

eXe^a, and similarly

e^,

sandhi

e|,

relations,

*y(^y

ey (Boeot.

e^

and

regularly

Phonology

223-6

before consonants
and ey before ( 186).
223. tsn became nn through the intermediate stage zn,
mucous matter, Skr. mrtsna,
as
from
clay
Bivvos from *(5^'?, see 117.

occurred before a following vowel,

(except

k),

*^^,

224. Indg.

before

(generally written

y)

voiceless at the
voiceless

remained

became
same time the voiced aspiratae became

before voiced mediae, but before voiced aspiratae

from *sizdo, Lat. sido

103), as

vaSos, Goth, asts, from *ozdos, branch, tivig

it

6$,

Lesb.

from
*mizg5, / mix, Lith. mazgoti, to wash; and similarly
from *mizdhos, Goth, mizdo,
pay, reward;
Zend zdi from *zdhi, be thou;

?, ^.
,

from *mozghos, Lith. mazgas, sprout, bud;

'4 from

*ezghom.

zh

sh,

The

zh only occurred in combination

with tenues and mediae and arose in prim. Indo-Germanic
from the combinations tenues aspiratae and mediae aspiradzh, bzh, gzh, gzh from
tae + s, as tsh, psh, ksh, qsh
dhs, bhs, ghs, ghs. These
older ths, phs, khs, qhs
combinations had in Greek the same development as the

225.

spirants sh,

original tenues
Liih.'k.^siM,

s, cp. fut.

I suffer,

^?,

grief, sorrow,

prim. Indg. *qent-sh- from *qenth.s;

\/), I rub in pieces Skr. psati, he chews, prim. Indg. *bzh5

from *bhs5 ^kuos Lat. hostis, prim. Indg. *gzhen, from
:

*ghsen-.
)),

)>h

d,

dh

after palatals and velars

J?
which were originally unaspirated, as k]?, q]?, gd, gd. J>h
and dh only occurred after palatals and velars which were
originally aspirated, as kj)h, qj)h, gdh, gdh from older

226.

and d only occurred

 2 2

Sandhi

7-8]

khj, qh]),

ghd, ghd.

1 1

In the present state of our knowledge

how these four spirants were

pronounced in the parent language. In Greek they became
t-sounds, and in Sanskrit, Latin, Germanic and the BalticSlavonic languages they became s-sounds
(kf)),
Skr. rksah, bear;
Skr.
Skr. ksitih, abode
Skr. ksanoti, he wounds,
taksan-, carpenter; (qjj),
it

is

impossible to determine

injures;

()),

Skr. ksinati, he destroys;

(gdh),

Skr. ksam, earth.

J

227.

It is

doubtful whether the parent Indg. language

had a spirant j beside i-consonant ( 118). The initial ,

which occurs in a few Greek words where the other Indg.
languages have i-consonant, is probably due to a soundchange which took place in prim. Greek under conditions
Examples are
that have not yet been discovered.
Skr. ydsami, / seethe,
spelt, Skr. yavah, grain, corn
OHG. jesan, to ferment; (vyov, Skr. yugam, Lat. jugum,
leaven, Skr. yusam, broth, Lat. jus.
Goth. in^,yoke;

CHAPTER

VII

SANDHI
228. By sandhi is meant the changes which the initial
and final sounds of words undergo when used in a wordgroup or sentence. The term is borrowed from the Sanskrit
grammarians and means combination, lit. putting together.
In dealing with sandhi it is necessary to distinguish between
the sounds which begin and end a word-group or sentence
and those which occur medially. In the former case the
sound-changes are the same as those which take place at
the beginning or end of a word when used alone, but in the
latter case the changes are subject to the same laws which

Phonology

112

obtain for the medial parts of a word.

The

328

result of these

twofold changes often gives rise to what are called sentence-

At a later period these sentence-doublets not

unfrequently come to be used beyond their original sphere
and then one of the forms becomes generalized and the
doublets.

Greek like all the other Indg. languages

has numerous examples of this kind, but for our present
purpose two or three examples will suffice. In prim, Indg.
The former was used when
j alternated with -i in sandhi.

other dies out.

?
4
- ? ?,

,. ,

word began with a vowel and the latter when it

from
began with a consonant, as in
( 167)
like Skr. prdty adham, but
cp.
beside

the next

*7;

like Skr. priti

then came to

dhasyami.

be used before consonants and became generalized in Attic,

disappeared in other
survived and
whereas
dialects.

Prepositional

forms like

regularly arose by elision

when

with a vowel, but already in

av',

word began
Homer they came to be
the next

used before a following consonant and even underwent

assimilation with

it,

beside

as

The

original ending of the ace. plural

of o-stems was -ons. This remained in prim. Greek in

pausa and when the next word began with a vowel, but
became -o? when the next word began with a consonant
The former became generahzed in Att. Ion. mild
( 153).
Dor. -oy?, Boeot. and severe Dor. -?, Lesb. -ois, and the
latter in Arcad. and Thess. -o?, whereas in Cretan the -ovs
and -oy existed side by side. The nom. singular of n-stems
and partly in -e, -o
originally ended partly in -en,
The former became generalized in Greek, the
( 29).
latter in Sanskrit, Latin and Lithuanian, whereas in prim.
Germanic the two forms were preserved side by side.

We

have already seen in other parts of the Phonology

the sound-laws, which govern the pausa form of
a word, vary considerably in the different languages, but
that

Final Soimds

229]

113

more so in regard to the laws of sandhi.

would therefore be beyond the plan and scope of this
grammar to treat the subject from a comparative point of

this is infinitely
It

The phenomena

view.

of sandhi can be

conveniently

divided into two categories according as they relate to the

end or the beginning of a word.

I.

Final Sounds.

,,
,,

229. All vowels and diphthongs remained

when

abso-

,
,,,
, ^, , ,
', ,
' ',,
'
'
.
-^,
-, 9, -,
-, ^-?.
6,
,,
,,.
'
'
,'
lutely final, as ol8a, dye,

eari,

Att. Ion.

&:c.

The vowels -,

in

- were

,
-e,

elided before a following vowel

prim. Greek, and then after the analogy of these

became extended

-i

was

'

also elided, as

(-),

Dor.

to the final

vowel of the

This rule then

element of

first

compounds, as

The

The

elided.

in

antevocalic forms of prepositions

times used for the anteconsonantal,

cp.

was never
were some-

Hom.

Elision also took place before

for

a following

'

and

ety,

after the loss off-, as

' ',

epyov, &c.

Beside elision we also find contraction with a following

vowel (crasis). The reason for this twofold treatment is

unknown.

These contractions

originally followed

rules for contraction in medial and final syllables

80),

the

79,

and then at a later period the product of the conwas determined by the quality of the initial vowel

, , , ?,,.

traction

of the second word, as

ayaQk, Ion. Dor. oivqp beside Att.

/^,

and similarly Att.

Consonantal - in the combinations

avr]p

'ipyov,

-ai, -oc

regularly dis-

Phonology

114

'
{ .

[230

appeared in prim. Greek before a following vowel ( 128),

and then the -a, -0 was either elided or contracted with the
=
kya),
following vowel, as Horn,
OS

,,

' e^eXer =

= {)
=

eOeXeu

6?

{ ?,{)
=

Dor.

eni,

At a later period
the pausa and anteconsonantal form came to be used
before vowels and then the -i = -j was preserved and proeni =
nounced as the initial of the following word, as
evvene

KU'jini, Horn,

j^vv^-n^.

Simple long vowels were shortened when the next word

vocalis ante
began with a vowel, hence the metrical rule
eirel
Att.
vocalem corripitur,' as Hom.

-,
-,
Long

Cret.

'

'

',

see

71.

diphthongs were shortened in prim. Greek when

the next word began with a consonant (cp. 70), hence -oi,
-stems, the
ai beside -, -a in the dat. singular of o- and
former of which became generalized in some

and

dialects,

,,,, , , . .^,

the latter in others, see 321, 325.

230. All originally final explosives disappeared, as
e0/)6,

Skr. abharat,

^,

Skr. syat, O.Lat. siet,

voc.

quid,

.
*,

O.Lat. est5d,

Lat. aliud,
:

from

voc. yvvai

",

he spoke, voc.

Note.

Prepositional

. ,
Skr. tad, Lat. is-tud,

Lat. cord-is, voc.

cp.

, Lat.

forms like

\,'

regularly pre-

served their final consonant after the apocope of the vowel or

else

became assimilated

to the following

similarly with the negative

Indg. final

-m became

together with original

Skr.

Skr.

-n in prim.

as

-n,

syam, O.Lat. siem,

vrkam, Lat. lupum,

consonant

228), and

(before a rough breathing).

'^,

Greek and thus

Skr.

Skr. tam, Lat. is-tum,

Skr. pitf nam

fell

dbharam,

on

eV,

231-2]

\,

Initial

Sounds

115

see 141. Original - and the -n from older

m became - before labials, - (= -r)) before gutturals,
and completely assimilated to a following liquid, nasal or
-, although the -v was often retained in writing, as

,
',
,
;
,
,
;
. ^,
,,
,,,
' '
;,,,
On

^/;

the so-called ^

see 306,

316.

-s alternated with -z. The former occurred

pausa and before voiceless explosives, and the latter
before voiced explosives. The was probably preserved in

In prim. Indg.

in

Greek before voiced mediae, although it was not indicated

writing.
On forms with and without final -y, as in

in

beside

see

575.

Tenues became aspirates before a rough breathing,

'

',

, , -.
8'
8'
=

-5 -{-rough

as

ely,

word ended

^
see

as

in a

when one
vowel and the following word began with
229. On the development of prothetic
Skr. rajah, rudhirah,

in

^,

77.

Forms

232.

breathing became

eV.

the contraction which took place

a vowel, see
vowels,

as

Initial Sounds.

2.

On

231.

like

are probably sentence-doublets, but the conditions

under which they arose are unknown.

Geminated consonants, which arose from assimilation,
were preserved in prim. Greek, but became mostly
simplified already in the prehistoric period of the language

when

the words containing them were used alone or began

the sentence,

4-sravat,

-, -,

as pd,
:

Skr. srdvati, beside

e-ppi,
:

Skr.

'-^,

ii6 Formation of

Nouns and

Adjectives [233

-9, ^8 -?, -,
, ^^-,
.
-,
,
\r]y(u

foy {fho^)

Horn.

ffco,

Boeot.

On

Horn,

forms

like

see

230.

The rough

breathing regularly disappeared after -, -, -, as in 6-,

h;

beside

but

it

was

again after the analogy of the simplex.

became the smooth breathing

Elean and

in a part of the

in Asiatic

Cretan

CHAPTER

often restored

The

initial

Ionic,

rough

Lesbian,

dialect.

VIII

THE FORMATION OF NOUNS AND

ADJECTIVES

233.

In the formation of nouns and adjectives

it

is

necessary to distinguish between the so-called root-nouns

(

234) and nouns and adjectives which contain a suffix or

Little is known of the
( 235-86).

formative element
origin of the

and

numerous

in the oldest

suffixes in the parent Indg. language

periods of the separate languages.

It is

probable that most of the suffixes had originally an

in-

dependent meaning and that in some cases they were

independent words which sank down to be merely formative
elements already in prim. Indo-Germanic. There is no
reason to doubt but that many of the Indg. suffixes arose
in the same or similar manner as we see them arise in the
history of the individual languages, cp. the English suffixes

dom,

hood,

-ly, all

of which existed as independent

words
cynedom, kingdom,
simplex d6m, Goth, doms,

in the oldest period of the language, as

freodom, freedom, beside the

judgment; cildhad, childhood, preosthad, priesthood, beside
the simplex had, rank, grade, Goth, haidus, manner;
gearlic, jvi-rtr/y, mennisclic, human, beside the simplex lie,

Rooi'Nouns

234]

Goth, leik, body.

It

added

called a secondary suffix, as in

69

VT-ja,

time

the

to

a suffix

a stem which already contains a suffix,

is
is

to

117

when

should be noted that

-,

when

from

nepvai-vo?

case-endings,

it

Prior

personal endings,

S:c.

between nouns
and verbs was one of meaning and not merely of form.

came

And

into existence, the only difference

this is the

reason

why

so

many

,,

of the same suffixes

?, , , , , ,

occur in the formation both of nouns and verbs, and

similarly with reduplication,

Tiravos,

See

&:c.

as in

429.

yipyepo?,

In the following paragraphs the suffixes are divided into

two great classes according as they end

68) or a consonant ( 269-86).
I.

234.

to the

235-

is

nouns

in

which the case-

bare root without an intervening

or formative element.

suffix

vowel

Root-Nouns.

Root-nouns, that

endings are added

in a

had various ablaut-grades

The

root-nouns originally

in the different cases,

but already

parent Indg. language the levelling out of one or

other of the ablaut-grades began to take place whereby
This
one or more of the grades entirely disappeared.
in the

process of levelling went still further in the prehistoric

period of the separate languages with the result that one
or other of the grades often became generalized throughout
all

the

case-forms.

In Greek the root-nouns

may

be

divided into two categories, viz. those which preserve two

or more ablaut-grades, and those which have the same

grade throughout all case-forms.

I. Nouns which preserve two or more ablaut-grades, as

,
Skr.

Dor.

?,

padam,

Skr. pat, Lat. pes,

Lat.

pedem

(cp.

OE.

prep. niSa),

Skr. padah, Lat. pedis, see

342.

fbt; ace.

OE.

f5t

gen.

1 1

Formation of Nouns and Adjectives

*,

from

/SoOy

6?,

gen.

see

Skr.

gauh

ZV9 from *djeus, Skr. dyauh

?, Skr. divah, see

see

346.

*,

from

235

gam

dyam

Skr.

339.

gen.

Dor.

ace.

ace. Zfju, Skr.

337.

from

*,

gen.

^,

Xlovos,

Nouns which have the same ablaut-grade throughout

The strong grade was generalized in

2.

^,
$, ,
,
*
, , , ^, , , ,,
, , , .|, ,
case-forms.

all

^,

6,

the lengthened grade in

from

230),

kU, gen. klos

(ace),
(

and the weak grade

334),

in

330),

gen.

330),

and similarly

In vav9 from *uavs, Skr.

nauh

the long diphthong

was

levelled out into all the cases already in the parent Indg.

language, see

336.

Suffixes ending

2.

in

a Vowel.

This sufSx was chiefly used in the formation

of feminine nouns and adjectives from the masculine of ufrom *afd8efja riSvs =
and consonant-stems, as
Skr. svadvi svaduh, sweet, and similarly
= Skr. taksni
from

235.

-ja-.

, ,
'^/
*/ ,,
:

taksan, carpenter, and

Xiaiva, &c.

suffix for the

-aLva

ydraiva,

similarly

Oepanaiva,

became extracted as an independent

formation of the feminine of the names of

persons and animals from o-stems, as

from

= Skr. bhafrom ^-F^Tja; Soreipa from

= Skr. datri datar ; Att. Dor. yeyofela
*SoTpja
Skr. -usi ( S52)
from *-faJa, Ion, y^yovvla from
in this
S:c.
from
from
manner was also occasionally formed the feminine from
o-stems, as Trteipa mepos = Skr. pivan pivarah; eraipa
:

ranti

bhdrant-;

*]

*\],

^,

.
:

*],
;

Suffixes ending in a

236]

On

the form of the nominative singular in

further examples see

Vowel

The

236.

119

Greek and

for

322.

The

suffixes , -a.

the second syllable of dissyllabic

regular in such words as

formed

originally

light

bases and was

Skr. vrkah, Lat. lupus,

from an original Indg. form *wlqos,

wolf,

and similarly

in

yugdm, Lat. jugum, yoke. From such words

became extracted as a suffix and was extended to

Cvyov, Skr.

the

-o-

bases which had not originally the accent on the second

The

syllable (cp. 456).

- ^-, -,
,

stood in ablaut relation to

just as in the verbal forms (pepo

cp.

-e

Skr.

vrka, lupe. In like manner

vfka-h, Lat. lupu-s voc.
the -a- probably formed originally the second syllable of
:

dissyllabic

heavy bases

(cp.

458) from which the

was

-a-

extracted as a suffix already in the prim. Indg. period and

then became used for the formation of the feminine.

, ,,,,,,,
,,,,,,,,,,,,
,., , ,
,,,,,,,,
,,,, ,,,,
With

nomina

the suffixes ,

actionis,

nomina

-a-

were formed a large number of

and

agentis, verbal abstract nouns,

adjectives, as

with changed meaning, as

(Skr.

damah)

and
and

similarly

(Skr. vesah, Lat. vicus),

cp. Lat.

procus:

,
, ,,
,,,.,
,, , ),
, ,),
,, , , , , . ,
, '
. ,,
precari.

(Lat. fuga).

(Hom.

(Boeot.

&:c.

With

like

--,

-a,

as secondary suffixes, were formed nouns

(Skr. udrdh)

(Skr.

padam)

*ped, foot,

adj.

from

Formation of Nouns and Adjectives

I20

^^
,

niXcKvs,
:

[237

. .
,

These suffixes were chiefly used in

237. -(OJo-, -Wja.
the parent Indg. language for the formation of (i) denominative adjectives, (2) verbal adjectives,

The

a comparative meaning.
(i)

and

(3)

adjectives with

neuter and feminine

and (2) often became used as nouns

I. Denominative adjectives,
as
dsvah, horse,
^eoy,

of

Greek.

in

^,
,
9
, ,
,
,
,
, , ,., ,, ,
^.. , , ,
,
:

(Skr.

Skr. asvyah:

and similarly

divydh),

*],

from
analogy of which were formed nouns

i^i'ia,

,,,,, , ,,,.,
,
,
. ,,
^. ^,
,
.
,
,
,
,
.
^
-,
),
-,:
-,
,
.
,
), , , ,
, ,,,,
,
^, ^,
,
, ,,

after the

similarly

Skr. pitr(i)yah, Lat. patrius

pater,

like

pitdr,

and similarly

From forms like

was extracted the

forming words like

suffix

--

which became used

in

(Skr.

-,

padyah) from

*^],

From forms

was extracted the

in

(gen.

(gen.

like

suffix

forming neuter diminutives

-.

-- which became used

like

&c.

),
:

(gen.

after

'4

(gen. '4),
and similarly
the analogy of which were formed
:

&c.

and similarly

Suffixes ending in

238-9]

9,
?.
With

after the

(=

-ejo-

.
/

adjectives

analogy of which were formed

?,

Skr. -aya-, Lat. -eo) were formed

-60-,

afyeoy,

liice

a Vowel

^, ^, 09,

^
,
09, 09, , 9,
?, ^?. ,
, , . . , ^.
609,

opveov,

xpvaeos;

With

yeruy,

Att.

-;f ioy

ew(i)jo

older

were formed

yiv^Lov

analogy of which was formed

Ion.

Verbal adjectives, as

3-

With

(Skr.

{)

yajyah)

originally comparative meaning, as

Lat. alius, Goth, aljis, other

from

\^

,^
6, -, ^-?,
avTLOs

'',

129,

*/9, Skr.

madhyah, Lat. medius, Goth, midjis, middle.

4. From adverbs ending in -i, and from the locative
as

from

Ion.

after the

2.

2),

aureus, igneus, lapideus.

Lat.

xeAf?.

-^,

Att.

cp.

in

-i,

kvaXi-o^,

were comparatively
become very
productive in any of the separate languages. Examples
are iWoy ( 124, 2), Skr. asvah, Lat. equos, horse, Att.
6\o9, Ion. ovXos (Skr. sarvah) from *ao\fo9, Att. areuos,
Ion.
(Skr. urdhvah, Lat.
from *aTevfos,
arduus), Hom. TeXeios from *reXafoy, and similarly /SaXioy,

238.

These

-wa.

suffixes

rare in the parent Indg. language, and did not

^^,

,
^
,
,
,
,,, ,,, , ,
.
,^,, , ,, .
,
, ,,,
\ai6s (Lat. laevos),

5e^/oy,

?, 09,

(Lat. scaevos),

Ion.

from

/cii/oy,

Hom. oy,

Ion.

Att.

Att. icroy

Ion.

Att. ^eiOy, Ion. ^eiiOy, Att. opoy,

Ion.

*ffo.

239. -mo, -ma- were chiefly used in the formation of

verbal abstract nouns,

Greek, as

many

of which became concrete in

9. ,
, ^,
,,9,^,$^,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
\,
,
,
,
,,,,.
,
,
,
,
,
,
^,
,
,
,
,
,
,
, ., ,
,
,
,
),
,.
,,,,,
^,
, ^),, , ,
,
, , , ,,
,,
,
,
, , ^,
,,.,
,
,
,
,
,
,
^,
,
,
,
.
Formation of Nouns and Adjectives

122

240-1

(Skr. ajmah),

9,

Adjectives

(Skr. gharmah,/im/, Lat. formus),

like

Beside -mo-, -ma- there also occur -dhmo, -dhma, where

is the so-called root-determinative found in verbs like

dh-

475),

and more rarely -smo-, -sma-, -tmo, -tma-,

as

and with regular

for older

of interconsonantal --

loss

(
:

185) in

i-mo-,

where

secondary

-i-

(Horn.

was of various

suffix in the

origin,

was used as a

formation of adjectives like

loc.

240. -meno-, -mena- were used in the formation of the

The original forms probably

medio-passive participles.

were -meno (preserved

participles like

in the perfect participles, as

-mono- (preserved

Greek in forms Hke

alumnus, autumnus), see
241.

in the
I,

-no-, -na-

in

cp. Lat.

553.

occur as primary and secondary suffixes

formation of a large

Primary

in Sanskrit in

bodhamanah), and -mno (preserved

number of nouns and

in

(Skr. svapnah),
;

(Skr. yajnah),

Hom.

',

adjectives.

,
,
. ?,

/?, ^^
,
Secondary

2.

Vowel

Suffixes ending in a

242-7]

in eapivos

iancpipo?,

loc. eapi,

123

?,

from

&c.

,
8
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
\,
,,
.9, , ,,,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,^?,.^, , , ,
,,,, .
*
*,

*0afe^i/oy
Seiuos

and similarly

242.

-,

--

in

nouns and

iXeeiuos,

adjectives, as
;

Spenavov, '^Spavov,
;

8.,

kdavos,

243.

, used in forming adjectives denoting material,

origin, &c., as

(Lat. faginus),

244.

used

-ina-,

forming adjectives and nouns,

in

as

navmah,

cp. Skr.

jiew,

Lat.

divinus, eqiiinus, suinus.

,,,

245. -s-no, -s-na-, used in forming nouns and adjectives,

,
*.

from

from

as

and similarly
from

*,
,
,
*
,
,
,
,
,

, --.

246.

The

185),

of these secondary

origin

unknown. They were used in forming adjectives

the feminine of which became used as abstract nouns, as
from
from
after the analogy of these were formed

suffixes is

(neut.),

247. 1,

-la-,

&c.

used both as primary and secondary

, , ,^,,,
,,
,,

suffixes, especially the latter, in the

formation of nouns and

adjectives.
I.

Primary, as
;

,
,,
,
.,,
,
?, $.
,
^
,
,
,
,
^,
,
,
,,., ,
, ,,,,,.,?,
,
Formation of Nouns and Adjectives

1^4

[248

from *afiXja

Secondary, as

2.

,,,
like

the

suffix

9,

a(f)ei'(5eXo9, ieeXoy,

From forms

with diminutive meaning was extracted

,
, -,

which

became extended to forms like

and similarly with the

, , .
,
, , ,,.
,
,
,
,,,,, . , ,,
,
,
,
,
,,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,^,^,,, ,
.
,
,
.
^,,
,
,
,
,
,
^,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,,,,,.
:

extensions

-, --, --,
:

{)
from

to

248.

forms

like

-ro, -ra-,

as a suffix

and ex-

used both as primary and secondary

suffixes in the formation of

1.

as

',

and similarly
from which -aXeoy was extracted

tended

{-),

*Lafo

nouns and

adjectives.

(Skr. ajrah, Lat. ager, Goth, akrs),

Primary, as

(Lat. caper),

(Lat. taurus),

',

(Skr. rudhirah,

Lat.

ruber),

[],

2.

Secondary, as

^^,

^^,

Suffixes ending in a Voivel

249-54]

125

9,
^, <,
8,
,
,
?,
.
,
,
, , , ^.
?,
, ^,
.
^. ^,
,
,,
,
,
,
,
^,
,
,^,
^.
9, ^, ^.
{
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
, . , ,,
.
,
,,
* , ,
,
^,
,
,
,
,
,,.
The

249.

suffixes bho, -bha

became productive

in

Greek, especially in the formation of the names of animals,

eAa0oy,

as

9.

From

diminutive

?,

Att.

69,

the

nouns

-,

suffix

250. -dhlo-, -dhla.

unknown.

Examples are

The

-^

was formed

the

in

of these suffixes

origin

is

^^,

yiviOXov,

in

as

251. -dhro-,-dhra-,used in forming nouns

oXcOpos

as

and adjectives,

peWpov,

These secondary suffixes

252. -ko, -ka-, or , -qa.
were common in all the languages, especially in the forms
iko-, -ika- which started out from i-stems
-s) and then became extended to other kinds of stems,
:

as

cp. Lat.

Dor.

In

derivatives

modicus.

jo-formations

of

we have

-,

as

253. -sko, -ska- are related to the presents in -sko-

469), as in
(

It is

from

186).

doubtful whether the -sk- in isko-, -iska-

same

origin.

in the

formation of diminutives,as

These suffixes became productive,

is

of the

especially

254, -tero-, -tera- were

common

suffixes in the forma-

and

126 Formation of Nouns

Adjectives

255-8

\^,^, ^,
^,
^^, ^^,
9,
from adjectives, adverbs, nouns and

tion of comparatives

pronouns, as

69,

9,
?,
9,
^,
, 9 ^,
see

Se^irepos,

yXvKvrepos,

yipairepos,

po9,

376.

769,

KvvTepos,

9,

opiarepos.

(see 406), erepo^, Dor. arepoi.

9, ^, ^, ^,

255. -tewo, -tewa-, used in the formation of verbal

adjectives, as

see

556.

^, \\

256. 11-,

-tla

XeinreoY, Xvtco?,

which are of doubtful

origin,

as in

,
,
, ,^,,,,,,,-,
;

257. -tro-, used especially in the formation of neuter

(Lat. aratrum),

nouns denoting an implement, as

, -,

258.

{(jiepTpov).

These

-ta.

parent Indg. language

suffixes

in the

were

chiefly used in the

formation of verbal adjectives,

and of ordinal numerals.

I.

The

verbal adjectives had originally the accent on

the suffix and the base had accordingly the

weak grade of

but in Greek as in other languages the verbal

adjective was sometimes formed direct from the present
ablaut,

-?, -9,

? () , ?, -, -?,
/,
,
,,
^

with the strong grade of ablaut, as

9,

^9,

(Skr.

gatah,

Lat.

in-ventus),

(Skr. srutah, Lat. in-clutus),

(Lat. coctus), pvros (Skr. srutah),

(Lat. tentus),

,
,
^
^, .

datus),

(Skr. jnatdh,

09

(Lat.

Lat. notus),

vomitus),

The mascuUne,

^,

(Skr. sthitdh, Lat. status),

beside Skr. yuktdh, and similarly

See

555.

;,
(Lat.

(Skr. hitdh),

feminine and rarely the neuter of the

Suffixes ending in a

259-6o]

Vowel

127

,
^,,
,
,
, , ,,
,
,
,
,,
,
, ,,^,^,,,
,
^,
,
^. , .

verbal adjectives often

came

to be

used as abstract nouns

(sometimes with concrete meaning)

in

Greek as

also

in

other languages, as

-,

The

feminine abstract nouns, which came to denote

,
8, ,
,
^,^,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
^,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
\ . ,
,,

persons, became masculine and then took -s in the nominative

and formed

o-declension

their gen. singular after the analogy of the

,,

323), and similarly with the denominatives

in -ta-, as

After the analogy of

were formed

,
^,
,
,
,
,,
:

In

2.

ordinals,

(Lat.

as

&c.

Goth, saihsta),

^,
,
,
On

the superlative ending

--,

quartus),

(Lat. sextus,

(Lat. quintus, Lith. penktas),

See

389-93.

as in

,
',
^,
,,,
,,
,
,
,
, , , .

259.

&c., see 377, 4.

-is-to-, -is-ta-

(Skr. -istha-, Goth, -ista), used in

the formation of the superlative of adjectives, as in

See

'

377, 2.
260. -i-.

This suffix is probably identical in origin

which occurs in the second syllable of disIn Greek it is fairly
syllabic heavy bases (cp. 481).
common in nouns but rare in adjectives, as

with the

-i-

, ', , ,

(Skr. dvih, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis),

128 Formation of Nouns

9,

(Skr. dhih),

69,

69.

oblique cases of

On

328.

i-stems were often formed after

-iS-

343), cp. epi? (Skr. arih,

epip beside gen.

The

the various grades of ablaut

, ^.
9 ,?9

gen.

261-4

in the dififerent cases see

some

the analogy of stems in

enemy), ace.

Adjectives

^, ?,

which originally occurred

The

and

epiSo?,

^, ?,

&:c.,

were very rare

in

Greek

as also in most of the other Indg. languages, as

\9,

261.

suffixes -mi,

-ri-

worm,
(gen.
stems ending in a dental),
dsrih, Lat. ocris)

The

262.

^.

suffix

-ti-

after

evyi9

?,

became productive

the analogy of
(Skr.

in all the Indg.

languages in the formation of primary verbal abstract

, 9, , , ^, ^
The

nouns of the feminine gender.

?,
9.

weak grade of

originally the

9,

Forms

Skr. distih),

^, ^, ^^,
-, ?,
^^
yiveai^,

with the strong grade of ablaut in

new

, 9,

formations, as

'4-9,

9,
9,
69, 9, 69. The
pevai9

beside

(Skr.

263. -- (but

-ij-

Sei^i^

yuktih),

^^.

masculine

also originally a feminine abstract noun.

69,

9,

jnatih),

the root-syllable were

(cp.

, 9,9, , ,

rdais,

(Skr. sthitih),

(Skr.

had

(Skr. gdtih),

(Skr. srutih),

\,

9,

root-syllable

ablaut, as

See

was

169.

before vowels, cp. Skr. nadih,

rivet',

gen. nadiyah, &c.), used in forming feminine nouns and

The nouns and

adjectives.

adjectives containing

this

mostly came to be inflected after the analogy of

dental-stems already in prim. Greek ( 330, 343), cp. Horn.
suffix

, ^.9,
rjvls

and

(ace.

264.

),

-u.

This

suffix

gen,

9,

was used

in the

adjectives, especially the latter, as

and similarly

formation of nouns

?,

(Skr.

,
,
?,
,
,
,,
,
,
,-

26^-81

a Vowel

Sitffixes eud'ing in

(?,

guruh, Goth, kaurus),

(Skr. svaduh),
(Skr. bahuh),
(Skr. puruh),
(Skr. asuh),
(Skr. bahuh),

hanuh, Goth, kinnus),

janu),

343.

(Skr. daru),

On

occurred

Greek as
dharuh)

the different cases see

The

madhu),

suffixes -lu-,

See

331.

-nu-, -ru-

were very rare

also in the other Indg. languages, as

lacru-ma).

(Skr.

yovv (Skr.

the various grades of ablaut which originally

in

265.

,.
,
;

(Skr.

129

Horn,

in

(Skr.
(Lat.

,
,
,
,
,
,
, , , ,,,
,

266.

-tu-,

especially used in the formation of verbal

abstract nouns which are feminine in Greek, but masculine

Latin and

in

mostly also in Aryan and the Germanic

languages, as

. ^, ^,
, ,
(Lat. artus),

(Lat.

Vitus),

(),

(Skr. pituh),

.,

This type of noun became very productive in

Ionic.
The same suffix also occurs in the neuter nouns
(Skr. vastu, place),
and in feminine numerals

like

,,,,.

267. (but -uw- before vowels, cp. Skr. tanilh, body,

gen. tanuvah), used in forming feminine nouns, as

The nouns belonging

to this type preserved their original inflexion

( 334) in
Greek, Aryan and the Baltic-Slavonic languages, but in
the other languages they went over into the u-declension.

, , ^, ,
,
. ,,,

268. Prim. Greek -eu- (but -ew- before vowels) occurs

almost exclusively

^,

in the

^,

formation of nomina agentis, as

For the inflexion of

nouns belonging to this type see 334. The origin of the
eu-, which is not found in the other Indg. languages, has

Formauon of Nouns and Adjectives

130

According

never been satisfactorily explained.

mann,
from

verbal

*{)9

Grammatik

Griech.

adjectives

(cp.

become

3.

182)

it

Brug-

to

in

-,

as

which would regularly

63).

Suffixes ending

a Consonant.

in

269. -en- with the various ablaut-grades

269-72

probably started out

f{o) to verbs

in

-en-, -on, -en,

,
,
,
, ",
, ,,,,{,, , ,
^
?., , , ,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,,

but before consonants, see 345. This suffix

had various functions.
It was especially used in the
formation of nouns denoting (i) animate objects, as

^,

(Skr. taksan-),

(Skr. svdn-),

Ion.

');

yvaOcuv,

from

and similar forms the

this

was extracted and extended

to

The

c-stems, as

(2)

nouns
unknown, as

origin of the formation of the

denoting a place

is

Parts of the body, as

(Ion.

in

{^^).

270.

-(iiJ^ii

with the various ablaut-grades

-(i)jon, (i)jen, -(ijjon, -in-, -in,

generalized in Greek, see

the

This

348.

(i)jen,

of which became

suffix

only occurs

-,

-, ^-, -.

formation of a small number of nouns, as

in the

- ^, - ,
, , ^, ^

en

The

271.

was rare

suffix

in

from *ct7epf^';
:

^,

-wen with the same ablaut-grades as

Greek, as

^-

oveiaT-

Infinitive Cypr.

272.

-d-en-

(Skr. pivan),

from

*fa

oveiap,
Att.

with

the

^,

see

same

Hom.

371.

as

546).

ablaut-grades

occurs in the formation of nouns from verbal stems, as

(^),

Suffixes ending in a Consonant

73-51

131

8, ^, 8, ^, ', ^,
',

8,

formations like Lat. frigedo, rubedo.

cp.

273. -men- with the various ablaut-grades -men-,

men, -mon, -mn- but -mn- before consonants ( 845) and

mn in the nominative and accusative singular of neuter

nouns

tion of

This

350).

nomina

suffix

was used

partly in the forma-

and neuter) which often

came to be used for the names of objects, and partly in the
formation of nomina agentis and adjectives, as
actionis (masculine

-,
,
^, , ,
,
,
,
,
,,,,
(Skr. asman),

(Lat. termo),

, ^,

,.
-, , ,
^, , -, , , ,
,
,
, ^, , , , ,
,
, , , , \, , -,
, , , ^, ^, .
^
^
^,
^,
^,
, ^, ^, ^,
suffix in

like

Neuters, as

nama,

^.

Adjectives

(-,
:

^-^,

(Skr.

(Skr.

(Lat.

^,

used as a secondary

vasma, cover),
(Lat. nemen),
n5men, Goth. nam6),

Lat.

stramen), and similarly

'4,

For the

inflexion of these

The

suffix

nouns see

-men also occurs

^, ^, ^,

in the

Lesbian and Homeric

(Vedic vidmane),

infinitives (dative) like

(Vedic damane),

350.

,,
Sec,

see

546

and

also in infinitives (endingless locative) like

,
,
,
,
,
-.

274.

-dh-,

-t-,

Szc, see

(of various

-s-

origin)

549.

+men, as

in

275.

nt, nt.

neuter of

-nt-

with the various ablaut-grades -ent-, -ont,

With
all

this suffix

were formed the masculine and

For the

active participles except the perfect.

K2

Formatwn of Nouns and Adjectives

132

276-8

Greek and for the

Here belong also
a number of verbal nomina which became nominal in Greek
and a few pure nominal forms, as
history of the various ablaut-grades in

^
, ^, , , ,,,-,^,,
inflexion of the participles see 352-5.

(Skr. ddnt-, dat, Lat, dens, dentis).

Skr, -vant-), weak grade -wntthrough the influence of -F^vt-, Skr.

This suffix was used in Greek and Sanvat-), see 356.
skrit in the formation of denominative adjectives denoting
juicy = Skr. apavant-,
possessing, endowed with, as

276. -went-

(-f er-

with

watery,

-e-

(=

-f^vT-,

for -a-

*^

,^,^,

6^9, 69,

forms like

and extended

to other kinds of stems, as

69,
^^,
(9, ?, ^;
the -afevT-

of stems, as

^,

277. -er- with the ablaut-grades

but r before consonants, see

,.

359.

278.

-ter-

This

suffix

*-

like

to other kinds

9.

In Greek this
(Skr. devar),

with the various ablaut-grades

-ter-,

suffix

-tor,

before consonants, see 359-61.

especially used in the formation of names

but

was

-er-, -or-, -er, -or, -r-

only occurs in a few nouns, as

-ter, -tor, -tr-

69,

, ,

from forms

from

was extracted

Oepoecs, Kp6ei9,

was extracted and extended

9,

^,
;

the -ofevr-

-tr

of relationship and nomina agentis, as

(Skr. pitdr,

, , -, , ^^
, -.
-,
,,
,,
,,,,^,
,
, , ^,

(Skr. matdr-, Lat. mater,

Lat. pater, Goth, fadar),

OE. modor),

(Skr.

duhitdr-,

member of a

Lat. frater, Goth. br5))ar, brother),

(Lat. actor),

Lat. genitor),

(Skr. damitdr),

arator),

Goth,

dauhtar),

(Skr. bhratar-,

(Skr. janitar,

(Skr. datar-, Lat. dator),

^^,

(Lat.

79-8 1]

^-,

,.,

Suffixes ending in a Consonant

(Skr. yoktar),

(Skr. patar-, Lat. p5tor, drinker),

5s

279.

with the ablaut-grades

-es-

368).

This

nouns (mostly

suffix

was used

-es-, -os, -es (

in the

abstract), see 364,

related to such nouns, see

133

,3),

formation of neuter

and compound adjectives

366, as well as in the formation

of a few masculine and feminine nouns, see

368.

(a)

Neuter nouns, as yeiO? (Skr. jdnas-, Lat. genus), /cXeay

(Skr. srdvas-), /ie^y (Skr. manas-),
(Lat. nemus),
(Lat. frigus), and similarly
ayoy, aWo9,

, ,
,
^, , , , ,
,
,
'4, (,
,
,
,
^,
,
(), ,
{),
,
,, ,
^,
, , (),
,,
,^,,
,
,
{), , , , , ^.
-, -, -,
-^, -, -, -, -^, -,
-,
,
,
,,,
,
,*,, , , ', *,
^,

e'Aoy,

Compound

{b)

'4,

'4,

adjectives, as

(Skr. dur-manah),

formations eXeyx?;?,

see

and feminine nouns, as

line

and the back(c) Mascu-

366.

yey,

Hom.

This type of noun became

productive in Latin, cp. O.Lat. arbos, honos, &:c.
280. -n-es-, -w-es-, -dh-es-, as in the neuter nouns
Att.

,
.

368.

,,,
;

{F)o

from

and

see

(Skr. pivas-),

from

Att.

*apfo

Hom.

from

281. -jes- with the ablaut-grades -jes-, -jos-, -jos,

-i-jes-, -i-jos,

of adjectives.

used

in the

-is-,

formation of the comparative

This mode of forming the comparative was

only preserved in Greek in the accusative singular masculine

and feminine, the nominative plural masculine and feminine,

and the nominative and accusative of the neuter plural

and

34 Formation of Nouns

For the formation of the comparative

369).

see

Adjectives

2S2-5

in

Greek

375-6.
282. -wes with the ablaut-grades -wes-, -wos-, -wos,

and -wet-, -wot-, used

us-,

in

Greek, Aryan and the

Baltic-Slavonic languages in the formation of the perfect

active participle, see 552.

283. -as-

= Gr. -ay-,

Skr.

-is),

the -9 of which probably

belonged originally to the second syllable of dissyllabic

heavy bases with the accent on the first syllable. The

weak grade of the 3 in paragraph 279, and

became generalized already in the parent Indg. language.

9S is the

,,,?,,, , ,
,
,
?,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
-?. , , , ,
, ^, , ^.

^ --,
-,
-,
-,
,
,
,
,
, , .
It

occurs in a considerable

^^,

number

of neuter nouns, as

yipuY,

(Skr.

/cepa?,

kravis-, j'aw flesh),

For the inflexion of these nouns see 370.

and Lat. -tat), used in the formation of
feminine abstract nouns from adjectives, as
Lat.
Sec.

284.

tat- (Skr.

novitas
vios, novos
sarvah, and similarly

From forms

was extracted

Skr.

sarvatat

like *vefoTdT- the

(cp. 51)

as a suffix and extended to consonantal stems

See

343.

285. In a considerable number of nouns and adjectives

(t, k (= Indg.
was the weak

the suffix seems to consist of a simple explosive

k and

some cases at
grade form of an explosive -f or -a-,
Tos,

q), d,

g)

which

Lat. i-gn5-tus

maryaka-h, manikin
t.

It

in

least
cp.

Skr.

&c.

occurs especially in the formation of compound

verbal adjectives and in masculine nouns, as

-^,

suffix in
k.

It

occurs as a secondary

{),
It

().

occurs in the formation of nouns, as

^,

, ,, , , ^, ,
Compound Nouns and

286-7]

4,

Adjectives

135

Ion.

cp. Lat. cornix, radix, &c.

,
^, , ^, ? ,
,
,
,),,,,,-,
,
.
,
,, , , ,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
),
,
, ^, , ^.
d.

It

occurs especially in the formation of nouns and

-,

adjectives in

as yiv^id^,

gen.

-9,

?,

nouns

-,

in

gen.

-,

(ace.

cp. Lat. lapis, gen. lapidis

It

in

(ace. epn^),

g".

and

^,

--

occurs especially in the combination

in

diminutives and in nouns denoting a hollow or a musical

instrument, as

(gen.

28. For the formation and inflexion of nouns belonging

to the r-

n-declension see

The Formation

4.

371.

of

Compound Nouns and

Adjectives.

compound nouns and adjectives

compounding of two words each of which had

287. Most of the Greek

consist of the

an independent existence

in

period of the

the historic

The number of compounds, in which the first

member or both members did not exist as indepen-

language.
or last

-, -6

dent words, was comparatively small, as

where

Lat. in-, English un)

is

the

negative particle *ne, not;

sa, Indg.

6*

where

the

the

0-6

compounds

n-,

from

rerpa-, four,

*,

in the

Skr.

-'iv

a-

= Skr.

o?ic;

in

with

-^
-

and

a-, an,

of the prim. Indg.

where

fo

like

- - -^

weak grade

-,

nip-vai where the

weak grade of

weak grade of
;

in

Indg.

*sm the weak grade of *sem,

= Indg. *dm. the weak grade of

in

VT-i- is

(=

a-,

in -va-L

from

from older

where

from
morning, and

is

*/

*-

from

*]

*-8tov, the participle to

288.

(129,7)

,. ^

and

136 Formation of Nouns

Ion.

In Class

the

288-9

Att.

from

and

*klo-, this,

The compounds may be

four classes.

Adjectives

conveniently divided into

member was

first

the stem of

a declinable noun, adjective or pronoun, or an indeclinable

In Class II the

numeral.
particle

first

which only occurred

member was an

In Class III the

parent Indg. language.

indeclinable

compounds already

in

in the

member was

first

an original adverb which also existed as an independent

word. In Class IV the first member was a case-form or
a form which came to be used as an adverb in Greek.

Class

To

289.

this class

I.

belongs a very large number

oi

compound nouns and adjectives. In such compounds the

first member consists merely of the stem.
This mode of
forming compounds goes back to the prim. Indg. period
and arose before the so-called case-endings came into

-, -,
-?,
-,
-^
-?,
-6/? ^-, -, -^^
-, -, -^,
Regular forms were

existence.

-- ^-^
-

)-7]9

-^
^-^, 9
-, ^-^, ^, -^, -.
-6,
)(-6
-\-,
-,
-.,
^-,
-,
^-,
-,
-^ -,
,
, -,
,
, -, -, -, -?

{)^,

-79,

TToXv-avOrjS,

-^,
'-9, -^,
;

-aypos

vav-irriyos,

TtKTOv-ap\os,

'8

vvKT-aUros,
\^,
7-\09 -69,
;

After the analogy of the

o-stems the

-0-

became extended

to all kinds of stems, as

6-)(^, -69,

-KTOvos

Compound Nouns and

290-1]

Adjectives

137

-.
-, -?,
--;
6-69,
, -,
^-^, ^-,
?, ^, ^, ,
-, -?, -, -, 8- , }, ^The

Ino-noLos,

-- of the

-a-,

was

a- stems

often

extended analogically to other stems, especially for metrical

purposes

v^d-yevrj^

in poetr}', as

Regular forms were rerpaSeKa-novs, after the analogy of which were

Szc.

formed
forms were Dor.

&C., after the

The

analogy of which were formed

-ayos,

&c.

have -ifrom ^apypos,

adjectives in

Kpavvo9

Regularly contracted

&c.

compounds, as

in

This formation has

never been satisfactorily explained, see Hirt, Handbuch der

und Formenlehre, p. 328.

There are numerous Greek compounds in which the
first member was either verbal or came to be felt as being

griech. Laut-

8-, -^, ^-;

,-,
-,
-^, ,
^-,
-.

verbal, as

These

latter

'^.

Class

290. In

particle

this class the first

which only occurred

parent Indg. language, as

un-) the

(Skr.

dur),

dur-manah),

indeclinable

-. -

compounds already

-, -,
-.
*ne, not

65,

i),

in the

a- (Skr. sa)

-,

cp.

(Skr.

Indg.

-,
-,-\,
-.-^
-,

weak grade

(Skr.

in

a-6eos,

an-udrdh), av-airios,
the

II.

member was an

av- fSkr. a-, an-, Lat. in, Engl,

a-,

weak grade of Indg.

d-jnatah),

formations came to be associated

with the s-aorist and then became productive, as

of *sem, one, cp.

cp.

Class

*sm

(Skr.

III.

member was an original

adverb which also existed as an independent word, as

291. In this class the

first

138

Formation of Nouns and Adjectives

-9,'-^, ^-,
-^, -,
-\$,
-?, 6-9, -?, -,
-,

-^09,

6-$,

-,
ava-Xoyos,

,
?, -

k-y^v9,

dpi-hitah),

-89,

avp-Tpeis,

eni-OeTos

vnep-Se^ios,

292. In this class the

a form which

came

(Skr.

-^, -.

(Skr. upa-hitih),

6-09,

Class IV.

[292

first

member was

a case-form or

be used as an adverb in Greek, as

-
-?,
-,
-?,
-,
-,
-?,
-?,
?
?
9, -?, -?, ^-?, -?;
-?.
-^?.
, -?,-?,-?,
to

(Skr. dva-dasa), Nea-noXi?

-,-,
from IliXono?

TleXonov-

kapi-

ACCIDENCE
CHAPTER

IX

DECLENSION OF NOUNS

293. In the parent Indg. language nouns and adjectives

were declined alike without any distinction in endings.

This system was preserved in Greek, Latin, Sanskrit and
most of the other languages. They are divided into two
great classes according as the stem ends in a vowel or
a consonant.
In the former case they belong to the vocalic
and in the latter to the consonantal declension.
singular,
294. Nouns had originally three numbers
dual and plural.
The singular and plural were used in the
same manner as in the historic periods of the separate
languages.
The dual is in form a singular, the formative
elements of which originally expressed the idea of what
belonged naturally together in a pair or couple, as
Skr. hastau,
Skr. aksi, both eyes
:

bofh /lands

^,

,,
;

Skr. bahia, both

arms

,
,

Skr.

padau, both feet; and similarly

It then
&c.
came to be used for two objects which were associated
Hom.
together, as Hom.
Skr, gavau, a yoke of oxen

',

^,

Skr. asva, a pair of horses

lambs for sacrifice

Persephone)
;

Persephone).

Hom.

dpve, a pair of

^, the tivo goddesses (Demeter and

Demeter and
were associated
of them was named and put in the
the tivo treasurers (of

When two different

together only the

first

objects

This is called the elliptical dual, as Skr. usasa,

morning and night ahani, day and night dyava, heaven
and earth; pitkrau, father and mother, parents; Hom.
dual.

I40

Accidence

294

In prim. Indo-Germanic the

A'iavre, Ajax and Teukros.
Lat. ambo) and huo
words for both (Skr. ubhau,
Lat. duo) were also used along with
(Skr. dvau,
the dual, the former to express collectivity and the latter
separate objects or two out of many, i. e. plurality. At
a later stage these two words came to be regarded as
expressing the duality and then the noun was often put
This was the beginning of the loss of the
in the plural.
dual in the separate languages.
In Greek and Vedic the
dual was rarely used without the word for fwo except when
the objects referred to were regarded as a pair or couple.
But even in prim. Indo-Germanic the dual was not a fully
developed number like the singular and plural. Each of
the latter numbers had many more case-forms than the
dual.
The dual had only one form for the nom. voc. and
ace. masculine and feminine, one for the nom. voc. and ace.
neuter, one for the dat. abl. and instr. all genders, and
similarly one for the gen. and one for the locative.
It was
preserved in Aryan, Greek, Old Irish and also to a great

,,

extent in Baltic-Slavonic, but

in the prehistoric

period of

it

disappeared almost entirely

the other languages.

all

The

dual was fast becoming obsolescent in the oldest historic

period of the Greek language.

go

in pairs or

the plural than the dual, and

for parents is only

^,
It

Homer

objects

which

312.

it

is

remarkable that the word

used once by him in the dual

aiTLOS aXXos,

all.

In

couples were expressed more frequently by

In some dialects the dual

ydvaadai
is

not found at

occurs in Boeotian, Arcadian and also occasionally

in Doric.

It

survived longest in Attic, in the oldest period

was used almost in the same manner as in

Homer. After it had become obsolete in the Attic vernacular it was later restored again artificially in literature.
By about the end of the fourth century b. c. it had disappeared in the vernacular of all the Greek dialects.
of which

it

Declension of

295]

Nouns

141

generally accepted theory that nouns

295. It is now
had the three genders masculine, feminine and neuter at
the time the parent Indg. language became differentiated
into the separate branches of Aryan, Greek, Italic, Keltic,
Germanic, Baltic-Slavonic, &c. But in an earlier period
of the parent Indg. language there must have been a stage
when there was no characteristic inherent in the form of
a noun which indicated whether it belonged to the masculine,
feminine or neuter gender compare for example the r-, nand other consonantal-stems in Greek, Latin and Sanskrit.
In the consonantal declension nouns denoting males must
originally have been masculine and those denoting females
must have been feminine, irrespective of their form. But
;

the exact process whereby inanimate objects

masculine or feminine

in

came

this declension will

to be
probably

always remain an unsolved problem. And these remarks

In all
also apply to the i-, u and diphthongal-declensions.
these classes of nouns the gender could not be determined

by the form, but only by the meaning or by an accompanying attribute such as a demonstrative pronoun, which in
the earliest period of the Indg. language had distinctive
forms for the masculine, feminine and neuter gender cp.
;

Indg. *so, *sa, *tod

b,

, 6,

Skr. sd, sa, tat, Goth, sa,

Even in the a-declension the -a of the nominahad originally nothing to do either with gender or case,
was simply the bare stem-ending of a dissyllabic heavy

s5, J)at-a.
tive
it

base.

It

is

probable that in this declension a certain

number of nouns ending

in -a originally

as Vedic gana-, wtfe of a god,

Boeot.

denoted females,
Att. yvvrj,

woman, and that then by analogy all nouns ending in

a became feminine.
The dem. pronoun may also have
been an important factor in bringing it about that all nouns
belonging to this declension became feminine. The Greek,
Latin and Baltic-Slavonic masculines belonging to this
declension were all nouns which had changed their gender

Accidence

142
in these

languages separately

323).

[295
After the a-declen-

had become fully established as being the only

declension which contained exclusively feminine nouns,
it then came to be regarded as specially characteristic of
the feminine gender in general. And from this declension
or rather a sub-division of it ( 322) there was formed the
grammatical feminine to those classes of nouns which did
not originally distinguish the masculine and feminine in
form, viz. the i, u, r-, n-, nt-, -s- and other consonantalstems. And it even sometimes was used to form the
feminine from o-stems, cp. Skr. vrki, she-wolf, devi,
goddess
to the masculine vrkah, devah beside asva,
mare, masculine dsvah. And in like manner, apart from
the neuter nouns about which we shall speak presently, it
is also probable that a certain number of nouns whose stems
ended in -c originally denoted males, as Skr. dsvah, Lat.
equus, horse
Skr. vrkah, Lat. lupus, Goth, wulfs,
Lith. viikas, he-wolf, and that then by analogy all nouns
whose stems ended in -o became masculine. See 324.
By comparing the oldest periods of the separate languages,
it is clear that this development of grammatical gender in
the a- and o-declensions must have taken place during
the prim. Indg. period.
Through causes which it is now
impossible to determine grammatical gender was further
developed during this period whereby - and u-stems,
monosyllabic abstract nouns, abstract nouns with the
stem-endings -ti, -ni, -den, -don, -(ijtjon, , -t, -tat and
tut all became feminine
and abstract nouns with the
stem-endings -tu, -nu and nouns with the stem-endings
en,
denoting parts of the body, all became masculine
(Brugmann, Grundriss, &c., vol. ii, part 2, second ed.,
From the above account of the masculine
pp. 99-101).
and feminine genders we have generally left out of consideration the change of gender which took place in the
individual languages, such as that in Greek and Latin
sion

,,

Declension

295]

/ Nouns

143

grammatical gender sometimes became

subordinate

to

haec lupus after

haec femina or that
the analogy of nouns like
in Greek and the Germanic languages natural gender
often became subordinate to grammatical gender, as in
6ap, in diminutives like
words like
natural gender, as

, ,,

or in

^eo?,

/,

neuters like cild,

cht'/d;

folc,

lamb, lamb wif, wife or that o-stems

denoting the names of trees are feminine in Greek and
Latin and the names of rivers masculine, whereas in the
Germanic and several other languages the latter are mostly

folk

hers, horse

feminine.

The

neuter gender differed from the masculine and

feminine insomuch that

it
only had one form for the
nominative and accusative singular.
As we have seen

above, there was originally no characteristic inherent in

the form of a noun to indicate whether

masculine, feminine or neuter gender.

it

belonged

to the

The grammatical

neuter gender, as such, only came into existence after the

masculine and feminine had become fully established.

its

earliest stage

it

was only used

to

In

represent inanimate

and these only in the nominative and accusative

which the bare stem was used in the i, u- and
all consonantal-stems, and the accusative in the o-stems.
The other cases of the singular were formed at a later
period after the analogy of the masculines. The i, u- and
consonantal-stems mostly denoted the names of material,

objects

singular, for

inert mass, or substance of being or action.

The form

om, as compared with the masculine nominative

expressed the passive or inactive recipient, that

in

in -os,
is

the

which practically agrees with the meanings of

the former classes of nouns.
But as in the i, u- and consonantal-stems there was no distinction in form between
the nominative and accusative, the accusative in -cm also

accusative,

came

to

be used for the nominative.

Here

as in the mas-

Accidence

144

296

and feminines natural gender was often made

culines

subordinate to the grammatical gender in the individual

languages, cp.

17

child

What

is

yvvaiov or

OE,

wif, wife, cild,

called the neuter plural in the oldest periods of

the separate Indg. languages

was

originally a feminine

This applies not only to the O'Stems

The
( 326) but also to the i, u and consonantal-stems.
nominative and accusative ending -a of the o-stems agrees
with the nominative singular ending of the a-stems.
-a
(Skr. -i, Gr. -a), the ending of the nominative and accusative of the consonantal stems, was in all probability the
weak grade ablaut of the above -a. The nominative and
accusative endings of the i- and u-stems were -i and ,
which may also be a contraction of -i, -u + a. The -i however can also be the - of the nominative singular of the
During the prim. Indg. period these
ja-stems ( 322).
feminine collective singulars ceased to be felt as such and
came to be regarded as plurals, and then the other cases
collective singular.

of the plural were formed after the analogy of the masculines just as had previously been done in the singular.
This accounts for the fact that in Greek and Sanskrit the
nominative plural takes the verb in the singular, see 326.
The parent Indg. language had at least eight
296.

cases

probably

which

more

speaking

strictly

if

we

it

is

call

the vocative a case,

not because

stand in any syntactical relation to the other

the

These were

sentence.

the

it

does not

members

of

Nominative, Vocative,

Accusative, Genitive, Ablative, Dative, Locative and Instrumental,

all

of which were preserved in Sanskrit.

original functions

Of the

parative syntax.
cally nothing

upon the
solid

is

and uses of these cases belong

foundation.

it

It

is

The
com-

origin of the case-endings practi-

known.

subject,

to

Although much has been written

mere guess-work without any
reasonable to suppose that the

all

is

Nouns

Declension of

297-8]

145

case-endings were originally independent words, but what

meaning was

their precise

impossible to determine.

each particular case

in

it

is

remarkable that Greek,

so archaic, should have lost so
It

is

which

in other respects is

many

of the original case-forms.

In the following brief

description of the formation of the case-endings in the

many

parent Indg. language

details are omitted, especially

such as relate to analogical formations in the individual

languages.
For details of this kind the student should
consult the declensions themselves.
297. In order not to have to repeat in each case the
meanings of the Sanskrit, Gothic and Lithuanian words
used to illustrate the various case-endings, a list of the
words is given here for easy reference. Sanskrit agnih,
:

fire

aksi, eye

asva,

nia7'e

avih, sheep

bharan (stem

bharant, bharat), bearing; bhuh, earth; data, giver;

devi, goddess
dhih,
to give
dhara, stream

da vane,

durmanah

thought;

(stem durmanas), dispirited; dyauh,

gauh, co'm, ox janah (stem janas), race loc.

sky, day
murdhan, on the head; n3.aih, river nama (stem naman),
name nauh, ship pdsu, cattle pat (stem pad, pad),
foot pita (stem pitar), father puru, much, many raja
;

(stem rajan-), king

vari,

three;

luater;

yugam, yoke.

sunuh, son

tanuh, body neut. tri,

vidmane, to know; vrkah, tvo/f;

guma, man
;

Gothic: a.nsts, favour; hairands, bearing;

brojiar, brother; iaaav, father

tongue

juk, yoke

wulfs,

ivolf

mawi,

faihu, cattle; giha, gift;

girl ; sunus, son

Lithuanian

avis, sheep

tuggo,

rank^,

hand; vilkas, wolf

SliNGULAR.

298.

The nominative

of the masculine and feminine

was formed in four ways, (a) In the a and ja-declensions

by the bare stem without case-ending, as
Skr. asva,
;

Lat. equa, mare, Goth, giba, gift

L

321)

-i

beside

-(ilja,

Accidence

146

[299

the former occurs in Skr. devi, goddess, Goth,

,
,
,

*^]

mawi,

girl,

{b) In the
and the latter in
from
( 322).
n, r- and s-stems by simply lengthening the vowel of the
Goth, guma, man, Skr.
stem-ending, as
;

,^

homo, sermo Goth, tuggo, tongue

raja, king, Lat.

Lat. pater, Goth, fadar, Skr. pita, father

hostile,

Lat.

dator, Skr. data, giver

Skr.

durmanah,

dispirited

361)

366)

345)

360)

?,

(c) The o-, i-, u-, and ii-stems and also stems
368).
ending in an explosive (except monosyllabic or root nouns)
had simply the case-ending -s, as
Skr. vfkah, Lat.
lupus, Goth, wulfs, Lith. vilkas, wolf ( 325)
oiy,

9,

Skr. avih, Lat.

ovis, Lith. avis, sheep

,,

^ , ^, , ,
?,

328) ;
arm, Skr. sunuh, Goth, sunus, son, Lat. fructus
/ciy,

weevil,

Skr. dhih, thought

tanuh, body

334)

330)

?,

fish,

331)

Skr.

from *veforaT9 { 342-3) Skr. bhdran from

*bhdrants, Lat. ferens, Goth, bairands, bearing ( 352)
from
and similarly

Kopvs,

^,

*/9,

^,

{d) The
354) ; xapuLS from *xapLfevTS ( 356).
diphthongal stems and the monosyllabic consonantal stems

&c.

had the case-ending

-s

^^
?,

and lengthening of the stem-ending,

Zei^y, cp. Skr. dyauh,
( 336)
Skr. gauh, cow, ox
( 338);

as vavs, Skr. nauh, ship

sky
(

337);

339);
299.

?,

Skr. pat, Lat. pes,

The

OE.

fot, foot {^ 342).

vocative of the masculine and feminine had

no special case-ending.
In the a and o-declensions it
ended respectively in -a and -e which stood in ablaut
relation to the -a and -o of the nominative, as Horn,
XvKe, Skr. vrka, Lat. lupe, Goth, wulf,
( 321)
wolf ( 325). The original ending of the i-stems was -i
when the preceding syllable had the chief accent of the
word, and -ei or -oi when the accent was on the ending.
Greek and the Germanic languages generalized the former
and Sanskrit the latter, as
Goth. SiXisi, favour, beside

agne

Skr.

Nouns

Declension of

30o]

nom. agnih,

beside -eu or -ou in

ended

in

And

328).

-i,

The

331).

-u beside

-i,

similarly -u

Goth,
long and u-stems

the u-declension,

sunu, beside Skr. sun5

originally

fire

147

as

became

the former

generalized in Sanskrit and the latter in Greek, as Skr.

nddi

nom. nadih,

tdnu

river,

nom. tanuh, body,

In the monosyllabic i-stems the nom. was used for

the vocative in both languages, as kU, dhih

similarly with the monosyllabic u-stems in

Sanskrit,

bhuh,

earth

went,
(

rajan

Skr.

*bharant

Skr. pitar
Skr.

352)
(

345);

337),

yipov,

cp.

as

,
,

the n, nt-,

Skr. datar

ending

stems

356)

361)

^?,

The nominative was used

366).

338)

bharan from

Skr.

\apUv from *xapLf^vT

of

360),

durmanah
vocative

the

and

and s-stems had the bare stem-ending, as

r-

339), Zev, Lat. Ju-piter

cp.

The diphthongal and

334).

330)

in

simple

for

explosive

342).

The case-ending of the masculine and feminine

was -m or -m (= a, Skr. -a, Lat. -em, 65, i)

300.

, ,,
,
accusative

according as the stem ended in a vowel or a consonant, as

Skr.
Skr. asvam, Lat. equam, Goth, giba

vrkatn, Lat. lupum

sitim,

partim

cp. Skr.

Skr.

cp.

sunum,

cp. Skr.

dyam,

sky,

agnim,

fire,

Lat.

fructum

Lat.

Skr. gam,
from *dje(u)m
and u-stems had -im,

cow, ox, from *gO(u)m; the long

*nawm
Lat.

,, ,
,

dhiyam, tanunavem, ship, from

Skr. padam,
from *-r/f
Skr. raj ana m

-uwm,

iim beside -ijm,

vam; Hom.

as

navam,

Skr.

-id,

pedem;

Lat.
;

Skr.

,
,
;

ferentem
from
Skr.
fevra; naripa, Skr. pitdram, Lat. patrem;
-, Skr. durmanasam
dataram, Lat. datorem
The Sanskrit ending -am of the confrom
sonantal stems had the -m from the accusative of the vocalic
Skr.

bhdrantam,

Lat.

*.

^,

Accidence

stems

and similarly -av

301-2

Cyprian dialect and

for -a in the

also occasionally in other dialects.

301. The case-ending of the nom. voc. and ace. neuter

Skr. yugdm, Lat.
was -m in the o-declension, as
yx^nm, yoke ( 326). All other neuters had the bare stem-

ending, as

cp.

"",
name
ing-,

*, *;
,
^^,
from

cattle

cp.

yaka,

Skr.

nama,

bhdrat

cp. Skr.

and similarly 5/^'/;

Lat.
(

S^lkvvv, 8l86v, tlO^v,

yeuos, Skr. janah, Lat. genus, race

Skr.

,, ,,

Skr. vari, water;

pasu, Lat. pecu, Goth, faihu,

durmanah.
The original

302.

genitive

nomen,

353); bear-

&:c.,
;

Skr.

from

yapUv,

^?,

case-ending was -es, -os

which stand in ablaut relation to each other,

s occurred after vowels and -es, -os after consonants,
-es
was originally used when it had the chief accent of the
word, and -os when the accent preceded the case-ending.
It
Latin generalized the former and Greek the latter.
cannot be determined whether the Sanskrit ending -ah
regularly fell together
represents -es or -os because e and
cp. Skr. dsvay
in a.
Examples are

and

-s,

?, ?,

ah, o/a mare, Goth. gib5s, of a gift, Lat. familias, all from
-as; Skr. agneh, of fire, Goth, anstais, from -eis or ois;
Skr. sunoh, Goth, sunaus, of a son, from -eus or -oiis
on the Greek forms, see 328, 331
klos from *kljos, cp.
from
cp. Skr. tanuvah
Skr. dhiyah
Ion.
{rom *yovfos, *8opfos, cp. Skr. pasvah,
Att. ^?, Skr. navdh, Lat. navis
of cattle Ion.
Skr. padah,
Vedic gdvah ;
Alas, Skr. divah
Lat. pedis
cp. Skr. rajnah ;
Lat. patris,
Skr. bhdratah, Lat. ferentis;
dat5ris ;
Skr. janasah, Lat. generis
from
Skr. durmanasah

,
;

*,
;

,,

,,,, ,, ,
;

^,
^,
. -,
The

genitive of the o-stems

was formed

after the

analogy

Nouns

Declension of

303-5]

149

*,

pronoun in prim. IndoSkr. vrkasya, beside

of the genitive of the demonstrative

Germanic, cp. Horn. Xvkolo =

Skr. tasya, Indg. *tosjo; and also prim. Greek
= Att. Ion. and mild Dor.
Boeot. Lesb. and severe
from Indg. *toso.
beside
Dor.

303.

The

ablative case-ending

as that of the genitive in

all

was

originally the

same

stems, but during the prim.

Indg. period special case-endings for the ablative

(ed, -od)

and the genitive (-sjo) of the o-stems were formed after the
analogy of the pronominal endings ( 408). This ablative
case-ending was preserved in Sanskrit and Old Latin, as
vrkat nom. vrkah, yugat nom, yugam,O.Lat. Gnaivod
But it dis
meritod, inscrip. facilumed = facillumed.
appeared in Greek except in isolated forms, as Delph,
:

fo,

unde.
Its disappear
domo, Cret. Tco-5e, htJic, ,
ance was doubtless due to the analogy of the other declen
sions in which the genitive and ablative were alike in
The adverbial particle -^, which originally beform.
came to be used to express the
longed to words like
ablative, as oiKoOeu,

304.

The

^,
^.

dative case-ending

was

originally -ai for all

became contracted
Indo-Germanic with the stem-ending whereby -3,+
Skr.
ai became -ai and -o + ai became -oi, as
stems.

In the a- and o-declensions

it

in prim.

>, },

dsvay-ai, Lat.

equae, Goth,

gibai

^,

Skr.

vrkay-a, Lat. Iup6 (O.Lat. populoi). In the other stems

the old dative was supplanted by the locative in Greek, but
the original dative was preserved in isolated forms, such as
inf. Att. Souuac, C3'pr. Sofevat = Skr. da vane, Hom.
It was regularly
= Skr. vidmane, adv.
Lat. humi.
preserved in Sanskrit and Latin, as agnay-e, hosti sun
nave, navi
pade, pedi
gave, bovi
dve, fructui
rajne, homini namne, nomini bhdrate, ferenti pitre,
datre, patri, dat6ri janase, generi.

305.

The

locative case-ending

was

-i

in the a-, o-, , u-

Accidence

150

and consonantal-stems (but see below).

u-stems the locative ended in -ei (-e, 63)
were the lengthened form of the full stems.
s-stems had -i beside no special case-ending.
latter have only been preserved in isolated
aiis, inf.

86^,

Skr.

murdhan,

306

In the i- and
and -eu which
The n-, r and

Forms of the
forms, as

oji the

head.

In the a- and o-declensions the -i combined with the

stem-endings to form the diphthongs -ai and -01, -ei beside
oi and -ei.
The locative of the a-declension thus fell

'
*\ ,
, ,
^,
In Greek the locative

together with the original dative.

of the o-declension only occurs in isolated forms. Examples

are

dea,

},

Lat.

Rdmae,

O.Lat.

R5mai

',

', cp.
beside
adverbs like
,
from *ki.Ji, Skr. dhiyi;
Skr. vrke, Lat. belli, domi.
Skr. tanuvi; Att. Ion. ', Skr. navi,
from
from
Skr. gdvi, Lat.
Lat. nave;

and

in

,-,

'

8,

, ^,
,.

bove

rajani, Lat.

Skr. padi, Lat. pede

homine

Skr. bharati, Lat. ferente

Skr. pitdri, Lat. patre

genere

The

Skr.

Skr.

adverbial particle

from

to

*.

Skr. janasi, Lat.

yevei,

durmanasi
also came

be used to express

the locative, as

The

prim.

locative of the

Greek

after

other stems where

i-

and u-stems was remodelled

in

the analogy of the consonantal and

-i

was regular

The

328, 331).

regular forms were preserved in Sanskrit, Latin and Gothic,

as Vedic agna (see above), Lat. hosti, Goth, anstai Skr.
sunau, Goth, sunau, Lat. senatu, fructu. In the i-stems
the dative and locative regularly fell together in Latin.
306. The instrumental was not preserved in Greek
except in isolated forms. It is doubtful what was its
original ending in most of the stems, because there is no
clear agreement in its formation among the languages which
have an instrumental in historic times. In the a-, o, i- and
u-declensions it ended in -a, -5 (-e), -i and , as Vedic dsva,
;

Declension of

307-81

,-,,

Nouns

^, .

151

with a mare dhara, i\.nth the stream

-?/
Vedic vika, Goth, wulfa, Lith. vilku,
Horn.
In the other stems it probably ended
in -a beside -bhi and -mi which resulted from the endings
;

of three originally different cases being used for the instru-

The

mental.

-bhi

is

same as the instrumental

the

plural

ending in Sanskrit bhi-h. In Greek it only occurs in the

epic language of Homer and his imitators, and there mostly
with the a- and

Homer

o-stems, rarely with other stems.

In

had more frequently a plural than a singular

meaning, and it was used to express both the instrumental,
ablative and locative, seldom the genitive and dative.
The
it

mi occurs

in the

Baltic-Slavonic languages in the singular

and the plural and

The

latter.

adverbs

in

the

endings regularly

The

fell

-u

(-i)

and instrumental

(-a)

together, the -e can represent either

Examples of -bhi are

{),

, /),

6{),

in the

neSa, and

Latin consonantal stems, homine,

patre, &c., but as the locative

like

, , ^, ^,^

possibly also

case.

,,

Germanic languages only

in the

-a occurs in

was of the same

6{).

origin as in the locative plural

31).

Dual.

307. For an account of the original

case-forms and

uses of the dual in the parent Indg. language see

308.

The

masculine and feminine was formed differently

In the a-stems the ending was

ent stems.

dsve, on Gr.

beside

-5,

294.

nominative, vocative and accusative of the

,,
,

see

321.

Greek generalized the

in

the differ-

-ai,

as Skr.

In the o-stems
latter,

as

was

it

Lith.

vrkau beside vrka.

In Sanskrit the -au, -a
was extended by analogy to the i, and all consonantalIn the i and u-stems it was -i and , as Skr. agni,
stems.
vilku, Vedic

sunu, on Gr. noXee,

see

328, and on

, ^,

Accidence

152

309-11

In the , , diphthongal and consonantal-stems

331.

which seems to be the original case-ending in

it is not certain because just as the -au,
of the o-stems was extended by analogy to the i, and
consonantal-stems in Sanskrit, so also the Greek -e may be
a new formation after the relation of the old nom. plural
ending *-a)y ( 324) to the nom. plural ending -ey so to
an -e may have been formed. Examples
the dual ending
\apUvTe,
vfje,
are kU,

Greek has

all

-e

these stems, but

^^,

TTaTepe,

,,

-.

,,

309. The nominative, vocative and accusative neuter

ending was -oi in the o-stems, as Vedic yuge, on Gr.
In all the other stems the ending was probably
see 326.
, which was supplanted by the -e of the masculine and
feminine in Greek, as Skr. aksi, namani, jdnasi = oWe,

yivee.

310. It

is

impossible to determine what was the original

case-ending of the genitive

declensions because there

and locative in the various

no agreement among the

is

languages which have preserved the dual in historic times.

scholars assume that it was -cus = the Skr. -oh in

Some

vrkayoh, agnyoh,

asvayoh,
pitroh,

(Sec.

The

dative, ablative

sunoh, padoh, rajndh,

and instrumental ending

contained the element -bh- (Skr. -bhyam) beside -m-, but

what the Indg. vocalism was it

In Greek Horn, -ouv, Att. Ion.

is

impossible to determine.

&:c. -olv

became used

stems except the a-stems to express the functions of

five cases.

On

the origin of

-ollv, -olv

and

in all

all

the

-aLiv, -ulv,

see

321, 325.

Plural.

311.

The

was used

The

separate languages

show

that the nominative

for the vocative already in prim.

Indo-Germanic.
and feminine

original case-ending of the masculine

nominative and vocative was -es

in all stems.

The

-es

Nouns

Declension of

312-13^

153

became contracted with the stem-endings of the a and

Indg. whereb}' -a + es became -as and
o + es became -os, as Skr. asvah, Osc. scriftas, scriptae,
Umbr. urtas, ortae, Goth. gib5s.
Skr. vrkah, Goth,
wiilfos, Osc. Nuvlanus, Nolani.
On the endings in
Greek and Latin see 321, 325,
Skr. agnayah,
O'Stems in prim.

9,

Lat. hostes, Goth, ansteis, all

\, Skr. sunavah, from ewes

Att.

from

-ijes

Att. Ion.

padah

rantah

iydve^, Skr.

Skr.

vrj.s,

/3oe?,

narepe?, Skr. pitarah

manasah.
312. The case-ending
accusative was -ns or -ns

Skr.

Skr. dhiyah,

Kies,

gavah

of the masculine

(=

-a?,

',

rajanah

Skr.

tanuvah, from -uwes

navah

^?,

from -ejes; Ion.

Dor. vae^,

?,

Skr.

.Skr.

bha-

-eh, Skr. dur-

and feminine

Skr. -ah, Lat. -es, Goth,

uns) according as the stem ended in a vowel or a consonant, as Cret.

Att. Ion. Dor.

Cret. XvKot^9, Att. Ion.

Dor. -9, Lesb.

noXivs, Ion.

-019,

9,

Lat.

asvah and Goth, gibds

the endings in Skr.

and mild Dor.

-ous,

Lat. Iup6s, Goth,

equas
see

on

Boeot. and severe

wulfans; Cret.

Lat. hostis, Goth, anstins; Cret.

^,

321

vivv<i,

^,
^,

dhiyah
Skr. tanuvah; Ion. vrjus, Skr. navah, Lat. naves;
Lat. boves;
Skr. paddh, Lat. pedes;
Skr. rajnah, Lat. homines
Skr. bharatah,
Goth, sununs, Lat. fnictus.

Lat. ferentes
brothers;

had -av9

^^,
;

Skr.

Skr.

-,

?,

Lat. patres, cp. Goth, brojjruns,

durmanasah.

The

Cret. dialect

analogy of the vocalic stems.

The ending of the nominative, vocative and
313.
accusative neuter was -a in the o-stems, in the i-stems,
after the

and a ( = -a, Skr. -ij in the consonantal stems,

Vedic yuga, Lat. juga, Goth, juka, yokes, on
see 326 X'edic tri, tria, on
see 329
Vedic puru, ))iiic/i, ma)iy, on
see 333.

in the u-stems,

see

295.

Skr.

namani;

,
,
,
,
,
Skr. bharanti.

Accidence

154
The

[ 3

was probably -am,

(= -coy,
Skr. -am, Lat. -om, -urn) in all other stems. In prim. Greek
and Latin the genitive of the a-stems was remodelled after
314.

original genitive ending

a contraction of -a + om,

in

the a-stems, and

the analogy of the pronouns, cp.

Hom.

from

*^,

Skr. tasam, Lat. is-tarum, Indg. *tasom, whence

(Aeolic) Qdaoiv, Boeot.

-,

Ion. -koiv from older

,
,,
; ,

Hom.

--,

Att.

^, .

equarum.
Lat.
Romanom, deum, class. Lat. luporum with pronominal
ending
Lat. hostium, trium
Lat. fru
Dor. -av Lesb.

ctuom, -uum,

-av, Lat.

,,
-urn,

on

,
,

,
^,

,
see

331;

Skr.

dhiyam
Skr.
Hom.
Skr. navam
gavam, Lat. bovom, boum;
Skr. padam, Lat.
pedum;
Skr. rajnam, Lat. hominum;
Skr. bhdratam
e^/e^',
Lat. patrum
Skr. janasam, Lat. generum
-, Skr.
durmanasam.
315. The dative and ablative ending contained the
;

^,

element -bh- (Skr. -bhyah, Lat. -bos, -bus) beside -m-, but
it is

uncertain what was the Indg. vocalism.

316.

It

is

doubtful what

was the

original case-ending

of the locative.

Sanskrit and Lithuanian

and Old Slavonic

assume that -su

-chii

is

-i

and -i were deictic

became generalized

the substitution of

-i

for -u after the

however
and that -u
the latter of which

was simply

locative particles,
in

has -su

-si.

of the locative singular.

possible that the original ending

languages.

(dial.)

Most scholars
ending and that -si was

Greek has

the original

new formation with

analogy of the

su.

It

is

-s

Greek and the former

in the other

In the vocalic and n and r-stems the inter-

would regularly have disappeared in Greek

it was restored again after the analogy of
stems ending in an explosive or s, as in
Skr.
patsu,
yeveai, Skr. jdnahsu.
Such new formations are:
( 321), Skr. dsvasu;
vocalic
(

213,

-s-

, , ^, , ,

2),

but

, , , ,,, ^,,
,

Declension of

317-18]

Skr.

sunusu
Skr. nausu;
;

vfkesu

Noims

Skr. trisu

155

Skr.

Skr. tanusu

Skr. dhisu;

Skr. gosu;

Skr. rajasu

- ^^ , ^, ^,
, ^, ^,
, {) , , {).
Skr. pitrsu.

Homer

In the Aeolic

the ending

. ,

tended by analogy

all

Lesb.

77/ZiV,

The

317.

stems except the

O-stems, as

The ending

had

including

of the s-stems was ex-

later

to

dialect

its

a, ja-

avSpeaat,

from pronouns

-u

and

like

Lesb.

case-ending of the instrumental was -bhis

(Skr, -bhih) beside -mis except in the o-stems which had

8, as

On
(

e^oTs,

Skr, vrkaih, Lat. lupis, Lith. vilkaTs.

the -bh- and -m forms, see the instrumental singular

?, 9,

306).

And on
Few Indg.

see

321.

languages preserved the eight cases

described in the foregoing paragraphs. They were all pre

318.

served

in

Sanskrit as also in the Baltic-Slavonic languages

with the exception of the ablative.

arose in Greek that in the place

different

Through syncretism

oi several

meanings one case-form

it

case-forms with

became

used which

Thus the case which we

Greek grammar embraces both a dative,

united the functions of these.

call the dative in

and instrumental meaning. But the dative forms

grammar were originally partly old dative forms
partly locative forms, as
as
and partly
instrumental forms as Xvkol^.
Hence it arose in Greek
that certain dative forms had at the same time the functions
of the locative and instrumental certain locative forms at
the same time the functions of the dative and instrumental
and certain instrumental forms at the same time the
functions of the dative and locative. Also what is called
the genitive and dative dual in Greek grammar was used
locative

,,

of Greek

to

express the functions of both the genitive, locative,

dative, ablative,

and instrumental.

By

syncretism

it

also

Accidence

156
arose

in

Greek

319

that the genitive acquired both the functions

of the old genitive and ablative.

And

similarly the case,

which we call the ablative singular in Latin grammar,

embraces both an ablative, locative and instrumental
meaning. But the Latin ablative forms were originally
partly old ablative forms, as equ5(d), and partly old locative
and instrumental forms, as pede, patre, homine. And in
like manner what is called the dative singular in Gothic is
originally the instrumental in the a- and masculine i-stems,
the locative in the feminine i-, the u-, and all consonantalstems and the dative only in the -stems. And what is
called the dative plural is in form the instrumental.
319. In the declension of nouns and adjectives it is
;

not only necessary to take into consideration the caseendings, but also the stem-endings which often formed an

important factor especially in the declension of the

i,

and diphthongal stems as well as in most of the consonantal

stems.
These classes of nouns and adjectives originally
contained various grades of ablaut either in the root-

monosyllabic consonantal stems and in

syllable, as in the

some

of the diphthongal stems, which contained no suffix

or formative element, cp.

nom. *djeus, Zevs

Skr. divah ( 337)
n, r- and s-stems,

loc.

Lat. pes

nom.

sing,

-i-s,

loc. sing, -ei, -ei, -eu, -eu (

(

*-

yiv^a-

5-,
:

pad-

--

^.

-u-s

nom.

328, 331)

345);

342)

gen. *diwos,

or in the stem-ending, as in the

cp.

-- *--^, *-- 9,
--, -ew-es

*djewi, Vedic dyavi

i-,

u,

pi. -ej-es,

-Tep-a

Hom.
from
360)
According as the stem-ending in
;

the diphthongal and consonantal stems originally contained

the strong or

weak grade of

ablaut, the various cases are

divided into strong or weak case-forms.

The

strong case-

were
the nominative, vocative and accusative
singular and dual, the locative singular and nominative
plural, and possibly also the accusative plural ( 345).
forms

Declension of

320-

Nouns

157

weak case-forms. This original distinction

between strong and weak case-forms was most faithfully
preserved in Sanskrit, but in most of the other Indg.
languages it became considerably obliterated through new
formations caused by levelling out one or other of the
stem-forms, cp. the n-declension in Greek ( 345).
All the rest were

A.

THE VOCALIC DECLENSION

I.

320.

The

The

a-DECLENsioN.

a-declension

originally

contained

only

feminine nouns as in Sanskrit and the Germanic languages,

but in Greek, Latin and the Baltic-Slavonic languages

a certain number of original abstract nouns acquired

a concrete meaning and then became masculine ( 323).

The

On

a-declension

is

divided into a-stems and ja-stems.

the change of a to e in Attic and Ionic see

32L

51.

Accidence

158

[321

Singular: The -a, corresponds to the nom. endings

Goth, giba, gift, Lith.
Skr. asva, mare, Lat. equa
ranka, O.Slav, rfika, hand, with regular shortening of the
a in all these languages except Sanskrit.
a, the original voc. ending was preserved in Homeric
and in Homeric masculines like
Ilepaa, and in O.Slav.
Att.
r^ko beside nom. rika. In Greek and Goth, the nom.
in

,,

, ,,

to be used for the voc. already in the prehistoric

period of these languages, probably owing to the fact that
these two cases were alike in the plural in the parent Indg.

came

language.

The

regular voc. would have been *gif in

final

Indg. -a and -a regularly

As

Gothic.

fell

together in

cannot be determined whether equa,

rankk represent the original voc. or whether they are the

and Lith.

Lat.

nom. used

The

-ai^,

endings

in

it

for the vocative.

141) regularly corresponds to the ace.

asvam,

Skr.

Lat.

equam, Goth, giba,

Lith.

rank^, O.Slav, r^k^i.

,,

-as, -rjs regularly corresponds to the gen. endings

dsvay-ah, O.Lat. familias, fortunas, vias, &c.,
&c.,
Goth, gibos, Lith. rankos; Arcad.
beside -as, -as, with -av from the masc. a-stems ( 323).
The -a, -a, -fj = Indg. -ai and the dat. endings in
Skr. asvay-ai, Lat. equae, Goth, gibai, Lith. rankai.

The -as,

in Skr.

By

contraction

in

in

-ai

diphthong
prim.

-ai

Greek

aa-els.

(-a

parent

the

+ ai) and

In

63),

as in

some

loc. (-a

Indg. language

was shortened
(

case-endings with the

of the original

stem-vowel, the dat.

+ i)

to -ai before

ea-os,

dialects, e.g. the

together

fell

79).

The

-, -,

whereas the other

dialects,

in

Arcadian, Boeotian,

Elean, the -ai became generalized for the dat. and

325),

long

consonants

loc. (cp.

with the exception of

a few isolated forms, generalized the antevocalic or pausa

form

for

both cases.

Declension of

32i]

The

Nouns

159
was

original ending of the instrumental

-a

which

,,
,, ,
,
,
.

was preserved

in

Vedic asva.
in adverbs

disappeared except

Dor.

Att,

In

Greek

the case-form

like Att.

Dor.

Ion.

Att.

Lesb.

Dual The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace.

was -ai as in Skr. dsve = Indg. *ekwai. Some scholars
assume that the Gr. nom. pi. represents the old dual form,
:

but

it

is

highly improbable that the old dual should have

become used

for the plural

The ending

created.

because

it

-a

and

is

new dual was

new formation

that then a

doubtless a

does not correspond to the dual ending in any

It must also have come

of the other Indg. languages.

it would
have become - in Ionic and partly also in Attic ( 51).
The nom. voc. and ace. dual of this declension does not
occur in Homer except in a few masculines like
It is probable that the ending -a was an anaof the
logical formation due to the influence of the
o-declension, cp. the similar new formations in the endings

into existence in late prehistoric Greek, otherwise

9. The fact that the Gr. o-declension contained

both masculine and feminine nouns ( 324) might have
helped to bring about the new formations in the dual and

-aiu, -ai,

in the

nom. and

It is

dat. plural.

quite uncertain

what were the

original endings of

no
agreement among the Aryan, Greek, Irish and BalticSlavonic languages which preserved the dual in historic
times.
The Greek gen. and dat. ending -aiu, -aiiv was
a new formation made after the analogy oi oci', -oliv of the
the gen. dat. loc. abl. and

instr.

cases, as there is

o-declension.

Plural :

The

Indg. ending of the nom. and voc.

-as from older -a

+ es, which

endings in Skr. asvah, Oscan scriftas,

urtas,

ortae,

pi.

was

regularly corresponds to the

scriptae,

Umbrian

The

Gr. nom.

Goth, gibos, Lith. rankos.

Accidence

was remodelled

pi.

[321

analogy of the

after the

o-declension, cp. the similar process in Lat,

of the

-oi

equae from

older *equai beside equi from older *equoi.

ans the original ending of the ace. corresponds to the

Lesb. -aiy
Cret.
endings in Att. Ion. Dor.
-ans
( 153), Lat. equas, Osc. viass, vias, Lith. rankks.
was shortened to -ans in the prehistoric period of these

^,

languages and then became -as in Att. Ion. Dor. Lat. Osc.
and Lith. through the intermediate stage of a long nasal
vowel. This change of -ans to -as was later than that of
Indg. a to 77 in Att. and Ion., otherwise we should have
*

in

The

these dialects.

in

-ans regularly

dis-

appeared in prim. Greek before consonants without

from
lengthening of the preceding vowel^ as in
*]/&-,
Some scholars regard -as
( 153).

as the original ending of the ace. in order to account for

Skr. dsvah, Goth, gibos, but it is far more reasonable to

assume that the Skr. and Goth, forms are the nom. used
for the ace. than to suppose that -ans was a new formation
from the o, i- and u-declenin the other languages with
sions.

The
a

new

was probably -am, a conasva-nam for *asvam was

original Indg. gen. ending

traction of older -a

+ 5ih.

formation with

In prim. Greek and

Skr.

-nam from

Italic the

the n-declension

345).

gen. was remodelled after the

analogy of the pronominal declension, cp. the Homeric fem.

= Skr. tasam, Lat. is-tarum =
from
gen. pi.

*^

Indg. *tas5ni, whence

Ion. -ecof from older
(

80).

And

Hom.
(

(Aeolic)

72), Att.

similarly Lat.

^,

-,

Dor.

declension in the parent Indg. language.

(asvasu), Lith. -osu (rankosu), and Gr.
;

and

-,

-ats

(Hom.

-,

Lesb.

equarum, Osc. -azum, Umbr.

arum from *-az5m older *-asom.

It is uncertain what was the ending of

Boeot.
-dv,

-;?).

It

is

the loc. of this

Skr. has -asu

-,

possible that the

Declension of

32 2]

Nouns

i6i

was -asu and that it was changed to -asi in

Greek through the influence of the -i in the loc.
This -asi would regularly have become
singular ( 305).
Tj in Ion., -rj, -a in Att. and -a in the other dialects ( 213, 2),
original ending

early prim.

but no such endings have been preserved in the historic

After the law had ceased to

operate whereby intervocalic -- disappeared, a new loc.
period of any of the dialects.

was formed by adding

,,,, ,

- from the

8, ,

Att.

of the consonantal

loc.

in the inscriptional

stems direct to the stem, as

forms Ion.

preserved later

only in adverbial forms like

It is generally assumed that the endings Ion.

were new formations

-rja-i,

analogy of
of the o-declension, but it is also possible that they
really represent double loc. endings formed by adding

Att.

to

-rjai,

-f],

after the

The endings

-a (see above).

, -)

-,

-rjai

(Att.

also

disappeared on Att. inscriptions after about

and on Ion. inscriptions after about the beginning
of the fourth century b. c, and their place was taken by
The endings -ais (Horn, -j/y),
were formed on
-aty.

420

B. c.

analogy with the

-ois,

similar formation in Lat.

-is,

322.

Osc.

Cp. the

-ais.

ja-STEMS.

b.

of the o-declension.

In Greek the ja-stems only differ from the

declension of the a-stems in the nom. voc. and ace. singular.

The

suffix -ja- was chiefly used in the parent Indg. language

form feminine nouns and adjectives from the masculine
from *afaS^Fja
of u- and consonant-stems, as
= Skr. svadvi svaduh, siueet
from
= Skr. taksni taksan-, carpenter;
older

^
-, ,
^

to

*.]
*/

from
from

rant, bearing

^/'

*],

and similarly

Skr. datri

datar-, giver-,

Skr, bharanti

bha
;

,
^, ,
,,,
,
,
,
,*7/, ,^?-^.
, */,

*/,
*/,
*], , , , .

,,.
Accidence

102

[322

Tepeiua

Seanoiva,

yerereipa,

part.

Pf.

from

= Skr. babhuvusi

older *-vks, having been

vidusi

Horn,

from

act.

babhuvas:

*/',

The

after a

for

= Skr.

from
from

vidvas, knowing,

from
from
appeared

consonant + nasal (130), as

dis-

'^,

Some scholars assume that these

words had simply the ending -a in prim. Indg., whilst
others regard them as being new formations from original

9 ".

= Skr. pdtni patih, master,

stems in -a.
from
husband;
The nom. sing, originally ended in beside (i)J9. The
:

reason for this difference is unknown. The various Indg.

languages generalized one or other of the two forms in
The former occurs in Sanskrit, Gothic
prehistoric times.

and Lithuanian, as Skr. devi, goddess, brhati, great, svad

v\, sweet; Goth.mawi,^/r/, frij5ndi,/r/iW; Lith. vezanti,
vehens, and the latter in Greek. In prim. Greek -(ijja regularly became -ja after short and -la after long syllables, but
this differentiation was greatly obscured at a later period
owing to numerous analogical formations whereby forms
with long syllables were remodelled on the analogy of
those with short syllables and vice versa ( 119).
It is uncertain what was the original ending of the vocaIn the Aryan branch it is -i, as Skr. devi, brhati,
tive.
svadvi, but in the other languages the nom. was used for
the voc, as in Gr.

There

is

,,

mawi, frij5ndi.
among the different

Goth,

not sufficient agreement

branches of the Indg. languages to enable us to determine

what was the original ending of the accusative. It was
probably (i)jam beside (i)jam, the former of which is
represented by Goth, mauja, frijondja, Lith. vezancz^,

,,,

Declension of

323]

Nouns

163

O.Slav. vezaStg., vehcniem, and the latter by Gr. rjSdav,

as in Skr. devim, brhatim,

&c. The Aryan ending -im,

svadim would then be a new

formation with from the nominative.

-(iljas and corresponding to the
devyah, svadyah, Goth, mdujos, frijondj5s, Lith. vezanczos.
Dat. -77, -a = Indg. -(ijjai and corresponding to the

Gen,

endings

-779,

-a?=:Indg.

in Skr.

endings in Skr. devyai, svadyai, Goth, maujai, frijondjdi,

Lith. vdzanczai.
c.

Masculine a-sTEMs.

As we have seen above

( 320) the nouns belonging

were originally feminine abstract nouns which
acquired a concrete meaning and then became masculine.
In declension they only differ from the feminine a-stems in
The masculine nouns of
the nom. voc. and gen. singular.
this type were declined in Latin exactly like the feminine
It is however possible that in the oldest Latin,
a-stems.

323.

to this class

as in Greek, the nominative took -s after the analogy of

the o-declension, and that this ending

is preserved in the
two isolated O.Latin forms hosticapas, hostium captor;

paricidas, parricide.

After the change of gender had taken place the nouns of

?,

this class took -s in the

declension, as v^dvid^,

nom.

after the

analogy of the

In the vocative two forms are to be distinguished, viz. -a

and -a, -. The former is the original voc. ending of a
in the nominastems and occurs in nouns which have
tive, in names of peoples, and in compound nouns, as
beside nom.
and the latter is the original nominative used
for the vocative ( 321) and generally occurs in all other

,
-

-?

nouns, as vedvid,

(Zevs),

?, ^, ,

Forms

like

(Zevs),

(),

which are common

in

Accidence

104
epic poetry

324

and occur almost exclusively

combination

in

with proper names, are probably old vocatives which came

And similarly it
to be used attributively as nominatives.
is

probably more correct to regard the Boeot. nominatives

&c. as vocatives which came to be used

NiariSa,

as nominatives than to assume that the original asigmatic

nominative was preserved in this dialect. The genitive

ended in -ay, as in the feminine a-stems. To -ay

of the
-0 from the old genitive
regularly became -cto in Boeot., Thess.
o-declension.
in Arcad., Cypr., and Pamphylian,
and Hom.
in Ionic, -a by contraction of
- from older
( 72),
&c.
Lesb. and Elean. Att.
in Dor.
had -ov direct from the -declension. Boeot. -ay beside
do was a new formation due to the influence of the nomi-

originally

was added

*{8), -

{*,

[8),

natives in

-a,

see the voc. above.

also occurs -eu

from older

*-eo

Beside Ion.

with

-0

for

-, -

there

re-introduced

from *\vKoo.

In

some dialects and especially in Ionic the

and genitive singular were often formed after
the analogy of the masculine es-stems ( 366) owing to the
Note.

accusative

nominative singular being alike in both declensions.

2.

The

o-declension.

Greek and Latin are the only Indg. languages in

324.
which the o-declension contains masculine, feminine and
It is far more probable that a number of
neuter nouns.
originally masculine nouns became feminine in these two

languages than that the feminine was lost in the prehistoric

period of all the other languages. The mascuHnes and the
feminines are declined alike in Greek and Latin.

325]
325.

Declension of

Nouns

Masculine and Feminine o-stems.

165

Accidence

66

[325

Goth, wulfis with -is

Boeot. Lesb. and severe Dor.
from }?is, of the. The Greek, Aryan and Germanic languages accordingly have pronominal endings. What corresponds to the ablative in the other languages is used for
the genitive and ablative in Baltic-Slavonic, as Lith. vilko,
The Latin ending , which must also
O.Slav, vluka.

have existed in prim. Keltic, is of unknown origin, -olo

and -, the latter of which can often be read as -00, exist
The ending -olo was however
side by side in Homer.
archaic already in Homer, but through imitation of him it
found in the language of poets of

is

Thessalian the ending

difficult to

-ot

account for the

periods.

all

In

-, -olo. It is
unless we may suppose that

occurs beside
-ol

-ov,

by elision of -0. Some scholars regard it

as the locative ending used for the genitive, and others as
being of the same origin as the Latin genitive ending ,
but both these proposed explanations are very doubtful.
The Indg. ending of the dative was -oi, from older -o + ai,
it

arose from

-olo

^,

Lat. Iup5,
corresponding to the endings in
O.Lat. populoi Romanoi, Numasici, Numerio, Lith. vil-oi was shortened to
kui, Skr. vrkay-a for older *vrkai.
oi

before consonants in prim. Greek

-oi then became generalized

Arcadian,

Boeotian,

West group
is

Anteconso-

the dative in

and the Northand dative thus fell

On the other hand

Elean, Thessalian

The

of dialects.

together in these dialects

what

63).

for

nantal

locative

(cp. 321).

called the dative in these dialects

may simply

be

the original locative used for the dative.

In the parent Indg. language the locative seems to have

in -oi, -ei beside -oi, -ei. The former occur in o'lkol^

ended

'

OLK^L, Lat. belli,

the latter in
there

The

Dor.

domi, humi, Corinthi, and Skr. vrke, and

ivhithcr
e/cer,
and in adverbs like

reT-Se, here

,,

there

was -od, -ed, which

vrkad, vrkat, O.Lat. inscriptions

original ending of the ablative

was preserved

in Skr.

nei, ivhere.

Nouns

Declension of

325]

Gnaiv5d, meritod, facilumed = later Lat. Gnaed, merit6,

facillime.
This case-form disappeared in Greek except in

,
, ,, ,
-9, ?.

a few isolated adverbial forms, as

Cret. ra-ie, hinc;

Cret.

probably also occurs

in

domo

Delph.

Locr.

unde.

It

adverbs like

In the Germanic languages the old ablative of adjectives

came

to

be used adverbially, as sinteino, continually, nom.

sinteins, continual.

The
is

original ending of the instrumental

found

in

, ,

Lith. vilku.
in

was

Vedic vrka, Goth, wulfa (used

The

-5, -e,

which

for the dative),

-, -, -, ,

case-form disappeared in Greek except

a few isolated adverbial forms, as

Laconian

ttsquain or tinquam.

Dual: The original ending of the nom. voc, and ace.

was
beside -5 ( 63), the latter of which was generalized
in Greek and Baltic-Slavonic, as
Lith. vilku, O.Slav,
vluka. Both endings occur in Vedic vrkau, vfka, but

only the former in classical Sanskrit.

It is impossible to determine what were the original
endings of the gen. dat, loc. abl. and instrumental, as there
is no agreement among the languages which preserved the

dual in historic times (cp.

came

to

be used in

Greek

321).

is

that

it

arose from

the nom. voc. ace. neuter

dual pronominal ending

-lv

from

-Oi

402, 404),
ending
-t- the

It

from

the original ending of

326), to

may

{)

-oi,

which was added the

fixture in this

the regular ending in

form

from the
at

Att.

possibly also have arisen

^^

loc. plural

nantal stems, but this would presuppose that

became a

which

The most probable

has never been satisfactorily explained.

explanation

-ollv, -oiv,

kinds of stems except the a-stems,

all

of conso-

a very early period,

Homer and

-ollv is

-olv in Attic.

Plural: The Indg. ending of the nom, and voc, was -os
from older -o + es, which corresponds to the endings in
Skr, vrkah, Goth, wulfos, Osc. Nuvlanus, Nolani.

Greek,

Accidence

68

[325

and Baltic-Slavonic have the pronominal ending.

also have it in the adjectives, cp.

Latin

The Germanic languages

nom.

roL,

*toi,

the:

,
Lat.

is-ti,

Goth.

Jjdi,

O.Slav,

ti,

Skr. te, Indg.

Lat. lupi, O.Slav, vluci, wolves;

Goth,

blindii wulfos, blind wolves.

The original ending of the accusative was -ens which

corresponds to the endings in Lat. lupos, Goth, wulfans,
Cret. XvKovs beside -os, Att. Ion. and mild Dor. -ovs, Boeot.
and severe Dor. -, Lesb. -oiy, Arcadian and Thessalian
-oy.

-ovs

remained

in prim.

Greek

in

pausa and when the

next word began with a vowel, but became

next word began with a consonant
dialects mostly generalized

forms, as Att. Ion.

-oi;y,

153).

-oy

The

when

the

different

one or other of the sandhi

-ols from older

Boeot. -?, Lesb.

through the intermediate stage of a long nasal vowel.

Indg. ending of the genitive was -bm which corresponds to the endings in
Skr. vrkan-am (with
-an from the n-stems), O.Lat. R5manom, deum, modium,
classical Lat. Iup6rum with pronominal ending, cp. ist5rum, Osc. Nuvlanum, Nolanorum, OE. wulfa, Lith. vilku
with regular loss of the final nasal in the last two languages.
0V9

The

^,

and Lat. lupis were originally the

OeoLs,

instru-

mental which came to be used for the dative. The Indg.

ending of the instrumental was -5is corresponding to the
endings in Skr. vrkaih, Lith. vilkais. On the shortening
of the long diphthong in Greek see

The

63.

original ending of the locative

was probably -oisu

which corresponds to the ending in the Skr. loc. vrkesu.

oisu may have become -oisi in prim. Greek through the
influence of the -i in the loc. singular ( 305), and then
oisi would have become *-oii during the same period.
admits of a twofold explanation. Either the ending
-0/9 (see above) was changed to -otai through the influence
of the
of the consonantal stems or else it was formed
direct from the nom. pi.
with
from the consonantal

 326]

Declension of Nojins

169

stems.

In either case the -oiac must have

come into exiswhereby inter-

tence after the law had ceased to operate

vocalic

-- disappeared

Homer

in

213,

2).

is

the regular form

(and then later imitated by other poets), Hero-

-^

and O. Attic. Until 444 b. c.

beside
was equally common on Attic inscriptions, but the
longer form had disappeared by the end of the century.
And in like manner
beside -oi? was common on Ionic
dotus, Lesbian

-Oiy

inscriptions in the fifth century b. c, but the longer form

had disappeared by about the beginning of the fourth

like
century,
was used for the dative.
b.

326.

Neuter

o-stems.

In Greek the declension of the neuter o-stems

only differs from the masculine in the nom. voc. singular

and the nom. voc. and ace. plural.

The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace. singular
was -om which corresponds to the endings in
Skr.
yugam, Lat. jugum, yoke. The ending regularly disappeared in the Germanic languages, as Goth, juk, yoke.
The Indg. ending of the nom. voc. and ace. dual was -oi
which occurs in Skr. yuge, and in dve, Vedic duve = OE.
twa, two. In Greek the regular form would have been
which was changed to
after the analogy of the

',

masculines.

What

is

called

nom. voc. and

plural was
which accounts
Greek and Sanskrit the nom. pi. neuter

the

ace.

originally a feminine collective singular

,, , ,
for the fact that in

takes the verb in the singular.

double plurals like

It

also accounts for the

beside

^,

Lat. joci, loci beside joca, loca, the former

of which originally meant separate objects and the latter

The original ending was

which corresponds to the endings in \'edic yuga beside
classical Skr. yuga-ni with -ni from the n-stems, Lat, juga,
the objects taken collectively.
a

I70

Accidence

Goth, juka with regular shortening of the

327-8

vowel in
analogy
of the consonantal stems. This new formation must have
taken place in prim. Greek, otherwise we should have had
the regular ending * in Attic and Ionic, and *-a in the

was formed

these two languages,

final

after the

other dialects.

The so-called Attic declension had in prim.

327.
Greek the same case-endings as the ordinary o-declension.
The prim. Greek forms of a noun like i/ewy (Dor. j/aoy,
Ion.
were sing. *i/aoy, *vaov, ^vdoo,
dual

^)

*mo), *i/doiv

pi.

*udoi, *vdov9,

*, *^,

which with

-a- to -- ( 51) together with shortenand quantitative metathesis ( 72) became in Attic

the regular change of

ing

( 71)

(9,
from

(:

*,

328

Nom.

Nom.

(sometimes also
see

340),

(^

after the

^ ^
or

from

analogy of

*via>o older

*,

Declension of

328]

Nouns

71

In the original Indg. declension the stem-forms contained

various grades of ablaut nearly

Greek owing

new

to various

all

of which disappeared in

formations in several of the

cases.

Singular

The Greek nominative ending corresponds

to

the endings in the other languages, as Skr. agnih, fire ;

Skr, dvih, oiy, Lat. ovis, Lith. avis, sheep Goth, ansts,
;

favour.

The

original ending of the vocative

was

-i

when

the

preceding syllable had the chief accent of the word, and

ei or -oi when the accent was on the ending. Greek and

the Germanic languages generalized the former and Sanskrit
the latter form, as

Goth, anst, beside Skr. agne.

In

Latin the nom. was used for the vocative.

from Indg. -im ( 141) corresponds to the accusative

in Skr. agnim, avim, Lat. sitim, partim.
Forms

-IV

endings

like Lat.

ovem, hostem were new formations with -em

from the

ace. of the

consonantal stems.

The ending

-im

regularly disappeared in Gothic, as anst.

The endings

in Skr.

agneh, Goth, anstais, Lith. naktes

(nom. naktis, night) were regularly developed from the

original endings of the genitive, which disappeared entirely
in

Greek and

their place

was taken by various new forma-

tions after the analogy of the u and i-declensions.

which occurs in all the dialects except Attic, had -io? from
forms like klos ( 330). Att.
from *n6Xfo9 with
Horn,
with
from
-ef- from the u-declension.
from older
the dative. Attic
by quantitative
Lat. ovis, partis, hostis had -is from
metathesis ( 72).

609

*?

the genitive of the consonantal stems.

The

original locative ending -ei

The

anstai.

Indg.

with

-i

in

Lat.

became

ai in Gothic, as

ovi, hosti can represent

'

both

and -ei. All the Greek forms were new formaAtt. and Horn. noXei, Horn,
from
from the dative of the consonantal stems in all the

-ei

tions.

-i

*6

Accidence

172
Greek forms of the
410-335

Horn, and Att. (inscriptions

dative.
is difficult

B. c.)

[328

Two

to explain.

solutions

of the difficulty have been proposed, but neither of them

Some scholars assume that a locative
is quite satisfactory.

ending

-e existed

beside

-ei in

the parent Indg. language

and that the former occurs

(cp. 63),

agna beside agnau

(a

of the u-declension) and in Greek

dative of the consonantal stems.

Vedic locative
analogy
with -l from the

in the

new formation

after the

If this explanation is right

have been formed in fairly late prehistoric Greek,

would not have remained trisyllabic. Others
stands for an older VoAT^f + with ^f^
assume that
from the u-declension like the au in agnau, but no trace
Ion. Cret.
of -- exists in any of the dialects ( 331).
from
Boeot. Lesb., (Sec.
Dual : The nom. voc. and ace. originally ended in -i, as
noXee, noXei were from *n6\j with -eyin Skr. agni.
from the nom. plural and -e from the dual of the consoOn the ending -oiv in the genitive and
nantal stems.
TroXr/i'must

otherwise

it

i'

*.

dative see

P/ural

325.

The endings

in

noXeis,

oves, hostes, Goth, ansteis were

Skr.

all

from the Indg. nominative ending -ejes.

was from forms like Ki'ey, Horn,

TToXies

same -- as

The

in

agnayah,

Lat.

regularly developed
Ion. Cret., &c.

had the

original ending of the accusative

was preserved in
and Goth, anstins. Ion.
like Lat.
ovis, turris had regular loss of the nasal and lengthening
of the preceding vowel ( 69, i). Lat. eves, hostes may
be either the nom. used for the ace. or else have -es from
Cret.

?
)

/y

the ace. of the consonantal stems.

had

-las

The endings

from forms

with -ay from

like

in rpiooy, Lat.

Att, Ion.

Hom. Dor. and

Kias.
Hom.

the nom. used for the accusative.

was
Lesb.
(see

trium, Ion. Dor. and Lesb.

Nouns

173

ovium, hostium correspond

to the original

Declension of

329-30]
Lat.

Indg. genitive ending

the nominative.

The

had

Att.

-(i)j5ra.

-e-

from

ending was preserved in Skr.

Ion.
had
from the
but
dat. of the consonantal stems, and similarly
with -- from the nominative.
Hom.
had -eaai
from the dat. of the s-stems ( 364). noXioi^ in the Northoriginal

locative

trisu, iribus, agnisu.

West group of dialects was a new formation

after the

analogy

of the dative of the o-declension.

b.

Neuter short

329. In Greek the

i-stems.

declension of the neuters only

differed from the masculines and feminines in the nom.

and ace. singular, and the nom. voc. and ace. plural. The
nom. voc. and ace. singular originally ended in -i which
was preserved in Skr. vari, zvafer,
but became -e in
Latin, as mare, leve.
The nom. voc. and ace. plural
originally ended in which was preserved in Vedic tri,
tria.
had - from the plural of the consonantal
stems, whereas Lat. tria, Goth. ))rija, three were new

8,

formations after the analogy of the o-declension.

c.

The long

The long

i-stems.

mononouns like Skr. dhih, thought, kU, \U, h, Lat. vis,

and nouns of more than one syllable like Vedic nadih,
river.
The latter class of nouns went over into the consonantal declension in prim. Greek ( 343).

330.

i-stems

originally contained

syllabic

Indg.

Nom.

Singidar.

Accidence

174

331

Dual.
ije

kU

Gen. Dat.

KLOLV

Nom. Voc.

-ijes

Nom. Voc.

Ace.

Plural.
Ki'ey

Kia^

Ace, -ijns

Gen, -ij5m

Skr.

-iy-

dhiyam
dhisu

Dat. -isuf^loc.)
ij-

dhiyah
dhiyah

with

alternated

nadiyah
nadiyah
(nadinam)
nadisu

The former was

-i.

regular before vowels and the latter before consonants.

Greek the -ij- regularly became -i- ( 128).

Greek forms, except the voc. singular, gen. and
dat. dual, and dat. plural, were regularly developed from
the original Indg. forms.
The nom. was used for the voc.
in Greek and in Skr. dhih.
The regular ending of the
ace. singular would have been *-iya in Skr. ( 65, i), but
m, which originally belonged only to the a-, o, i and u
declensions, was extended to the masc. and fem. ace. sing,
of all declensions. Ace. ha for *h, vim, with -a added
from the ace. of the consonantal stems. From iVa was
In

All the

then formed a
formations in

and

The

new

a.

cp. the similar

337),

had

*.

The

new
gen.

had -olv from the o-declen-l- from the other eases of

the dat. of the consonantal stems.

The

u-declension.

Masculine and Feminine short u-stems.

Indg.

Nom.

- from
4.

331.

ij/oy, pi. Ives,

dat. plural

the plural and

gen.

from

dat. dual

sion.

/ *

Singular.

33 1]

Declension of

Nouns

175

Accidence

176
and nom.

-e(/)ey,

pi.

declensions.

-qSios,

together in these two

^,

^{F)^s

Horn,

[332

fell

older *-efoy with

-ef-

from the dative.

The endings in Skr. sunau, Goth, sundu were regularly
developed from the original locative ending -eu. The
in Lat. fructu can represent both -eu and -eu.
The Gr.
endings -ei, -' are from older *-eFi with -i from the dative
of the consonantal stems, cp. the similar new formation in
Vedic sundvi beside sunau.
Dual : The original ending of the nom. voc. and ace.
was from
was preserved in Skr. sunu.
older *-efe with -ef- from the nom. plural and -e from the
On the ending -oiv in the
dual of the consonantal stems.
gen. and dat. see 325.
and
Plural: The endings in Att. 7779, Ion.

^,

\^$,

Skr.

sunavah were

regularly developed from the Indg.

nominative ending -ewes.

Lat. fructus

was the

ace.

used

for the nominative.

The

original ending of the accusative

Cret. vivvs, sons

and Goth, sununs.

the nom. used for the accusative.

were new formations

(

334).

Lat.

after

evpias

from older

and lengthening of the preceding

ef- from the nom. plural.

original

ias,

-n

vowel.

the

Ion.

the analogy of the u-stems

fructus was from older *fructuns with

regular loss of the

uum,

was preserved in
riSds were

^?,

genitive

was a new formation with

The normal development of

ending occurs

in

Lat.

fructuom,

-urn.

The

ending of the locative was preserved in

for older *-; with -e- from
the nom. plural and
from the dative of the consonantal
The Hom. ending
stems.
was from the s-stems
original

Skr. sunusu.

^,-

364).

332. In the declension of the word for son two stems

Declension of

333-4;

Nouns

177

are to be taken into consideration, viz. prim.

Greek *suijos

which was declined hke an ordinary o-stem ( 325)

and prim. Greek *suijus = vivs, Cret. vivs, ace. Arcadian
vivv, Cret. vivv, ace. pi. Cret.
The remaining cases
of the singular, dual and plural were formed from the
generalized stem form vLf-, as vUo^,
(vU?)
u/ee,
vUoLv vU?9
vieai.
The Hom. accusatives
vUa, vUas were new formations after the analogy of the
consonantal stems. At a later stage vi- came to be
regarded as the stem-form, from which was made a new
declension after the analogy of the inflected forms of
VLos

^.

*,

[),

.
(

360), as

*vh,

via,

vh?,

Neuter short

b.

fie

vh?,

u-stems.

Greek the declension of the neuters only

differed from the masculines and feminines in the nom.
and ace. singular, and the nom. voc. and ace. plural. The
nom. voc. and ace. singular originally ended in -u which
was preserved in Skr. mddhu, mead; Skr. pau = Goth.

333. In

,.

faihu, cattle;

The

Lat. cornu, genu, pecxi

ace. plural originally

is

ended

origin of the ending in

The nom. voc. and

which was preserved in

obscure.
in -u

Vedic puru, niiech, many madhu, beside puruni, madhuLat. cornua, genua was a new formation after the
analogy of the o-declension.
In Greek the nouns and
adjectives differed in the formation of the nom. plural.
The former had -, as
from older *-eaa, the ending
of the neuter s-stems ( 364), and the latter had -ea, as
from older *-efa with -ef- from the masc. and fem.
nom. plural, and -a from the nom. plural of consonantal
;

ni.

^,

stems.
c.

like

334.

The
V9,

The long

u-stems.

long u-stems contain monosyllabic nouns

Lat. sus,

OE.

su, pig,

sow; and

which

Accidence

178

334

originally belonged to the s-declension

and nouns of more than one syllable

tanuh, body.
Indg.

-u,

t6vs

bhuh
bhuh

Vedic

tanuh
tdnu
J.

bhuvam

-uwm,
um
Gen. -uwos

Ace.

Dat.

Skr. bhuh, earth

?,

Singular.

Norn, -us

Voc.

like

tanuvam

bhuvdh

tanuvah

bhuvi

tanuvi

uwi(=loc,)
Dual.

Norn. Voc. Ace.

-uwe

ave

Gen. Dat. ?
Plural.

Nom. Voc. -uwes

Ace. -u-wns

Gen.

-uwom

Dat. -usui^loc.)

uw-

= -vf;

bhuvah
bhuvah

tanuvah
tanuvah

bhuvam

(tanunam)
tanusu

bhusu

Skr. -uv- alternated with .

The former

was regular before vowels and the latter before consonants.

In Greek the -vf- regularly became -v- ( 119).
All the Greek forms except the gen. and dat. dual, and
the dat. plural were regularly developed from the original

, ,
-

*^
-

had
from *avfo?u,
had for from
the other cases of the plural and
from the dative of
the consonantal stems. Hom.
from the
with
Indg. forms,

-oiv

from the O-declension.

S'Stems.

In the Sanskrit monosyllabic nouns the nom.

was used

for the vocative.

Beside the regular

ace. sing.

there also occurs in later Greek

formed after
the analogy of the ace. plural.
On the ending in Sanskrit
bhuvam, tanuvam, see 330. Beside the regular ace.
pi.
there also occurs in Attic and Ionic

Declension of

335-6]

Nouns

79

^ which was

formed after the analogy

This new formation was also occasionally used for the nominative.
For nouns which have
throughout all cases see 265-6.
from older

of the ace. singular.

5.

The Diphthongal Declension.

335. This declension contains monosyllabic nouns and

nouns of more than one

S3dlable.

It is

subdivided into

four categories according as the stem ends in -au-, -eu-,

5u- or 5.

The stem-forms

of each category originally

contained various grades of ablaut, but in Greek as in the

other Indg. languages one or other of the stem-forms was

generally extended to

all

the cases by levelling.

Accidence

Indg. language.

Intervocalic

[336
disappeared

regularly

-f-

Greek { 122). The -e- in forms like via, vio^, vias, &zc.
which occur in Homer and Herodotus was due to the
shortening of older -- before the following vowel ( 71).
in

Singular: In the nominative vav9 the

element of

first

the diphthong was shortened in prim. Greek

63), cp.

Skr. nauh, Lat, navis with the ending of the i-declension

and also in the dat.

The in Hom.
was due to levelling out the of the other cases
where it was regular.
The accusative form vavp was a new formation from the
in all its cases.

pi.

Hom. vrja from older *vrjfa, *vafa corresponds

*nawm, Skr. navam (see 330), Lat. navem.
The original genitive *nawos corresponds to Dor. vaoy,

nominative.
to Indg.

Ion.

69 and Att. ^? with quantitative metathesis

Skr. navah, Lat. navis.

72),

Att. Ion.
were
The dative Dor. vat, Lesb.
from prim. Greek *vafi=lndg. *nawi, Skr. navi,

Lat. navi.

Dual: Nom.

and

voc.

ace.

from prim. Greek vdfe =

its ending from
v^olv from older

Indg. *nawe, Skr.

navau probably had

the u-declension.

Gen.

*vafoLv

Plural :

dat.

*,

325), see via, &c. above.

The nominative Dor.

from prim. Greek *rafe?

Lat. naves.

The

all

cp.

Attic accusative vav?

were
*nawes, Skr. navah,

raey, Att. Ion. vfje^

Indg.

was a new formation

after the

Dor.
Ion. vfjas
prim. Greek *vafas, Skr. navah, Lat. naves.
was from older
The Att. Ion. genitive
with
Dor.
Hom.
shortening of ?; to e ( 71).
from

analogy of the accusative singular.

prim. Greek
navium.

The

dative

{ 63), cp.

*vafS>v

^ ,
^,,

Indg.

Skr.

was shortened

the nom. singular.

Ion.

to

navam,

in prim.
like

Lat.

Greek
had

Declension of

337]

Dor.

from the systems.

in

Some

, ^

The ending

from the other cases.

of the consonantal stems.

337.

Nouns

the declension of

dat.

with

eu-sTEMs.

Zev?

O.Lat. Diespiter; djeu- in

in

Hom.

of the original ablaut-grades were preserved

;

Skr. dyauh, sky, day,

Skr. divah.

Lat.

dyauh, Lat. dies, and

Zev, Lat. Ju-piter, Jov; and

dies, Jov-, viz. djeu- in Zevs, Skr.

diw

- was from the

i8i

Accidence

82

The

dative

beside Vedic dyavi

from

""Aifi, like

Lat. Jove,

338

classical Skr. divi

was formed

after the

analogy of the genitive.

and similar words

338. In the declension of

the ablaut-grade -eu- originally belonged only to the stem

of the nom. singular. The -eu- (= -ew- before vowels)

was

in prim.

Greek

levelled out into all the cases except

the voc. singular which retained the old ablaut-grade -eu.

To this declension belonged also the Horn, proper names
like 'Arpevs,

eu-

(= -ew

which generalized the ablaut-grade

before vowels) in the oblique cases, as voc.

-eO,

ace. i[f)a, gen. ^{f)os, dat. -e(f)i.

-iiy

was a shortening of older

*-9

Singular.

Prim. Greek.

Nom.

The nom. ending

63).

Declension of

339]

from the gen. and dative.

regularly

beame

-ea,

quantitative metathesis

Doric endings

-ea,

-eoy,

Nouns

183

The endings ^fa,

-eay in Attic

The

72).
-ei",

-eey,

-e-

-eay

by

-?,

loss of

-f-

in the Ionic

due

vi^as

shortening of -- before the following vowel

to

71)

The forms

the

and

',

similarly in the Attic endings

'.

and
and

-et, -ee (nom. dual),

with -- belong to the Horn. Cypr. Lesb.

and Boeotian (written -ei- in Boeot.) dialects. 9 contracted

from -i^ey (on inscriptions) was the regular ending of the
nom. plural in Attic until after the middle of the fourth
century B.C. At about this time a new nom. ending -?
was formed after the analogy of the nom. of the u-declension owing to the gen. plural being alike in both declensions.
From about the end of the fourth century
came
The older nom.
to be used also for the accusative.
was used for the accusative at a much earlier
See 268.
period.

C.

OU-STEMS.

339. In the original declension of the word (or cow, ox

the three ablaut-grades gou-, gou-

the stem-forms had

The form gu does not

before vowels) and gu.
occur in the declension of *g6us ( 205) in any of the
languages.
It is therefore probable that it disappeared
alread}^ in the parent Indg. language and that its place
was taken by the stem-form gou in the gen. singular,
(= gow

gen. and dat. dual, and in the gen. and loc. plural.

writing

down

the hypothetical

Indg. forms

the

In

accent

has been omitted in the gen. and dat. of the singular and
because of the difference in the accentuation of the

plural,

Greek and Sanskrit forms.

presents the
singular.

original

The Greek

accentuation except

doubtless rein

the

dat.

84

Declension of

34ol

Nowis

185

Plural : The nominative jSoey was from the original form

*gowes. Skr. gavah can represent a prim. Aryan form
*gdvas (= *gowes) or *gavas in which case the latter
would be a new formation. Lat. boves was the ace. used
for the nominative.

^,

and Skr. gah were new formations after the

Some scholars assume that
ace. singular.
there existed in the parent Indg. language an ace. form
*gO(u)ms beside *QOwns, and that the former occurs in
older
Dor.
Skr. gah and the latter in Hom.
Skr. gavah, and Lat. boves.
Skr. gavam and Lat. bovom, bourn were all
regularly developed from the original genitive form
analogy of the

*gowom.
The stem

in the dative
corresponds to the original
stem *gou and to the go- in Skr. gosu -at was from the
Hom.
was
dat. ending of the consonantal stems.
a new formation with , older */3of-, from the other
cases of the plural and -eaai from the dat. plural of the
;

s-stems.

340.

nouns

, ?, , .

It

like

cannot be determined with certainty whether

were originally

5u-stems or whether they were o-stems which underwent

from
contraction after the loss of intervocalic -F-, as

*apfos,

and then became declined like consonantal

were originally 5u-stems we must assume
that the ablaut-grade -5u (= 5 before vowels), which
belonged properly to the stem of the nom. singular only,
was levelled out into all the cases in prim. Greek, and that
then there were formed a new nom. singular
for
and dat. plural
the -for
of which would have been shortened to -ov, cp.
stems.

If they

.
*9,

*,

i86

Dcclensiou of No uus

3P ]

Gr. 7TElOro) in th e parent Indg. language ( 63 ), a nd it IS

possible that th e end ing '''", which occu rs on old Cori nth ian
nscr iptions, represent s th e original -. The 'l however
may hav e come from th e vocative. SkI'. s kh a nd s imilar
nouns wcre declined in th e singular , dual and plural , but
few o f th e words belonging to thi s declen sion ad mit of
a plu ral in Greek.
Those which d o ha ve a plural form it
after th e analogy of th e o- 01' n-declen sion ,

N om.
V oc.
Acc.
G en.
Dat . (=Ioc.)

Primo Greek.
ro 01' rol
'01

-oj a

7TEIOro, 7TEl()J,
7TEIOOI '

-ojos

7TElOro
7TEIOois

-OJL

7TEl()ol

Thc Dor. Boeo t. and Lesb . d ialects had th e case-e ndi ngs
'''' , ",v , "'s , ''Il after the an alogy of th e simila r quantitative
end ings of th e -de clension. The origin of th e Ion . acc.
e nd ing -oiv (H erodotus A'ITOiv, &c.) is obscure. Ion . had
th e gen. ending -60S beside Att . Ion. ois. If nouns lik e
ar8rov or ig inaIly bel onged to this c1ass th e V was first added
in the nom o singular and then they passed ove r into th e
n-de clen sion .

D. TIlE CO!\SONA:\'TAL D ECLENSION

I. S T DlS E:'1D1~G

ix

A ~ E X PL OSl V E.

342. The stems of nouns oclon ging to th is clas s end in

a d ental, labial 01' guttura l. T he ste m of th e mon osyIlabi c
no u ns had o rigina lly va r ious g rades of a bla ut in th e different cas es, but in Greek as in th e other Ian guag es one 01'
othe r of th e grad es was genera Ily levell ed ou t into aIl th e
cases, thu s th e ablaut-grade O, wh ich origi na lly belon ged
only to th e nomo sing ular, was generali zed in Sanskrit v k
= Lat, vx, .r, roicc ; acc. vcarn, vcern, 7Ta ; gen.
vc h, vcs, 7TS; loe. ya c, vce, 7T, whereas in Greek

Accidence

88

343

the grade o, which originally belonged to the oblique cases,

was

levelled out into the nominative

lex,

rex beside

,,

and similarly Lat.

and conversely
beside Lat. nex, ops. The original ablaut-grades were
better preserved in the declension of the Indg. word *p5ts,
*pets,/oo/.
See 234, i.

^-^,

Singular.

Indg.

Nom. Voc.

Decleuswu of Nouns

344-5^

Greek

Prim. Greek ps and ks remained

109).

historic period of the language,

simpHfied to s

ts

became

ss,

Medial ss remained

finally.

-, ,
,

Greek, but already

Examples are

189

Homer

in

in the oldest

-,

s existed beside ss

-,
:

Lat. novitas

noct,

aVa|

The nom.

ttoS-,

singular of stems ending in

fell

cp. Lat.

regularly

novitat,

-,

-l8,

together with the nominative of the

declensions which

gave rise

to

new

-vS,

',
{), -.

various

formations

,
,,

-,
-,
,
,
, , ,,,,,

,,

,
.)
*, *
Ace.

kpiS-,

epiv,

And

(Hom.

similarly accusatives like

were formed

after the

and u

especially in the voc. and ace. singular, as voc.

epi,

166).

from *vefo

nox

-,

-,
-,
-, ^<$
,
^-,
,
-, , , -,
-, -, 69 -.
:

in the

which was

kXni,

analogy of evvovv

evvov9.
It

improbable that the vocatives dva, yvvai from

is

represent an original distinction between

the nom. and voc. in this class of nouns.

344.

and

voc.

of final
(

The bare stem was

ace.

neuter.

consonants has
from

230), as

*,

originally used for the

to

be taken into consideration

was a new

the gen.

formation from the nominative, cp. Lat. cor, cordis

from

345.

-,
:

from

cp. Lat. lac, lactis;

2.

The stems

The

*^.

{ -,
[

n-DECLENSION.

--, -^-

-, -)
in

nom.

In Greek the operation of the laws

and

in

repev-,

,
:

-)

^,

originally

had

various grades of ablaut in the stem-endings of the diiferent

Accidence

I90

-, -men

cases, as

but -mn-

[345

-mon, -men

before consonants

-,

-en

before vowels, but before consonants.

between e and

originally

before vowels,
-on-,

The

-en-

-n-

alternation

depended upon the position of

^^? , ^^
, ' ,,

the accent of the word.

The former

containing the chief accent and

syllable following

it,

stood in the syllable

the

as

latter

in

the next

(cp.

When

83).

the

accent was shifted to the case-ending the vowel disappeared

remained consonantal or became vocalic

and then the

,,

according as the next syllable began with a vowel or

a consonant, as

*.

gen. apvos, dat.

pi.

*,

In the parent Indg. language e alternated with

This distinction
in the declension of the same word.
was preserved in Gothic, as guma, man, dat. gumin, ace.
guman where the endings -in, -an represent original -eni,
onm and similarly in the Baltic-Slavonic languages. In
Sanskrit Indg. e and
fell together in a ( 42) whereby
It may be
the original distinction became obliterated.
however that the two vowels only regularly fell together in
closed syllables, but that in open syllables the former vowel
became a and the latter a. This would account for the
long a in the ace. sing, rajanam, king, nom. pi. rajanah,
beside loc. sing, raj-ani = Indg. -eni. In Greek the distinction became entirely obliterated by the levelling out of
one or other of the two vowels. Then those stems which
levelled out the e came to have
in the nom. singular and
those which levelled out the
came to have . In the
present state of our knowledge it cannot be determined
with any degree of certainty which of the strong cases
originally had e and which had o.
In reconstructing the
;

primitive stem-forms

we

tinguish between e and

word,

shall therefore not attempt to disin the declension

of the same

-mon, -men, 5, -en regularly belonged

singular only

, -men, -on, -en- to

to the

nom.

the voc. ace. and

Declension of

345]

dat.

(=

and

ace. dual

-mn-, to the gen. singular and plural,

gen. and dat. dual, and ace. plural

(=

plural

loc.)

191

the nom. plural, and the nom. voc.

loc.) singular,
;

Nouns

the nom. singular.

and -mn-,

to the dat.

regularly appears in

In Greek e or

319).

The oblique cases have generally levelled

out the e or o, but in

some words

the e or 5 of the nomina-

*
,
,
^^, ^,
,
,
;
""
,
, , *, * ^

tive

was

levelled out into the oblique cases,

for

for

09

apaevo?.

in others

as

for

to

and

weak cases became generalized,

the stem-form of the

Cp. the similar levellings in Lat.

regular gen.

which was formed a new nominative

gen.

homo, homi

nem, hominis, homine, homines, hominura, hominibus

sermo, serm5nem, sermonis, sermone; care, carnem,
camis, carne; and in Goth. tugg5, tongue, ace. tugg5n,
gen. tuggons, dat. tuggdn.

Singular.

Indg.

Nom.

Accidence

192

[345

Singular: The nominative ended

language in -en, -on beside -e, -o.
difference

is

unknown

Greek

(cp. 29).

in the

parent Indg.

The reason
The former was

for this

general-

and also

in the Gothic
from older -en or
;
and the latter in Sanskrit, Latin and also in the Gothic
feminines and neuters, as homo, sermo; tuggd, tongue,

ized

in

masculines, as

see

(but

341)

guma, man, with

-a

hairto, heart.

,,. ,,

The

vocative originally ended in -en, -on, which occurs

rajan and

in Skr.

as
in

-,

barytones with nominatives in

in Gr.

In the oxy tones with nominatives

and

in all

-^-,

-ei^-stems the

,,

nominative came to be

used for the vocative, as

In Latin and

&c.

Gothic the nominative was also used for the vocative.

The

accusatives

guman

Forms

ending.
Skr.

Lat.

hominem, Goth,

like

apva

for *apeua,

svanam were new formations

gen. singular and plural

for

and similarly Lat. carnem

became levelled out

nom. singular and dat. plural
stem earn,

Kvv- then

^,

with -ev;

-ov-

from cases like

Lat. hominis, Goth,

(=
The stem-forms

Regular forms of the genitive were apvos,

sunah), Skr. rajnah, Lat. carnis.

for

Skr,

-,

into all the cases except the

and similarly with the Lat.

&c. were new formations
the accusative and similarly
;

gumins.

Regular forms of the original locative were

See,

analogy of the

after the

*carinem.

regularly correspond to the original stem- and case-

Skr. rajani, Lat.

homine, Goth, gumin.

was a new formation with -jn- from the genitive.

Dual: The genitive and dative had -en-, -on- from the

Skr. rajni

strong stem-forms.

On

the ending

see

325.

has been assumed above that the accusative

had originally the weak stem-ending -n- corresponding to
dpvas, Kvvas and Skr. rajnah, but the Greek forms prove
Plural :

It

Declension of

346-7.

Nouns

193

nothing because the weak stem-ending of these two words

was generalized in prim. Greek (see gen. singular). And
Skr. rajnah may be a new formation after the analogy of

,,

the genitive.

accusative
on- as in

languages.

not improbable that the

had the strong stem-ending -en-,
Lat. homines and in other
Goth, gumans is the nom. used for the
It

therefore

is

originally

,,

accusative.

,,

regularly developed forms of the genitive were

The

rajnam.

Skr.

hominum, Goth, gumane were new

Lat.

formations after the

analogy of the nominative.

Skr. rajasu with -asu from -nsu represents the original

The

locative.

(beside the

-a-

was preserv^ed in
which occurs

Indg. -n-

new

later

formation

Pindar and on an Attic inscription belonging

ning of the sixth century b. c, and also in
with from *apv6?,

&:c.

But

was a new formation with the

in

to the begin-

for

""

words the dative

in other

substitution of the vowel in

from the dat.

and with
of consonantal stems where the -- was not originally interthe generalized stem-form for

,
*

vocalic, as in

from

with

*-

-a-,

-, -,

343), as

for

analogy of kvvos, &c.

346. Here may conveniently be placed

for

after the

from
from
cp. Lat. hiems, neut. eV from */, cp. Lat. sem-per,
regularly became -v ( 141) and then the -v
where final

*, \,

*,

was

cp.

Skr. ksami, on the ground,

levelled

out into the oblique cases, as gen.

,
?
9,

ero? for older

*6^, *6^,

^,

*09.

^Tyl- were originally s-stems.

Nom. Ion.
from *9, older
( 70), gen. Lesb.
from
Att. Ion. Dor.
( 216), from
after the analogy
which was formed a new Attic nom.
from
of the n-declension and similarly prim. Greek

347. Att.

/zet'y.

Dor.

*9

*9

*?

*,

Accidence

194

$,

from
*Xavs, gen.
which was formed a new nom. Dor.
348. Beside the stems -men,

2),

from

-en-, -on

there

69,

Att. XTyr.

also existed in the parent Indg. language stems in

with

(i)jon

the

ablaut-grades

348-50

-(i)jen,

-{ijjon

-(ijijen,

(i)jen-,

and with the same distribution of the

grades as in the -men-, -men-stems ( 345). The original
type of inflection was preserved in the Gothic jan-stems,
as nom. arbja, heir, ace. arbjan, gen. arbjins, dat. arbjin.
In Sanskrit the weak stem-ending -in- became generalized,
as masc, nom. ball for *balya, strong, voc. balin, ace.
balinam, gen. balinah, loc. balini. In Latin the -(ijjon
grade became generalized, as in legio, legionem, legionis,
legione
and similarly in Greek words like
gen.
But the weak stemending -in- became generalized in stems like
gen.
and similarly in Gothic
feminine nouns like managei, multitude, gen. manageins.
From the stem-form in -- a new nominative was formed
in prim. Greek after the analogy of the nominatives in -s.
And then the -v disappeared ( 154). At a later period
new nominatives in -v were formed after the analogy of
(ijjon-

-in-,

-in-

,,

,
-,

9.

-, -, ,

-,

, , , ? ^,*-

the nominative of the -men-, -men-, -en-, -on-stems, as

ptv beside

349.

From

SeXcpts,

the generalized stem

was formed the nom.

older

(gen.

^)
pis.

154) after the

analogy of the nominatives in -s. It is probable that this

word originally belonged to the o-declension, cp. Skr.
malindh, Indg. *mel9nos, Gr.
black, dirty, and

6-9

,^-.*,
*/

may have come

regarded as the stem in prim. Greek through the
influence of the feminine
from
( 322).
to be

350.

The

beside

neuter nouns and adjectives were originally

declined alike as in Sanskrit and Gothic, but in prim.

Greek the generalized stem-form of the masculine became

Declension of

350

Nouns

,,,.

195

used for the nom. voc. and ace. singular of the adjectives,
as Tepeu,

^, ^,

ace. plural

Indg.

^,

.3 ( 353).

The

original declension of the

Nom.
with

voc. and

-=

Skr.

-i,

nouns was preserved

in

8zc.

Sanskrit and Latin, but in Greek

all

the inflected forms

were new formations.

Smguiar.
Indg.

Nom. Voc.

nama
n5men
namnah nominis

-mn

Aec.

Gen.

-mn-cs, -es

namani

Dat. (=loe.)-men-i, -mon-i

nomine

Dual.

Nom. Voc.

Aec.

-en-i,

Gen. Dat.

namani

-i

?
Plural.

Nom. Voc. Ace.

-men-a, -mon-a

namani

n6mina

men-9, -mon-9 /

namnam nominum

-mn-om

Gen.

namasu

Dat. (=loc.) -mn-su

The endings

in

to the original

nama, n6men, name correspond

ending of the nom.

Latin

aec. singular.

The

generalized the stem-form nomen.

Sanskrit ending

of the nom. plural corresponds to Indg. -mon-a, and the

Latin ending to Indg. -men-a, except that the -a for -e was

from the nom. pi, of the neuter o-stems. The dual
had -e from the masculines.
Prim. Greek probably had the generalized stem-form

*
*6 =

, *6
***,
*,

except in the dat. plural, as

Skr.

namnah,

for

which can also be from

difficult

to

account satisfactorily for the

Greek.

It

may have

particle -tos

arisen

which occurs

166).
in

It

is

historic

from the Indg. adverbial

in e/c-roy,

-r-

-? =

Lat. in-tus,

Accidence

196

-*6

351

came to have the

nama-tah, by name, with which

In Sanskrit -tah

cp. also Skr. i-tdh, inde.

meaning

of the ablative, as

may
corresponds in form,
then have come to be used for the gen. instead of the
Skr. namnah, and the -r- of the
regular form
the gen.

have become levelled out into all the inflected

But Brugmann's explanation {Grundriss, &c.,
forms.
He
vol. ii, second ed., p. 237) is probably the right one.
assumes that it probably arose from the blending of -men
and -mn-to into one paradigm, as Lat. stramen strSmina,
beside stramen
straminum =
gen.

*
.
,
,* * ,
*,

turn

stramenta, strament5rum = ^rpw/zara,

After the analogy of

*9,
*-

beside

*-

there were formed

beside

and then

the stem

however a
its

the forms with

There
which has much

third possible explanation

, ,

favour, viz. that in

all

eventually disappeared.

the parent Indg. language

is

in

con-

sonantal and c-stems of the same word often existed side

neSov,
by side, as
cognomen, stramen cognomentum, stramentum. A
large number of similar examples in the various languages
has been collected by Brugmann in Indogermanische For:

schungen, vol.

ix,

pp. 366-8.

It is

therefore quite possible

and that some of the

originally ended in -mnt which
Greek neuters in
became generalized, whereas Latin generalized -mnt-o.

that -mnt- existed beside -mnt-o

,^
may

-T-

therefore stand for older

mentum

beside

230) with

Cp.

cognomentum, stramentum,

ju

from *jouxmentom.
3.

351.
all

*6

regularly preserved in the inflected forms.

To

Stems ending

this class

in -nt.

belong the masculine and neuter of

active participles except the perfect

552).

Declension of

352]

a.

Nouns

197

Thematic Participles.

352. These comprise the participles of the present and

second aorist together with a few isolated participles which

were no longer used as such in the oldest Greek, as

Kpeiwu

(),

8,

/,

was originally
owing to the nom.

an ii'Stem which passed into this class

and voc. singular being alike in both declensions, cp. the
feminine Xiatva, and Lat. leo, leonis.

Accidence

198
Indg.

-nt-

stems

in

were new formations

-went-

the Latin forms

all

353-4

after the

analogy of the

would not account

356), but this

of which point to the ablaut-grade

for
-nt.

The original nom. singular was *bheronts, bearing,

which corresponds to Skr. bhdran with regular loss of
the final -ts, and Goth, bairands.
Lat. ferens was from
*ferents with -ent- from the gen., &c.
was a new

*,
,

The new

formation after the analogy of the n-stems.

formation

,',

took place in words like

first

the neuter

from

To

n-stem.

was formed

after the

*1,

was

where
an

like

new masc. nom.

analogy of

^.

And

then to

new masc. nom.

was formed.
like Lat. ferens was the nom. used
The vocative
for the vocative.
The old voc. was preserved in forms
like yepov,
&c. and in Skr. bharan. Dat. pi.

the neuter

from

0e/)oi/

,
^.
The

353.

Indg. form of the nom. voc. and ace. singular

neuter was *bhernt which became bharat

in

Sanskrit.

Lat. ferens can also be from *bhernt, because -nt

regularly

become -ens

in Latin.

masc. used for the neuter,

ovT from forms where

The

original

Or

it

may

from older

was regular.
form of the nom. voc. and

would

simply be the
with

it

ace. plural

was

*bheront9 =
Lat. ferentia like
Skr. bharanti.
ferentium was a new formation after the analogy of the
i-declension.
b.

Athematic Participles.

354. Three categories are to be distinguished in the

participles belonging to this class,

originally

cases

had

319).

-ent(2)

Those which had

in

(i)

Participles which

the strong and -nt- in the

Those which had

The

(3)

and second
Sanskrit, but the third was

-nt in all cases.

categories were preserved in

weak

-nt- in all cases.

first

Declension of

354]

Nouns

remodelled after the analogy of the

distinctions in

199

The

first.

original

the three categories were almost entirely

Greek by analogical formations. The

which originally belonged only to the third category,
was extended by analogy to all participles. And then the
vowel preceding the -nt- was made the same as the vowel
in the plural of the corresponding indicative.
Examples
are
(i) Skr. krin-dnt- with -dnt- from *-ent-, krin-atkrinami, / buy, krindnti, they buy,
with -at- from -nt
for
but Gr.
from
gen.
obliterated in prim.
nt,

*^
^*9 /,

*^9,

^*^^*^/, ^^.
vdvTos for

sunv-at

sunomi, / press

from

out,

Skr. sunv-ant-,

sunvdnti, they press out

*9,

for

for

gen.

The only

certain

trace of the original ablaut-grade -ent- occurs in the Doric

nom.

pi.

eVre? from *sentes, being, with

for *! after the

analogy of other parts of the verb and similarly with the

Att.
kayv,
smooth breathing in Ion.
stem
*sont, Skr. sant, sat-, being, and
stem *iont- for

*jont (with

i-

for

j-

^,

analogy of

after the

iVe),

Skr.

yant-, yat-, going, went over into the thematic declension

in prim.

This

Greek.

grade of ablaut was also prefrom

-ont-

served in the old isolated participle

6^,

gen.

Skr. dant-, dat-,

*6-,

6-^

tooth.

? ^*9 , ^*,
*9
^^
,
^
,
,
,
^
^,
^^,
'.
(2)

Skr. dddat, gen. dddatah with

*,

dami, / give, didati,

for

Skr.

gen.

for

dadhat, gen. dadhatah

for

',
(3)

dadhami, /

place,

and

aorists active like

:

In this category the

put,

from '^Ttdevn for

and similarly

by a long vowel

dd-

dddhati, they put, place, but

gen.

from -ntfrom *

-at-

they give, but Gr.

-nt-

was

originally preceded either

in all the cases or

by a long vowel

in the

Accidence

200

355-6

strong cases and by -9- {= Gr. a, Skr. i, 49) in the weak

To the former belong aorist active participles like
cases.

^
^, ^ ^.

*9 *9*9,

yvovs from *yvovT^ older

'iyvoav
Spas from
;

and similarly the

as

^,

And

to

8ov^,

6eis

the

*^,

'^

latter

gen.

-ciy,

,,

belong the aorist active participles

-),
^,

The

older *eara/zer.

,9

70), gen. yvovTO^

aorist passive participles in

:

(Cret.

gen.

older

*,

from

*eeuTs,

'4', '^^^,

original inflection of these

was nom. *dOnts, *dhents, *stants, gen. *d9ntos,

*dh9ntos, *st9ntos, and it is possible that
Oeh, gen.

participles

^,

*dhent which would regularly become

weak stem

forms *d6nt,

OevTos represent the generalized

-,

*st9nt-

40)

isolated participial form

from

from nas, cp.

, , ,., ,
,
355.

The nom.

voc.

and

ace.

bare stem with regular loss of the

from

with

70).

and similarly with the old

older *naPTs,

The

gen. irapTOs, Indg. *kwants, gen. *kw9ntos.

had

can be from the strong stem *stant or the

the vowel preceding

it

neuter

neuter singular has the

, ,-,

final -r ( 230),

ypop,

as

The prim. Greek ending

were of the same origin as

and

in the

stem of the corresponding masculines.

The nom.

Skr.

-i,

voc.

4.

356.

and

ace. plural originally

ended

in a

= -a,

Skr. dada(n)ti, giving.

as

The

Stems ending

in

suffix of the adjectives

had originally two grades of

-went.
belonging

ablaut.

The

to this class

strong form

went-, Skr. -vant-, Gr. -fepT- belonged to the nom. voc.

and

ace.

singular and

weak form -wnt-, Skr.

other cases.

dual,

and the nom. plural. The

*- belonged to all the

-vat-, Gr.

Sanskrit preserved the original distinction

357]

Declension of

Nouns

between the strong and weak form of the

sing,

bhagavantam,

blessed,

Greek the strong form

-fivT-

cases except the dat. plural.

Norn.

Nom.

gen.

was

201
suffix,

bhagavatah.

as ace.

But

in

levelled out into all the

Accidence

202

The nom.

voc.

and

ace. plural

358-9

was from

fevra, cp. Skr. bhdgavanti, with -fivra, Skr. -vanti from

Indg. -wenta.

Stems ending

5.

a Liquid.

in

(,

358. The only stem ending in -1 is aXy

which regularly has -y in the nominative.

,
,,
,.
,,

359.

from

(2)

Stems ending

To this

this

class belong

(i)

in -r.

from

&c.)

The nouns

and

of relationship

( 57)
Skr. bhratar-, brother, became isolated

, , ^, ^,
,,,., ,

category owing to their change in meaning.

The nomina

agentis, as

Sec.

(3)

few other nouns which belong to

neither of these two categories, as

and the monosyllables

originally had various grades of ablaut

The stem-endings

in the different cases, as -ter, -tor

vowels, but
r-, -r.

-tr-

The

-ter-, -tor

-tr-

before

before consonants, and similarly -er, -er-,

alternation between e

in the n-declension ( 345).

was the same as

weak case- forms the

and

In the

,,,

vowel disappeared and then the -r- remained consonantal

or became vocalic according as the next syllable began
with a vowel or a consonant, as
cp. Skr. pitrsu.
-ter, -tor, -er regularly belonged to the
nom. singular only -ter-, -tor, -er- to the voc. ace. and
dat. (= loc.) singular, the nom. plural, and the nom. voc.
and ace. dual -tr-, -r- to the gen. singular and plural, gen.
and dat. dual, and ace. plural
and -tr-, -r- to the dat.
(= loc.) plural. In Greek e or 5 regularly appears in the
;

nom. singular. In the nouns of relationship the original

distinction between -ter, -ter-, -tr-, -tr- was preserved in
Sanskrit and also in Greek apart from the new formations

sH

Declension of

Nouns

203

explained below, but in Latin the weak stem-ending

-tr-

became generalized in the oblique cases.

The nomina agentis were originally declined like the
nouns of relationship as in Sanskrit, but in Latin -torbecame generalized. In Greek the -7/- of the nom. of
nouns ending in
was levelled out into all the cases,

, , ,

as

except that the voc. of

,9

the

monosyllable

9,

gen.

^.

generalized the ablaut-grade

;

^,

,
,
, ?.

--,

as

and similarly
and the monosyllable

-- of the nom. was generalized.

360.

was acorep and similarly

Those ending in

,^

gen.

In

the

Accidence

204

the Baltic-Slavonic languages.

The Greek

361

stem and case-

endings of the inflected forms given above correspond to

the Indg. stem- and case-endings except the ace. and dat.
plural.

It

is

,
,

possible that the accusative originally had

the stem-ending -ter- corresponding to

from the dat. of consonantal stems where the -had

was not originally intervocalic as in
( 342).

On

the final

-l

see

Beside the regular forms the

316.

,
9 , ,
,,
/ , ., .

nouns of relationship often have analogical formations in

the oblique cases, especially in the gen. and dat. singular
and gen. plural, as Hom.
Hom. and Att.
with the substitution of -rep- for

after the

^?.

was also declined

The regular
auep, avepa, avSpo?,
was

Like

inflection of

apepe,
vp-

or avepas,

avepi?,

regularly became

--

152) in the

avipa

after the

analogy of forms

and similarly

forms like
(voc,

(),

and

generalized the strong stem-endings

oblique cases, as gen.

but dat.

aOepos,

weak stem-forms.

,,.,,,, ,
, ,., , ,

like avep,

was formed

avepos for
after

-rp-

analogy of the strong stem-endings and vice versa

361.

Indg.

pi.

Singular.

-re/j-,

-ep-

in all the

Declension of

362]

Nouns

2Q5

Dual.

Nom. Voc.

Ace.

SoTfjpe

ter-e, -tor-e

Gen. Dat.
?

^
^^

(datarSu)

Plural

Nom. Voc.

-ter-eSi-tor-es

Ace. -tr-ns
Gen. -tr-om

datarah
(datf-n)

datores
datores

(datrnam) dat5rum

Dat. (=loc.)

datrsu

-tr-su

On

the levelling out of the ablaut-grades

On

359.

see

The

360.

datarah

is

see

the ending of the nom. singular in Sanskrit

of the

-a-

Skr.

in

same

dataram, giver, datarau,

as in rajanam { 345).

origin

Beside the gen. case-endings -os, -es the parent Indg.

language had also -s ( 302) which occurs in datur, pitur
rs regularly became -ur through the intermediate stages
rs, -rz, -rr.
The ace. and gen. plural datrn, pitrn,
;

datrnam, pitrnam were new formations after the analogy

of the i- and u-declensions (Thumb, Handbuch des Sanskrit,
The regular forms would have been *datrah,
302).
*pitra,h, *datram, *pitram.
The old gen. was preserved
in

Vedic

362.

naram

and the

was the

It is difficult to

account satisfactorily for Att. Ion.

inflected forms, because

original stem.

that beside the stem

The most

with nom. ace. dual

And

is

there once existed a stem x^ptfrom *xepje. From the dual

singular Att. Ion.

then generalized the

Xeipey,

not certain what

, , ^, ^ ,?,

new nominative

Att.

it is

probable explanation

-ct-,

as

(,

from stem

but

Ion. generalized the stem

was formed.

-,

as

^,

^;

^,

xepay,

Xepey,

from

-.

6.

363.

The

new

masculine,

the ablaut-grades

feminine

and

They can be conveniently

{a) The large class of neuter
-es-, -os.
() Nouns and
(c) Nouns with the ablaut-

?.

nouns with the ablaut-grades

(d)

like

formation after the

in -s.

s-stems contain

-OS,

S-STEMS.

divided into five sub-divisions

grades -OS,

Horn,

363-4

Timocreon 9 was,

in

neuter nouns and adjectives.

adjectives of the type

but

X^P<^h

The nom. /)?

from *
analogy of the nominatives

Att.

Accidence

2o6

The comparative

-jes-, -jos-, -jds.

(e)

of adjectives with

Neuter nouns with

the stem-ending -as.

Neuter stems

a.

in -es-, -os-.

364. To this sub-division belongs a large number of

nouns in Greek, Sanskrit and Latin. In the Germanic
languages nearly all of them went over into other declen-

They

sions.

originally

ablaut in the root and

the

weak grade

ending.

had either the strong grade of

the

in the root

comparison

weak

in the

stem-ending or

and the strong

of the

forms

in

in the stem-

the

various

languages shows that this original distinction must have

become obliterated during the prim. Indg. period by the
ablaut-grade -es- being levelled out into

all

the inflected

forms.

Singular.
Indg.

Nom. Voc.

Ace.

Gen.

yevos

-os

-eS'OS, -es yeyeo^, yivov^

Dat. (=loc.) -es-i

yiv^L,

yivd

j^nah, race genus

generis
janasah
genere
jdnasi

Dual.

Nom. Voc. Ace.

Gen. Dat.

-es-i,

-i

yeveL, yei^ee

yevoTv, yevioiv

jdnasi

Declension of

365]

Plural.

Nom. Voc.

Ace.

-es-a, -os-a yivea,

Gen.
Dat.

= loc.)

fell

jdnasam

-es-su

yeueaai,

janahsu

-s-

genera
generiun

(jdn^si)

yevea>v, yiv5>v

disappeared in prim. Greek

213,

2),

but

In Sanskrit -es- and -os- regularly

in Latin.

-r-

207

-es-om

Intervocalic

became

Nouns

together in -as-

42).

The

Ionic uncontracted and

the Attic contracted forms correspond to the Indg. stem-

and yei/ee. The - in the

due to the influence of
The dual yiuet represents an older
common in manuscripts, yeree from older

and case-endings except

Ionic trisyllabic form

datives like

which
*yevea6 had

yej/ee

is

yii/ei

/' was

/,

after the analog}' of forms like

has yeveaai beside yiveat ( 212, 2). After
the analogy of yiueaai the ending
became used to
form the dative plural of i, u-, and of all kinds of conso-

-e

Hom.

In Homer even forms like inieaai occur

stem being regarded as ene-. Sanskrit janasi
(with nasalized ^) was a new formation after the analogy
nantal-stems.

owing

to the

of the nt-stems.

The

janahsu

or *janasi.

365. Att.

,.

nom.

pi.

= janassu.
= Hom.,

light

,
,,

&c. 0aoy from

*.

*9,

from *
*afoo9, Hom. dat.
0aea from
The other cases were formed
from

gen.

regular form would have been *janasi

after the

analogy of the dental stems, as

pi.

,
, -,
,,

There seems to have been in prim. Greek two forms for

word ear, ovs from *9, older
and Dor. Ion.

*}9

the

from Indg. *5(u)s

*9,

and

63).

Hom.

&c. after the analogy of the stems in

Attic, &c.

the form

?, ,

pi.

(also

350),

Hom.) from

after the analogy of the dental stems,

had the smooth for the rough breathing
the analogy of ay,
&c. See 219.
Sec.

from

ouy,

after

Accidence

208

b.

3.

affected,

Nouns and
hostile,

Skr.

366

8?.

adjectives of the type

^,

durmanah,

dispirited,

Greek and Sanskrit. And originally they occurred only

compounds. Simple forms like
beside

made

^,^,

?,
toy|revwere

ill-

only exist in
in

back-formations

compounds. These compounds are

the neuter stems in -es-, -os-, the -es

direct from the

closely related to

? ?.

having become generalized in the parent Indg. language,

cp.

^^,

^^,

^^^

Singular.

Nom.

Nom.

^^,

-^^

yevo^,

Nouns

Declension of

367-8]

209

^, ^,

both contracted and uncontracted represent the original

stem- and case-endings.
the final

-l

older

of which see

316.

on

In Attic the nom. plural

was used for the accusative. In Attic the compounded

proper names in
and also
-^?,
other compounds often had
in the accusative after the

$,

-^,

analogy of the masculine a-declension.

This also occurred

occasionally in the Ionic, Aeolic, Cretan, Arcadian and

Cyprian dialects. And in like manner the Attic genitive,

and more rarely the dative, were sometimes formed after
the analogy of the a-declension.
The Lesbian voc. gen.
and dat. endings -e, , -rj were also similar analogical
formations.

367.

The

and of the plural

-es,

as in

-es-a as in

c.

original ending of the

neuter singular was

Stems

^^,

nom. voc. and

ace.

= Skr. durmanah
-.

in -5s, -os.

368. These nouns had originally the ablaut-grades -os,

OS-, but the -OS- became generalized in prim. Greek in the

inflected forms.

Nouns of

this type

?, ,
^
^ *9,

occur only in Greek,

Latin and Sanskrit.

Nom.

,
,

?,

epcoy,

the analogy of

341), ace.

.?, ^
,
, ,?

*,9
(or*

voc.

from

from

a.(ter

Horn.

dat.
from
from *aifoaa beside
nom.
gen.
Cp. O.Lat. arb5s, arborem beside
honos, hon5rem with -5- of the nom. levelled out into the
oblique cases.
and
were generally
declined after the analogy of the dental stems ( 342), gen.

gen.

and similarly

ace.

also Att. ace.

Hom.

dat.

analogy of the o-stems ( 327), ace.

after the analogy of the 5u-stems ( 340).
Hom.
from *aus5s, cp. Skr. usah, dawn, Lat.
aur5r-a from *aus5s-a with -a from the a-declension, voc.
after the

Accidence

2
after the

analogy of

usasam, gen.

Skr.

from

r)ovs

from

341), ace.

*9,

*^,

369.

The Comparative

One

71)

327).

of the numerous ways of forming the com-

-jes-

and

nom. voc. and

all

-jos- regularly fell

together in

In Latin -jos- only occurs in the

jas- ( 42) in Sanskrit.

In

was by

suffix with the ablaut-grades -jes-, -jos-, -jos,

The grades

is.

went

of Adjectives.

parative of adjectives in the parent Indg. language

means of a

*,

Skr. usdsah, dat.

Skr. usdsi. Attic '? from ^^

from
over into the so-called Attic second declension
d.

369-70

ace. neuter, as

O.Lat. majos, later majus.

the other forms of the masculine, feminine and neuter

to the masculine nom.

became generalized, as O.Lat. majos, novios,
In Greek jes, jos do not
ace. maj5rem, novi5rem.
occur at all, and -jos only occurs in three forms, viz. in the
Ion.
ace. singular masculine and feminine, as
Indg. *megjosm, masc. and fem. nom.
from
from
neut. nom. ace.
plural
with - = Indg. 9.
See
from *
plural
375.

j5s,

which originally belonged only

singular,

,?

*],

*/9,

^,

e.

370.

Sanskrit,

Neuter stems

Nouns of this
-as-,

^]

Gr.

in gs.

type are found only in Greek and

-ay-,

Skr.

-is- is

the

OS in paragraph 368, but the -as grade

weak grade of the

became generalized

already in the parent Indg. language.

Singular.
Indg.

Nom. Voc.
Gen.

Ace.

-as

yepa?

-as-os, -es yepaos, yepcoy

Dat. (=loc.) -as-i

ykpdi,ykpai

havih, oblation

havisah
havisi

37

Declension of

Nouns

211

Accidence

212
ydkrt,

ended

dsrk, blood.

heart,

The stem

-, 9,

in -n or -n, as gen. Skr.

of water, Gr.

[371
of the obhque cases

ahn-ah, udhn-ah, udn-dh,

Lat. feminis, *itinis, *jeci

nis (femoris, iteris, itineris, jecoris, jecinoris were analogical formations

through the mixing of the two stems)

Skr. jakn-dh, asn-dh.

This declension was best preserved in Sanskrit and

in the other languages one or other of the stems
mostly became generalized, as in Lat. uber, OE. iider,
tedder; OE. wseter beside Goth. wat5 (dat. watin = Skr.
uddni), water; and similarly in the three Greek words cap
from *faap (gen. eapo?), Lat. ver
gen.
beside
Goth,
fire, gen. funins; Oei/ap, gen. 6euapo9
Greek,

Many

,,,,

of the words belonging to this declension

,
. ,

found in Greek only

',

in the

oi^ap,

nom. and

are

ace. singular, as

nouns occur, all of

which were formed after the analogy of the stems in
from
350) aXeap, from *a\ifap,
Hom. weiap read
*Se\fap, a.8ap from *iSfap,
neipap from ^nepfap,
from *6vafap,
from
(cp. 72).
Many attempts have been made to explain the origin of
this declension, but none of them are satisfactory.
The
original inflexions were better preserved in Vedic than in
classical Sanskrit.
The declension of Vedic ahar, day and
will serve as models for all nouns belonging to
Greek
Inflected forms of the following

,
, ^,

, , ,*
:

this class.

forms

in

The
(

stem- and case-endings of the inflected

both languages correspond

n-declension

350).

Singular.

to

those of the neuter

372]

Adjectives

213

Accidence

214

[373

development of the feminine gender in the other adjectival

stems went parallel with the formation of the feminine
gender in the corresponding substantival stems, i. e. they
were formed after the analogy of the ja-stems ( 322). The
adjectives of this type then acquired the gender and
inflexion of the corresponding masculine and neuter nouns
and became used along with all kinds of nouns.
In Greek the adjectives are declined like the
373.
corresponding nouns, but as we have seen above the
feminine of the u, n and nt-stems is declined like a ja
stem. There is however a large number ot adjectives in
Greek, which has only one ending (-os) for the masculine
and feminine. The adjectives of this type are partly com-

pound and

They were

partly simple.

9, 9,

originally nouns,

denoting living beings possessing the characteristic implied

in the

lit.

man

quiet, gentle

',

,,

soul-devourer

?,
,

word, which later came to be used as adjectives, as

kind of

with rosy fingers;

lit.

a chatterer, babbler;

man

&c.

and similarly

9,

lit.

lit.

After the analogy of such ad-

,,

jectives, simple adjectives

which were not originally nouns

denoting living beings came to have only the two endings,

&c. The gender of com-oy, -ou, as

pound nouns was determined by the second element. When

such compound nouns came to be used attributively in
apposition to other nouns (cp. John Lackland) they became
adjectival and were inflected like ordinary adjectives, except
that they preserved their original masculine ending when

*,

used along with a feminine noun, as

beautiand similarly neuter compounds like
ful ankle, when they became adjectives, had -os for both
the masculine and feminine. But when the second element
of the compound was originally an adjective, it regularly
had the three endings. The adjectives of this type had

sometimes however only two endings

after the

analogy of

?
^,

Adjectives

374-5]
the

,,

adjectives

in

like

-77?

3) never had different forms for the masculine

On

and feminine.
see

Note.

The compound

type.

first

215

the simple adjectives like

3.

The

inflexion of contracted adjectives like

was regular in the masculine and neuter except in

the nominative and accusative neuter plural.
The feminine
(for
from ';), tScc. and
(for
from
were formed after the analogy of forms like
&c.
and
from

). *7

*7

374. In the following adjectives the declension

ace. masc. sing,

nom.

fern.

made

, , , ?-,
, ,,.^,

up of the blending together of two

is

different stems

neut.

stem

nom.
and

*{)/,

from
gen.
from
which was formed a masc. and neut. stem
for all the other forms of the masculine
The old forms of the u-stem were preser\'ed

sing,

*(/)/, from
*{)] =

and neuter.
Hom., as
And similarly
nom. ace. masc. sing, /zeyay,
neut.
and fem.
from which was formed a masc. and
nom. sing,
stem
for all the other forms of the masculine and

in

9,

neuter.

THE COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES

B.

I.

375.

The

The Comparative Degree.

parent Indg. language had several suffixes

by means of which the comparative degree was formed.

But in the individual branches of the parent language one

more productive than

of the suffixes generally became

the

and in course of time came to be the principal one

from which the comparative was formed, the other suffixes

rest,

only being preserved in isolated forms.

The

oldest

parative

and most

of adjectives

original
in

mode

prim.

of forming the comIndo-Germanic was by

Accidence

2i6
means

[375

of the suffix -jes- with the ablaut-grades -jos-, -jos-

which was added direct to the root-syllable. The

had the strong grade of ablaut. This
suffix became the normal one in Latin for the formation
of the comparative ( 369), but in Greek and the Germanic

and

is-,

root-syllable originally

languages it practically remained unproductive. In the

oldest Sanskrit it was more productive than in the later
In classical Sanskrit only a limited number of
language.
comparatives occur with this suffix, -is- the weak grade

form of the suffix occurs in Latin adverbs like magis,

nimis, satis, and in Gothic adverbs like mins, less, wairs,
-jes-, -jos- do not occur
worse, from *mmniz, *wirsiz.
at all in

Greek, and

-jos-

only occurs in three forms of the

*^,
^ ^,
^ *.
,
,,^,.^, [],
, ,,
., ,

declension, viz. in the masc. and fem. ace. singular, as

d,

Indg. *megjosm, masc.

from
Ion.
and fem. nom. plural
neut. nom. ace. plural
similarly

,
,,,
,,,
from

From

forms a new nom,

formed after the analogy of

came

to

be declined

^),

^/zey/oaey,

these and similar

was

which then
the stem-vowel was
:

Why

like

long in Att.
corresponding Ionic forms,

and

And

from

but short in the

an unsolved problem.
Beside the suffix form -jes-, -jos- there was also in prim.
Indg. the suffix form -i-jes-, -i-jos-, the i, of which stood

in ablaut relation to
in

Greek,

but

is

still

each other. The -i- was preserved

generalized the -i-, as Skr.

Sanskrit

svadiyas-, sweeter;

masc.

masc. and fem. nom. plural

and fem.

ace.

(also

singular

7],

used for the ace),

*/, , .
^, ,

from *(rfa8ljoaa, *afa8ljoa9,

from
All the other forms of the declension in Greek were formed
from the weak grade -is- + an n-suffix with the ablaut-grades

neut.

nom.

ace. plural

*afa8LJoaa, beside

en-, -on-,

345), as

,,

neut.

376]
from

",,

Adjectives

217

"afaSiaova, *afa8iaoyo?, *afa8iaoi',

pi.

from *afa8iaoi'e9, *afd8iaova and

similarly in Goth. masc. nom. sut-iz-a, sweeter, ace. sut-iz
an, gen. sut-iz-ins. The h- was generally long in Attic
poetry and short in Doric and the old epic poetry. This
fluctuation between the long and short -l- was due to the
in the forms where it was regular, as
levelling out of t or
qStoves, neut.

. ^
in 77<5,

The

beside

rjStoua,

originally formed as a ja-stem

newer,

^,

&c.,

feminine of this type of comparative was

322), as Skr.

gdr-iyas -, heavier, but

in

-jas-i,

Greek and Latin the

masculine became also used for the feminine.

Note.

From what has been

said

above

it

will

the Greek declension of words of the type

the two different stem-forms
originally

had

different

*^ -/-

meanings.

178^
and *af

But

be seen that

made up

of

---,

which
The former denoted the

adjectival form of the comparative, siveeter,

substantival, the sweeter.

is

and the

latter

the

this original distinction in the

meaning of the two stem-forms was obliterated in prim. Greek

whereby the substantival form became adjectival. And similarly in the Germanic languages, as Goth, sut-iz-a (ace. sut-izan, gen. sut-iz-ins) which originally meant the sweeter,

The secondary

suffixes -ero-, -tero- were originwords relating to place and to certain pronominal forms, as Skr. uparah, ddharah, lo'wer, Lat.
s-uperus, inferus Goth, unsar, our, izwar, your. Skr.
katarah, norepos, Goth, hrajjar, which of two

376.

ally confined to

,
The
The

Lat. nosier, vester

suffix -ero

9,

Lat. exterus, dexterus.

remained unproductive in
remained unproductive

all

the languages.

Latin and the

Germanic languages, but in Greek and Sanskrit it had
become in the prehistoric periods of these languages the
suffix -tero

in

ordinary suffix for the formation of the comparative ot

adjectives.

The

-tero-

was

originally

added

to

the ad-

2i8

Accidence
form, which in the

verbial

was

i-,

-9,

^-9

KUp-Tipos

-9, -9
-

-, ,-^^

from ^xapifevT-repo^
;

-, -

and consonantal-stems

identical with the neuter singular, as

Tepo9

376

nevia-Tepo? from *nePT-Tepo9

;

Skr. suci-tarah,

purer ; caru-tarah, dearer; bhagavat-tarah (stem bhagavant-), more blessed; tavas-tarah, stronger; naXai-repo?,
which at a later period came to be felt as being
formed from
and then after the analogy of
these were formed such comparatives as

9
\,

9,

9,
\-,

\-9,

^
, -
,,--- , ,
iaai-Tepos,

And

TpQs.

9,

in

like

manner from such comparatives as

the --9 was abstracted

--, ^--^ --,

and used

for

-Tepos,

forming comparatives like

aapivos,

from *evvo-ia-Tpos
tives

was extracted the

forming comparatives

Tepos

And

evi^ovs.

like

.
for

similarly from compara-iTos,

--,

like

--

which became used

:

gen.

-. -^,
^-^, -^, ^(.
*'-,

In the ordinary formation of the comparative of o-stems,

as in

^,

*evf^epo,

from older
of opinion

beside

-0-.

in prim.

beside

among
Some

there

is

a difference

-became --

scholars about the explanation of the

scholars assume that the

-0-

Greek by rhythmic lengthening when the

ceding syllable was short, but that

it

pre-

remained short when

the preceding syllable was long by nature or position.

Other scholars maintain, and probably rightly, that the

comparative of o-stems was formed precisely in the same
manner as in the other stems, that is, from the adverbial
form which in the o-stems was originally the ablative
(

303) of the adjective used adverbially and accordingly

Adjectives

377]

ended

-.

in

219

This explanation agrees with the formation

of the comparative in the Germanic languages (cp. Goth.

swin))5-z-a swinjjs, strong), where the -5 can have no

connexion with what is called rhythmic lengthening. It
is therefore probable that all comparatives of o-stems had
:

originally

--

irrespective of the quantity of the preceding

The --

only remained in those comparatives in

which a succession of short syllables would have arisen by
syllable.

In other cases the comparative

-o-.
be formed direct from the o-stem of the adjective
after the analogy of the i, u and consonantal-stems. Then

the substitution of

came

to

the relation of

--

to

-0-

gave

rise to

what

is

improperly

called rhythmic lengthening.

2.

The

377.

formed

in the

The Superlative Degree.

superlative, like the comparative degree,

was

parent Indg. language by means of several

But in the individual branches of the parent

language one of the suffixes generally became more productive than the rest, and in the course of time came to be
the principal one from which the superlative was formed,
suffixes.

the other suffixes only being preserved in isolated forms.

The

were
which was only preserved in the formation of
ordinal numerals^ as e/croy, Skr. sasthdh, Lat. sextus,
Goth, saihsta, sixth
from *dekmtos.
2. -is-to. This suffix is made up of -is- the weak grade
of the comparative suffix -jes- ( 375), as in Lat. magis, and
the -to which occurs in ordinal numerals like
&c.
In the comparative the root-syllable originally had the
strong grade of ablaut, but in the superlative the weak
grade with the accent on the ending of the suffix -is-to-, cp.
1.

principal suffixes
-to-

^,

-. ^

^',

(inscriptional form) beside

-,

This original distinction became almost entirely

obliterated in Greek and Sanskrit by analogical formations.

Accidence

220
The

377

disappeared completely in Latin, but became

suffix

,^ --9

productive in the Germanic languages, and also in Greek

and Sanskrit
i(y)as- in the

Skr.

for

mahiyas-

svadiyas-

those adjectives which had

comparative, as
:

mah-isthah

-,

-,

=
= Skr.

svad-isthah, Goth, sut-ists, sweetest

which like appears chiefly in ordinal

numerals, as Skr. dasamdh, Lat. decimus, from *dekm-os,
tenth; Lat. summus from *sup-mos, infimus; Skr. upa
3.

-m-o, -m-c,

mdh, uppermost; adhamah,

lowest; Goth, fruma, first

innuma, innermost. It remained unproductive in Greek,
and almost so in Latin, Sanskrit and the Germanic
languages. would have become --- ( 65, 2) in
in 'ivaro^, S4
Greek, but it was supplanted by the
KttTos, from *newntos, *dekintos, as
viaTos,
This change of --- to --- was doubtless also partly due to the influence of the suffixal ending

, ^,

-9

-to-.

4.

-tm-o- which appears

ordinal numbers, as Skr.

in

saptamdh, Lat. septimus, from *septm-os, seventh. Skr.

dntamah, next; uttamah, highest, best. In Latin and the
Germanic languages it was only preserved in isolated forms,
as Lat. intimus, extimus, ultimus, optimus, dextimus

Goth, aftuma,
In Sanskrit

it

ne.xt,

posterns

iftuma,

the following, next.

was productive and became the regular

superlative ending -tama-h to adjectives which formed their

carutarah, dearer carutavas-tamah.

-tm-owould have become
in Greek, but
became
in the prehistoric period of the language through
the influence of forms like 'ivaro^,
and the -9 in
the superlative ending --^.
then became the
ordinary superlative suffix for adjectives which had -Tepocomparative

in -tara-h ( 376), as

tamah; tavastarah,

stronger

---

---

in the comparative.

Adjectives

378]

3.

378.

It is

Irregular Comparison.

a peculiarity of

certain adjectives,

221

especially

all

the Indg. languages that

those denoting good,

bad,

do not admit of a comparative and

a superlative being formed directly from them.
It is
usually said that such adjectives are defective or that they
form their comparatives and superlatives from a different
root than the positive or that the comparatives and superlatives have no positives with which they are etymologically
related.
The real explanation is that such adjectives
escaped from being brought into the grammatical system of
comparison. In the early prim. Indg. period the compara-

great, small, much,

little,

and superlative stood in no grammatical relation to the

It was not until a relatively late period
of the prim. Indg. language that the comparative and
superlative came to be associated grammatically with what
we call the positive. The forms in -jes- ( 375) and -is-to
tive

so-called positive.

377, 2) originally partook of the nature of participles or

verbal adjectives and denoted that the verbal action

was

especially prominent in the object with which they stood

^,

attributively, as

Vedic tdriyas-,

easily piercing through, Gr.

forms had also

become purely nominal they were brought into relation
with adjectives which were not comparative in form and
which in regard to the comparative forms were called the
positive.
The forms in -ere-, -tero ( 376) were originally
confined to words relating to place and to certain pronominal forms, and were primarily used to express contrast
of comparison, as *upero-s, above and not below, *ndhero-s,
below and not above, Se^irepo-^, the right and not the left
{apiaTp6-s), -9, our and not your {-),
feminine and not masculine (Arcad. appevTcpo-s).
Then e.g. forms like *newotero.s
new, became
lit.

bringing

best.

After such

-,

{^?),

used not only in contrast with *senotero-s,

old,

but also

Accidence

222

379

with the contrasted meaning not so new,

older.

At

*seno-s

this

(eVoy).

less new, and then

*senotero-s became associated to

stage

These formations thus came

into the

sphere

of gradation which the -jes- forms already possessed and

Although the two

entered into competition with them.

pairs of suffixes

had originally

different

meanings,

difference entirely disappeared already in prim.

the

Greek so

as the comparison of adjectives was concerned.

far

After the

three-membered series of gradation had been established

in which the positive was regarded as the fundamental form,
comparative and superlative forms began to be created
from all kinds of adjectives, see Brugmann, Grmidriss, 4'C,
vol. ii (second ed.), pp. 654-60, and Delbriick in vol. iii,

^,
,
^,, , ^^
,
.
,
?,
?,?, ?
?,,
?,,
pp. 411-15.^
:

9,

^^,

Ion.

?),

(:

has the pure diphthong -ei- and therefore cannot be from *]'(. It is
probably not a comparative in form,
probably had -ci- from
from *\epJv,
from stem

.
?,

^^?,

6?,

??.

cp.

?,

^,

, -,

?
,
?
?. ^,
with

stem

-,

from the superlative,

was a remodelling of
from *pleis-to-s.

-ei-

Att. nXeiv (neut.)

from *pleis

(:

I.

The

adjectival,

one

indeclinable,

cardinal
to four

but

in

kXaxv?)

from

*?

?,

NUMERALS

C.

379.

Cardinal.

numbers

one

to

nineteen were

being declinable and five to nineteen

eleven to fourteen

the

units

were

Adjectives

380-1]

223

The decades and the words for hundred and thousand were originally substantives.
380. The parent Indg. language had several words
with slightly different meanings to express the idea of one.
In the ordinary Greek word for one four stem-forms are to

originally declined.

be distinguished

Masc. nom. Att. Ion. ety, Dor. ^y, Cret. eVy,

from *(9, neut. eV from
masc. and neut. gen. eVoy
for */ioy with -u- from the nominative ( 346), and similarly,
ei/i, cp. Lat. sem-per.
(b) *som.
oyuoy, one and the same, Skr. sama, Goth.
*sem.

{a)

sama, same.

-,
*9
(c)

*sm.

Dor.
with

;-^,-/

*sm.

{d)

for

Lat. sem-el, Skr. sa-krt,

for a-

from

Fem. nom.

*^,

eV.

sing,

, ',

having one

Indg. *oinos, oiVoy,

and Att. e-repos

See 290.
from

oinos, later unus, Goth, ains,

once;

for *a-Kar6u,

322), cp.

hoof.

the ace

OE. an,

on

dice,

O.Lat.

one.

Indg. *oiwos, O.Pers. aiva-, one, 009, alone, by oneself,

Cypr.

otfoy, alone.

Fem. Hom. Lesb. and Thessalian

Horn. gen. iT^y, dat.
were probably of pronominal
ifi, and Hom. neut. dat.
origin

cp. 411.

381. Indg. *duw5(u),

*.

*() was

8( (indeclinable) from
*f = Skr. dva, in
Hom.

inflected like a dual.

= Vedic duva(u) beside

probably from
nom. ace. neuter was
*duwoi = Vedic duve, prim. Gr. *vfo which became
when the next word began with a vowel ( 229).
then
became generalized and indeclinable for all genders in Att.
Dor. &c. and often also in Homer. In some dialects, e. g. in
Herodotus, it became inflected like a plural just as in Latin
and the Germanic languages, as Herod,
Ion.
a plural form

also

after the

The

gen. dat.
original

analogy of

,,.,

Accidence

224
Indg. *dwi,

of

*tri,

*di in

compounds with

-i-

382-4

analogy

after the

OE.

as in Bl-ttovs, Skr. dvi-pdd-, Lat. bi-pes,

twi-

fete, two-footed.

382. Masc. and

fern.

nom.

Att. &c. rpe??, Cret. rpeey,

Skr. trdyah, Lat. tres, from *trejes; ace. Cret. rpivs, Ion.

Dor. Boeot. rpU, Goth. Jjrins, from *trins, Att. rpeh Hke
nom. ace.
Lat. tres was the nom. used for the accusative
neut.

see

Indg.

329

gen.

Vedic

*tri,

tri,

on

compounds, as

*tri in

Lat. tria, Goth. J)rija,

Lat. trium, from *trij5m

Skr. trisu, Lith. tris6.

Indg.

-?,

dat.

Skr. tri-pad-, Lat.

OE. Ipri-fete, three-footed.

383. The Indg. word {ox four had various grades

tri-pes,

of

ablaut in the stem-ending of the different cases, as masc.

nom. *qetwores, Skr. catvarah, Lat. quattuor, Goth.

fidw5r, Dor. and North-West Gr. reropey with -r- from

9
by

386), Att.

with

-a-

assimilation,

genitive

TTiavpas

^, ^^
Hom.

from the dative, Ion.

Hom.
masc.

ace.

with

*qeturns,

from the ace. and

caturah, Hom.
-a- from the dative

^v-

Skr.

,
^,
^
. ^
with the

Att.

first

Boeot.

for -opes

*qetwor9, Skr. catvari, Att.

Hom.
with -a- from the dative, Lesb.
Boeot.
with -- from the genitive gen. *qetur6m,
with -a- from the dative
Att.
Lesb.
from
Att.
dat. = (loc.) *qetwrsu, poet,

nom.

ace. neut.

-,

*,

,
-

Indg. *q(e)twr beside *q(e)tru in compounds, as in

from

*-,

^^,

-^.

beside

pdnca Aeol.
Lat. quinque, O.Ir. c5ic, Goth, fimf, OE. fif, all with
beside
In compounds
assimilation of consonants.

384. Indg. *per)qe,

with

-a-

from forms

like

,.

prim. Gr. *ef^, Lac. fe|, beside Ve^

Att. Ion. Dor. Boeot. &c. e^, Lat. sex, O.Ir. se, Goth.

Indg. *s(w)eks

Skr.

Adjectives

385]

225

, ,
,
,,

In compounds
saihs, Skr. sds with unexplained initial s.
&c.
e|- beside e|a- with -a- from
Vedic saptd, classical Skr. sdpta,
Indg. *septm,
Lat.

septem, O.Ir. secht, Goth, sibun.

Indg. *okt6(u), which

is

dual in form,

Elean

probably like
8vo the old neut. form, Skr. asta(u), Lat. oct6, Goth,
after the

analogy of

Lesb. Boeot.

ahtdu.
Indg. *newn beside *enwn, the former occurs in Skr.
nava, Lat. novem with -m for -n after the analogy of
septem, decern, cp. nonus, Goth, niun, and the latter in
from *kvfa: kvvia has
Ion. dva-vv\^, eiVa-erey,
never been satisfactorily explained. Some scholars assume
that it stands for *v vefa, lit. nine in all, and others that it
arose from a contamination of *kvfa and *i'fa = Skr. nava.
In compounds etVa- beside kw^a-, as in dva-vv\s beside

-,

^.$
Indg. *dekm, BUa, Skr. ddsa, Lat. decern, O.Ir. deich,

Goth, taihun.

385. In the

cardinals

eleven to nineteen the units

originally preceded the decade, as in eu-SeKa

where

eV- is

-){--^),
.

the nom. ace. neuter, Lat. un-decim from *oinom-decem,

Skr. eka-dasa

masc. form beside

(Hom.

Hom.

where

>

is

the
Lat.

duo-decim, Skr. dva-dasa; Lat. tre-decim from *tres

decern, Skr. tray5-dasa, but from thirteen onwards only
But in Greek
in Greek, as rpus or
with
ely,
and Latin the units could follow the decade, as
Tpeh, Lat. decern et unus, decern et tres,
&c. were
decern tres, decern novem.

--, 9

?,

used when the substantive or a larger number preceded,

but

followed, as

The

when

the

but Tpas

substantive

units in eleven to fourteen ceased to be inflected

in the prehistoric period of

most languages.

A remnant

Accidence

226

386-7

of the inflected forms of the units occurs in

9,

where

kmti,

lit.

prim. Gr.

The

386.

Indg.

*9,

word

both decades.

the masc. accusative.

is

for twenty

The

was a dual form *wi

expressions for thirty to m'nety

meant three decades, four decades, &c. The unit

and the word for decade, a neuter substantive *komt from
*dkomt and related to *dekm, ten, were both inflected so
far as the units were declinable and governed the following
substantive in the genitive case.
Regular forms were
*tri komt9, thirty
*qetwor9 komt9,/or/y *per]qe komta,
Various new formations seem to have taken place
fifty.
already in the parent language, thus after the analogy of
*tri komt3 were formed *qetwr komta = Ion. Dor.
originally

-, , ,

68), Lat.

quadra-ginta,

Skr. panca-sat-, the - of which

Greek

to

^-

was extended

Lat.

oct5-ginta),

Hom.

in

(but

Att.

Hom.

komts

*per)qe

Hom.

and similarly in Lat.

quinqua-ginta, sexa-ginta, n5na-ginta with medial -a
from quadra-ginta.
Indg. *wi-kmti, Dor. Boeot. Elean, Pamphylian and
Arcadian ft
Skr. vi-satih, Lat. vi-ginti, O.Ir. fiche,
twenty Att. Ion. &c. e'i-Koat from *eFt-Koat with prothetic eand -0- for -a- after the analogy of the other decades. Att. &c.
Ion.
for
after the analogy
of
The original form of the unit was
Att.

Ion. also

-,

-,
-, *
; ^-.
-, -,

preserved in Lat. tri-ginta.

occurs in

is difficult to

explain

decades for seventy

why

the

to ninety

The

-.

old neuter of the unit

Boeot.

Greek

first

It

element of the

-,

should contain the ordinal

instead of the cardinal form of the unit.

With

nona-ginta beside masc. nonus from

*nowenos. All the decades became adjectival in construction in prim. Greek.
387. The Indg. word for hundred was *kmtom, lit.
kvevrj-KovTa, cp. Lat.

Adjectives

387]

decade

of

lit.

corresponding

tens,

centum, O.Ir.

e-

to

hund, and

cet, Goth,

one hundred, with

227

for

after the

Skr.

satdm, Lat.
in

analogy of

-,
eV.

It

was a neuter substantive, related to *dekni, ten, and

governed the gen. case as in Sanskrit and the Germanic
languages, but in Greek and Latin it had become adjectival
in construction in the prehistoric period of the languages.

The hundreds from two

hundred were originally

members were
inflected for two, three and four hundred, and the second
member only for the others, as in Skr. dve sate = Indg.
dual *dwoi kmtoi, Goth, twa hunda, two hundred', Skr.
panca satani, Goth, fimf hnnaB., five hundred; and similarly in the Keltic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages.
{b) Or both members formed a compound without either
of them being inflected, as in Skr. dvi-satdm, two hundred,
tri-satdm, three hundred; O.Lat. du-centum auri, argenti
ses-centum, but already at an early period the hundreds
became plural adjectives and were inflected as such, as
ducenti homines, ducentae mulieres. To this manner
of forming the hundreds also belong the prim. Greek
expressed in two ways,

to nine

{a)

Either both

*8-, *-, */,

*-, *-,
*-,
*,
.

compound forms

*kvfa

When

second element of these compound

nouns became adjectival in meaning there was formed
10 l, -ai, -a = Dor.
beside *
an adjectival form
with
Att. Ion. Lesb.
Boeot.
Arcad.
-0- from
and then various analogical formations
took place in the first element of the compounds,
the

-,

-,
-,

- , ,,,
,
,,,, -,

became
Sc- became

after

Ion.

-- after the

Ion.

-,

&c.

analogy of

and
The forms thus became
after

became

Att.

Ion.

kva-,

Q2

Accidence

2 28

388-90

388. If we compare the word for thousand in the various

languages

we

see that

mine what was the

it is

original

practically impossible to deter-

form of the word

for

thousand

parent Indg. language, cp. Lat. neut. mille, O.Ir.

fem. mile, Goth. fem. ])usundi, Lith. masc. tukstantis,
O.Slav, fem. tysta, Skr. neut. sa-hasram, lit. one

in the

= Indg. sm- { 380), prim. Gr. neut.

became
-hasram, Indg. *gheslom.
adjectival in meaning in prim. Greek, and then from it was
-, - = Ion. Boeot.
formed the adjectival form
Att.
which
Dor.
Lesb.

thousand, where sa

*/

=*^XeaAoi/=Skr.

, ,
, , *,
corresponds

in

form to the Sanskrit adjective sa-hasriya.

2.

The

389.

ordinal

Ordinal.

numbers

in the various languages

were with few exceptions superlatives in form and were

formed from the cardinal numbers with the same suffixes
which we have already had in the formation of the superlative of adjectives

390.

The word

377).

for first was not related to the

one in any of the languages, as

-?

?,

word

for

Dor. rrpdros either

from forms like Terparos,

from *npa)f-aTos with
and related to Skr. piirvah, purvydh, prior, first, or from

?
^?

*wpo-aTos

from *pris-mos
first.

Skr. pra, before, in front of

adv.

Hom.

Lat.

primus

Goth, fruma, prius,

like Goth, frumists was a double
*pris, prius,

superlative.

denoted originally standing

off from anything,

and is related to the

and to Skr. daviyah, farther; Skr. dvi
verb
sequor Lat. alter,
dvi-, two
Lat. secundus
tiyah
Goth, anpar, Lith. antras all lit. meaning the other as
with -aroy as in
compared with one who is first,

at a distance from, inferior in rank

?.
?,

?
:

Lesb. TepTos =La.t. tertius, Goth.

Jjridja.

Hom.

Adjectives

39^1

9 ?, ?.^, ^,
^,
after the

larly

analogy of

229
and

Horn.

Boeot.
from *TeTfapT09, Hom.
caturthah, OE. feo(we)rJ)a, Indg. *qetwrtos.

T09, Skr.

(Cret.

cp.

simi-

),

neuron from

*nePTTo^, older

Lat. quintus,

OE.

Indg. *peqqtos; Skr.

fifta, Lith.

?,

penktas,

pancathah beside pancamdh.

sasthah, Indg. *s(w)ektos Lat. sextus and

Goth, saihsta were formed direct from sex, saihs.
( 107) probably for older *e/35a//oy, Skr. sapta
mdh, Lat. Septimus, Indg. *septm-os, *?sebdmos, Hom.
KT09, Skr.

4869, see

69

oil

from *6Y8ofo9 with the mediae -yi-after the analogy

'4,

Skr. astamah Hom. oyioaroy, see

Hom. eiWro? from *iufaT09, Indg. *enwntos
Lat. n5nus, Skr. navamah with -m from dasamdh,
;

'ivaro^,

beside

Indg. *newn-os.

-),

with -0- from

(Lesb. Arcad.
Goth,
taihunda, Indg. *dekmtos beside Skr, dasamdh, Lat.
decimus, Indg. *dekm-os.

391.

The

be formed

),
+ the

ordinal

,^

ordinals from eleventh to nineteenth could

two ways

in

for

tenth,

(a)

as

Either with the cardinal units

these two forms were used in

all

(Hom.

the dialects

,
9,
^^^,
^, ^^, ^,
, ? ?,

and similarly in Lat. iindecimus, duodecimus, Skr. ekadasah, dva-dasdh or -dasamdh. In this way were also
formed the other ordinals in Ion. and Boeotian, as

?-,

and similarly Skr. tray5-dasah, thirteenth, caturdasdh, fourteenth, panca-dasdh or -dasamuh, /teenth, &c.
(b) Or with ordinals in both components, as
&c. ; and similarly Lat.
tertius decimus, quartus decimus, &c.
Goth, fimftataihunda, y?/?<'i'//i, with the first element uninflected.
;

Accidence

230

The original second element of the

392.

392-4

ordinals of the

was *-kmt-tos beside *-kmt-tm-os, the former occurs

tens

in Boeot. fl

-^

*
?

with the

from ^eflKoarSs

110), Att.

analogy o{

for -a- after the

first -0-

-.

other ordinals were formed in prim. Greek either

direct from the stem of the corresponding cardinal + -r6y,

The

-, ,

, , , ,,
+ 69 became

thus

later

Indg. *kmt-tos, with the

;

and

similarly

beside

*69

(110)

(153), or else with

first -0- for -a- after

for

and then

*09=

the analogy of

Lat. vicesimus, vigesimus, tricesimus

trigesimus, quadragesimus, quinquagesimus,

&:c.

Skr

visatitamah, trjsattamah, catvarisattamdh, pancasatta

mdh, &c., from Indg. *-kmt-tm-os.
393. The ordinals of the hundreds were formed in

-,

-, -,
-,

prim. Greek from the corresponding cardinals with

from the ordinals of the tens, as

&c. and similarly in Latin, cent-esimus,
ducent-esimus, trecent-esimus, &c. In like manner were
also formed the ordinals of the thousands, as

-,

&c., cp. also Lat. mill-esimus.

Other Numerals.

3.

The

numeral adverbs were formed

Greek, Latin and
Sanskrit have similar words for twt'ce and tlirice, as
Lat. bis, ter from *tris, Skr. dvih, trih, but for the
other numerals they had different formations, as

394.

multiplicative

differently in the different languages.

, , ,Lat. sem-el, Skr. sa-krt

quater, Skr. catuh

380)

Lat.

Lat. quinqiiies, Skr. pan-

cakrtvah, &c.
From four times onwards the Greek
numerals were formed from the cardinals by means of the
suffix

had

its -y

in Attic beside

from

and

in various other dialects,

and

--

corresponds to the

Adjectives

395-61

231

-^
*
', 9, ^ -^
-.^, ^^,
Sanskrit adverbial particle cid which was originally the

neuter of the interrogative pronoun, Indg. *qid, Lat. quid

(

202, note

i),

as

for older

times (cp.

-9, 4-,
(,
89,
after the

Horn.

202, note

From forms

2).

kva -^, $-9,

the
became extended by analogy to all the other numerals,

like

Szc.

cp.

many

Skr. puru cid,

395.

The

with

analogy of

multiplicative

-)?

adding -71X609,
numerals as they appear

adjectives were
to the

formed by
forms of the cardinal

-, 89,-?,
-?, -,
-9,
-^, -?

in the multiplicative adverbs, as

-,
-,,
-9,

And

similarly

sponds

is

from

-?

With

to the -plus in Lat. sim-plus, du-plus.

also related the

&c.

of which corre-

the

*/9 -?,
in

&c.

^,

/9 were formed from the stems -,

,,

*/9, *

-^,
from

Att.

in the

adverbs

and similarly Ion. <5i|oy,

rerpa^o^,
neura^os, from
&c. were formed from the adverbs
;

*/9,

&c.

The

formation of these adverbs in

has never been satisfactorily explained.

396.

The

feminine nouns of number in -ay gen.

-,

-?

from -m, , which was original in

kvveas
{dvds) and ie/ccty. After the analogy of these were then

with

-a-

^,
^,

formed,

ivds,

?,

rerpa^,

{?),

6yod9. It is difficult to account for

the suffix in the above forms unless we may suppose
that -d- stood beside -t- in prim. Indg., cp. the stem 5e>ca(5e^ds,

oKrds,

beside Skr. dasdt-, Lith. deszimt-, O.Slav. destIt is

probable however that the suffix was originally

( 111).
-t-,

as

and that the new formation in

the inflected forms went out from the nom. singular where
In LKd^,
t and d-stems regularly fell together ( 343).
it

certainly

was

in etVay, &:c.

,
, .

Accidence

232
etVay,

-?

with -- after the analogy of

the Sanskrit stem

represents Indg. *-kmt-s and

with the second -r- from the ordinal

For feminine numerals Hke

?,

266.

CHAPTER

397

-^

-sat.

&c. see

XI

PRONOUNS
The most difficult chapter in works on compara.
It is
tive grammar is the one dealing with the pronouns.
impossible to state with any degree of certainty how many

397.

pronouns the parent Indg. language had and what forms

they had assumed at the time it became differentiated into
the various branches which constitute the Indg. family of
languages. The difficulty is rendered still more complicated by the fact that most of the pronouns, especially the
personal and demonstrative, must have had accented and
unaccented forms existing side by side in the parent language itself; and that one or other of the forms became
generalized already in the prehistoric period of the
dividual branches of the parent language.

a later period, but

still

And

in-

then at

in prehistoric times, there arose

new

accented and unaccented forms side by side in the

individual branches, as e. g. beside the accented form *me,

me

there existed in prim. Indg. the unaccented form *me,

the former of which

became generalized

Sanskrit the original accented form

in

Latin,

ma = Indg. *me

In

came

be used for the unaccented form and then a new accented

form mam was created with -m from aham, /. In Greek
the accented form died out and then to the old unaccented
form /ie a new accented form e/te was created with e- from
and similarly Skr. tva = Indg. *twe, thee beside
;

to

tvam;

Gr. ae from Indg. *twe beside the

new accented

Pronouns

397]

form

ere.

And

in like

233

manner Indg.

*tu, thou beside *tu,

both forms of which were preserved in Greek and Old

English, as Horn,

, OE.
and the

-,

)), thou beside Dor.

Att.

but the former became generalized in Latin

)>u,

latter in

most of the Greek

The

dialects.

original

accented accusatives n5s, v5s became generalized in Latin

whereas Sanskrit preserved the old distinctions between

the accented (asman, yusman) and the unaccented (nah,
vah) forms. The following examples will illustrate the
manner in which such double forms come into existence
The prim. Germanic accented form for / was *ek beside
the unaccented form *ik.
The separate Germanic languages generalized one or other of these forms before the
beginning of the oldest literary monuments and then new
forms came into existence

accented beside unaccented

And

again.

similarly during the historic periods of the

different languages.

became

in

ME.

Thus,

e.

g.

the

OE.

for

ich accented form beside

is ic,

this

unaccented

form, ich then disappeared in standard ME. (but it is still

preserved in one of the modern dialects of Somersetshire)

and

form.

came
At a

to

be used as the accented and unaccented

it became i when accented and

later period

remained i when unaccented. The former has become

NE. /, and the latter has disappeared from the literary
language, but it is still preserved in many northern Engl,
dialects, as i.
In these dialects i is regularly used in
interrogative and subordinate sentences the ME. accented
form
has become ai and is only used in the dialects to
express special emphasis, and from it a new unaccented
form a has been developed which can only be used in
making direct assertions. Thus in one and the same
ai, a,
dialect (Windhill, Yorks.) we arrive at three forms
i, which are never mixed up syntactically by genuine native
dialect speakers. This old distinction between the accented
and unaccented forms of the personal pronouns has given
;

Accidence

234

398-9

many of the South Midland dialects to an entirely

new classification whereby the old subjective form has
come to be used for the subject and object when accented,
and the old objective form for the subject and object when
rise in

unaccented, as she saw

which have quite

she,

her saw her, she saw her, her saw

meanings according as she

and her are accented or unaccented. Something similar
to what has happened, and still is happening in the modern
dialects, must also have taken place in the prehistoric and
historic periods of all the Indg. languages
hence in the
prehistoric forms of the pronouns given in the following
paragraphs, it must not be assumed that they were the
only ones existing in prim. Indo-Germanic or prim. Greek.
They are merely given as the nearest ascertainable forms
from which the historic Greek forms were descended.
398. The pronouns are usually divided into personal,
reflexive, possessive, demonstrative, interrogative, and indefinite pronouns.
There is among the various languages
considerable agreement in the formation of the personal
pronouns of the first and second persons, and of the simple
reflexive, simple demonstrative and interrogative pronouns.
But all the other classes or parts of classes of pronouns
were formed more or less differently in each branch of the
parent Indg. language, so that the words used to express
such pronouns do not stand in any etymological relation to

she,

different

each other.

Owing

to this great multiplicity of

forms

the oldest historic period of the individual languages,

it

in
is

impossible in most classes of the pronouns to reconstruct

the prim. Indg. paradigms with any degree of certainty or

accuracy.

399. In the parent Indg. language the formation of

most of the cases of pronouns which had special forms for

the masculine, feminine and neuter differed considerably
from that of the nouns, cp. 6, Skr. sd, Goth, sa beside
Skr. tdt, Lat,
Skr. vrkah, Goth, wulfs, wolf;

^,

Pronouns

4ooj

yugam,

235

jugum, jvoy^g nom.

pi. oi,
Skr. te, Goth. J)ai beside Skr. vrkah, Goth,
wulfos. This original distinction was not so well preserved
in Greek as in most of the other Indg. languages.
In
Greek there were few differences between the case-endings
of nouns and pronouns because of various analogical formations whereby the pronouns came to have noun-endings
and vice versa, cp.
beside Skr. tesam
( 408)
is-tud beside ivyov, Skr.

vrkanam, but

\vkol

Horn,

321)

325)

oi,

Lat.

\(

vfkah te,
dsvanam, of mares

beside Skr.

beside Skr.

tasam.
400. In the personal pronouns we have not only to
take into consideration the distinction between original
accented and unaccented forms, but also between the
different stems and different words which go to form the
paradigms of the first and second persons. Many forms
had no real case-endings at all, and the so-called cases
were formed from entirely different words which w-ere not
etymologically related, as in English /,

you, corresponding in meaning to

vayam, asman; tvam, nom. yiiyam,

me

Skr.
ace.

we, ks

thou,

aham, mam
yusman, but in

Greek and Latin the original distinction between we and us

from the same
became obliterated, as ^, ace.
The
stem as the nominative, Lat. nom. and ace. n5s.
reason why the plural of / was formed from an entirely
different word is obvious, because it not only includes the
speaker but also the person or persons spoken to or of.
But why the plural of thou should be an entirely different
word in all the Indg. languages is not known. The plural
endings of these pronouns in Greek and the other languages
are not original.
So far as the forms for the plural were
inflected at all, they were originally inflected as singulars.
Such personal pronouns as have real case-endings have
them mostly after the analogy of the nouns. This is
especially so in Greek.
The pronouns of the third person

^, ,9

Accidence

236

were originally demonstrative

in

origin.

401-2

In the parent

language as in Greek, Latin, Sanskrit, &c. the nominative of the personal pronouns was rarely used except to
express emphasis, because it was sufficiently indicated by
the personal endings of the verb.

401. In

many

of the Indg. languages certain particles

which are attached enclitically to the personal pronouns, and in some forms have become an integral part of

occur,

-,

e/ieye (= Goth.
mih, where the particle became an
OE.
integral part of the word), Skr. ahd-m, /, vay-am
we, Goth, weis, Indg. *wei, we; Lat. ego-met; and
Lat.
similarly in demonstrative pronouns, as o5e,
id-em, Skr. id-am, beside Lat. id Lat. hie for older hi-ce ;
Skr. nom. fem. a-sa-u, t/iat and even medially in
from *so + u + to-s ( 411). Many of these particles are of
obscure origin and it is therefore impossible to determine
in all cases what was their original force or meaning.

the pronoun, as in kyw-v,

mik, OE. mec,

OHG.

I.

Personal.

First Person.

402. Singular

It

is

impossible to determine with

what was the original form or forms of the

'^-,
It probably was *eg5 =
nominative.
(mostly before vowels, entirely so in Homer),
through the intermediate stages
from
Boeot. mu,
certainty

--

-,

*]*], beside -^, . Lat. ego, beside the unaccented

form *ego

= Lat.

ego, Goth, ik, Skr.

ahd-m from *egho.m

^^

with the same interchange between g and gh as in

This interchange between
beside Skr. mahan, great.

media and media aspirata existed in the parent Indg.

language under certain unknown conditions ( 111).
The original form of the accusative was *me beside *me,

Pronouns

402]

237

ma, ma-m, Lat. me, and the

\, Goth, mik = e/ze-ye.
The stem-form *me was probably used for the genitive
in the parent language.
From *me was formed in each
branch of the various languages a new genitive in different
ways, cp. ko, Skr. mama, Lat. mei, mis, Goth, meina.
the former occurs in Skr.
latter in

e/xe, e/^e-ye,

In Greek

/,

it

by means of
was mostly formed from ke,
the simple demonstrative pronoun ( 408),

- from

Hom.

, ,?,

Ion. e/zeo, e/xei/,

from *///, Att.
Dor. eyueoy,
Dor. Lesb.
from *, *<
e/ieuy, from e/xe + oy from the genitive of the consonantal
stems ( 302) Hom. Lesb. and Dor. e/ze-^ei/ with the same

as

^,

,,

ablative adverbial particle

which occurs

in

568).

mi represents the
original unaccented form *moi which was also used for
The original accented form seems to occur
the genitive.
in Skr. mdhya-m, Lat. mihi.
was formed after
Dor.

The

dative

Skr. me, Lat.

the analogy of the dative

Dual

the

is
:

same

locative plural

Hom.

as in the genitive.

The nom. and

/ belongs,

ace.

like the Skr. un-

accented form nau, to the plural stem no- which occurs in

with the
from
Skr. nah, Lat. n5s, zue
Hom.
numeral Fh both, two ( 386).
from 'fu with -u
The gen. and dat. ^^, Hom.
from the dat. plural.
Plural The original form of the nominative was *wei,
which occurs in Skr. vay-am, Goth, wei-s, we. The
Greek nominative was formed from the stem of the accusative = Indg. *ns-me, and with -s after the analogy of
*ns-me'S regularly became
the consonantal stems { 311).
*/69 in prim. Greek, and corresponds to Hom. Lesb.
;

/x/iey (

with

-ery

214),

Dor. Boeot.

after the

Att.

Ion.

Hom.

analogy of the masc. s-stems

All the forms of the

nom.

the spiritus asper had

it

ace. gen.

from

9,

and

&ic.

9
366).

dat. plural with

Accidence

238

403

The original form of the accusative was *ns-me, probably

from older *ns-sme, where ns (= Goth, uns, us, ay-, Skr.
as) is the weak grade of no, which occurs in Skr. nah,
Lat. nos, wc, and -sme corresponds to the Sanskrit enclitic

sma, ever; indeed, certainly, cp. the Skr. ace.

in prim.
*ns-me regularly became
asman, us.
Dor. a/^e, but Ion.
with
Greek = Hom. Lesb.

particle

from the accusative of the consonantal stems ( 312),

from older -eay, the regular conand similarly Att.
traction of which would have been -^y.
The genitive plural was originally inflected like a singular.
In Greek it was formed from the stem of the accusative
plural and a pluralized form of the ending of the gen.
Hom. and Ion.
Att.
singular, as Hom.

-ay

, , ,,

Lesb.

Dor.

The

^.

was probably -smin which

tasmin
nom. sa, this
The Greek dative = locative was formed from
( 408).
the prim. Greek stem-form */{)- with the addition of
original locative ending

occurs in the Sanskrit

the ending

loc.

sing,

as Aeolic

-lv,

beside

with

a/zywi

the ending of the dat. plural of consonantal stems

Dor.

Att.

Ion.

-l

from

316),

with long --

beside Att.

analogy of the long vowel in the other plural

Lesb.
was formed from the nom.
plural -i- the ending -lv.
after the

case-endings

Second Person.

403. Singular

*tu, the

( = ),
latter in

The

original nominative

-,[

former occurs in
Boeot.

Dor. Lesb.

the accusative,

OE.

Hom.

= ),

Lat. tu,

Att. Ion.

was *tu beside

-,

Lesb.

Lac.

)), and the

with

from

))U.

The original accusative was

The *te corresponds to Lat.
tva-m.

Dor.

*te,

te,

*twe beside
and *twe

*te,

*twe.

to Skr. tva,

*te corresponds to Dor. re, unless the

- was

from

Pronouns

403]

the nominative,
Ion. &c.

OE.

locative in form, cp.

OHG.

J)e-c,

from *rf

to Att.

was the
was

Dor. Boeot.

168).

239
and *twe

di-h,

In Dor. the nom.

402).

also used for the accusative.

The

original form

was *tewe, which

of the genitive

In Greek, Lat. and the

occurs in Skr. tava, of thee.
Germanic languages it was formed in the same manner as
the genitive of the
Att.

Ion.

first

person, as

Hom.

0, aev, from *Tfiao Dor.

;

from *Tfiajo
from

reo, rev,

Dor. Boeot. t^os, reCy from re + oy from the genitive of the

consonantal stems ( 302) Dor. Boeot. reov^ from reo + oy
;

with double genitive ending

reoCy

Lesb.

as in

^.
;

Dor.

with -eov from

Lat. tui, tis, Goth. ))eina.

The original form of the locative was *twoi beside *toi

which was also used for the genitive, the former occurs in
from *Tfoi, and in the Sanskrit
the Greek dative
accented form tve, and the latter in Hom. Dor. roi" and in
the Sanskrit unaccented form te.
Dor. tlu and Hom. Dor.
re'iV were locatives formed like
Dual
The nominative and accusative was in prim.
Greek
from older *f, which was changed to
or of
either through the influence of the ending in
Hom.
in the reflexive pronominal form
the
was formed like
The genitive and dative
was formed
Hom.

*^

like

,.

Plural
in

.,

The

original nominative

{)

was *jus which occurs

Goth, jus, Lith. jus; Skr. *yus-am was changed to

yuydm after the analogy of vaydm, we. The Greek

nominative was formed from the stem-form of the accusa-

tive as in the first person, as Att. Ion.

^^,

Ion. u/xeiy,

Hom. Lesb.
Dor. Boeot. /^ey.
The original form of the accusative was *us-me probably
from older *us-sme, where us- is the weak grade of *wos
which occurs in Skr. vah, Lat. v5s. From prim. Greek

Accidence

240

*- were

,,
The

Lesb.

Att.

genitive

person, as

first

Att. Dor.

^.

formed with the same endings as

Hom.

person,

,
.

was formed

Hom.
Lesb.

214, 402),

in the

in the first

Dor.

same manner

Ion. Dor.

^,

404

Ion.

as in the

Ion.

The Greek dative = locative was formed from the prim.

Greek stem-form ^{) with the same endings as in the
first

Ion.

person, as Aeolic
Ion. also

2.

beside

, ,
Dor.

Att.

Reflexive.

404. The reflexive pronoun originally referred to the

chief person of the sentence (generally the subject), irre

spectively as to whether the subject

or third person singular or plural.

was the

first,

second,

This usage was in

a great measure preserved in Sanskrit and the BalticSlavonic languages, but in Greek, Latin and the Germanic

languages the original reflexive pronoun became restricted

and then the reflexive pronouns for

and second persons came to be expressed differently

to the third person,

the

first

The

in the different languages.

original stem-forms of

the reflexive pronoun were *se and *sewe beside *swe.

*se, the

strong grade form, occurs in Lat. se, si-bi and in

Goth,

si-k, himself,

where

-{) is

306).

the

^^^

same

s-,

the

suffix

weak grade

After the analogy of the datives

form, in

which often appears

:

in

-{)
nouns

fiv there

was formed
beside fL At first the forms
were used beside fiv, f e without any distinction in meaning,
but at a later period the a0-forms gradually came to be
used more and more for the plural only, and then special
plural forms for the other cases were made chiefly after
the analogy of the personal pronouns of the first and
second persons. For examples of *sewe beside *swe
see below.

Pronouns

405]

Singular

The

241

was *se

original form of the accusative

beside *sewe, *swe, the former occurs in Lat. 'se, Goth,

si-k, himself,

and the

Horn. Dor.

Lesb.

The

e,

Horn,
from *afi.

latter in

fe,

original form of the genitive

was *swe which was

In Greek the two cases

used for the accusative.

also

from *^, Att.

ee

by the creation of a new form for

pronoun of the first
person, as Hom. uo from *af(TjO Att. Dor. ov, Hom. eo,
Ion. v, from
Dor. Boeot. eoOy, Dor. ov9, Locr.
feo9, from *af + 09 from the genitive of the consonantal
stems ( 302) Dor. iov after the analogy of eouy Lesb.

became

differentiated

the genitive just as in the personal

*^

Hom.

feOey,

The

*/"

Dor. eOeu with

Att. Ion.

as in

402).

can be from prim. Greek

Dor. dative

foT, Cypr. foL from *afoi;

from *aefoL Dor. fiv, Boeot. eiV from *aefii/
were old locative forms like
( 402).
Dual From
were formed the Hom. nom,
and
and ace.
and gen. and dat.

or from *aoi, eius,

Hom.

ei,

Lesb.

^,

,,
:

Hom.

, ,

The nom.
ace.
gen. Hom. Dor. Lesb.

Plural

Ion.

^?, Att. also Hom.

Att. also

Ion.

were all formed after the analogy of

personal pronouns of the first and second persons. On
Dor. Lesb. ace.
and Ion. Dor. Lesb. dat.
was formed after
above the Att. Ion. dat.

{),

{)

analogy of the dative of the consonantal stems

The

compound

the

the
see

the

316).

pronouns
was formed from the personal pronouns + ^?, which in

405.

singular of the

reflexive

, , ,^, ,, , ,
, ,6,
,
,
,
,
,
, , ,
,
,
, ,
Homer

is

always written as two separate words, as

&c., but in the other dialects as

one word, as

ace. Att.

Ion.

&zc.

gen. Att.

Ion.

&c.

aedvTov,

Ion.

forms were

Att.

&c.

from

Ion.

dat. Att.

Regular

(dat.

of the

Accidence

242
possessive pronoun) +
after the

^,

61+,

Att.

and

analogy of these the

406-7

from
then
were extended to

the other cases.

. ,^

^?

In the plural the two pronouns were inflected separately

in the first

as

and second persons and often also

17/xas

The

avTovs,

in the third,

beside simply

is uncertain.
Some scholars assume
from
+ the pronominal stem -, where
corresponds to Skr. asu, life, life of the soul.
Others
assume that it is composed of the adverb av, again +
The oblique cases of avros were used to express the
personal pronoun of the third person. The reflexive forms

that

it

origin of

*-

*'

is

-.

,,,

were also used

to

express the

plural of the third person.

3.

Possessive.

406. The possessive pronouns were inflected like

ordinary adjectives e/xo? Att.
Skr. tvah, Indg. *twos,
thy, beside Hom.
Dor. Lesb. reoy, Boeot.
O.Lat.
tovos, later tuos, tuus, Indg. *tewos Att. Hom. oy, Cret.
Boeot.
fo?, Skr. svdh, Indg. *swos, his, beside Hom.

sovos, later sues, suus, Indg. *sewos; Hom.

was formed after the analogy of 6,
Att. Ion.
Dor.
Lesb,
Att. Ion. Dor.

efoy, O.Lat.

.
-,
-,
,
-, ,
-, -,
Hom.

nos-ter, ves-ter,

,, ,

like Lat.

were formed with the comparative

suffix

were
formed direct from the accusative stems of the personal
pronouns.

terc-

376)

Lesb.

4.

Dor.

Demonstrative.

407. In the parent

Indg.

singular masculine and feminine

Att. Ion.

language the nominative

was

*so, *sa

Skr. s4, sa, Goth, sa, s5,

this, that,

0,

Dor. a,

the.

All

Pronouns

4o8]

243

the other cases of the singular, dual and plural were formed

from the stems

to,

te,

On

fem. ta.

endings of the inflected forms see

the Greek case-

399.

Masculine and Neuter.

a.

408. Singular
The nominative masculine b corresponds to Skr. sa, Goth, sa, Indg. *so. The accusative
= Skr. tarn, Lat. is-tum, Goth. ))an-a, Indg.
masculine
= Skr. tat, Lat. is-tud,
*tom. The nom. and ace. neuter

OE.
the genitive was
occurs in Hom.
Goth.

))at-a,

Att. Ion.

The

original

Jjaet,

Dor.

Indg. *tod.

The

original form of

*tosjo beside *toso, *teso, the former

from *Toajo, Skr. tasya, and *toso in

*teso in Goth. Ipis, OHG, des.

, and
,

form of the dative was *t5i beside *tosm5i,

Lat. is-t5, and the latter in Skr.

the former occurs in

tasmai.

Dual

The

original case-endings of the nominative

accusative dual were the

of nouns
Skr. ta

325).

formation like
see
Plural

Dor. &c.

Masc. *t5u

neut. *toi

same

=
(

Skr. tau, beside *t5

Skr. te, Gr.

326).

and

as those of the o-declension

On

for *tol

was a new

the gen. and dat.

325.

The

TOL,

original masculine nominative

Skr. te, Lat.

is-ti,

Goth.

J)ai

was

*toi

Att. Ion. Cret.

oi was a new formation

analogy of 6. The original masculine accusative
was *tons = Cret. tovs, Att. Ion. &c. tovs, Skr. tan, Lat.
is-tos, Goth. pans.
Nom, and ace. neut. Indg. *ta =Vedic

Lesb. Thess. Arcad. and Cyprian

after the

was a new formation like

was formed after the
analogy of the o-declension of nouns ( 399), the original
genitive was *tois5m which occurs in Skr. tesam.
The
original form of the locative was *toisu = Skr. tesu
with -- restored as in XvKoiac ( 325).
The Greek dative

ta, Lat. is-ta, Goth. Jj5 ; Gr.

(vya ( 326). The Greek gen.

R 2

Accidence

244

corresponds to the original instrumental *tois

409-11

Skr.

taih, Lat. is-tis, Lith. tais.

Feminine.

b.

409. Singular

Ion.

Dor.

Accusative Indg. *tam

Skr. sa, Goth. s5.

7],

Nominative Indg. *sa

,
Att.

a,

The Greek gen. and dat.

))5.
had the endings of the a-declension of nouns
( 321), the original forms were gen. *tosjas or *tesjas =
Skr. tdsyah, beside *tesas = Goth. ]jiz5s ; dat. *tosjai or
Skr. tam, Lat. is-tam, Goth.
rrjs, rfj

*tesjai

te

of

Skr. tasyai, beside *tesai

= Goth.

Jjizdi.

Nominative and accusative Indg, *tai = Skr.

Gr.
was a new formation like
instead
( 321)
the masc.
was mostly used, and similarly gen. and

Dual

for

dat.

Plural
Lith. tos

of roi,

?,

nom. used

325).

Accusative Indg. *tans

for

314) or

The

the

accusative.

-5m

Gr. dative forms

in

Cret. Tau9,

Hom.

,,

^, Dor,

rfj?, rfjai

were the

Indg. *tasam

Genitive

Locative Indg. *tasu

rdv, Att. &c.

Skr. tasu; on the

see

321.

element of o-Se, ,
Inflected forms of the second element

origin of the second

-,

6- unknown.
Hom,
occur
-^. Traces
is

is-tas; Skr. tab, Goth. ))5s

Lat.

Lat. is-tanim.

410.

ot (cp. 321).

Att. &c.

(cp.

(see

Nominative Indg. *tas = Skr. tab, Goth. )>5s,

al were new formations after the analogy
Gr.

pi.

and

in the Lesb. gen.

of similar compounds of the simple

demonstrative with particles of unknown origin occur in the

Thessalian neut. nom, sing,

rS-ve, pi, ra-i^e

and with both

the gen, sing, rot-ueo? and gen.

elements inflected

in

Tovv-veovv

Arcadian gen, sing,

-pt, ace. fem. tup
and in the Cyprian nom. 6-pv.

PL,

neut.

pi.

in the
;

,
*-, *
411.

The

prim. Greek forms corresponding to

were

*6--,

gen,

*-,

*-

ace,

pi,

?,

*-,

*-, *--, *--,

&c.,

Pronouns

412]

245

consisting of the simple demonstrative

i;,

which

also

is

common

+ the deictic

in Sanskrit

pronouns

particle

(cp.

nom.

asau = a + sa (= Gr. a-) + u, that, ace. masc. amum

am + u + m, that), together with the uninflected pro-

fern,

,,
,

nominal stem TO: During the prehistoric period of the

language the inflexion was then transplanted from the first
to the last element of the compound, as ace.
from *-/,
gen.
from
&c. and the old nominatives
became
after the analogy of
the nom. singular of adjectives. The Att. Ion. nom. pi.
beside Dor.
ovTot,
were new formaThe nom.
tions after the analogy of the nom. singular.
had -av- from the feminine stem. The
ace. pi. neut.
masc. forms of the dual were used for all genders and
beside Dor. and
similarly in Att. Ion. the gen. pi.

,
?,

*,

Lesb. fem.

*, *-8

*--, *--?,

9,

,
, , ,
?, .

In the Boeotian dialect the stem-form of the masc. nom.

singular became generalized, as ace.

nom.

The

pi.

deictic

neut.

particles

-,

neut.

-,

gen.

gen.

ace.

the

originally

feminine

nominative and accusative singular of a demonstrative pronoun, were often attached to the above compound demon-

,,.
.

stratives to express emphasis, as

, ,,

or

-tv,

This - is the same as in the

Sanskrit fem. nom. sing, iyam from *i-am, this, and in the
Gothic fem. ace. ija, her, and is related to Hom.

IfJY, ifj

,,

380).

(cp.

412. Att.

?,

also poet. Keivos, Ion.

(?

Dor. Lesb.

is

composed of

?,
?,
=

the isolated

pronominal particle which occurs in Skr. asau, that, and

Kivo? from *Ke-evo? where /ce- corresponds to the Latin
particle ce in ce-do, huius-ce, and evo- is an old pronominal
from *-9. On
stem ( 416) and similarly Dor.

^,
;

forms like

see above.

Accidence

246

413-14

Relative.

5.

413. The Indg. stem-forms of the relative pronoun

were mascuHne and neuter jo, feminine ja- = 6-, -, Skr.
ya-, ya, as sing. nom. oy (Phrygian los), , , Skr. yah,
(a new
ya, yat, Indg. *jos, *ja, *jod gen. ov from */,
the Horn,
formation hke
409), Skr. ydsya, yasyah
gen 60V {B 325,
70) and e??y (IT 208) are incorrect forms
pi. nom. o'i, at (a new formation like
409), , Skr.
The simple
ye, yah, Vedic ya, Indg. *joi, *jas, *ja.
demonstrative, especially the r-forms, was often also used

Homer, Herodotus, Dor. Lesb. Boeot.

for the relative in

and Arcadian.

Interrogative and Indefinite.

6.

The parent Indg. language had several stems

from which the interrogative pronoun was formed, viz.

414.

qo-, qe-, fem. qa-

qi-,

qu, with labialized

202).

It is

impossible to determine to which cases the various stems

originally belonged

owing

to the levelling

which took place

in the prehistoric period of the separate languages.

qo occurs in Skr. kah, Goth, hras, Lith. kks, who

neut. Lat. quod, Goth, hra,

OE.

*qod. In Greek
and adverbs, as

Skr.

which of two
Cret.

it

only occurs

TTOioy,

?,

6-,

?,

hw^aet, what?, Indg. *qos,

in pronominal adjectives
katar^h, Goth. hra]jar,

, ^, , -,

qe occurs in the gen. sing. Goth. h;is, O.Slav, ceso,

Hom.
From

rio (Att.

formed
oTOLs).

Ion. rev), from Indg. *qeso, whose

), ^

was formed
and similarly

^
It

(Att.

also

recoi'

to

.), ^

and then further

(Att.

occurs in Dor.

(Att.

Ion. oTev)

(Att.

for

*Tei

and

),
were
(Att.

in the

conjunction re, Skr. ca, Lat. que, and.

qa- occurs in the fem. nom. Skr. ka, Goth, hro, luho ?,

Pronouns

415]

kam, Goth.

Skr.

ace.

Ivo,

whotii

247
?,

and

in

Dor.

Att. nfj.

The stem
(Rhodes),

qu

is

only found in adverbs, as Dor.

ku, Lith. kuf , vjhere

It

is

(Gortyn), nvs (Syracuse), whither',

o-ttvl

Skr.

Lat. ali-cu-bi, ne-cu-bi, &c.

probable that

belonged originally only

qi-

masc. and neut. nom. and ace. singular, ep.

quis, quid, Indg. *qis, *qid;

masc. ace.

ri'y,

*,

to the

Lat.

Lat.

quem

In Greek the stem tl- became generalized

and genders. From *tlu was formed a new
accusative
after the analogy of such words as eVa,
cp. also 330.
The -v- in
was then levelled out into
for older

*quim.

for all cases

,,,

^,

the other cases, as

riVey,

^,

analogy of such forms

as
Kvve^.
From the stem
were also
formed Lesb.
from
Indg.
Cret.
*qismi beside the Skr. loc. kasmin. Megarian neut. pi.
from *Tja for
(Arist. Ach. 757, 784) ; indef. Att.
Ion.
for initial
( 167), which arose
from a mistaken division of the words in such combinations

,
,
as

but

*a-TJa.

indefinite

after the

*,

for
;

*-,

6-

2 1 8),

from

In like manner

pronoun which only

. ,

(cp.

indef. rel. Att.

is

Hom.

Ion.

also declined the simple

differs

from the interrogative

in accent.
is always accompanied by the def. article
415,
whether it remains uninfleeted for both numbers and all
It is
genders and eases or whether it is inflected.
originally a compound of o5e + the pronominal stem -kvowhich occurs in kKUvos from *e->ce-i'o-y ( 412), so that the
original nominative masc. was *ohuvo^, ace.
&c.
For the explanation of
we have to start out from the
=
which, by a mistaken
neut. plural form
division of the compound, came to be regarded as being
At a later period Suva in the combination
for

^^,

*84

-.

Accidence

248
8dva came
then formed

8.$,

(cp.

7.

The

e.

evv.

Other Pronouns.

in

the preceding paragraphs.

scanty fragments, as

original forms

were nom.

*ed, gen. *esjo (Skr. asya, of

in

of

which were

of these were not preserved in Greek and others

were only preserved

Goth,

accusative

the

Indg. language had several pronouns

besides those dealt with in

Some

as

tlvos, 414) to

$eivi, pi. Selves, SeTvas,

The parent

416.

regarded

be

to

a consonantal stem

[416

this)

*es, ace.

beside *eso

of it), fem. *esjas (Skr. asyah), loc.

eJ-Tu, and the Goth, relative particle

*ei

The stem

e-

is,

ei,

(preserved in

-,

words

like e-Kelvos,

a-sau,

that,

eTreL -).

e-Kei,

k-Kel6ev,

Lat. e-quidenio

es,

(preserved
instr.

ei),

*e

occurs in

&c., cp.

e-yOes,

*em, neut.

(OHG.

Skr.

eno-, one, the former of which occurs in eKelvos, Ketvos,

Dor. KTJvos, from *Ke-evos, Dor.

and the latter in Lith. anas,

from
that,

*Te-evos,

and
onu,

O.Slav,

that, he.

The

locative of an old fem.

Dor. conj.
i-,

stem a

Lat. is, Goth, is, he

ace. Indg. *im,

im, Goth, in-a, him, Skr. im-am,

occurs in

is

preserved in the

ai, if

Hom. iSe,
With

Cypr.

this.

, . Lat.

The stem

also

and, Skr. i-da, now, in this moment,

,.

Lat. im are also probably related

used for all genders but only in the singular, and
post-Homeric poet, viv used for the singular and plural all
genders. The exact formation of these two pronouns is

i-hd, here.

Hom.

obscure.

The feminine stem which occurs in the

iyam from *i-am, this, and the particle as
eKeivoa-i, &c.

*im, *ijm (cp.

With

this

the ace. Indg. *ijam (Goth,

330) occurs in the particle

pronoun

is

also related

Hom.

Skr. nom.

-,

in

-.

ija, her)

-,

as

la, lav,

beside

Ifjs, ifj,

Verbs

417]

which was formed a masc.

to

249

los,

dat.

'

Horn, and

in

Cretan.

The

pronoun

fern,

*si

l,

OHG.

O.Ir.

si,

Goth,

si, she.

ko-, ke, the latter stem occurs in kKelvo<i from *k-Ki-ivo^,

in Lat. ce-do,

where

huius-ce, and in

-,

-,

-^^

&c.

the old locative.

is

CHAPTER

XII

VERBS

417.

The forms constituting

of two kinds

the

Greek verbal-system are

The

the finite and the infinite forms.

finite

forms consist of the indicative, subjunctive, optative, imperaTheir special

tive and the so-called injunctive ( 524).
characteristics are the personal endings, the augment, re-

duplication and the distinction of voice, tense and mood.

The

forms are the

participles, and the

had become a part of the
verbal-system in the parent Indg. language, and accordingly
had voice- and tense-forms whereas the infinitive, which
is originally an isolated singular case-form of a nomen
actionis, became for the most part associated with the verbalsystem in the prehistoric period of the separate languages
infinite

verbal adjectives.

The

infinitive,

participles

545).

On

Primitive

the verbal adjectives see 555-6.

Greek inherited almost the entire

system of the parent Indg. language,

to

considerably by the creation of numerous

so that in course of time

its

which

new

verbalit

verbal-system became

extensive than that of any other Indg. language.

new

-,

more
Such

-,

the future

the passive participle in

the

formations were the passive aorist in

passive in

added

formations,

-,

so-called future perfect, the pluperfect, the future optative,

the optative of the s-aorist, &c.

In the following paragraphs most of the remarks con-

Accidence

250
cerning the

418-20

forms of the verb properly belong to

And only such points are men-

finite

the province of syntax.

tioned here as are necessary for understanding the finite

For the full treatment of the subject the student

should consult Brugmann's Griech. Grammatik, third ed.,
forms.

pp. 458-568.

Number

418.

The

Indg. finite

forms of the verb

nouns the three numbers singular, dual and

plural which were preserved in the oldest period of Greek
as also in the Aryan, Gothic and Baltic-Slavonic languages,
but the dual had practically disappeared in the prehistoric
period of the other languages. And even in prim. Greek
the first person of the dual was supplanted by the plural.
The second and third persons of the dual remained longer
had

like

in Attic than in the other dialects, but even in this dialect

they had become obsolete in the vernacular from about

the beginning of the fourth century B.C.

419. Voices
voices

the

active

The

parent

and the

Indg. language

middle.

had two

The former was

preserved in the historic period of all the separate languages, and the latter was preserved in Greek, Aryan and
Latin and partly also in Gothic. It had no special forms
which were exclusively used to express the passive, but
before the parent language had become differentiated into
the separate languages the middle forms had to some
extent begun to be used to express the passive. This mode
of expressing the passive underwent further development
And such middle forms as
in Greek, Sanskrit and Latin.

were preserved

in

Gothic became exclusively passive in

was
aorist passive in

meaning.

The Greek second

form

originally active in

458), and the first aorist passive

special Greek new formation ( 514).

The middle denoted that the action of the verb
was directed towards the agent. The use in which the
in

was a

420.

agent was the direct object was rare, as in

[),

Verbs

42 1-2]

/ wash

The

niyselj.

251

meaning between
was probably very slight, and this

original difference in

the middle and active

would account for the fact that many verbs with only
middle forms have purely an active meaning without any

, ,
,
,, , ^^, ,
,
,
, , ,,
,
,
, ,.
idea of the reflexive meaning, cp.

Skr. aste, he

Skr. sacate, he follows, Gr.

Lat. metier;

Skr. sete, he

lies

siis

sequor
doivn
and similarly

Lat.

such middle forms were often created

&C.

active forms in the historic period of the

language, as

These new formations were

based on the analogy of verbs which originally had active
and middle forms side by side.
:

,
,
,
, ,
,
^
,
,
,
,,,,
, ^,
,
,
,
,
.
421. Already in the parent Indg. language middle verbs
sometimes had an active perfect, and some such verbs were
also preserved in Greek, Sanskrit and Latin, as
ykyova
Skr. daddrsa

Skr.

papada

padyate, he falls, vavdrta vartate, he turns; Lat. reverti

reverter, assensi assentior.
422. Many verbs, which are otherwise active in form,
have a future middle with active meaning.
This is
especially the case with such verbs as have a second
:

',

aorist in use,
:

as

'^,

and similarly

This phenomenon is peculiar to

Greek and is connected with the intransitive use of the
second aorist. To aorists like
were formed
the future
because
were
transitive
became transitive after the analogy of
and then to
was formed the future
This mode of forming a middle future then became extended
&c.

(.,

to other verbs.

'4

Accidence

252

Mode

423.

or

manner

of action

It

note that tenses in the sense in which

that

word were of comparatively

The

Indg. languages.

had

late

verbal forms

is

we

423-4

important to
generally use

development

whether

in the

presential

in themselves no inherent
whether an action referred to
If we compare together the
the present, past or future.
augmented tenses we see that they originally expressed
something other than what we generally understand by
In the imperfect, aorist and pluperfect
the word tense.
the verbal form itself merely denoted the mode or manner

or preterite

originally

characteristic to indicate

of the action according as

it

was durative or only momenit was merely the

English seek beside find, and

tary, as in

augment which denoted the past time, but the fact that
the augment does not appear in the Latin, Old Germanic
and Baltic-Slavonic languages shows that even the augment
was not originally necessary to express past time. When
the time of the action was sufficiently indicated by the
context the augment was not used in the parent Indg.
language, see

430.

mode or

424. In the following classification of the

manner

which the action takes place (actio verbi, or

Aktionsart as it is generally called in German), it is as
in

a rule only necessary to grasp

clearly

the

difference

between the momentary and the durative action. The

mode or manner in which an action takes place can be
conveniently divided into five types
(i)

An

aoristic

action

when

is

it

is

said to be

momentary, perfective or

practically completed at the

moment

Since this mode of

action has no duration it was seldom used to express the
present, therefore unaugmented momentary formations
it

begins, as in English find, strike.

generally have a future meaning, as

became

perfective

beside

verb

by the addition of a preposition, cp.

Lat. consequor beside sequor;
;

Verbs

425]

this

distinction

developed

form and

in

253

meaning was most fully

became one of

the Slavonic languages and

in

The

the most distinctive features of the verbal-system.

aorist is characteristic of this type.

An

(2)

fective

action

when

it

,.
reference to

its

is

said to be cursive, durative or imper-

denotes continuous action without any

had durative
(3)

beginning or end, as

striking as compared with

The primary

action, as in

The perfect action,

in

strike;

verbs in

-jo-

English

am

beside

477) mostly

&c.

that is the

mode of action expressed

by the perfect stem, denotes a state of the subject which

has resulted from a previous action, as in olSa,
as compared with

An

(4)

repeated

,
is

acts.

Here belong

presents, as

meaning

}.

said to be iterative

action

easily

when

it

consists of

especially the reduplicated

as compared with

^.

languages the desire for emphasis

,.

in

in -ejo-, as in
(5)

An

action

is

To

all

time reduces the

intensive to the value of the simple verb, as in

beside

This

develops into the intensive, and in

this type also

belong the verbs

497).

said to be terminative

when

it

indicates

- ,,
,/

the beginning or the end of the action, as in English aim,

start,

throw

beside hit.

the nasal-presents

To

460-7)

this class originally

like

belonged
;

and also the presents in

which
( 469), as
however often became iterative.
425. No one Greek verb has or could have all the
forms which are associated with the full verbal-system.
A present could not be formed from a base or stem which
expressed momentary or aoristic action unless the base
or stem was modified by a formative element;
the other

and on
hand no base or stem expressing cursive action

could occur in the second aorist.

Hence arose

the series

Accidence

54

[426

^,

of defective verbs with presents but

aorists but
tuli, i8a),
:

no presents, as
:

-,

uSov.

42. Tense-formation

no aorists or with
cp. Lat. fero
:

eiwov,

In the parent Indg. language

there were strictly speaking only two tense-formations, viz.

the present-aorist-system and the perfect.

The

present-

aorist-system contained a present and an aorist form which

arose from the same base or stem through a difference in

accent.

The forms mostly used

meaning had the accent

as presents with cursive

on the
which had the strong grade of
ablaut, and in all other forms the accent was on the personal
ending and the base had the weak grade of ablaut. The
forms with momentary or aoristic meaning had the accent
on the second syllable of the base in all forms and it thereThis is called the
fore had the strong grade of ablaut.
second or strong aorist. The reason why this difference
of meaning should be associated with the difference in
accent is uncertain, see Brugmann, Kurze vergleichende
Grammatiky pp. 507-8. In Greek the tense-system was
most completely carried out in the denominative verbs,
because such verbs originally possessed no particular mode
first

in the singular of the active

syllable of the base

or manner of action.

The

present in the narrower

sense

characteristic to denote time unless

had no special

we may regard

the

primary personal endings as such.

The imperfect belongs to the present stem. The difference between this tense and the second aorist was often
one of syntax rather than of form, because forms of the
same nature were used partly as imperfects and partly as
beside the
aorists, cp. forms like '^],
similarly formed aorists,
There were originally no special forms which were exBut forms with
clusively used to express the future.

','
,',
.

Verbs

427]

255

momentary meaning could be used for the future, as eT//i,

The ordinary future in Greek was originally the

^.

subjunctive of the s-aorist

The

499).

future passive

and future perfect were special Greek new formations

(

601).

aorist and the s-aorist had come to have the

same meaning already in the parent Indg. language ( 502).
was a special Greek new formaThe passive aorist in

The second

tion

So

514).
far as

syntax

is

concerned the perfect was originally

a special kind of present which denoted a state of the

subject resulting from a previous action.
characteristics of the perfect see

For the special

515.

The Greek pluperfect is simply a preterite form developed

from the perfect stem.

427.

Moods

moods the
(

The

indicative,

See

523.

parent Indg. language had four

subjunctive

525-9),

optative

539-44) all of which were

Greek and Vedic. The so-called injunctive

530-8), and imperative

preserved in
speaking not a mood, because it merely consists
of unaugmented indicative forms with secondary personal

is strictly

endings ( 524). Greek and Vedic are the only languages

which preserved the original distinction between the subBut even in
junctive and optative in form and meaning.
Vedic the distinction began to disappear and with the

development of the sjo-future ( 498) the subjunctive disappeared entirely in classical Sanskrit, and the optative
came to be used for both. It was also supplanted by the
optative in the prehistoric period of the Germanic and
Baltic-Slavonic languages. And although subjunctive and
optative forms were preserved in Latin, they became confused in usage already in the prehistoric period of the
language. Some scholars doubt whether the parent Indg.
language possessed a subjunctive with the function and
They are
meaning that we usually associate with it.

Accidence

256
inclined to regard

it

42;

as being originally an indicative with

momentary meaning which was used to express the future

action.
In this manner they account for the fact that what
we call the subjunctive in Greek partly corresponds in
form

to the future in Latin, as

from

*6,

ero, feretis.

Lat.

428. It is not always easy to draw a hard and fast line

between indicative and subjunctive forms. In Greek we
have the original subjunctive of the s-aorist used as the
future; in Homer forms like
&c.
( 526) are sometimes futures and sometimes aorist sub-

junctives;

the subjunctive of the athematic verbs corre-

sponds in form
beside

to the indicative of the thematic, cp.

Possibly the optative

530-8) was originally merely

The

a characterized present denoting wish.

the optative

was a

special

Hom.

s-aorist of

Greek new formation.

Already in the parent Indg. language the imperative

system was made up of several distinct formations which
included (a) injunctive forms, (b) forms with the bare stem,
and (c) compound forms. See 539-44.

Reduplication.

429. Reduplication had become a part of the verbal-

system already in the parent Indg. language, and was

originally used to express iterative or intensive action. At
a later period it also came to be used as a tense-forming
element.
It was preserved in Greek, Aryan, Latin, Gothic

and Old

Irish.

duplication,

type

(b)

There were

type

(a)

with

originally three types of rein

the reduplicated syllable,

with e in the reduplicated syllable, and type

with the whole syllable reduplicated.

had reduplication were the present,

The

The

aorist

and

reduplicated presents originally had

the exact relation in which

stood to e

is

(c)

tenses which

perfect.

beside

unknown.

e,

but

The

Verbs

429]

257

in the Greek presents except perhaps

pi.
one or two isolated forms like Horn,
^-, whereas both types were preserved side by side

became generalized

--,

in

*, \-/- ^,

in Sanskrit, as

Lat. gigno,

,,

(Skr. pi-parmi,
from
both verbs with -- after the analogy of
/
from
Lat. sistit,
( 466)
from
beside
Skr. ti-sthati, he stands; but
beside Skr. da-dami.
Skr. da-dhami,

from

),

*/

*
:

-^, '6, ^, ^^,

,
, , ^,,^,
The

aorist

had e which was regularly preserved in

inf.
from *-

,-^-,

Greek, as

and similarly

&c.

had e, as
ykyova = Skr.
dadarsa, jajana, for other examples see 516-22. Beside
e there also existed e which is rare in Greek (cp. Hom.
but common in Vedic as va-vdrta
beside va-varta, he has fumed, see Whitney, Sanskrit

The

perfect generally

Grammar,

786.

On

the consonants in the reduplicated

syllable of the perfect see

T}e

517.

which consisted of the reduplication of the

whole syllable, was the oldest mode of reduplication. Here
it is necessary to make two sub-divisions according as the
base or stem began with a consonant or a vowel, (i) When
it began with a consonant the reduplication was not a tenseforming element but belonged to the whole verb, as
(c),

, , ,, ,
,
,
,
,
-.
- -, - -,
-,

tintinnare.

In a small

formation of the reduplicated syllable

L

the

in

also

cp.

murmurare,

reduplicated syllable,

is

not clear,

{a)

with

(b)

with

as

(Hesych.),

beside

a nasal or liquid, as

When

-,
-, 6-,
6- -, ^, ,
(2)

Lat.

number of verbs the

it

began with a vowel, as

258

\-\,

(,

The

Accidence

-^,

kv-eyK^Tv,

^.

-apiiv,

See 233.
was common

, ^.

reduplicated aorist

430

&c.

kpvK-aKov

in the

language of

the epic, but in the later language only a few examples

were preserved, as

The Augment.

was

430.

The augment

(Indg.

e-

k-,

Skr. a,

Arm.

e)

and

originally a temporal adverb denoting the past,

gradually became used in the so-called imperfect, aorist

and pluperfect indicative to express the past tense, because
the verbal forms as such possessed no inherent characterWhen it stood in the
istic which indicated the past tense.

parent Indg. language before consonants

syllabic augment, as in Indg. *ebheroni

ibharam

is

called the

(,

it

Skr.

and when it underwent contraction with a

following vowel it is called the temporal augment, as in
The
Indg. *esni from *e-esm = Hom. rja, Skr. asam.
augment had become an integral part of the verbal system
already in prim. Indo-Germanic and always had the prin;

cipal accent of the

*bherom.

It

compound

was preserved

in

form, as in

*ebherom beside

Greek, Aryan and Armenian,

but in the other Indg. languages

it

disappeared

either

was only preserved in isolated forms. When

the time of the action was sufficiently indicated by the
context the augment was not used in the parent language,
so that forms like *ebherom and *bherom existed side by
altogether or

side without any distinction in meaning.

of the augmented

After the analogy

forms the unaugmented

forms

also

acquired in the course of time a preterite meaning

in-

dependently of the context. This accounts for the optional

use of the augment in Vedic, Homer and in later Greek
The augmented forms became generalized in
poetry.
Sanskrit.

They had

also

become general

in the oldest

yerbs

43ol

259

period of Greek prose except in the pluperfect where both

6>,

.
^,
^
,
-,
-, -.
-^, ^^,

forms existed side by

as in

side,

and in
in
which never have the
^xpfju was
the regular form
which was

^,

new

formation beside

Skr.

had the augment

;

ud-a^patat

In a few cases the

be regarded as a simplex and then

to

in front of the preposition, as

kKadevSov beside

augment

augment

4-,

the

imperf.

beside the pres. ut-patati, he flies up.

compound verb came

a contraction of

compounded with a preposition

stood between the component parts, as in
cp.

^^,

augment, as

In verbs

, -\,

kmnovOiLV

the Ionic iterative forms

beside

with temporal

epic

or with both elements augmented, as

^^
4-, --.

Verbs compounded with the inseparable

have the augment

6,

in front of

it,

particle

the same
compound nouns,
element was a preposition

as

rule also applies to verbs derived from

as

the

but

if

the

first

augment was sometimes placed

with verbs of the type

after

it

on analogy

as

The syllabic augment also occurred originally in verbs

which began with s- and j-, but these sounds disappeared
in prim. Greek and the loss of them gave rise to various
ee- regularly
contractions and analogical formations,
after the loss
underwent contraction (Att. ei-, Dor.
of - and j- in the combinations e-ae-, e/e-, as Att. (^,
from
Dor.
from
dpwou, Dor.
cp. Lat. sequor
from
cp. Lat. serpo ;
In
el/xei^ from *e/'e/xi'.
from
( 219)
all other combinations we have the temporal augment after
the analogy of verbs which originally began with a vowel,
for
from *kaL(ov
and similarly vyiava
as

/ */ *^^,
^/ */

*,

, ,
*

double consonants

in the original initial

S2

&c.

On

the

combination s

26

Accidence

[43

nasal or liquid, see the phonology, as in Horn. eAXa/3e,

'ippeov ( 215),

'4,

'ivveov ( 214).

Verbs, which originally began with

,
,
,
augment

syllabic

Horn.

as

possible,

in

Homer, but contraction

Att.

'uSov,

f-

^,

,,,

*efiSou; Horn. 'Uinov, Att.

unov

beside

with temporal augment

&c.,

Hom.

temporal augment,
similarly

Beside
a) in

^.
e-

Att.

',

IdvSavi, &c., Att.

'

Forms

with temporal augment.

where

eviSov from

Lesb.

eiSou,

have the

in Attic

Horn.

katOovv beside

like Att.

were new formations with the

and
from efplnrov
:

there seems also to have been a form

(=

Skr.

prim. Indo-Germanic, which occurred before verbs

--

-8,

,^^,
,
8
.

Att. rjSeiv,
beginning with w, j- or r-, as in Hom.
from
Hom.
-fpa, cp.Skr. impf. a-vrnak pres.
vrndkti, he turns round. Some scholars assume that such

- occurs

an

^-

in

,,

new formations

but

it

more probable

analogy of

after the

It is difficult to

is

that these

, -^ .
/,

account satisfactorily for forms like

^/

from the present,

were

beside

with the rough breathing

:

They

contain either both the syllabic and the temporal augment

or else they had originally the syllabic augment

underwent quantitative metathesis whereby 77a-,

ea-,

eft)-

431.

and

then

- became

72).

The augment became

contracted in prim. Indo-

Germanic with verbal forms beginning with e, as Indg.

*esm from *e-esm = Hom. rja, Skr. asam, / ivas; Indg.
ejm from *e-ejm = fja for * rja ( 453), Skr. ayam, / went.

,
It is

probable that e-o

o^)and

e-a-

{,

Dor.

impf ajam s pres. djami, / drive, Lat. egi

ago) also became contracted in the parent Indg. language.
cp. Skr.

Ferbs

432

201

After the analogy of these and similar forms there arose in

,'
, (,
;
.,
^,

prim. Greek the system of simply lengthening the vowel in

the augmented tenses of verbs beginning with a vowel, as

:

The

taiyou:
;

,
,

long diphthong, which occurred in the augmented

tenses of verbs beginning with a diphthong,

was regularly

shortened in prim. Greek ( 63), as in Ion. airec,

Later new formations were forms like

.,
:

The Personal

fJTeov,
:

Endings.

The

parent Indg. language had two kinds of

personal endings primary and secondary
the former
occurred in the present indicative active and middle, the

432.

so-called s- or sjo future, and the indicative perfect middle,

and the latter in all the augmented tenses of the indicative
active and middle, the so-called injunctive forms of the
imperative, and the optative.
The subjunctive had originally partly primary and partly secondary endings.
In
Greek it has the same endings as in the present indicative.
The indicative perfect active had its own special endings
for the three

persons of the singular.

On

the endings of

the imperative see 539-44.

The

original system

and distribution of the personal

in Sanskrit than in any

endings were better preserved

of the other Indg. languages.

The

original distinction

between the primary and secondary endings was only

preserved in Greek in the first and second persons of the
singular and in the third person of all numbers.
Only
scanty fragments of the athematic conjugation were preserved in Latin and the Germanic languages, and even in
Greek many verbs passed over into the thematic conjuga-

Accidence

202
tion,

which remained athematic

In Sanskrit

Sanskrit.

in

433

the ending -mi of the athematic conjugation was extended

by analogy

to the thematic.

the origin of the personal endings nothing

Of

is

known

with any degree of certainty or even probability notwithstanding all that has been written upon the subject. It is

sometimes assumed that they were partly or entirely of

pronominal origin, but this is a theory which can neither
be proved nor disproved. It is also unknown which of the
two kinds of endings is the older or in what etymological
And in like
relation they originally stood to each other.
manner the formal relation between the active and middle
primary and secondary endings

The Endings

I.

equally obscure.

is

of the Active.

Singular.

The primary endings

433.

in

, 88,

in the athematic

and

of the

first

person were -mi

the thematic verbs, as Lesb.

,
,
.
,
, , , ,^,,, , .

Att. Ion.

/ am

jesmi,

^,

Skr. dsmi, Goth, im, Lith. esmi, O.Slav.

Skr. dadami,

dddhami

Lat. fero, Goth, baira,

but Skr. bhara-mi with -mi from the athematic verbs

;

*es5

Lat. ero

Note.

In

subj.

(fut.),

Boeot.

Lesb. Thess. Arcad. and Cyprian the

, , (,
,
^
,,,.

often had the ending

denominative verbs in -, -,
after the analogy of the athematic verbs ; and similarly

Homer

The

fut.

from

in the subjunctive, as

-/ai

in

&c.

original secondary ending

was -m or -m according

as the preceding sound was a vowel or a consonant, as

0epoi/

Skr.

141)

Skr.

syam,

, Hom.

= Skr. ibharam, cp.

ddadham, dstham,

Lat. stem,

sim

Lat.

amabam

from

*^) =

from Indg. *esm

Skr.

asam

for

*asa with

Verbs

434-5]

m from

^'

forms like

dbharam

263
eVei/ra

opt. of the thematic verbs, as Skr.

Gr.

*/
^
^, ^?
or

for

so

similarly

*(f>ipoija,

to

Skr. apaksara,

bhareya-m, but

after the

was formed

&.

analogy of

and

434. The primary ending of the second person was

which was only preserved in Homer and Syracusan
Indg. *es-si, beside el, Skr. dsi, Indg. *esi ; a. from
*- = Skr. e-si, Lith. ei-si. In Greek the other athematic
verbs had the secondary ending, cp.
SlSms beside
Skr. dadhasi, dadasi.
The regular form of the thematic
= Skr. bhdrasi,
verbs would have been *0epei from
Indg. *bheresi; *0epei became
with secondary
ending after the analogy of e^epey and similarly Hom.
ei? for d after the analogy of forms like
the regular
form of the subjunctive would have been *0epi; from

si

-,

^,

^
;

* =

Skr. bhdrasi, Indg. *bheresi

^}^ was a new

and similarly TtOfjs, SeiKvvTj^, Szc.

The secondary ending was -s, as e0epey, eVrr/y,
(Goth, bairais), e^T/y (Lat. sies, sis) = Skr. abharah,
asthah, bhareh, syah,
435. The primary ending of the third person was -ti
which was preserved in all the dialects in ea-Ti = Skr. asti,
Lat. est, Goth, ist, Lith. es-ti it remained in the athematic
verbs in Dor. Boeot. and the North-West Greek dialects,
but became
( 169) in Att. Ion. and Lesbian, as Dor.
formation like

,, ,
-

Att.

The

Dor.

*,

dialects

of

Att.

* = Skr.

*,

*
^,

Att. &c.

Indg. *bhereti; Att. &c. 0ep7;

&c., with

bharati, but

all

the

have 0epei which was formed after the analogy

The regular form of the subjunctive would have

been Dor. &c.

of

Skr. dadhati, dddati.

regular form of the thematic verbs would have been

was formed

and similarly Hom.

from
&:c.
tarfi,
;

Skr. bharati,

after the

analogy

ayayrjaL, eOiXrjai,
arfj, Ofj,

&c.

Accidence

204

The secondary ending was

prim. Greek

in

-t

which regularly disappeared

230), as e0epe,

'^,

= Skr. abharat, asthat, bharet,

= Indg. *est, he was.
from
sit)

436-7

^, ^

syat

(Lat.

Dor. &c.

Dual,

The

person of the dual was preserved in

Sanskrit, Gothic and the Baltic-Slavonic languages, but
it disappeared in the prehistoric period of Greek, and its
place was taken by the first person plural.

436.

The

first

primary ending of the second person was

which became used for the plural) or
t(h)os, Skr. -thah can be from either form, beside the
secondary ending -torn = -top, Skr. -tamo The original
distinction was preserved in Sanskrit, but in Greek the
secondary ending came to be used for both kinds, cp.
t(h)es

original

(=

Lat. -tis

, ^-,

^^

beside Skr. s-thdh, dhat-thah,

bhdra-thah, and
eriOeTou,
beside Skr.
as-tam, adhat-tam, abhara-tam.
The original primary ending of the third person was
tes = Skr. -tah, beside the secondary ending -tam =
In Greek the
Skr. -tarn.
of the second person
came to be used for the primary ending, as ka-Tov,
but Skr. s-tdh, dhat-tdh, bhdra-tah, beside
0epoiV77j/ = Skr. as-tam, ddhat
Owing to the fact that
tam, abhara-tam, bhdre-tam.
was used both as primary and secondary ending in
the second person it also became used occasionally for
the secondary ending of the third person, and conversely
also became used occasionally in
instead
the augmented tenses of the second person.
ka-Tov,

,, ^,
,

-,

-,

^,

-,

Plural.

437.

The

original primary ending of the

was -mes beside -mos,

first

person

the former corresponding to Dor.

Verbs

438-9]

-/zey

and the

latter to Lat.

265

-mus, Skr. -mah can be either

The secondary ending was probably -men

form.

beside

-^

mn, the former corresponding to Att. &c.

and the
Sanskrit preserved the original dislatter to Skr. -ma.

between the primary and secondary endings, but

-//ey became generalized in Doric and the dialect
of Delphi and
in the other dialects, as Dor.
tinction
in

Greek

^,-^
^ =

Dor.

&c.

Att.

/-//$,

Att.

-/

(Horn.

^^, but Skr. bhara-mah, s-mdh, dadh-mah

438.

The

^,
^-),
Att. &c.

Skr. abhara-ma, ddadh-ma.

original primary ending of the second person

was probably -the^ Skr, -tha beside the secondary ending

te = Skr, -ta. This distinction was not preserved in the
other branches of the

languages

-6

Indg.

(O.Slav, jes-te),

languages.

,^

was used

-te

for

^,

all

these

(O.Slav, berete), but

Skr. s-tha, dhat-tha, bhara-tha, beside

In

both kinds of endings, as

Sk]. as-ta,

rj-re

[-],

kri-

ddhat-ta, abhara-ta,

bhare-ta.

439.

were

The

original primary endings of the third person

-enti, -nti, -nti beside the

endings -ent,

The

corresponding secondary

-nt, -nt.

accented form -enti only occurred after consonants

present indicative of the non-reduplicated athematic

verbs.
It regularly became -dnti in Sanskrit, as s-anti
in the

Dor.

forms with the smooth for the

rough breathing after the analogy of the singular), Goth.
sind, Indg. *s-enti, they are; Skr. sunv-anti
suno-mi,
/ press out krin-dnti krina-mi, / buyy corresponding to
euTi, Att.

elai (both

prim. Gr. ^SecKuf-euri

The only
Att, eiai.

^-, *8-

8.

regular form preserved in Greek was Dor, kvTi,

In

all

was supplanted

other verbs belonging to this type -enti

either

-,

by the postvocalic form

thematic verbs like Dor,

Att,

-nti of the

or by the

analogical formation -apri (see below), and then the third

Accidence

266

439

^ -, ,

person came to be formed from the stem-form of the dual

and of the other persons of the plural + -vtl or -avn, as
Ion.
from *Slkvv-vti but
-vTL, Att.
Dor.
with the circumflex accent after the analogy of
from
older
from
*i-avTL beside Skr. y-anti from Indg. *j-enti ( 453).
The regular prim. Greek primary ending of the present
of the reduplicated athematic verbs was -an Indg. -nti,

8
as in

*-

*-,

*- =

-, ^-,

ddd-ati.

-,

Skr. dadh-ati,

This ending was preserved

but

it

*- =

in the

Hom.

Skr.

perfects

disappeared in the present

-,
-,*,

^,

and its place was taken either by the postvocalic form -ptl
or by the analogical form
as Dor.
iardat, from
but Att.
formed in both dialects from the
stem-form of the dual and of the other persons of the
= Dor.
plural ; and similarly Hom.
but with the circumflex accent after the analogy of

-,
^,
*, *',

,
.
--,
.

The primary ending

in

Dor.

-,

^,

of the thematic verbs

Att. Ion.

--

Boeot.

was

-nti,

as

-, Arcad. -^,

Skr. bharanti, Lat. ferunt, Goth,

from
Lesb.
Att. Ion.
bairand, Indg. *bhero-nti subj. Dor.

-,

The original secondary endings were -ent, -nt and

The accented form -ent occurred after consonants in
:

-nt.

the

imperfect of the non-reduplicated athematic verbs and in

,,

which came
Dor. Szc.
Hom.
used for the third person singular = Skr. as-an with
regular loss of final -t, Indg. *es-ent, they were ( 452) Skr.
dsunv-an, they pressed out akrin-an, they bought, corresee below
sponding to prim. Gr. *8eiKvf-evT,
the optative, as
to be

opt.

*
*,
, ^,

ehv from
from

TideUv,

230),

*,
. Lat. sient, later

,
, ^,

and similarly
6(hv,

sint;

Verbs

440^

/,

267

but Xvaeiau, Sei^eiau with -au for -eu after

the analogy of the aorist indicative.

The secondary ending

-nt

= prim.

Gr. -air) occurred

consonants in the imperfect of the

after

reduph'cated

athematic verbs and in the s-aorist, as prim. Gr.

*{),

*8-{).

The ending

-air)

any of the

in the historic period of

*8{),

was not preserved

From

dialects.

the

stem-form of the dual and of the other persons of the

plural were formed '^-,
with - after the analogy

'-

, ,,
- ,
- ,
,
,
,
888
',,
^,,,
,
,
'/;
^, 8.
of thematic verbs like

'-

and

in

the analogy of
(for

'<-,

manner

like

'-, and

similarly

analogy of

after the

and similarly e^e-j^, 'i8o-v,

became eSei^ai/ after

^eSei^a

-^).

Forms

like

gave rise to two kinds of new formations,

(i) To the new secondary ending -av there was formed
=
a new primary ending
after the analogy of
eSei^av,

(f>ipo-vTi,

886,

as

see above.

(2)

The ending

became extracted

as a personal ending and then extended to the imperfect

and

aorist of athematic verbs

and also

to the optative, as

The secondary ending -nt regularly occurred

as e0epof

from

= Skr. abharan,
from

""'iyvoiVT,

after vowels,

Indg. *ebhero.nt; eXtnov, 'iyvov

*'4

70).

Perfect.

440. Singular The Indg. ending of the

was -a which remained in Greek, as
veda, daddrsa.

The

first

person

8, 8^8 = Skr.

original ending of the second person

was regularly preserved

in

Indg. *es-tha, cp. Skr. asitha;

likewise originally with

all

was tha which

(originally the perfect),

Skr. vet-tha, and

stems ending

in a dental, as

268

*70,

Accidence
(

110).

441-2

,
,.

In these and similar forms

be regarded as a personal ending and

was then extended to other tenses, as Hom.
dnrjaOa,
the

The

came

to

]];?,

^^-,

ordinary ending -?, as in

formation from the

first

was a new

owing

aor. indicative

to the end-

person being alike in both tenses. And

conversely the first aor. ending -e of the third person was
from the perfect for a like reason.
The original ending of the third person was -e which
remained in Greek, as olSe, SiSopKe = Skr. veda, dadarsa.
ing of the

441.

first

With

the exception of the

Greek and Sanskrit endings

person plural the

first

of the dual

and plural are

entirely different, cp. Skr. dual -vd, -athur, -atur

md,

On

-a, -ur.

Skr.

plural

-md beside Gr. -^ see 437. In

the same as in the present indicative,
(Hom. 8, Skr. vid-ma),

-,
--^ -^ ^--, --^,
-,-.
^-/,
Greek the endings are

as

-,

from

-,

origin as in the

&c.

first

On

507).

69)

The --

in these

the perfect ending

see

in

Hom.

439.

The Endings

2.

forms was of the same

aor. indicative, kXvaa-Tov,

of the Middle.

Singular.
impossible to determine what were the
and secondary endings of the first person.
and the secondary ending
The Greek primary ending
are not found in any of the other Indg. languages.
was originally the primary ending
It is possible that
of the athematic verbs which became generalized in Greek.
The original ending of the perfect seems to have been -ai
which corresponds to the -e in Skr. tutud-e = Lat. tutud-i

442.

is

It

original primary

-,

(originally the middle).

cp.

Sanskrit then generalized the

Skr. dadh-e,

Skr.

-e,

bhdr-e, and

,,
;
,
^.
^,
,
^,
,
^
,

443-4]

s\m.\\a.r\y

Verbs

8,

269

-/

Secondary ending

^^.

(.,

443.

The

The

original

67],

origin of this ending

is

-sai

-za, as

^,
^^,

dadi-se;

.,

-ei on Attic inscriptions from the fourth century

onwards) = Skr. bhara-se, Goth, baira-za

(written
B.C.

obscure.

primary ending of the second person

= -, Skr. -se, Goth,

= Skr. dhat-se, dat-se,

was

Skr. dad-e, and similarly

form *0p6a

for the regular

The

intervocalic

^)

213,

yiypay\raL,

^^,

-- regularly disappeared, as in
but in Attic and Ionic the -- was restored

,
2),

in the present

and perfect of the athematic verbs after the

analogy of perfects the stem of which ended in a consonant, as in
pluperfect.

The

and similarly

original secondary ending

in the imperfect

was

and

-so in the thematic

,
,
^, ^
;

; ,,,

and -this

= -^,

Skr. -thah in the athematic verbs.

Greek

generalized the former and Sanskrit the latter form, cp.

beside Skr. adhat-thah,

adat-thah, abhara-thah

-,

(Hom.

On

Dor.

', '4

Tideio,

-a),

the intervocalic -- see above.

ending -thes was preserved

The secondary

in the aor. passive

Skr. adi-thah.

444.

The

primary ending of the third person

Boeot. , Thess. -, Arcad.
and Cyprian -rot for
after the analogy of the secondary
ending -, Skr. -te, Goth, -da) which remained in Greek,
= Skr. dhat-te, as-te, bhdra-te
as
(Goth, baira-da).
The perfect had the ending -ai = Skr.
e, but in Greek the ending of the present was extended to

original

present was -tai

(=

-,

,,
,

the perfect, cp.

bubudh-e.

beside the Skr. dad-e,

Accidence

270
The

,,

original secondary ending

Lat. tu-, as eSoTo,

(Lat. da-tu-r

445-7

was

-to

= -to, Skr. -ta,

= Skr. ddi-ta

from *da-to-r), dbhara-ta, dadhi-td, bhare-ta.

Dual.

445.

It

is

impossible to determine what were the

original personal endings of the three persons of the dual,

because the Greek and the Sanskrit endings do not agree

in form.

^,-^

the ending of the

with -ov from

ending

Ausfiihrliche

Grammatik der

first

is from the plural

According to Kuhner,

person,

-.

^,

The

8^,

griech. Sprache, vol.

^,

ii,

only occurs three times in good authors, viz,

Soph. Ph. 1079, and
Hom. //. xxiii. 485

it

p.

70,

El. 950.

origin of the

Greek endings of the second and

third

persons is unknown.
The primary and secondary ending of the second person
beside Skr. dadh-athe,
cp.
is

-,

^^
^,
^^
-, -,
^, ^^^

beside Skr. ddadh-atham,

bhirethe
abharetham.
and the
The primary ending of the third person is
beside
as
Dor.
secondary
beside Skr.
Skr. dadh-ate, bharete
ddadh-atam, ibharetam.
;

Plural.

446.

The

primary ending of the first person

Skr. -mahe, beside the secondary ending

original

^^

was -medhai =
medh9 = -^, Skr. -mahi.

^,
^^^,

Greek generalized the latter

beside Skr. dddh-mahe,
= Skr. ddadh-mahi,
bhara-mahe
had its -- from
dbhara-mahi. The poet, ending
was used for the primary and secondary
447.
form,

cp.

ending of the second person

-^

in all the dialects.

-.

The

origin

Ferbs

448]

271

In Sanskrit the primary ending

is unknown.
hieeaOe,
-dhve and the secondary -dhvam, cp.
ecpepeaOe beside Skr. dhad-dhve, ddhad-dhvam,
On forms like eanapOe,
bhara-dhve, dbhara-dhvam.

of this form

is

'

from

*, *.\

see

221.

The original primary endings of the third person

were -ntai (= -vrai, Skr. -nte, Goth, -nda) after vowels
The
Skr. -ate) after consonants.
and -ntai (=

448.

-,

former ending occurred in the present of the thematic

= Skr.
verbs and the latter in the athematic, as
= Skr. as-ate,
bhara-nte, Goth, baira-nda; Hom.
Indg. *es-ntai, Att.

*, -^,

was a new formation

after the

prim. Gr.
analogy of the thematic presents like
= Skr. dadh-ate, dad-ate.
&c. were new formations formed from

*-,

the stem-form of the dual and the other persons of the

, -, - *-, *-,
, ^, ,
-,
plural

,
,,

analogy of the thematic verbs like

after the

and similarly with the stem-form of Ion.

&c. for

&c.

had the ending

beside -arai just as
Regular forms were
:

The

perfect

in the present.

beside

and then
after the analogy of these and similar forms were made
XiXvvrai, and on
on the one hand forms like
Sec.
After about the
the other hand Hom.
beginning of the fourth century b.c. the perfects in

and the pluperfects in

disappeared and their place
was taken by periphrastic forms.
The secondary endings were -nto (= -pto, Skr. nta,
Skr. -ata) after
Lat. -ntu) after vowels and -nto (=
= Skr. abhara-nta, cp. Lat. feru
consonants, as

-,

ntu-r;

'-,

cp.

Lat. im-ple-ntu-r.

Skr. as-ata, Indg. *es-nto, Att.

*- =

after the

Hom.

-/ was a new formation

prim. Gr. *,

<S:c.
analogy of
Skr. adadh-ata, ddad-ata.
;

kriOiVTo,

Accidence

272

449

were new formations of the same kind as

and similarly with the aor. kXvaavTo, kSd-

,, ,
, , ^,^iSeiKuvvTo,

in the

Sec.

present

errpiauTo

new

-,
;

new

opt.

Horn.

Regular

&c.

beside

formations after the analogy of the

former were kX^Xwro,

Ion.

&c.

formations

forms of the pluperfect were

, -

*-,

older

for

beside the

Szc.

&c. and after the latter

Formation of the Present.

449.

The

the present

ways in which
Greek must be more or less

classification of the various

was formed

arbitrary according as

in

we regard

this or that

factor

as

being a sufficient characteristic to constitute a distinct class.

In this grammar the formations of the present are divided
into twelve classes, viz. Class

containing monosyllabic

athematic light or heavy ablaut-bases

Class II containing

reduplicated monosyllabic athematic heavy ablaut-bases

Class III containing verbs of the type

dissyllabic light bases; Class

IV

bases with and without reduplication;

containing the nasal-presents

Class

the sko-presents

Class

Class

, formed from

containing heavy ablaut-

XI

Classes

IX

V-VIII

the s-presents

the dental-presents;

and Class XII the j-presents. The characteristic elements

sko, &c. used in forming the present stem were often
extended to other tense-stems. It should be noted that the
word present as used above not only includes the present in
the narrower sense but also the imperfect and aorist.

450. In the parent Indg. language the conjugation of

the present was divided into two great classes

athematic

and thematic. In the athematic conjugation the personal

endings were added direct to the bare base. In monosyllabic bases the accent was on the base in the active
singular and on the personal endings in the dual and

s^

Frrbs

450

plural.

And

the base had accordingly the strong grade of

ablaut in the active singular, but the

forms,

*,

as

go, *ei-si,

weak grade

*,

in all other

*68,

pi.

*i-t(h)e,

In dissyllabic heavy bases the accent was on the

syllable of the base in the active singular and on the

*j.6nti.
first

personal endings in the dual and plural.

The

first

syllable

of the base had accordingly the strong grade of ablaut and

the second syllable the

weak grade

in the active singular,

but in the dual and plural both syllables had the

Thus from an

original base *geno-

*gen3, *gnO

458).

we have

weak grade.

the two types

The present indicative was *gena-mi,

*gen9-si, *gen3-ti, pi. *gn3-mes, *gn9-t(h)e, *gn(3)-enti, but

the aorist *gn6-m, *gn6-s, *gnO-t,

te,

*gn6-nt

-,

&c.

pi.

*gn6-m

437), *gn6

Only middle forms of the type

*gen9 were preserved in Greek,

all

the active forms passed

over into the thematic conjugation in the prehistoric period

of the language (see 458). The athematic conjugation

was well preserved in Aryan and to a great extent in Greek,

but in most of the other languages, including the Latin and
the Germanic, the verbs originally belonging to this conjugation almost entirely passed over into the thematic
conjugation.

The
o-

thematic conjugation had the thematic vowels

before the personal endings

The

456).

accent

-e-,

was

on the root-syllable throughout the present and on the

thematic vowel throughout the aorist, as *leiq6, *leiq-e-si,

^,

*leiq-e-ti, pi.

*leiq-o-mes, *leiq-e-t(h)e, *leiq-o-nti

^,

Sac, beside the aorist *liqo-m, *liqe-s, *liqe-t, pi.

*liqo-m, *liqe-te, *liqo-nt

, ^,

'i-Xinov,

with preservation of the original accent.

The

cp.

Xindv

presents of

primary verbs of the type

&c. originally
belonged to the athematic conjugation, but already in the
parent Indg. language nearly all of them passed over into
the thematic conjugation with the -e-, from the aorist
The -e-, in the aorist type
t3'pe '4-\ino-u, eXiTre-y, &c.

Accidence

74

*liqe, *liqo

was

came

to

be regarded as the base and

as part of the ending.

accent was originally always on the
-e-,

But seeing that the

it is difficult to

-e-,

account for the difference in their quality.

came

to

451-2

originally an integral part of the base, but

in course of time *liq

the

be confined to the

and third persons

first

How

the -o-

person singular and the

first

and the -e to the other forms of

the singular, dual and plural, remains an unsolved problem.
451. Before beginning to compare the Greek paradigms
with those of the other languages the student should read
carefully

plural,

432-48 dealing with the personal endings,

because what

is

stated there about these endings will not

as a rule be repeated in the following paragraphs.

Class

I.

UNREDUPLICATED MONOSYLLABIC ATHEMATIC LIGHT OR

HEAVY ABLAUT-BASES.
452.

276
453

Verbs

454-5]

' '^=
^,*'

454. Other examples of verbs belonging to Class

>, Dor.
*'i8(uv

'(8

Skr. a-dha-m

-stha-m

Skr.

with shifted accent

-da-m
*a-dhi'ma

Skr.

'a'di-ma;

',

*d-sthi-ma.

Dor. eVrai/

*'^.

Middle

*'.^ =

Skr. sete, he

(with the rough breathing from

he

sits,

with

In Sanskrit the long vowel of

the singular was levelled out into the dual and

whence ddama, idhama, asthama, and similarly
for

are

^
I

iS-, sit)

'^

lies

plural,

down,

Skr. aste,

from the original active singular.

ei,

Class

II.

REDUPLICATED MONOSYLLABIC ATHEMATIC HEAVY

ABLAUT-BASES.

455.

The

presents of this class were formed from the

aorist of monosyllabic bases to

had been

*'4

lost

Skr. da-dha-mi

Skr. dd-da-mi

which the original presents

-- -=

already in the Indg. period, as

d-da-m.

a-dha-m

On

*'-8-

the difference between the

Greek and the Sanskrit vowel in the reduplicated syllable,

see 429. The inflexion was the same as in Class I
except in the third person plural.

Accidence

278

,
.
,

the

became extended

-^e-

^,

after the

Like

^,
*^,
^/ ,
:

from

Att. Ion.

Imperfect

formed

person plural.

to the third

are also inflected

456

eri'^ei

,.

were

analogy of the thematic verbs, and similarly

-oi/y, -ov,

and the imperative

Class

III.

DISSYLLABIC LIGHT BASES WITH OR WITHOUT

REDUPLICATION.
a.

Without Reduplication.

The verbs

456.

thematic conjugation

of this class belong to the so-called

(

Two

450).

*, ^/.,

guished according as the

first

base originally had the accent, as

:

from

types are to be distin-

*leiq(e), *liqe, leave, cp.

:

The

loss of the final e

a verb

of Class

,'

or the second vowel of the

type *leiq(e) with regular

450) was originally inflected

*leiq-mi,

as

*liq-mes

*,

like

,
,
, ,^, ^,
, ,
,
,
^^
,
^
',
', ',, , ',
(, ',
''.

all

I,

But already

pi.

in the parent Indg.

language nearly

the verbs of this type passed over into the thematic

conjugation, as

0epcu,

(, ,

&C., cp. Skr.

bharati beside bhdrti, he

beside

6,

*liqe

with preservation

infinitive

was

of the

original

The

type

accent in the

chiefly aorist in function, as

(Skr.

')(,

bears,

Lat. fero, vole beside fert, vult.

ddrsam),

'\,

&c.

505).

How

between the two types originally

came about is unknown (cp. 426). Side by side with the
type *liqe with the function of an aorist, there exists in
this difference in function

all

the Indg. languages a certain

number of presents

the

, , ,; ,,

Verbs

456]

stem-syllable of which

is

279

aorist in form, as

Dor,

*dnketi, he

bites,

OE. cuman,

to

Skr. ddsati

jivati, he lives

come,

(Src.

Goth, trudan,

to

Such presents are usually

aorist-presents in contradistinction to presents like

0 which
of

On

are called imperfect-presents.

called

inflexion

model for all presents of this class.

the Greek forms see the paragraphs

will serve as a

the endings in

The

Indg.

tread ;

deaHng with the personal endings.

28

Accidence

With

b.

457-8

Reduplication.

457. In the reduplicated verbs belonging to this class

three sub-divisions are to be distinguished according as

the reduplicated syllable contains
tion

Verbs with

1.

or a fuller reduplica-

i,

429).

*-

cp. Lat. gi-gno;

from

analogy of

from

from

from

'i-T^Kov,

'-, *,
*---,
**- *',

^,

after the

with

have weak

in the reduplicated syllable

grade stems of the type *liqe-, as

from

from

e^oy from

Ve^oy

cp.

Skr.

ti-stha-ti, he stands, Lat. sistit.

2.

Verbs with

ghne

'--,

--

'-^--, inf. ^--^

3.

Verbs with

Lsit.

fuller

--,

',

e/ce-KAe-ro

kv-^yKHv

^-,

preserved only in

Indg. *e-we-wqo-m.

reduplication,

inf ay-ay^^lv

inf.

base *ghen(e),

cp. Skr. sa-sca-ti, Indg.

sequi-tur

'^{),

rjj-ayo-v,

aorists like
;

--,

inf.

"se-sqe-ti, he fol/ows
:

preserved

in the reduplicated syllable,

only in aorists like

--,

pres.

inf.

6.

Class IV.
DISSYLLABIC ATHEMATIC HEAVY ABLAUT-BASES WITH
OR WITHOUT REDUPLICATION.
a.

458.

In

Without RedupUcation.

the dissyllabic

heavy ablaut-bases the first

or diphthong and the

syllable contained a short vowel

second a long vowel or a long diphthong, as *peta, *gen5

(*gene), *menei.
According as the accent was originally

on the

first

{-,
(

88) and

or second syllable

we

*gen9-, *ineni- (where

i

is

the weakest

get the two types *peta

i

is

grade of

a contraction of ai
ablaut),

and *pta

Verbs

458]

281

-vaL, Dor. '--), *gn5 [e-yucu-u and *gne in OE.

cna-wan,
know), *nin-e(i) {k
Only middle forms of verbs of the type *pet9 were

--).

preserved

in

Greek,

all

the active forms passed over into

the thematic conjugation in the prehistoric period of the

--,
-,
-,
-,
/
), -.
-,
*language and similarly in
the

all

the other languages except

Aryan branch, as

new

epao

weep.

The long vowel

in the

type *pta, *gnO belonged in the

The forms
an aorist, as Hom.
middle.

beside ^pelg-

all

'',
;

known

'^/

Dor.

Skr. a-pra-t, he
'i

--

eu = Skr.
:

filled,

and

Skr. jna-tah, Lat.

'4/

agam,

cp.

base

'i

and similarly

Hom.

active

of this type often had the function of

beside Skr, dra-ti, he runs

(g)n5-tus,

numbers of the

, -- ^- -', ,
, -?. -

parent Indg. language to

*ple-

,,

*,

&c.,

rodi-mi,

(Att.

But on the other hand Lat. vomo, e

or *fe//6-/xi = Skr. vami-mi, cp. e/xe
for
and similarly
cp. Skr. ani-mi, / breathe; svapi-mi, I sleep;

for

beside the

epa

thematic formations,

Att. kyrjpav

Dor.

The

Dor,

-e

formations with intransitive meaning became productive

in Greek in the shape of the so-called passive aorist, which
was originally active both in form and meaning ( 503, 506).
=
Examples of -e- in other than aorist forms are
:

Skr. va-ti, he blows

Lat.

im-ple-s,

Skr. pra-si, thou

fillest.

Beside the type *peta, &c. with long vowel in the second
syllable there also

existed

the type ''menei-

with long

These two types began to be mixed up already

the parent language owing to the frequent loss of the

diphthong.
in

second

element of long diphthongs

63).

It

is

often

therefore no longer possible to keep the two types rigidly

apart.

When

the Indg. accent

was on the

first syllable,

Accidence

282
the

459-60

became weakened to -si- which

88) and in its weakest form -i-, cp,
he injures; brdvi-ti, he says, and forms like

diphthong

long

regularly

became

Skr. ami-ti,

-i-

The

,
,
^, ,
*/,
,
^/
'
- -.
- - - -,
Lat. farcis beside cupis.

presents of this type partly

into the thematic conjugation

went over

already in the

parent Indg. language and became mixed up with the

jo-verbs

Hom.

481), as

from
from

'^],

Lat. sede-re

*6-.

for

*\apj(u,

The

*](,

from

(-,

When

*6/

also occurs in characterized

, , ,,
presents like

*/;

the Indg. accent was on the

second syllable, the longvowel originally long diphthong

beside
and similarly
remained, whence
&c. ( 506), which as
we have seen above became productive in Greek and

.\,

eventually

came

to

b.

be passive aorist

in

meaning.

With Reduplication.

-^--;
- -- - --.
--,
--,
8-*-/

Skr. ji-ga-ti, he goes

459.

beside

from

beside

*--

from
from *

had the nasal

Presents like

in

the

reduplicated syllable after the analogy of verbs of the type

(

467),

new formations

and forms

after the

like

analogy of

were

(455).

Classes V-VIII.

460. There can hardly be any reasonable doubt that

underlying the formation of the

the general principle

,-

various classes of nasal-presents was originally identical in

all

the classes, cp.

(i)

Skr. asna-mi,

eat; asn-dnti, ihey eat;

Gr.

*dmna-mi, dmna-mes.

(2)

eat;

asni-mah,

zve

Indg.

Skr. strno-mi, strnu-mah

460I

Gr.

-, .,

Indg. *strneu-ini, *strnu-mes.

Skr. yundj-mi, I yoke;

(3)

*juneg-mi, *jur)g-mes

mah

Lat. scindo,

pi.

yunj-mah, we yoke, Indg.

I destroy pi. chindfrom
(4) Skr.

Skr. chmka-mi,

Gr.

vinda-ti, he finds; Skr. yunja-ti,

rumpit, cp. also Engl, stand

the

*J.
lumpa-ti =

Lat. jungit,

it

should be noted that

-,

these types of verbs had originally

all

weak grade of ablaut. In verbs of

the nasal was infixed before

the type

the last element of

the dissyllabic base, Indg. *dm-a, *str-eu.

and -neu-, -nu- came

Besides having the

stood.

characteristic feature of nasal-infix

the root-syllable of

283

I/erbs

to

The

-na, -na-,

be regarded as suffixes already in

became extended by analogy

which they did not originally belong. In
verbs of the type Skr. yunaj-rai, -ne-, the strong grade
form of , was infixed before the final consonant of the
root-syllable.
This type of present was only preserved in
the Aryan group of languages.
The types (i), (2), and (3)
were inflected according to the athematic conjugation with

the parent language, and then

to root-forms to

the accent in the singular on the second syllable of the

base which had

full grade vowel, and in the dual and

on the ending, as *dmna-mi, *strneu-mi, *juneg'mi,
*dmn9.mes, *strnu-mes, *jur)g-mes. In verbs of the

plural
pi.

= Lat. jungit, rumpit, Indg.

*rumpe-ti the nasal was infixed before the final
consonant of the root-syllable.
The verbs of this type
belonged to the thematic conjugation.

type Skr. yunja-ti, lumpa-ti

*jur)ge-ti,

In the present state of our knowledge of the parent Indg.

language

it

is

impossible

to

determine what was the

original function

and meaning of the

unknown how

came about

it

nasal-infix.

that the nasal

because the infixing of formative elements

unknown

in the Indg.

languages.

It is

became
is

also

infixed,

otherwise

Accidence

284

\h

Class V.

-, -

To

461.

this class

asnami, /
cp. Skr.
ni-

eat

Class

IV

458).

^-,

krinami, / buy

mrnami, /

in the dual

and plural

Skr.

crush, destroy.

--,

belong verbs of the type

461-2

Sanskrit has

after the

for

analogy of verbs of

VcThs

463]

*]

Lat. in-cli-na-re

from *crin5
the athematic

'

from

285

from ''] Lat. cerno

*6]. This change from
:

to the thematic conjugation

probably began

already in the parent Indg. language, cp. Skr. grnd-ti,

he

min4-ti, he lessens, mrna-ti, he destroys, beside

calls,

grna-ti, mina-ti, mrna-ti

Goth, and-bundnis, thou becomest

unbound, beside Skr. badhna-si, Indg. *bhndhna-si, thou

bindest

,
- ,

Lat. sternit beside Skr. strna-ti, he strews.

Class VI.

To

463.

belong verbs of the type

this class

Skr. strnomi,

strew

Goth, straujan,

to

strew;

= Skr. tanu-te Skr.

Skr. rnomi, / move
Hom.
tanomi, Indg. *tn-nO-mi, / stretch. In Greek the singular
had -uv- for -i/ev- -vv- after the analogy of -, Att. Ion.
;

--

in Class

V.

?
Gr.

And
acquire

Skr.

strnomi
strnosi

, ,, -,

similarly
;

sternuo.

Hom.

strnoti

strnuthah
strnutdh

strnumah
(

strnutha
439) strnvanti

Skr. sanomi,

I gain,
:

Lat.

This type of present became productive in Greek which

came to
gave rise to numerous new formations. The
be used irrespectively whether the root-syllable had the
weak or strong grade of ablaut to form the present of bases
ending in a guttural, when such bases had an s-aorist, as

^Sii^a,

and similarly

-,

{^.

', , ^, , .
,
,
'
*
*, ,
286

Accidence

Other examples of new formations were

'-,
Ion.
Att.
from
:

^,

*,

for

The

464.

from

for

464-5

* *-.

'ire

^^

or

regular form

from prim. Gr.

,
.
.
^,
,
^,
,
,
,
.
(

was preserved

214)

in Ionic, but in the prehistoric period

-.*'
'4,

of Attic a

new present

forms like

'4-,

-py-

to

214),

And

formed

presents

465.

was formed with -- from

This ^- became assimilated
whence
and similarly
then after the analogy of these verbs were

large

belonged to Class

like

number of

eKopeaa,

the verbs which

VI went over

originally

into the thematic con-

-, ,
,
,
, (, ^,

jugation partly in the historic and partly in the prehistoric

The

period of the language.

in Att. Ion.

presents in

are

common

and Doric, as

These presents mostly

,
,*
, ,
,^[)
*,{) ,

came

into existence in the historic period of these dialects.

^
*; ,

But many verbs passed over

into the thematic conjugation

in the prehistoric period of the language, as

from

Att.

Skr. dhunomi,

'^',

cinomi, /

from

collect;

Hom.

I gain,

acquire;

/ shake; Hom.

Hom.
Hom.

^^.

{),

Skr. sanomi,

Att.

from

from

Skr.

Att.

In the verbs

{)

(Hesiod),

the change from

the one conjugation to the other probably took place at the

time
later

be

when

-,

the singular
-vv?,

difficult to

Class

-.

still had *-, *-veva, *-vevTi for

This explains the -e- which it would

account for otherwise.

As

in the

verbs of

the change from the athematic to the thematic

conjugation probably began already in the parent Indg.

Verbs

466-7]

287

language, cp. Skr. cinva-ti beside cinO-ti,/i^cO//i'i:/s; rnvd-ti

beside rno-ti, he moves ; mina-ti beside mino-ti, he lessens.
In Latin and the Germanic languages all the verbs originally
belonging to this class went over into the thematic conjugation.

Class VII.

To

466.

this class

belong the verbs which have a nasal

final consonant of the root-syllable

This type of verbs was well preserved in Sanskrit
and Latin, cp. Skr, vinddti, he finds yunjati, lumpdti =
Lat. jungit, rumpit krntdti, he cuts limpati, he smears
Lat. findo, fundo, linquo, pango, scindo, tango, vinco, &c.
But in Greek the original formation was only preserved in

before the

infixed
(

460).

,,

and possibly

in

,.

All

the other verbs originally belonging to this class went over

,,
,

*/
(

156)

from

*^
*,
*';

478), cp.

from

Lat. clango, beside

:

Lat. plango

Lat. pinsio, pinso

The type of present like

from

*/.

from

*, ^-

into the jo-conjugation

Lat. linquo;

VIII or

*,*,

either into Class

',

aSeiu,

'4,

of which occur in Homer, became

all

',
,,
,
,
,
,
.
.

productive in the post-Homeric period. After the analogy

of these verbs were formed many new presents to strong
aorists,

as

and

similarly

After the analogy of

were also formed

Class VIII.

467.

To

original type

this class

belong the verbs in

-.

was probably denominative verbs like

similarly formed

(Hesych.)

The
:

as

denominative presents are also found

Accidence

288

Armenian, and Lithuanian.

in Sanskrit,

Tiie suffix

then became productive in the formation of

new

468

presents,

,
,
',
^
,
, ,)

\
,
,8 ,
,

partly to forms which were already present, and partly to

forms with the function of

:

aorist, as

',

that in

eSapdou.

It

*\,

became extended

, *,

nearly

all

466).

is

long either

After the analogy of

to

'\

can hardly be an accident

by vowel quantity or by position.

verbs like

verbs of this class the root-syllable

all

^,

were formed
and then

the verbs of Class

VII

,
)8, ,),
,). -, , '

Note.

In

(with

a few verbs beside

after the

and

there are also forms in

analogy of denominative verbs like

from

in

beside

-avj'u),

as

beside

See

478.

Class IX.

468.

To

this class

belong the original s-presents.

The

presents of this type were not numerous in the parent

Indg. language nor did they become productive
separate languages.

The

in

the

was of the same origin as

the aorist ( 507) and in the

-s-

which occurred in
499), and possibly also in the sko-presents
{ 469), and was doubtlessly closely connected with the -s
in the s-stems of nouns, but it is unknown what was the
original function or meaning of the -s.
This class originally contained both athematic and
the

-s-

future

thematic presents.
aorist

The

athematic forms except in the

were not preserved

in

Greek, but were well pre-

Verbs

469]

289

served in Sanskrit where however the

was levelled out

/ hate, pi. dvi-s-

-s-

into all forms of the verb, as dve-s-mi,

mdh, we

hated

hate, dvi-s-tah,

Gr. *8fL; *8fi; fear.

Of

the thematic presents several were preserved in Greek,

as Skr. rdk-s-a-ti, he rescues, pi. rdk-s-a-nti, they rescue,

Gr.

--^,

Skr. uk-s-a-ti, he grows,

^ ,*
{^),
-, ^ -,
Gr.

Skr. 6j-as, strength, Lat. augere

he

s-a-ti,

tre-mo

from

Gr.

trembles,

'^-^,

beside

^6

-.

Skr. tra-

cp.

cp. ^ia-aai,

Lat.

cp.

cp.
It should be noted that no
sharp line of distinction can be drawn between primary
s-verbs and denominative verbs formed from s-stems, cp.

, -,*/,

from
from

from

beside

Class
469.

To

*/
*
--.
492)

reXia-

belong the verbs the present of

which was originally formed by the addition of the formative

suffix -sko to the weak grade form of the base which
this class

could be either monosyllabic or dissyllabic.

of this tjpe were rare in

The

languages, but became productive in Greek

They appear

Greek both with and without

in

presents

Sanskrit and the Germanic

and Latin.

reduplication,

the former do not appear in Sanskrit, and Latin has only

the one example disco from *di-dc-sco.

originally

sko,

on the

-ske-si,

-ske-ti,

,.
It

is

and

accent was

pi.

doubtful whether the suffix in the Ionic imperfect

aorist iterative

meaning of the

The

forms of the present, as sing.

-sko-mes, -ske-tihje, -sko-nti.

suffix in all

forms

Sec.

is

suffix

like

0eye>ce^/, ^iXeea/ce,

of the same origin, because the

and the absence of the augment

430) in such forms have never been satisfactorily ex-

plained.

Accidence

290

Without Reduplication.

a.

470.

Monosyllabic

I.

454),

gu.ccha.-ti,

he conies, Indg. *geme-ti

*-,

^ '^, -,
from

*\- ',

*,

from

,.
, , ),
,,
(Dor.

presents

like

.(

the

109).

In

was the

, ,

of an original long diphthong

-ei-,

After the analogy of such presents were formed

-,

458).

Att.

weak grade form

Skr. prcchd-ti, Lat. poscit from

from
with -- for -- after the analogy
from
cp. Lat. misceo ;
3- Dissyllabic heavy bases, as
186)

Skr. gac

Indg. *ginjO, beside Goth. qimi]>,

*porc-scit, Indg. *prk-ske-ti, he asks

(

he goes, Indg. *gmskO, *gmske-ti

*/3// ( 142),

from

,,

heavy bases, as

Dissyllabic light bases, as

2.

cha-mi, I go,

470-2

b.

( 471),

Ion.

With Reduplication.

/,,
,
,
,
^,
.,
,.

471. In the reduplicated verbs belonging to this class

three sub-divisions are to be distinguished according as the

reduplicated syllable contains

*1.

-i-, -e-,

Lat.

*
(

470,

from

2.

from

from

Lat. disco,

from

88*--

or a fuller reduplication.

(g)n5sco,

beside

3)>

*fF- beside

-.

Class XI.

472.

this class

belong the verbs the present of which

contains a dental suffix

-to,

or -dho.

The

presents

of this type were rare in the parent Indg. language and

Verbs

473]
remained unproductive

in the

291

various individual languages

with the exception of the -dho- presents

Greek.

in

In

Germanic languages the dental was

generally levelled out into all forms of the verb, and
occasionally also in Greek.
It is sometimes difficult to
Sanskrit, Latin and the

determine how

can be regarded as a formative

far the dental

how far it is merely a so-called

The -to- presents are rare in all the

verbal suffix and

determinative.

languages.

(.

In these presents the

nected with the nominal suffix

?,

?:

was closely con-

-to

Lat. plecto,

-to, cp.

root-

Indg.

It is

doubtful

what was the origin and original function of the dental in

the -do- and -dho- presents. Some scholars regard it as
being connected with the

--, and

*dhe in

-dh-

-d-,

--.

^,

to-presents.

473.

^,
plecto

.
Att.

Lat. pecto, cp.

:

belongs to
(

like

the dental
all

*/
,

Greek are of a

different

129,
:

i)

Lat.

not a present suffix but

is

origin, as

fight

from older

the other -to-presents in

all

?; , /, ,
(

to

forms of the verb,

All or nearly

457).

is

^;
Att.

feohtan,

forms

In

roots *d5 in

of the

from

in

and

Lat. clepo, Goth, iuifa,

similarly

I steal

and many others. These

and similar presents, where the -- was regularly developed
from older -/- ( 129, i), gave rise to numerous new formations. After the analogy of the future and aorist in verbs like

,(

, , , ,
,
,
,
,,,,
were formed

from

to

cp.

*],

stems ending

in

new

- and

presents in

and similarly

&c.

And

in like

--

as

'4,

cp.
cp.

manner were

Accidence

292

formed new presents

guttural

to

stems originally ending

202, 205), as

474-6
a velar

in

eneyjra, beside the

Att.
from Indg. *peqj5, cp. Lat.
'ivL^a, beside
coquo, Skr. pdcami, / cook
from Indg. *nigj5.
the regular form

regular form

^,

, -^ . '
,
,
-, , , *
^
do-presents.

474.

from

alo

Lat.

-ros,

Lat. vel-le

dho-presents.

alo

475.

,,

av-aX-Tos, Lat.

?,

from
Lat. gaudeo from *ga video
Dor.

,
,
,
from

*afJ,

cp.

, ,

',

Lat.
:

edo

Skr. puyati,

aor.
:

Skr. mi-no-mi,

Skr. ksi-no-mi,

stinks,

',

Lat.

lessen,

minuo

destroy.

Class XII.

476.

To this class belong the various types

of j-presents

which from the point of view of Greek can be conveniently

divided into the so-called primary verbs, the denominative
verbs,

and the causative together with the

iterative verbs.

In the so-called primary verbs two originally distinct types

of presents

fell

together in Greek,

presents and the athematic i-presents

viz.
(

the thematic jo-

481).

Before read-

ing the account of the history of the j-presents in Greek,

the student should
stated there about

paragraphs.

consult 127-30, because what

j will

is

not be repeated in the following

Verbs

477-8]

Primary Verbs.

I.

Thematic Presents.

a.

The

477.

293

thematic presents were formed by adding

which could have either

ablaut, as
from
Skr. pacyate = Indg.
Indg. *peqjo

direct to the root-syllable

jo, -je

the strong or the

*/;

*peqjetai,

/le

cooks

from

beside

from

weak grade of
:

Skr. pasyati, he sees

*], Lat. venio

*\8/

skaidan,

Goth,

was

original inflexion of the present

Lat. specie

*gmjO

142), Indg.

The

divide.

sing, -jo, je-si, -je^ti,

jo-mes, je-t(h)e, -jo-nti, and the thematic vowel had

pi.

or had not the accent according as the root-syllable contained the

weak or the strong grade of

ablaut, as *gmjeti,

But the accent

presents of the type *gmjeti probably became shifted on
he goes,

beside

*peqjeti,

he

cooks.

the root-syllable already in the prim. Indg.

Skr. kupjati, he

hrsyati, he

t's

angry, Lat. cupio

rejoices,

beside pasyati, he

period,

in

to
cp.

divyati, he plays

The

sees.

oldest

stratum of both types was the denominative presents formed

from monosyllabic root-nouns. A distinction in the accent

between them and the ordinary denominatives thus arose
insomuch as all presents of the former type came to
have the accent on the root-syllable, whereas the latter
type had it on the thematic vowel , 'je.
Greek,
Sanskrit, and the Baltic-Slavonic languages regularly
preserved the primary -jo^presents, but in Latin and the
Germanic languages they became mixed up with the
originally athematic i^presents

478.

The

root-syllable

481).

of the

,,

primary jo-presents

could end in a vowel or in a consonant,

*/, Att. ^,

from
from

*/

Lesb.

Indg. *spjuj5, Lith. spiauju,

as

8,

*/, ^/,

from
from

spit.

*/

*/

from

, ^/
,,
, ,,, , ,
,,,
,
,
,,, ,
, ,,
,.
,,
,
,,,.
,
,
,
,
.
,,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
.
,
,
,
,
,
,
,,,*],,-,
,
,
,
,
,, ,.
Accidence

294

479-80

from

*^,

*3/, */.

from

from

*afj.

^yafj(>, *8afja),

from

Lat. salio

and similarly

*],

&c.

from
Indg. *sprjo Lith. spiriii, I push
ivith the foot, and similarly
Dor.
beside Att.
from *^],
Lesb.
from
Lesb.
Lesb.
*[],
:

^,

Lesb.

from

*], Indg. *gmj5

*],

Lesb.

Lesb.

Att.

from

65),

and similarly

from */, and

*], and
from */, and

beside

similarly

Att.

from

&c.

Att.

//,

similarly

similarly

(Indg. *peqjo),

from

*-], */, and similarly

(Indg.

&c.

*nigjo),

from

On

and similarly

the presents ending in

from

-/ see

129,

i,

473.

, */ */ ,

, ,. */ ,*],

479.

The

-jo- in

primary verbs was sometimes a second-

ary suffix added to other present-formative elements, as

Lesb.
:

clango,

*;/
similarly

from

from

460).

from

from
Lat. plango,
:

Lat.

from

and

467, note).

480. The reduplicated presents of this division generally

have a fuller reduplication, and rarely -i- in the reduplicated

syllable, as

, . -. -, -

Verbs

,
, -,
, -,
., -. -,

48il

from

Att.

-,

*-]

from

from

213,

*fai-fLK-j(u,

Lat. salio,

*/.

Athematic Presents.

b.

To

(cp.

295

belong the primary presents

which were formed from dissyllabic heavy bases containing
the long diphthong -ei- in the second syllable (cp. 458).
The presents of this type originally belonged to the
athematic conjugation.
In the singular the accent was on
the first syllable of the base and in the dual and plural
on the personal endings, as base *menei, f/iwk, sing.

481.

*6,
Indg.

division

*meni-si, ^mem-ti,

The

*mnj-enti.

preserved

this

in

all

languages

forms
in

pi.

*68,

*mn^t(h)e,

was not
any of the
Judging from the

athematic inflexion

original

of the

historic

present

times.

Baltic-Slavonic languages (see below)

it

in

is

probable that

person singular went over into the jo-presents

already in the parent Indg. language.
In Greek all the
the

first

presents of this type went entirely over into the thematic

conjugation and thus

And

fell

weak stem-form

together with the jo-presents.

and plural became

older '^mnjomai
from
Lat.
sede-re,
from *68]
for
Also in
Sanskrit most of the presents of this type went over into
the thematic conjugation, whereas in Latin and the Germanic languages the two types of presents became mixed,
cp. Lat. capio from *capj5, capis, capit, capimus, capitis,
capiunt from *capjont, beside farcio from *farcj5, farcis,
farcit from older *farcit, farcimus, farcitis, farciunt from
*farcjont, where the first person singular and the third
person plural belong to the thematic conjugation and all
the

of the dual

'',
'4

from

generalized, as

^, 6 ^,
:

the other forms to the athematic.

The

*8]

'^.

original distinction

Accidence

296

482

between the inflexion of the two types of presents was best

preserved in the Baltic-Slavonic languages, cp. O.Slav,
sing, minj^, I think, mini-si, mini-tu, pi. mini-mu, mini-te,

min-f tu, beside sing, borj^, / fight, borje-si, borje-tu, pi.

borje-mu, borje-te, borjaitu. Whether a present originally belonged to the athematic or to the jo-presents can
generally be determined by the fact that the former type
of present usually has an e- or an i-stem beside it in the

non-present forms, cp.

:

The

482.

Denominative Verbs.

2.

^, 9.,

formation of the denominative presents was

same as

that of the so-called primary joApart from the position of the accent in
the two types of presents they were identical in formation.
In the denominative presents the accent was originally on

in principle the

presents

the

478).

-jo-, -je-,

thus sing,

-jo, -je-si, -je-ti, pi.

-jo-mes, -je-tihje,

This system of accentuation was preserved in

Sanskrit, as sing, deva-ya-mi, / cultivate the gods, am pious,
deva-ya-si, deva-ya-ti, pi. deva-ya-mah, deva-ya-tha,
jo-nti.

, , ,,,*],,,*],,
deva-yd-nti, formed from aQ\k, god

the accent

was

shifted from the

but in prim. Greek

-jo-, -je-

on

to the stem, cp.

from

prim. Gr.

*]

*/

, *]
, */

another

By comparing
it

-,

(where

grade of -, -)

iXmS:

-- =
:

Indg. *, the

reAos, TeXea,

the various

weak

^/'

languages with one

can be shown that denominative presents were

all kinds of nominal stems

capable of being formed from

already in the parent Indg. language, and that such presents

were formed by the addition of

The denominative

-jo-, -je- to

the bare stem.

verbs can be conveniently divided into

two great groups according as they were formed from

stems ending in a vowel or a consonant.

Verbs

483]

a.

483.

The

297

Vocalic Stems.

formation of denominative verbs in -ajo,

-ejd,

and u-stems, was common in

the parent Indg. language, and making allowance for the
special sound-laws of the individual languages, this type of
verb was preserved and often became very productive in
ij5,

and

-ujd,

from

a, o-,

the oldest period of

all

i-,

the languages.

The Greek verbs

formed from the o-form of o-stems, was

a special Greek formation which does not occur in any of

in -00) (see below),

Before reading the following parathe other languages.

graphs dealing with the contract verbs the student should
consult 79-80 on vowel contraction.
In Greek as also
in other Indg. languages the denominative verbs, formed
from a-, o-, i, and u-stems, have a long vowel in the nonpresent forms and in the nomina derived from them, as

,
,
^, ,,
^,-^
,
^^,
, , ,-^
,
^,
cp, Lat. plan-

tarem, plantatus
cp. Lat.
cp.

cp.
:

planto

alberem

Lat.

albeo

finirem, finitus

Lat. statiitus

cp. Lat.

statuo

finio

aegr5-tus.

This development

of the verbal system took place in prehistoric Greek partly

through the influence of the verbs in Class IV ( 458-9)

and partly through the influence of the verbal adjectives in
-7/roy,
-Iros,
-vtos, which themselves were new
formations formed after the analogy of the denominative
and verbal adjectives in -aroy.
In some dialects the
long vowel in the non-present forms was levelled out into
the present. This was especially the case in Boeot. Lesb.
and Delph., and also with the verbs in 4,
for ,
In the Boeot. Lesb. Thess. Arcad.
in Attic and Ionic.
and Cyprian dialects the denominative presents in , 4,
often went over into the athematic conjugation after the

-,

analogy of the original athematic presents

433, note).

Accidence

298

484.

The

a-stems, as

verbs in

were originally formed from

*/,

older

Indg. -ajo

Skr. prtana-ya-mi, Ifight, prtana-ya-ti, he fights

fight, battle

484-5

Lat. planto, older *plantaj5

-, cp.

prtana-,

Some

planta.

verbs have a long vowel in the root-syllable as compared

with the vowel in the corresponding nouns, as

:

a-stems

Sic.

, -, , , .

with collective and abstract meaning existed in the parent

language by the side of o-stems, whence verbs

avTios,
:

6\,

short -- in

like

Szc.

was due

Upo?,

The

analogy of the short

and partly also to verbs
Cp. 73-4.

to the

vowel of the verbs in -eoo, -, -,

formed from ja-stems, as
485. In the parent Indg. language the denominatives
in -ejo (Gr. -, Skr. -aya-, Lat. 6) were formed from
the e-form of the o-stems, cp. Lat, albeo albus, lenteo
lentus, Skr. deva-ya-mi, / am pious, amitra-ya-mi, / am
:

sing, deva-ya-ti, amitra-ya-ti

hostile, 3, pers.

amitra-, enemy, Gr.

///

^,,

^,

,4 ,

deva-, god,

,*-

*;',

from

Through the

&c.

Greek the
together with the causative and

shifting of the accent in prim.

denominatives

in

iterative verbs

fell

Beside the more general form

&c, from Indg, -ejo

in -ejo there

was

497),

also a form

of the stem.
This was
numerous vocalic and consonantal stems existed side by side in the parent Indg,
language, cp. Skr, turan-ya-mi, / hasten, adhvar-ya-mi,
in -jo with

omission of the

probably due to the

final -e

fact that

,
,
,
,
,
^
*]
*,
. )(

/sacrifice, 3. pers. sing, turan-yd-ti,

hasty, quick,

;'

adhvara,

&c,

from

*/

sacrifice

and similarly
from
from

adhvar-ya-ti turand-,
:

from *ay-

Gr.

*^/ )(,

129,

, 473)

from

Verbs

486-9'

299

denominatives in -, which are generally

meaning, were a special Greek new formation
and came to be formed from the o-form of o-stems already

48. The

factitive in

,,^ , ^ ,, ,\6^
, ^,
-,
,
,
,
,
,,
, ,''/, , ^, ,
the

in

period of the language, as

prehistoric

9, 86
:

&.

This type

of present became productive and was extended to other

than o-stems, as

*^/ (Indg.

487.

Lat.

from
metier

-ijo,

Skr. -lya)

&c., cp. Skr. jani-yd-ti, he seeks a ivife

wife;

sakhi-ya-ti,

lie

desires friendship

Lat. finio, grandio, lenio

finis,

from

488.

and similarly

jani-,

sakhi, friend;

grandis, lenis.

(Indg. -ujo, Skr. -uya)

and similarly

&c.,

cp. Skr. gatu-ya-ti, he sels in

ya-ti, he treats as

an enemy

motion

gatu, motion

satru, enemy;

^**-

statuo

acus, status.

satni

Lat. acuo,

],

-,

prim, Gr.
were
489. The denominatives in
formed from the stem of nouns of the type of
from
The -]> would regularly
( 338).
have become -eiO) (through the intermediate stages -//^,
which is found in the dialect of Elis. In
for
the -ev- was introduced into the present after
the analogy of the other tenses, and it may also in part be
due to the influence of the nominative singular of the
corresponding noun, and similarly
This type
&c.
of present became productive in the oldest period of the
language and was extended to other than -eii-stems, as
:

f)

, , ,
, ^, ^, , ,
, ^,, ^,,
^,
.
:

Accidence

300

similarly

-,

^^,*](
,
,

,,

490. From n-stems, as

:

490-3

Consonantal Stems.

b.

Indg. -njo)

from

from

{=

and
:

This type of present became productive in

the oldest period of the language and after the analogy
of it were formed a large number of verbs from other than
&c.

^
.,-, ,,, ,.-.
,
.
, ^ ^,, *],,.
, ^,^,,

These new formations generally had a

n-stems.

meaning, as
similarly

and

then further after the analogy of these were formed

and similarly

From

492.

from

&c.

from

*/

from
(= Indg.
Analogical formations from other than r

stems were

&c.

from u-stems, as

in

new denominatives like

491. From r-stems,as
rjo)

factitive

8^,

After the analogy of the verbs in

were formed those

and similarly

And

*TeAeoy'cu

^, Hom.

s-stems, as

stem

-,

--,

cp, Skr.

Att. reXa
apasya-mi,

^^ ,

,^ ,
^
^*^
,
.
'^], ,
,
,,,.
*;

/ am

active,

apas-ya-ti, he

work; Goth, riqizjan,

and similarly

to

is

active

apas,
:

Lat.

riqis,

opus,

darkness;

from
Forms like
from
Hom.
were formed direct from the nominative
&c.

;
*],
,-.

become dark

493.

From
:

similarly

,,

dental stems, as
(

129, 6)

from

from

-,

*/ -,
:

&ic.

from

and

Verbs

494-71

,
, -, ,

From

494.

-aKos, &C.

and similarly

-,

\,
^,
-/

156).

a large

to

rise

all

kinds of stems,
:

496. The formation of the denominatives in

is uncertain insomuch as it cannot be determined

whether

,
It

-ayos,

from -8],

in

from
from

analogical formations from

as

from

became productive and gave

number of

,,
,
,,, 8,
,
-,
:

The denominatives

495.

-/,

*/ *-]
, */
*'/]
-/,
, -

guttural stems, as

from

301

is

originally arose from dental or guttural stems.

it

possible

that

from

'^/
this

type of verb started out from

:

and that they were formed before the velar gutin --, cp. the parallel forms Skr. aksi, Gr.
tural became
oWe from *OKje, Indg. *oqi, both eyes, Lat. oc-ulus, beside
The
in these verbs may have
become productive and extended by analogy to other than

-^,

guttural

. -, ^
, ,
stems,

as

3.

oveipos,

&c.

Causative and Iterative Verbs.

497. Causative and iterative verbs were common in the

parent Indg. language and were also preserved in the

oldest period of

all

the separate languages.

This type of

present was formed by the addition of the formative suffix

ejo, -eje- to

the root-syllable which contained the

of ablaut

(=

*soa-eic>,

I cause

Gr.

0,

Lat. o, Goth, a, Skr.

to sit, set,

ejo-mes, *sod-eje"t(h)e,

a),

*sod-eje-si, *sod.eje-ti, pi.

*sod-ejo-nti

grade

as Indg. sing,

*sod

Skr. sad-aya-mi

sad-aya-si, sad-aya-ti, sad-dya-mah, sad-dya-tha, sad

aya-nti, Goth, sat-ja, sat-jis,

sat-jij),

sat-jam,

sat-ji)),

sat

Accidence

302
jand

^,

from

root *sed-, sit;

similarly

memini

Engl,

fell,

cp. Lat.

,
set

fall, sit.

*/,

,
,
:
,
^,,:
[

*;
noceo

and

neco,

from
Skr. pat-aya'ini
Skr. pata-mi, /yTy, and similarly /SpoyLteco
Lat. veho,

,
:

498

moneo

^,

Szc.

,
^ ,,^,?,,

After the shifting of the accent in the denominative

presents formed from o-stems, as

482) verbs like

as being formed from the nouns
after the analogy of
{

from

,,

came

*\^;,

to

where

and then

were formed

older

be regarded

for

to

was the regular Indg. ending of the verbal

adjective belonging to this type of present, cp. Lat. moni-

moneo, Goth. satij)s

vart-dya-mi, / turn.

tus

satjan,

to set,

Skr. vartitdh

The Future.
498. It it doubtful whether the parent Indg. language
had special forms which were exclusively used to express
future meaning.
By comparing together the oldest periods

of the different languages

we

are forced to the conclusion

must have been expressed in various ways. In

Sanskrit and Lithuanian the future was formed by means
of the formative element -sjo-, -sje which was'an extension
that

it

element occurring in Class IX of the presents

This -sjo- future belonged to the thematic conjugation and was inflected like a present, as Skr. da-sya-mi
of the
(

-s-

468).

I shall give, da-sya-si, da-sya-ti, pi. da-syamah, da-sya-tha, da-sya-nti = Indg. *d5-sjO, *d5-sje-si,

(Lith. du-siu),

*d5-sje-ti, pi. *d5-sjo-mes, *d5-sje-t(h)e, *d5-sjo-nti.

formation

may

also exist in

from bases or stems ending

Greek

in

in

This

the future formed

an explosive, as

Skr.

Verbs

499]

303

dek-sya-mi, Indg. *deik-sjO, but it is far more probable that

such is not the case, because the future formed from the
other bases or stems cannot be explained as being of this
origin.

The

present with momentary meaning was also originally

used with a future meaning, and a few such forms also

This mode ot
occur in Greek, as
( 424).
expressing the future became productive in the old Germanic

8,

and Slavonic languages. And in like manner the subjunctive

of a presential or second aorist stem was also used with
(Skr, pres. indie, ad-mi, / eat),
a future meaning, as
cp. also Lat. ere =
Horn,
, Indg.

'4
,, ,

*es5.

The ordinary Greek

499.

future

subjunctive of the s-aorist which

was

came

originally the

be used for the

future, cp. also the similar forms in Lat. capso, dixo, faxo,
to

This subjunctive of the s-aorist had the same rootvowel as the present indicative. It belonged to the thematic conjugation and was inflected like a present, as sing.
so, -se-si, -se-ti, pi. -so-mes, -se-tihje, -so-nti, whereas the
indicative of the s-aorist belonged to the athematic con&c.

jugation

507).

The Greek

future can be conveniently

,,^ , ,
,
^ ^ ,,
^
,
,
,
,,,
, , ,),,
, , , , , , \,

divided into two great categories according as

mained

in

bases or stems ending in an explosive, as

^, ^,
:

appears

it

The medial -- regularly

with or without the medial --.

.8,

from

re-

^,

*8],

&C.

After the analogy of these

and similar forms the medial -- was restored in all verbs the
base or stem of which ended in a long vowel or diphthong

(see 213,
;

2),

as

(Hom.

also

,,
," ,,
,,
,
^
,
,
,
,
*
,,,,
,
,
,
^,
,,,
, , , ,, ,^
,
,

,
,
,
{){)
Accidence

304

^,

'.

vowel had
syllabic

The

In the primary verbs the long

origin in monosyllabic

its

454-5) and

458) heavy bases.

medial -- generally disappeared

dis-

second

in the

^,

213, 2) in the

syllable, as

^,

Hom.

^,

Att.

heavy bases with a short

future formed from dissyllabic

vowel

500-1

80),

^^,

from

and similarly

^,

The

&C.

-- was sometimes restored again, especially

as

in epic

Greek,

&C. (cp. 212, 3, 217).

After the analogy of forms like

rei^etw,

were formed futures to denominative verbs with stems

ending in a nasal, liquid, dental or -s, and to verbs with
a nasal suffix in the present, as Ion.
ayyeXeo)

beside

*],

from
from

, ,
,
,,
,

*\],

*(/

500. The so-called Doric

future,

^',
:

beside

from

beside

which also occurs in

arose from the

beside

with those in

Att.

Hom.

beside

new formation and

contamination of the futures in

as

Horn,

a few Attic verbs, was a

-6,

*],

from

from
:

also Att.
:

,
:

501. Special Greek new formations were the futures

formed from the perfect and from the passive aorists in
The futures formed from the perfect
( 506),
( 514),
active are rare, but those formed from the perfect middle

are

common, as

Att.

, .
:

,,
,
8, , ,
,
,
,
,
,
,
8
,
,
^,,
, ,-,,,
,

Verbs

50 2-3]

305

&c.

This formation came to be regarded as a reduplicated

future and then futures like
tTvwere formed direct from the simple future
Examples of futures formed from the passive

^.

aorists in

-,

are

and similarly

&c.

^,

, ^,^^
and similarly

&c.

It

does not occur

and that in Doric both types of futures have

should be noted that the future in

Homer

in

^^.

active personal endings, as

Att.

The

502.

kinds

of

the root-aorist, also called the strong or second

aorists,
aorist,

The

Aorist.

parent Indg. language had two

and the

s-aorist.

originally a difference in

Although there was doubtless

meaning and function between

the root- and the s-aorist, the difference had disappeared

before the parent language became differentiated into the

These two kinds of aorists were

separate languages.
preserved in Greek, Aryan and the Slavonic languages,
but in the other languages they either disappeared entirely
or came to be used for other tenses.
(

514)

was

a special

The

aorist in

Greek formation which does not occur

in the other languages.

I.

503.

The

The Root- or Strong

Aorist.

strong aorist has for the most part been

already dealt with in the formation of the present with

which

it

is

morphologically closely related, but even

risk of repetition

it

is

advisable to treat

it

here

in

at the

a con-

3o6

Accidence

504

nected manner. In the dissyllabic bases the only distinction

between the base of the aorist and of the present was that
caused by the original difference in the position of the
accent and the consequent difference in the ablaut-grade,

- -,-,
-,
cp. AeiVe-

Dor.

Indg. *leiq(e)

Indg. *pet9-

-,

*liqe-, in XeiVco

*pta, in

Xineip

On the other hand it is not always

( 458).
draw a hard and fast line between the formaof the aorist and the imperfect in Greek, cp. aor.
beside impf

possible to
tion

',

' , '4
:

^^
*, *^,

(and similarly with other aorist-presents,

aorist

have

to distinguish three types

a.

456).

ereKOP,

were properly the imperfect of the lost verbs

but they came to be regarded as the
of
and
In the strong aorist we
:

Monosyllabic heavy Ablaut-bases

454-5).

504. In the aorists of this type the root-syllable had

the strong grade of ablaut in the active singular, but the

weak grade
as

*'i8wv,

in the dual, plural

*',
=

',

Dor.

and the whole of the middle,

'^

pi.

'8,

',

adam, ddham, astham, pi. ddama,

ddhama, dsthama (for *adima, *adhima, *asthima) with
a

Skr.

levelled out from the singular,

for *eVrayLier.

The

middle, as adita

and similarly

'^

regular form with occurs in

8.

The Greek

the

third person plural

had the ending

from the s
and similarly iSuaav
with the same
which occurs in the v-perfect
( 520) were used for the sing. *^, *'4' in Old Attic
until the fourth century b. c. and from then onwards the
became extended to the dual and plural
cp. also
Lat. je-ci, pi.
from *.
iSoaav, eOeaau,

aorist

507),

$,

Verbs

505-6]

307

Dissyllabic light Bases

b.

456-7).

^,
,
,
,
,
'
'
,
^,
,
^, ,
(
;
^ ,,''^,.-;
'
,
^,
'4
,
';
,,
;
(.
,
--,
',^, -.-,
,
- ,
505. This type of aorist, without and with reduplication,
belonged to the so-called thematic conjugation, as
:

kpvy^lv,

eSpaKou

Skr.

Baveiv,

from

---,
:

-.

^.--^-,

-- ,-.

from *k-fe-fnov

*e-we-wqom

*d-va-uc-am, Indg.

rfv-^yKov, inf

kv-^yK^v

Skr.

'4---,
;

-,

heavy Bases

Dissyllabic

c.

*;.

Horn,

dvocam from

506.

verbs with charac-

adrsam

presents, as

terized

^^ ^^,

inf

The

aorists of this type

belonged

458-9).
to the athematic

conjugation and originally contained a long vowel or the

long diphthong -ei- in the second syllable of the base.

The long vowel including the -e- from older -ei- ( 458)
belonged to all forms of the active and middle, but it was
regularly shortened in the third person plural in prim.
Dor.
Greek ( 70), as
eSpdv
Skr. d-pra-t, he filled,
Skr. dra-ti, he runs, Horn,

Hom.

,
,

Att. kyrjpav

, , '4 ',
'=
:

'(,

Skr.

he was

^),

Lat. venio.

^,
:

,^
;

',

Dor.
;

-bhu-t, from *e-bhu-t, older *e-bhwa-t,

base *bhewa-,

(Dor.

,
-

'

'=

These

It is

be.

aorists

not clear in what relation

dgam, agat, stands to

= Indg. -em with
in

Skr.

X2

in-

3o8

Accidence

507

,
^
-,
^
,
, ,^ ,
meaning became productive

transitive

be used as passive aorists

to

The

2.

507.

The

belonged

to the

Greei< and

in

514), as

came

^,

yoeco,

&c.

s-Agrist,

s-aorist, also called the

weak

or

first aorist,

athematic conjugation and originally had

the following endings

S'lnn

sing, -s-m,

logically related to

-s-s, -s-t, pi.

-s-men or

was morphothe s-presents of Class IX ( 468) and

In formation

437), -s-te, -s-nt.

it

stood in the same relation to those presents as the strong

aorist

did

to

its

corresponding presents

456).

The

was preserved in Greek, Aryan and the Slavonic

languages, whereas in Latin it came to be used for the
s-aorist

perfect (cp. e-Sei^a,

rexi, vexi),

and

in

-pe^a,

Skr.

a-vaksam beside

the other languages

it

dixi,

disappeared

forms.
This type of
Greek, especially as an
aorist-formation for denominative verbs and for those verbs
entirely except in a few
aorist

isolated

became very productive

in

which did not have a root-aorist. The inflexion of an

aorist like eiei^a was in the parent Indg. language
sing.
:

*e-deik-s-m, *e-deik-s-s, *e-deik-s-t,

*e-dik-s-te, *e-dik-s-nt.

pi.

*e-dik.s-men (-mn),

In Sanskrit the long diphthong

or long vowel of the singular was levelled out into the

'

draiksma
dyauksam, ayauksma = '^^,
dksarsam, dksarsma =
from
dual and plural, cp. Skr. draiksam,

^^

cp. the

eXeiyjra,

^^^^

217),

similar levelling in Latin diximus,

reximus dixi, rexi. The long diphthong of the singular

was regularly shortened in prim. Greek ( 63) and then
levelled out into the dual, plural and extended by analogy
to the whole of the middle which originally contained the
weak grade of ablaut, cp. Skr. middle ddiksi, dyuksi beside
Gr.
The old weak grade of ablaut
:

^^, ^.

507]

was preserved

1/erbs

in

309

and fjaav from

"",

they knew,

but apart from a few such isolated forms the vowel in the
stem-syllable of the active and middle of the s-aorist to

,
', ^^*
,
,
,
,
.
,,

dissyllabic bases was due to the analogy of the present

stem and the stem of the aorist subjunctive = s-future
This is especially clear in such forms as
( 499).

\, '^
'^

from

Aorists

can represent the original forms with

new formations with -ei-, -ei/- from

like eSei^a,

long diphthongs or be

*eSiKa-a

*-

*k8iiKa-9

*-9

The

the present.

aorists

was :

"^-/ '^^*- **
*{) *-{) **- * *^-^ '^^-

Sing.

Plur.

The

*
*-

*eSiKa-T

*-{)

''(-[)

person singular of the active regularly

-m ( 65, i) and in the third person

in the first

corresponds

''^-^

to Indg.

plural to Indg. -n

).

singular thus

{,

prim. Greek inflexion of the active and

and similar

middle of eSet^a,

was formed
singular was

65,

The ending

i).

of the

first

person

together with the ending of the perfect

fell

After the analogy of

eiei^e,

and then the

-a

to

of the

first

levelled out into the second person,

was extended analogically

a later period the -a?

(^).

person

and
to

at

the

^, ^ ,
,
^,
,
,
^ ^^
^,
,^,. ', {^

perfect

was

levelled

out

(with

to

all

of the

third

person plural

dual and the other persons

the

usual forms

eiei^a,

from

imperfects

like

439)

From

tended

-a

the

Hence arose

of the plural.

The

into

the active the

forms of the middle

was then

ex;

Accidence

310

508-9

--

from thematic verbs like

from older -), including
the optative, imperative, infinitive and participle.
Before this levelling out of the -a- took place the -- in
kSd^avTo, eXvaauTo with

^,

with

and second persons plural of the

whole of the middle except the third
person plural regularly disappeared in prim. Greek when
the stem ended in a consonant ( 214, 221), but it was
the dual and the

and

active

first

in the

generally restored again at a later prehistoric period after

,
,
,
'
^
,
* ,

The
where it regularly remained.
was preserved in Homeric forms like

the analogy of forms

regular old middle

9
'^,
:

from
508. When the base ended

Szc.

'^,

in a nasal the - and -

became assimilated to --, -vv- which remained in Lesb.
and Thess. but became simplified with lengthening of the

*
^,
^, . ,
;,
',*
,
^, ', .
'^,
^,

preceding vowel

'^

in

the other dialects as eVei/ia,

from *k^avaa

Lesb.

'^
from

-,

similarly with the verbs in

as

'
Lesb.

kXe^a
(

knkpava
509.

21)

216)

and

Hom.

When

the base or stem ended in a liquid assimi-

lation also generally took place, with simplification of the

double liquid and lengthening of the preceding vowel in

eareiXa, Lesb.
from

Att. Ion., as

'iareXXa

'4

'^

*kpa

from

,,
dental

the

in

Lesb.
<S:c.,

--

eneiaa
:

--

'^+
*/
^; '4 ^, kv
km *kJ

dental

simplified to --, as

'^

217),

In bases or stems ending

beside
in

presents ending in

became
:

-^

which was

from

The
from
( 166).
came from -)- and -y/ ( 129, 8).

5I0-II]

Verbs

311

When

it came from the former the aorist regularly had -from older -, and -|- when from the latter, but in consequence of the presents being alike confusion arose in the
aorist, cp. Horn,
beside
from
:

*/.
,
,
*apTTayj(u

beside

Att.

from

In Doric the

-|-

became generalized

On forms like Horn, e^eaaa,

eriXeaaa beside Att.
ereXe^a
*\-], see 212, 2.
from *.,
from bases or stems ending in
became pro-

for both kinds of aorists.

^, ^,

*,

4,

,, , , , --

This

ductive in the oldest period of the language and

in Aeolic,

Homer and

'^,

&C.

510.

Greek

The --

a vowel, viz. in the

regularly disappeared in prim.

forms of bases or stems ending in
person singular of the active, the

also

in several of the
first

third person plural of the active

the

common

is

his imitators, as eyiXaaaa,

and middle

213,

person singular of the middle and the

first

first

2), in

person

plural of the active and middle ( 214), but here again the
-- was mostly restored after the analogy of those forms of
the vocalic and consonantal bases and stems where it

^ ^,
, ,,^^, ,^
^

regularly remained.

-less

(eVeua),

In

aorists

e^ea (Horn, also

like

the old

'iyjeva),

form became generalized.

isolated aorists without --, all

had intervocalic -- already

Apart from a few such

the vocalic bases and stems

in the oldest historic

the language, as

511.

The

period of

483);

512)

497).

stem-syllable of dissyllabic light bases had

originally a lengthened vowel or diphthong in the singular

of the active and

weak grade vowel

the whole of the middle

was not

entirely preserved

historic times.

in the dual, plural

and

507), but this original distinction

As we have

in

any of the languages

in

already seen the Greek stem

Accidence

312

,
'
,
,
,

512-13

of the aorist was a new formation formed direct from the

present-stem and the stem of the aorist subjunctive ( 507),
as

and similarly
eOpeyj/a, &c.
middle

^,
'^,

'^

&C,

', ,

eAe|a

d^a,

erep-

^-^,

Lat. dixi,

'
,
"^
,
, ', , .

draiksam

Skr.

, ^,',

',

e^et^a

Skr. ajauksam, erev^a

^
:

(.^,

middle
eXea (Horn, also exef a)
&c. In forms like ereiaa Skr. dcaisam,
the intervocalic -- was restored after the analogy of forms
:

like ^Sei^a, &c.

(,

from

where the

&c.

, . '^
'ireLva

from

W(.Lva

-a-

was not

intervocalic.

and similarly

* .','
217),

eSeipa,

',

beside

',

21), and similarly

from
:

e^eaa

166).

212,

2),

512.

The

aorists

formed from dissyllabic heavy bases

belong to the presents of Class IV { 458) and may be

divided into two types according as the second syllable of

^
',
,
(
,
, ^, (,
, ^,'',(,. ,'
("^,
'
,
, , , ^,
weak or

the base contained the

To

the strong grade of ablaut.

the former belong aorists like

e/xeco,

eni-

kyrjpaaa

latter

in all these

and similar

of aorists like
513.

was

Skr. ajnasam.

The

',

aorists

The

to the
;

intervocalic

--

was restored after the analogy

&c.

formative element of characterized presents

often extended to the aorist, as

*-vJ

from
from

And

',

*/,
:

from

cp. Lat.

plango, planxi;

&c.

Verbs

514]

313

The Passive Aorist

The parent

514.

-.

in

Indg. language had no special forms

which were used exclusively

to express the passive voice,

came

but already at that period the middle

to

have also

a passive meaning which was preserved in Greek in such

forms

as

k-86

-^, -^-?,

--^

The forms of

d-dhi-thah, d-ksa-thah.

Skr.

a-di-thah,

the passive voice

are accordingly expressed variously in the different Indg.

In Greek the only passive forms distinct from

languages.

- and

the middle are the second aorist in

-.

in
(

The

aorist in

the

we have

as

is,

first aorist

already seen

458), originally an active athematic formation with

transitive

meaning which came

passive in Greek.

in-

be used to express the

to

This aorist in -iqv was also an important

and development of the aorist in

factor in the origin

which was a special Greek new formation and probably in

part of the same origin as the preterite of denominative

The origin of the aorist

account for satisfactorily.
It is

verbs in the Germanic languages.

in

is

difficult

to

probable that several factors played an important part in

its origin and development.
Starting out from the second

person singular of the aorist middle with the secondary

ending -Qris (= Indg. -thes, Skr. -thah, 443) which occurs
in such forms as -6-^, k-re -^, e
=
k
Skr. d-di-thah, a-dhi-thah, a-sthi-thah, d-ksa-thah, there
k
tS;c.
k
was formed
after the analogy

--, --^

^--, --,

of aorists like
a complete

new

--^

k-u-9,

thus creating

aorist out of a single form.

improbable that the aorist in

the

--, --, &c.

-? of forms like k^6-9,

had

its

But

In part at least

&c.

it

is

origin solely in
it

was

probably also a periphrastic formation which was originally

confined to denominative verbs, as in
k

--, ^-,

extended

to

k-u, k--u,

&c.,

and then

at

a later period became

primary verbs as well.

In this respect

it

Accidence

314

[515

formation with

the preterite of
corresponds exactly
denominative verbs in the Germanic languages, as Goth.
in

salb5-da, / anointed, salb5-des, salb5-da, where -da, -des,

da =

Indg. -dhem, -dhes, -dhet, which was originally an

aorist of the root *dhe

assumption

which occurs

in

right that the aorist in

is

---.
was

If the

in part

a periphrastic formation, there must have been a time

when two types of the dual and

viz. k-80

-6-,

e-^e-/ier), &c. and

became generalized.

(cp.

active

originally

*--
-- -^

plural existed side

&c. and

side,

with

that then the form

The

by

formation

periphrastic

was

both in form and meaning as in the

Germanic languages, but in Greek it became passive in

meaning through the influence of the aorists of the type
The aorist in
became very productive in the prehistoric period of the language and
already in Homer it was far more common than that in
-. Its great expansion was doubtless due to the large
mass of denominative verbs.

^, .

The

515.

The

characteristics
tenses.

were

perfect had

Perfect.
originally

certain well-defined

which clearly distinguished

The more important

of

it

these

from the other

characteristics

[a)

The

personal endings in the active singular, as Indg.

*woid-a, *woit-tha, *woid-e =

vet-tha, ved-a.

-, -,

What the original

-e,

Skr.ved-a,

endings of the dual and

were cannot be determined, because there is little or

no agreement amongst the languages which have preserved
{b) Rethe perfect forms in historic times (see 440-1).
plural

duplication with e (rarely e) in the reduplicated syllable,

A different grade of ablaut in the active singular as compared with the active dual, plural, and the whole of the
middle,
{d) A special participial ending ( 552).

(c)

5i6-i7]
516.

yerbs

The

the reduplicated syllable, as

which

is

Greek

da-ddrsa

Skr.

(cp.

Horn,

but

Latin and especially the Germanic

Vedic.

in

Beside e there also existed e

Lat. pe-pigi.

rare in

common

315

perfect generally had reduplication with e in

languages show that unreduplicated perfects were also

But the reason why
in the parent Indg. language.

common

originally formed partly with

was

and partly
unknown. The forms with reduplication became productive in Greek and Sanskrit and
those without it in Latin and the Germanic languages.
Already in the prim. Germanic period the old perfect active
came to be used as a simple preterite and then a new
periphrastic perfect was formed.
What is called the perfect in Latin was a mixture of various kinds of formations,
the perfect

without reduplication

is

old perfects, as tu-tudi, de-di, veni, legi

e. g.

aorists, as te-tigi, pe-puli, fidi, scidi

and old

old strong

s-aorists, as

dixi, lexi, &c. ( 507).

Greek, Old Latin and Gothic show that the reduplicated

syllable originally contained e, cp. O.Lat.

me-mordi, pe

pugi, te-tuli, classical Lat. ce-cidi, de-di, &c.

hait, he called, ga-rai-roj), he reflected upon

But

ga-redan.

in classical

Goth, haihaitan,

inf.

Latin the vowel in the redupli-

cated syllable became assimilated to that of the root-syllable

when

same vowel, as mo
mordeo, pungo. In Sanskrit the redupligenerally had a = Indg. e ( 42), as da-darsa

the present and perfect had the

mordi, pu-pugi
cated syllable

-,

=
e

but

Indg. oi

when
:

the root-syllable contained the ablaut

:

Indg.

ou

u, the

vowel

in the

reduplicated syllable became assimilated to that in the root-

-,

syllable of the active dual and plural,

ri-reca

Goth, stai-staut,

517. In

pi.

pi.

and of the middle, as

I have pushed =

ri-ricima; tu-toda,

tu-tudima.

dealing with the reduplicated syllable

it

is

necessary to distinguish between bases or stems which

Accidence

3i6

[517

began with a consonant and those which began with

a vowel. When the base or stem began with a single consonant the reduplication consisted of this consonant + e, as
Se-SopKa,

-,

, -,
Ti

but with dissimilation of aspirates, as

When

115).

-.
, , '. ,
,
', '4
began with an explosive plus a nasal or

liquid, the redupli-

cation generally consisted of the explosive

(with

But combinations

generally had simply

+ e,

as

of the aspirate),

dissimilation

like

the base or stem

-, -,

-',
-/,

-, -,

, -,

', (,

for the reduplicated syllable, as

e-

beside

In these and similar perfects

the form of reduplication was due to the analogy of perfects

* '
(
*-,
' *-,'
like

'^.

w;

beginning with s,
from
:

from

from

*-

'

w+a

from

In bases or stems originally

s or

consonant we have
from *f^-foiKa,
from

*-, ^,
from *,
from
-^,

,,

*f

In bases or stems originally beginning with a vowel the

become contracted

e would regularly

language, but

it

in the

parent Indg.

not certain what were the rules governing

is

this contraction in all cases, cp.

ago

(with prim.

Greek

a)

which is properly the

In Greek it became the rule that
perfect of ei/xi( 452).
the perfect had a long vowel. This occurs in the perfects
beside Lat. egi

with the so-called Attic reduplication, as Horn,

,-,-, -, ,
Skr. ada, Lat. edi

^-

6-, 6-, 6-, 6,

eA-

which were formed

&c.
This
type of perfect with the so-called Attic reduplication was
a special Greek new formation, and the reduplication was
based on the analogy of the reduplicated presents and
;

Att.

aorists.

after the analogy of

Verbs

$51^1

518.

The

317

perfect belonged to the athematic conjugation

and accordingly had a difference of ablaut in the active

singular as compared with the active dual, plural, and the
In verbs belonging to the e-series of ablaut the

middle.

had the strong grade

in the root-syllable,
and the weak grade in all other forms, as ol8a, Skr. veda,
Goth, wait, / know pi. '8-^ (Att. -^), Skr. vid-md,
active singular

.^, 4, ,^-,
, , ,, ., ^, ^,
,
- -, -,
:

Goth, wit-um

yk-yov-a.

yk-ya -^, irk-irovQa

Other examples with

active singular are

the

in

'^,

eopya,

Or

XiXoina,

the active singular and 9

as

(=

Gr. a,

singular

was

the accent

syllable, as in Skr.
yk-yovf..

all

other forms,

\\^^.

active

a long vowel in

49) in

originally

In

on the

da-darsa, ja-jana beside Gr.

the

root-

-,

Sanskrit and the old Germanic languages pre-

served almost entirely the original distinction between the

strong grade of ablaut in the active singular and the weak

grade

in

the dual and plural, but in Greek the original

was in a great measure obliterated by levelling

and new formations already in the oldest period of the
language.
Regular old forms were
yk-yova,
k^ova beside
'Ilktov from *f-fiKTov, yk-ya
but
yeyvaev with -0- from the singular, and similarly Horn.
distinction

, , -,

.
(
,
^,
^,

beside

In nearly

all

^, ^^,

other verbs either the vowel of the singular was levelled

^,,kpoa,

out into the dual and plural, as in

TrknotOa,

number of other

kppyav

kppya and
Or more
verbs.
;

similarly with

XkXoina,
a

large

rarely the vowel of the

dual and plural was levelled out into the singular, as in

Att. kXrjXvOa,

had
for

kpaa.

In

many verbs

the perfect active

keya

vowel direct from the stem of the present, as

*kovya
ykypaa,
and similarly
its

ey,

kXa,

, , ^,
Accidence

i8
XeXeya,

*/.

519

'ipplya,

,,,,, ,, ,
from

(, ^, ^^^
^,^,
,
9
,
^,
^,
,
^.
,
The weak grade

middle,

of ablaut was mostly preserved in the

as

the middle had also sometimes

stem of the present, as

and similarly

Hom.
The

519.

and

similarly

&c.
But
vowel direct from the

ykyivrai,

rirei-

original inflexion of the active

preserved in a perfect like

Sing.

its

8epw,

as

was

fairly well

Verbs

52o-il

319

520. The /c-perfect, nlso called the first or weak perfect,

was a Greek new formation which does not occur in the
other Indg. languages. Although much has been written
upon the subject, no really satisfactory explanation has
is
ever been given of the origin of this formation. The

as being a root-determinative, found

generally regarded
in the aorists

Lat. feci

'^.

facio,

Lat. jeci

,,
' ^,
,
-, ^.
^
,
^
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
,
^^,
,
,

jacio, which

became productive

analogy

after the

of

in

Greek, cp.

Then

analogy

after the

of these aorists were formed the perfects

uKa from

ye-je<a, Dor.

From

the K-formation

became extended

perfects of this type

in the first instance to all

was

bases or stems ending in a vowel, and the

levelled

out into the dual and plural, as

with

-et-

after the

(later

analogy of

eiKa),

and

similarly

was afterwards extended to those

the future and s-aorist had bases or stems

verbs which in

,
^,
that

came

to

be

eneiaa,

it

It

&:c.

felt

and

similarly

, (( ^,
&c.

And

was extended

as

7,

^, ^,

as ending in a vowel, as

^,

then lastly in the post-Homeric period

and stems ending in a consonant,

to bases

(Sec.

So

that in the classical period the perfect

of the majority of Greek verbs was formed with the suffix

and the original difference of ablaut-grade between the
active singular,

521.

The

and the dual and plural was disregarded.

perfect was also a Greek new

aspirated

formation and consisted in the aspiration of

when

, ,

the perfect stem ended in one of these consonants.

This new formation took place earlier

of the middle than in the active.

found in the middle, as

'4\,

In

in the third

Homer
:

it

person
is

only

^20
:

the exception of
it

and

522

With
:

,
^, '\, \, \
, //, \,
',

not found in the active in the early classical period.

is

,
,
,,,

From about

it

Accidence

the time of Aristophanes and Plato onwards

became more and more common, as
:

and similarly

Both the

&c.

middle and the active forms were analogical formations,

starting out from verbs originally ending in an aspirate
(, 0) which regularly fell together with those ending

,
,
,
,
, ^. ,
^, , ^,
^, , , ,
in K,

,,

in all the

person ending

middle forms except

-, -,

in

in the third

as

the

after

analogy of which were formed

beside

522. Various phonological changes took place in the

middle which have already been mostly dealt with in the
Phonology. When the stem ended in a labial the labial

became assimilated

,
in

have

to a following

^,

as

0(117).

Stems ending

before a following -, as

*/, .

from

This

was due

to the

analogy of forms

beside XiXe^ai, XiXeKTai where y regularly

and
and thus fell together in these

like

became

before

and
forms with stems ending in ,
Stems ending in
a dental generally have the endings
with
restored ( 214) after the analogy of endings like

'^,

where the
was
and similarly

-, -, -^

'^
*
',
',
^,
'4
^.

regular, as

for

^
^
; , *,
&c. beside the regular forms

(Attic inscriptions),

from which was formed

for

and

after

similarly

the

for

^yeyef-

analogy

of

Verbs

523]
for

321

, , ',
,
^,

^^, -^.

The

cp.

also introduced analogically into stems ending

a vowel, as

beside the regular forms

tion of

to

150)

beside the regular forms

was

in

i/

or

^.

with assimila-

reTeiarai,

9,

The Pluperfect.
523. The parent Indg. language had no special forms
which were used exclusively to express the pluperfect.
It accordingly came to be expressed differently in the
different languages.
Greek had two distinct formations

of the pluperfect.
1.

The augmented

perfect forms together with secondary

,
'^, , ,
,
, ^^,
',
personal endings.

In this formation the active dual and

*,
, ^,
^,
,
, , ., ,
,
,,
plural

were athematic, but the singular was thematic

the analogy of the imperfect, as Horn.

'4,

from

eou,

Hom.
Middle Hom.

singular

after

&c., but

kyiyoav^,

&c.

erirvKTO,

But the usual mode of forming the active pluperfect

heavy bases ending
in -e in Greek ( 458), to which were added in the singular
the personal endings -a, -ay, -e of the perfect, contracted
with the -e in Attic into -, -9, -ci (= Herodotus -ea, -eay,
2.

started out originally from dissyllabic

-ee)

but dual --Toy,

--,

pi.

-e

-,

-e-re,

-.

belonged to the base as in

became extended to other verbs, as
the

-e-

eXeXoiTrei
Trere,

eXeXoinerop,

kXeXoin^aav.

the endings

-^iv, -eiy

and then the

Note.

was

-e

The

where

-e

then

iXeXot-

At a

later period in Attic

with

ei

were formed

from the third person singular,

and plural.

levelled out into the dual

The prim. Greek

preterite to

was formed from

Accidence

322
the stem fih]- (cp. dh

forms

of the

*'8

(=

-, and

Hesych.

Lat. vide-re) with

^^,

as

tense,

[524

^).

-^,

in all

),

-, - (Hom.

pi.

--,

^Sc/xev,

ySeaav were

after the analogy of

&c. The
form of the first person singular would have been
*'^8. The form -^Bea, Att. ^; was either a new formation
after the analogy of AeXotVea, - or else it was an aorist formation corresponding to a prim. Greek form *rjf etSeaa ( 430).

new formations
regular

The

Injunctive.

524. Beside the subjunctive there also existed in the

parent Indg. language the injunctive which in appearance

consisted of unaugmented indicative forms with secondary

personal endings, cp.

beside

-bharata

0e/oe,

imperfect

the
;

for

6e?,

0eper

Skr. bharat, bhdrata,

e^epere

e-0epe,

*,

*Sa>9

a-bharat,

Skr.

Skr. dhah,

dah,

This mood, also sometimes called the impure subjunctive, was fully developed
in Vedic and was used with an indicative and subjunctive
meaning, but in classical Sanskrit it was only preserved
in imperative forms and in combination with the negative
to express prohibitions, as ma krthah,
particle ma =
do not do, ma dhah, do not place, beside the aorist a-krthah,
beside the aorist a-dhah, a-dah.

The

a-dhah.

injunctive

a present meaning, e.g.

was

originally used partly with

when

the verbal form was un-

accented, as in *pro bheret beside *bheret

= 0ep^>

partly

with a past meaning, and partly also with a voluntative or

But already in the prim. Indg. period
future meaning.
the second and third persons (except the second pers. sing,
active)

had become part of the imperative system

positive

commands

Indg. *seqeso

Skr, bhdrata,

^^,

539), as 4Veo, eVoi

0ep6re,

^^,

in

making

Lat. sequere,

for

*^^ =

bhdratam, bharatam; middle

In Sanskrit and prim. Greek the

^'^.

Verbs

525-6]

323

second pers. sing, of the aorist active also came to be used

for the imperative, as dhah, dah = ^ey, Sos, and similarly
kvL-ane^,

$,

$, &c.

The

525.

The

Subjunctive.

original subjunctive, also called conjunctive,

was preserved in Greek, Latin and Vedic, but in classical

Sanskrit it had practically disappeared and its place was
taken by the optative.
It was also supplanted by the
optative in the prehistoric period of the Germanic and

The

Baltic-Slavonic languages.

original personal endings

were partly primary and partly secondary. In the parent

Indg. language the subjunctive was formed in various ways
according as the stem of the indicative ended in [a) a. consonant or (b) in -e, -o (dissyllabic light bases) or (c) in
a long vowel (monosyllabic and dissyllabic heavy bases).
Type (a). The subjunctive to indicative stems
526.

ending in a consonant had the characteristic formative

element -e-, . The -e-, -o- was doubtless of the same
origin as the

in the present

-e-, -o-

thematic verbs, as

-^,

and strong

aorist of the

^-^,

AeiVe-re,

so that the subjunctive of this type was the

eXiTre-re,

same

as the present indicative of the thematic verbs.

,
,,
,

'

Hom.

ere, Indg. *es5,

&C. which

common
SeLKaei,

came

in

^.

to

indie,

the verbs

be used as futures

Homer and

peratives d^T,

Hom.

^^, ,

, ',
, 6,

uSere

oJSa, but

498).

Ion.
(

Ae^eo,

Lat.

fywei',

his imitators, as

fut.

this

,,
,,,

type belong presents and strong aorists like

fut.

form

in

To

Sec.

from

499)

s-aorists,

Cret.

the im-

Perfects like

*f8,

From the time of Homer onwards the -e-, -o- began to

be supplanted by --, -- in all tenses except in those forms
2

Accidence

324

[527

which became used for the future and imperative. This

change in Greek as in other Indg. languages was doubtless

due

of the subjunctive,

527.

Type

{b).

was a more

to the fact that the latter

^,
tion

cp.

distinctive forma-

beside

Hom.

^,

Szc.

The

subjunctive to thematic indicative

stems (dissyllabic light bases) had in Greek --, -- corresponding to the -, -0- of the indicative. It is uncertain
whether this - and -- existed in the parent Indg. language
or whether the -- alone belonged originally to all forms of

So

the subjunctive.

far as

Greek

might be a contraction of the

bases like 0ep-, 0epo- with the
subjunctive of type

[a],

-e,

is

concerned the -, -dissyllabic light

in

-o

-e-, -0-

which occurs

in the

but this explanation does not account

for the long -a- in forms like Lat. fera-mus, fera-tis beside

the

fut.

fere-mus, fere-tis.

Sanskrit unfortunately throws

upon this difficult point, because in this language

Indg. e, , a all fell together in a ( 42).
It is, however,
originally belonged to all
far more probable that the
forms of the singular, dual and plural, and that
then became
no

light

*
{
{.
,
^^,

after

dissyllabic

, ^^, ^',
,
^-, ) --, -

the analogy of the present

This - had

heavy bases ending in

Lat. vide-te,

-e

indie,

its

origin

458), cp. subj.

:

'i

and

in

it

is

probable that the whole formation originally started out

from the injunctive forms of the strong aorist of such bases
as regularly had

And

in all

forms of the singular, dual and

manner the a, which occurs in

and the Slavonic languages, probably started
out from the injunctive forms of dissyllabic bases ending
in -a ( 458).
The inflexion of type {b) in Vedic was
sing, bhara-ni, bhara-s(i), bhara-t(i),pl. bhara-ma, bharatha, bhara-n, but in Greek
where ^]^,
from older
plural

528).

in like

Latin, Keltic

-^, ^- {^-,

, ), ^, -',

Verbs

528]

325

- ({*

*^, *- had

from the endings of the present

indicative.
The regular forms would have been
For
we should have expected

*^.

*^-

ei

*-^,

with shortening of the --

-- was introduced

either the

70), but

into the third person plural

law for the shortening of long vowels in this

had ceased to operate, or else it was re-introduced
from
in order to preserve the distinction between
the subjunctive and indicative.
In like manner was formed the subjunctive of denominative verbs from vocalic stems, as
after the

position

Att.

^,

,.

^,

The

&c.

contracted forms of the

subjunctive and indicative of

regularly

fell

together

second and third persons singular, and then

after the analogy of these the indicative forms
also came to be used for the subjunctive
in Attic in the

^,

The subjunctive to indicative stems

528. Type (c).
ending in a long vowel. Here a distinction must be made
according as the final long vowel of the indicative stem
originally belonged (i) to all forms of the singular, dual and
plural or (2) belonged only to the active singular.
The
regular old subjunctive forms of (i) were preserved in
some Doric dialects, as Mess,
beside Att.

,
,
^, .
^^
^
,
-^
-,
,,
Heracl.

Cret.

indie,

But already in Homer the

original forms were remodelled after the analogy of types
(a) and (b), as
k

Then

-,

&c.

it

,
, ,^^-,
, -,
A few such

middle.

dialects,

]^,

as

&ic.

and plural active and of the

forms have been preserved

in various

Cret.

Mess,

444),

^,

(2) the long vowel

cannot be determined what were the

original Indg. forms of the dual

beside

Prim. Greek had in

&c.

in all forms, but

''-^,

But already

Arcad.

in

Homer

the prim.

Greek forms

Accidence

326

529-31

^,
,,^, ^, ,
, ,
^, ,
^, ,
.
^
.
,
, ,,
,

were also here remodelled

and {b), as
quantitative metathesis,

beside

{^),

after the

analogy of types

Hom.

^^,

&c.

]{), )^,

regularly has the contracted forms, as

}?,

8,

^,

Attic

&c.

TiOfj,

new formations

After the analogy of

the middle.

in

( 72),

&c.

529. In some verbs Attic and Ionic had

(a)

and with

in
After a had become
was formed
entAttic and Ionic ( 51) we then also have
The
and similarly
was due to the
circumflex in
:

analogy of the

active.

The Optative.
530.

The

optative

was

originally formed in two

ways

according as the corresponding tense-stems of the indicative

were athematic or thematic.

The

optative

athematic indicative stems had the formative element

where

was the weak grade of

to

the

(i)je,

and the
which combined with the thematic vowel to form the diphthong .
Both types of optatives had secondary personal endings.
i-

optative to thematic indicative stems

had

531.
{i)je

In the

and

first

all

of the middle had

sonant, but

(i)j

-je

had

90),

type of optative the active singular

other forms of the active and the whole

-i-

before endings beginning with a con-

before endings beginning with a vowel.

In

was on the -e-, but in all other

forms on the personal endings, and the stem had accordingly
the weak grade of ablaut. The weak form of the stem was
however generally supplanted by the strong form already in
prim. Greek, i.e. the optative came to be made direct from the
strong grade form of the stem. The original manner of
forming this type of the optative was only preserved in the
the active singular the accent

historic period of the language

when

the stem originally

Verbs

532]

ended

in

a vowel or

of intervocalic --

came

*
*^.

from

*-],

The

213,
;

to

2),

end

as

327

-, ^^
in

a vowel after the loss

-/, ^^-

original inflexion of

(.-,

-^

from '^fiiS^a-j^,

was

328

*,

-,
*

Accidence
indie,

'i

-,

-,

533-4

'^-^,

pi.

*,

/,
,
,
*,
,
,
,
,
,
^,
,
^^, ^,
, ,
'i

which would

regularly have

*^,

128), pi.

*yi^oi/zer

become

with shortening of the

long vowel ( 63). The historic forms

new formations either after the analogy of
or else with ai, oi from the plural

were

*,

and similarly
&C.

forms

in

like

The

circumflex in the

^^,
^^,

&C. as also

533) has never yet been

Brugmann,

satisfactorily explained, see

"^,

pi.

Griech. Grammatik,

third ed., p. 338.

The

533.

optative to monosyllabic heavy ablaut-bases

had the weak form of the base, as

-^,

sing,

&c.

indie,

was

either

due

-,

---,

--, --^.

The

pi.

in the

to levelling out of the

of

the dual and plural (except the third person which was
also a similar

new

represented Indg.

formation) into the singular or else

-ij-,

it

as *dh3-ije-m corresponding to San-

^,
^
,
^,^.
^,
,
, ^,
^, ^, ^ ,
,^

An Indg. form *dh9-je-m would have

skrit dheyam.
in Greek. The circumflex in
become
for
presents the same difficulty as in
(Skr. deyam),
and similarly
( 532)

*^
,
^

^^,

(Skr.

stheyam),
;

In Herodotus and
was levelled out

later Attic the

into

pi.

pf.

--

of the active singular

dual and plural, as

the

(cp. 531).

The

534.

^^,

original formation of the optative to dis-

heavy ablaut-bases was not preserved in Greek.

The original optatives of this type were remodelled after
syllabic

^, ^^,- ^,

the analogy of the thematic type, as

;

the optative to presents in

^{]),

pi.

*vfv,

cp.

indie,

would regularly have had

Skr. r-nu-ya-t, middle r-nuv-

Verbs

535-6]
i'ta

indie,

he moves

r-no-ti,

indie,

SvuaiTO

indie,

,
,^

329

cp. Skr.

middle

,^
, , ^,
,
,
^,
, , - -,
sr-ni-ta

535.

indie, sr-na-ti, he breaks in pieces.

The Greek

optative to the s-aorist

was a new

formation after the analogy of the thematie type, as in

;

middle

where the -- of the

s-aorist indicative

regarded as a thematic vowel

and similarly

507) eame to be

like the -0- in

'i

from

Attic

was

also a

&e.

which occurs

^^

the original s-aorist of the subjunctive, as

pi.

Lat. dixerim,

Greek new formation with

reduplication of the s-element of the aorist and with

third pers.

-^,

^k

so-called Aeolic optative of the s-aorist

Homer and

in

--, ^---,

^^,

The

*],

^^^?,

from

from
and similarly in
dixerimus beside the regular old forms

dixim, diximus.

The

optative to thematic indicative stems had

which combined with the thematic vowel to
form the diphthong -oi-, but -oj- before endings beginning
with a vowel. This type of optative was preserved in
Greek, Sanskrit and also in the old Germanic languages,
but with the function of the subjunctive, whereas in Latin

536.

originally

it

disappeared already in the prehistoric period of the

language.

Sing.

Dual

Ph

The

original inflexion of this type of optative

Accidence

330
The

537-9

first pers. singular and the

were not preserved in the historic period
Both forms would regularly
of any of the languages.
have become
from older *(j>epoja.
had the
stem
from the other persons where it was regular
and
after the analogy of the athematic presents, and
similarly
with -iv from the optative of the athematic
And in like manner both forms would
type ( 531).
regularly have become *bhdraya in Sanskrit, but the stem
bhdrey- had -e- from the other forms.

regular forms of the

third pers. plural

*06

^-

-^

537. In the

&c.

And

at

new

a later period the

contract verbs in

538.

The
;

8^

was formed,
of the singular was levelled
After the analogy of the
to the

were also formed new optatives

-, -.

prim.

*', *,

into

singular

out into the dual and plural.

optative of this type

became contracted

together with the athematic

fell

then after the analogy of

a

to

and

regularly

and thus

&c.,

type

class of contract verbs the optative

-eoo

',^^,

plural

Greek forms of the middle were

(=Skr. bhareta);
(= Indg.

^^,

*0e/3o/ro

*, *^, */

-*.-.

*bherojnto), on the personal endings see

442-8.

*/-

was
would regularly have become
from the other forms
a new formation with the stem
The old
and the ending -uto from forms like k
ending
is found in Homer, Herodotus and the Attic
dramatists in the combination
where -oi- was from

--

the other forms.

The

perative system

which included
{b)

Imperative.

539. Already in the parent Indg. language the im-

was made up of several

(a)

injunctive forms, as

distinct formations

^^, Skr. bhdrata;

forms with the bare stem, as 0epe, Skr. bhdra,

e^-ei,

Lat.

Verbs

540]

ex -

and

(c)

compound

forms, as

-,

331

= Skr. vid-dhi,

had injunctive forms for the second person

singular of the middle, the second person plural of the
active and middle, and the second and third person dual
of the active and middle, as eVeo = Lat. sequere; 0e/)ere,
vit-tad.

It

^, ^^,*^
^, ^^
for older

(pipeToy,

analogy of

see

after the

524.

To

these were added in prim. Greek the injunctive forms of

the second aorist active, as

eia-0pey,

9,

The active forms of the

comment and will therefore

di?, 809,

ey,

S:c.

eV-0py,

eui-ane^,

524).

injunctive require no further

be omitted in the following paragraphs.

I.

The

Active.

540. The second person singular was expressed (a)

by the bare stem, as 0epe, Skr. bhara, Goth, bair; aye,
Skr. gaccha ;
Lat. age ;
from
reAei from *reAea/'e,
from

, ,
,*])

, ,

aorists like iVe,

k\6e,

beside

evpi, ISi,

&c.,

where the former preserved the old accent when such

imperatives were originally used at the beginning of the sentence, and the latter represented the original enclitic form
e|-ei, Lat. ex -:
and similarly
( 38).
Lesb.
beside
At a later period
the -e in 0e/)e, &c. came to be regarded as an ending and
was then extended to athematic verbs, as
from
*-,
from *Tt6e, and similarly

,,

,
()

-,

,,

-.

&c.

By

{=

the addition of the accented adverbial particle

-dhi, later -hi) to athematic stems.

This
formation only occurs in Greek, Aryan and the Baltic-

dhi

Skr.

Slavonic languages, but the

-, Skr. i-hi

-,

fact that the

was very

etai, Skr. e-ti;

from

Skr. sru-dhi

stem had the weak

--, *f,
it

grade of ablaut shows that

beside

old.

Examples are
Skr. vid-dhi;

Skr. pa-hi.

Heavy

Accidence

- -,*--,
--,,-,

332
ablaut-bases, as

from

'^-,

perfects

Heavy bases with a long vowel

*SeSfc-ei.

like

passive

ceding aspirate,

SeiSi-Oi

458), as

After the analogy of second aorists

was added

it

new

to the

514) with dissimilation of the

opuv-Oi,

Horn.

-, -, -.
-,
^-, -,
from

[541

as

first

aorist

after the pre-

At a

&c.

--,

later

period such imperatives were also formed from the strong

grade stem of heavy ablaut-bases, as

regular form

-,

-,

&c.

The ending

-ov

beside the

-,

Horn.

of the second person singular of the

\-,

s-aorist SeT^-oi^,

beside

' -Sei^a,

'-, -, has

never been satisfactorily explained.

Note.

Att. ttUl (also

injunctive forms

extended to met-?

?),

like

probably contain the deictic particle

forms as

-,

541. In

analogy of

and Dor.

ayct

Avhich occurs in such

vvv-i ( 411).

Greek the

the addition of

after the

(Pindar),

third person singular

to the

Lat. -to, Indg. *-t5d)

bare stem.

was not

This

was formed by

= Skr.

-tad,

originally a personal ending,

but simply the ablative singular of the neuter demonstrative

pronoun *tod (= Gr.

, Skr. tad,

Lat. is-tud, Engl.

that) used adverbially with the meaning/ro/ that time, after

that, then.

The combination was

the second and third persons of

originally used to express

all

numbers, but already

Greek it became restricted to the third person

singular, and in Latin to the second and third person
singular, whereas in Vedic it was almost exclusively
in prim.

but it also
to the second person singular,
occurred occasionally for the third person singular, and the

restricted

second person dual and

plural.

In Vedic

it

had the

func-

tion of a kind of future imperative, expressing an injunction

Verbs

542]

which was

to be

333

carried out at a time subsequent to the

Originally the -tod had the principal accent and

present.

,,, , ,,
,
,
,
,
,,
^, ,
the stem of ablaut-bases had the

*-,

weak grade

from
Skr, vit-tad,
dat-tad, and similarly

8-,

&c.

Lat.

memento.

of ablaut, as

Lat. da-t5,

Skr.

perfects like

This formation

was

probably confined originally to athematic verbs, but it must

have been extended to thematic verbs at a very early period
as

is

shown by examples

Lat. vehito

like

beside Skr. bharatad, v6catad, vahatad,

beside

Lat. agitd.

The restriction of the

542. The third person plural.
formation with -tod to the third person singular in prim.
Greek gave rise to several new formations for expressing

The

the third person plural.

exact chronological order in

which these new formations took place cannot be determined

with certainty. The oldest type seems to be
which
occurs in Doric, Boeotian and Arcadian. This tj'pe probably arose in prim. Greek by the addition of
to the
injunctive form
cp. the similar formation in Lat.
ferunt-5.
From
was formed
by the
addition of the secondary plural ending -v of the third

*,

The

person.

type

and some Doric

dialects,

occurs in Homer, Attic, Ionic

and was the only good one in

Attic until Aristotle's time.

The

type

,,
&c.,

which occurs in Homer, Attic, and Ionic (on inscriptions),

arose from the pluralizing of the singular by the addition
of

-v,

cp. the similar

^^
,

-te after

After the analogy of forms like

was formed the type

found on Attic inscriptions of the fourth
And then lastly arose the type
:

which

century

^,

process in Latin agit6-te with

the analogy of agi-te.

b. c.

is

from a pluralizing of the singular by the addition

This type occurs in Attic prose

of the plural ending

-.

Accidence

334

543-4

since the time of Thucydides and on Attic inscriptions from

300 B. c. onwards and also on inscriptions in the later Doric
and North-Western dialects.

2.

The

Middle.

,
, ,,^

543. For the second person singular of the present and

second aorist the injunctive forms were used, as eVeo, eVou
from *7 = Lat. sequere, and similarly

,,

In forms like

&c.

^,

the -- was restored after the analogy of the other forms,

&c.

*,

The second person

from

this

singular of the s-aorist

&c.

is difficult

form does not occur

Most scholars are

in

because

any of the other languages.

inclined to regard

the active infinitive which

,,

to account for,

came

it

as being originally

be used for the imperative through the influence of the personal ending -() (as
of the second person singular of the
in

,
-

to

present indicative, cp. also the Latin passive imperative

,
^

plural legi-mini which in form corresponds to the infinitive

544.

The

-- which

is

546).

other forms of the middle contain the element

of the same origin as in the infinitive

have the same

endings as the active. In prim. Greek the form
after the analogy
arose beside the active form
of
. The history and development of the
middle forms of the third person plural went parallel with
&c., but in other respects they

,.

those of the active, but with regular loss of the

combination
the active

--

153), cp.

^^,

-f-

in the

beside

l^erbs

545]

The

545.

The

infinitives

335

Infinitive.

of

the

Indg.

originally isolated singular case-forms of

languages were

nomina

actionis,

and as with other kinds of nouns the case-form used

depended upon the construction of the sentence. Such
isolated forms became associated with the verb as soon as
they were no longer regarded as being connected with the
declension of the type to which they originally belonged.
This isolation took place with some nomina actionis
already in the parent Indg. language.

The

original Indg.

nomina actionis were best preserved in the Aryan, Old

Germanic and Baltic-Slavonic languages, whereas in
Greek and Latin they became in a great measure associated with the verbal system. The infinitive being a noun
in form had originally nothing to do with the distinction
between active, passive, and middle. The association of
particular forms to particular voices took place at a

much

later period.

As

there were in the parent Indg. language a large

number

of suffixes

which were

used to form nomina

actionis, there are accordingly a large

number of

diff"erent

forms of the infinitive in the separate languages, cp. Lat.

regere from *reges-i; Goth. OE. nim-an, to take; Lith.
Vedic yudh-am, to fight,
du-ti, O.Slav, da-ti, to give
;

at-tum,

to eat,

da-van-e,
all

yuje,

to give,

to

yoke,

dt-tav-e,

to

da-man-e (Hom.
eat,

sak-s4n>i,

to

-^-),
abide.

Of

these and various other Vedic forms only the one in

turn identical with the Latin supine in -turn was preserved in classical Sanskrit. In Vedic the case-form of
the infinitive could be the accusative, dative, locative,
and ablative-genitive. In classical Sanskrit and the Old
Germanic languages the case-form was restricted to the
accusative, in Latin to the dative, locative and accusative

Accidence

336
(=

the supine in -turn), and in

, -,
locative.

546.

Greek

Datives were the infinitives

and locatives those

-^,

to the dative

and

-^, -, 4vai,

-clu,

&c.

Datives.

I,

is

in

in

546-7

the dative ending of a

-//ei'-stera (

345).

This form only occurs in Homer and the Lesbian dialect

and was originally confined to athematic verbs, as Hom.
Ved. damane,
Ved, vidmdne, and

^^,

^, -^, ^,^^,
^^, ^, ,
similarly

and then

verbs, as

Hom.

which corresponds

later

^^^,

^^
-

extended to thematic
Aeye/zei/ai

form to the Latin second person

in

plural of the passive imperative (legimini).

The dative ending -vat in Attic, Ionic, Arcadian and

Cyprian probably arose from older
where -- was
the weak grade form of -^- ( 273) and which became
yv5>
simplified to -v- after long vowels ( 146), as

-, -,
,
-.

-,

beside

The

-,

-^, ,

,-^ {,
,,,
--

then came to be used after short

vowels and supplanted the old locative ending

549),

After

SeiKvvvai,

as

, ^,

the analogy of

{,

&c.) to

&c.)

new ending

which became productive especially

tive,

as eiSivai, SeSiivai,

y^yovivai, &c.

547.

The

to the

stem or

infinitive of the s-aorist

was formed

in the perfect infini-

In Cypr. Sofevai, Att.

whether the f belongs

Ved. davane.

-ivai

in

it

XeXoinivai,
is

doubtful

to the suffix, cp. also

,,,

an old dative of an s-stem which became associated

with the verbal system after the analogy of
and the
participle ^^^.
It corresponds in form to Vedic infinitives like jis-e, to conquer, stus-e, to praise, and to the Latin
&c.

is

'4^

548-50I

Verbs

passive infinitive dari from

337

*das-ai, cp.

also

beside Lat. amari, haberi.

548.

The ending

of the middle infinitive in

--

is

probably related to the Vedic infinitives in dhyai, -dhye,

as in dhiyd-dhyai, to deposit, gamd-dhye, to go, beside

which there was originally a form in -dhe corresponding

The origin of the formation of this type
to Greek
of infinitive is uncertain. The most commonly accepted
theory is that it was a compound consisting of an es-stem,
dSo? ( 279, 364), and the dative of a rootas in dSeaand that from forms like elSia
noun *dhe, *dh
the
came to be regarded as the ending
Oat
and was then extended to all kinds of tense-stems, as
XeXvaOat, and similarly
XveaOai,

.
:

--,
--

,
,
^,
,
,
,
,,
,
,,
^
,
*
,
:

'-

&c.

*,

^, , ^,

from

and similarly

221),

&c.

This type

of infinitive became medio-passive in meaning through the

influence of the middle personal endings -a^e,
2.

549.

-,

&c.

Locatives.

The ending -^, which

occurs in

Homer and

in

the Aeolic, Doric, Thessalian, Boeotian, Elean, Arcadian

and the North-Western group of

^,
, ^, ^,
^,
locative of a -//ei^-stem

^^,

had

after the

and similarly
formed after the analogy of

550.

It

is

difficult

to

formation of the infinitive in

, ,

an endingless

dialects, is

273, 345), as in

Cretan

Sec.

infinitives like

analogy of

in the dialect of

^^

Rhodes were

(pipeiu.

account satisfactorily for the

-eiv.

the ending -eiv in Attic, Ionic,

The

Szc.

difference between

and the

in Doric,

is the result
Lesbian and Elean shows that the -eiv,
of contraction. This contraction probably arose from -/

33

Accidence

and represented an old endingless

locative,

551-2

but as this

exact type of infinitive ending does not occur in the other

languages,

it

is

uncertain whether the -eaer represents an

In the former case it

Vedic forms in san-i, as ne-san-i,
and in the latter to Vedic
to lead, sak-sdn-i, to abide
forms like jes-i, to conquer, st5s-i, to praise, and to Lat.
dare from *das-i, which are locatives of s-stems.
We
should then have to assume that prim. Greek
became *^ through the influence of the -eu in the
ending -/zer.
'^^,
The Doric and Arcadian ending -cv in
&c. was due to the analogy of the ending -^.

original formation -e-sen- or -es-i.

would correspond

to the

^,

^,

Participles.

551.

All

active

ablaut-grades

except the perfect had

element -ent- with the various

participles

originally the formative

-nt-, -nt-.

For the declension

of these

participles see 352-5.

552.

The

formative element of the masculine

and

neuter of the perfect active participle consisted of the

blending of the two distinct elements -wes- with the ablaut-

grades -wos-, -wos, -us-, and -wet-, -wot-. The relation in

which the elements -wes-, -wos-, and -wet-, -wot- originIt is also uncertain
ally stood to each other is unknown.
which cases originally had the -s-form and which the
t-form.
In Greek the -w^ot- became generalized in the
oblique cases, whereas in Sanskrit it only occurred in
the instrumental, dative and ablative dual and plural
(vidvddbhyam, vidvddbhih, vidvadbhyah), the locative
plural (vidvdtsu), and the nominative and accusative neuter
singular (vidvat, knoiving).
This mode of forming the
perfect active participle was preserved in Greek, Aryan
and the Baltic-Slavonic languages, but in the other

Verbs

553]

339
For a similar

languages only scanty fragments are found.

blending of two distinct formative elements see 371.

In the masculine nominative singular the -wos- was
regularly lengthened to -wos ( 368), cp. eiSa)s beside

^,
eiSora,

eiSoro?,

was

singular

&c.,

/xe/xacore?,

^
neut.

(.

the

forms

In

levelled out into the oblique

stem-syllable had originally the

like

Horn.

-- of the nominative

weak grade

cases.

The

of ablaut, but

in Greek it generally had either the strong grade vowel

of the present indicative or the stem-syllable was formed

,
^^
^
,
^,
^.
- ,^, ^
^,
',
?,
^, ^ .
-- -^, , ?, ^-, ^, ^,
direct from the perfect indicative,

vidvdt,

ri-rec-a

beside

?,
'^,

and

beside Skr.

1869

Skr.

ri-rik-vas-

in all /c-perfects, as

The weak grade

&c.

The

?,

and similarly

cp.

beside

Terl-

of ablaut occurs in

^^, yeyaws

feminine of the perfect active participle had also

originally the

in

weak grade of

ablaut in the stem-syllable, as

Skr. vid-usi,

Hom.

Forms

^,

like

were new formaBoth in Greek

tions from the stem-form of the masculine.

and Sanskrit

belonged to the ja-declension ( 322).

nom. was -wes-ja, gen. -us-jls which in
Greek would regularly have become -da, gen.
Levelling then took place in both directions whereby partly -eta
and partly -fiay became generalized, as yeyoveia, &c. beside

The

it

original sing.

-.

&c.

^^,
,
^
^,
,

all

553.

The

formative element

Greek middle

^^,
,^,
^,

participles,

69,

Sec.

The

-^- was

as

used

^^^,

in

forming

^^,

XeXei/z/xetOS, Ae-

^^^,

formative element originally

Accidence

340

554-6

had the three grades of ablaut -meno-, -mono-, -mno- (cp.

The first became generalized in Greek, and pro 240).
bably also in Latin in the second person plural of the
the second in Sanskrit
passive (legimini =
and the
thematic verbs, as bodha-mana-h =
third occurs in isolated forms like Latin alumnus, autu-

^-^-^,

mnus.

(cp.

The

554.

514)

passive participle in -Ods, as in XvOds, &c.

was a

special

Greek new formation formed

analogy of participles

after the

like <pavds.

Verbal Adjectives.
555. The verbal adjectives in -to- originally denoted
completed action, but they were not passive in function.
They preserved their original function and meaning in
Greek, but in the Sanskrit, Latin, Old Germanic and Baltic-

they generally came to be used

Slavonic languages

as

perfect or past participles, mostly with a passive meaning,

especially

when

The

related to transitive verbs.

accent in

Greek and Sanskrit shows that the stem-syllable originally

had the weak grade of ablaut, c^.kXvtSs, Skr. srutah, Lat.

^, ^,
^,

in-clutus

datus

Skr. sthitah, Lat. status,

and similarly
S:c.

beside

?,

, , ^,
new formations

,
^^,

^<,

Lat.

a\er6s,

like XetnTos,

formed from the stem of the present. See 258.

556. The verbal adjectives in -reoy from older *-re/^o?, as

Tp^TTTos

in

Xvtos,

.09,
special

dandiis,

Xeinreo^,

scribendus,

Greek formation which has no

languages.

8zc.

evpereos,

255) were a

parallel in the other

Advet^s

557-9]

CHAPTER

341

XIII

ADVERBS
557. Greek adverbs are for the most part of twofold

They are partly isolated case-forms of pronouns,

nouns, substantivized adjectives, and occasionally predicaorigin.

adjectives used

tive

and partly formed by

adverbially,

means of suffixes the origin of which is often unknown. It

is probable that some at least of these suffixes were the
remnants of case-endings which became isolated from the
inflexional system already in the parent Indg. language and
were then

crystallized as adverbial suffixes.

, , ,,
, ,, ,,, ,,8 ,
,
, ,,,
Case-forms.

I.

558.

The nominative occurs

Xe^piy,

/,

far

Lat. prorsus, satis.

off,

559.

The

accusative

^,

in

&c., cp. also Skr.

eyyi/y,

was

parih,

often used adverbially in

86,

the Indg. languages, as

all

viov,

.,
,
,
, ,,, , ,
, , , ,,,,
Att.

cp. Skr.

pleasure, willingly, Lat.

weg,

cp. Skr.

kim, why

Skr. hyah.

(neut.

pi.),

at

from *8fav,

Dor.

Att.

9. Ion. 9,

/zeya,

&c.,

also the adverbs in

the -- of which

Examples are

filu.

ovap,

verbal abstract nouns like

fight, battle.

kamam,

multum, OE. ealne

Lat. furtim, partim, facile.

F,

Skr. puru, Goth.

nama, by name,
Here belong
&c.

rus,

8,

always,

ev6v,

X^ey

domum,

cp.

Skr.

-, ,

was probably the same as in

and Skr. samad-,

,
,
,
^, ,
,
,
,
,
,
,
, ,,, ,
Accidence

342

560-4

. ,,
, , ,,, ,
,, , .
,
,
, ,,
,
,
, -,
.
&c.

560.

The

genitive occurs in adverbs of time and place,

'^,

as ianepd?,

OE.

Dor. eVa?,

Goth, nahts,

nihtes.

The

561.

adverbial use of the dative

The

humi,

Lat.

was

rare, as in

dative supplanted

the original instrumental in forms like Attic, Ionic

As

Cret.

the dative and locative regularly

together in the a-declension

,,

it

possible that

is

,, ,

above forms may be originally locative

The

562.

',

,,

pronominal forms, as

,
.

, ,

Elean
aUi from

nepvTi,

*^,

Att.

were aUv, Dor.

Att.
;

a/ey,

in

Lat.

cp.

nominal and
domi, belli,
cp. Skr. ake,

, ,,,

aOed,
near at hand, dure, at a distance

, -,

305).

was common both

locative

fell

some of the

Skr,

o\,

Dor.

^,

Cret.

from *aJpi,
Dor.
parut endingless locatives
;

cp. the similar -r in

Lith.

kuf, where, Lat. cur, why, Goth, hrar, where, Lat. nocturnus.

563.

The

ablative

{=

,.

Indg. -od, -Id)

served in pronominal forms, as

unde,
cp.

-,

Skr. tat

(=

yat, in so far

hinc,

istinc,

Locr.

Indg. *tod), then, in this way,

Delph.

as.

foL,

,, ,

was mostly

Dor.

,
,

pre-

tmde,

kasmat, why,

donio, cp. O.Lat.

meritod,

rected, Goth, sinteino, cotttinua/fy, J)iubj5, secretly.

,,

564.

The

,-, -,
,-,
.
-,
,.

instrumental occurs in

pronominal forms, as
cp. Lat.

qu5,

Att.

rco-ie.

both nominal and

Dor.

Att.

Ion.

Dor.

-.

Ion.

Ion.

Lesb.

, , ,
-,
>, 6{)
(, -(, , , ,
,,,
,
,
,
,
,
,,
,
,,,.

Adverbs

565-6]

Att.

Goth. Yue,whcrewiih

Dor.

were also the adverbs

343

6-,

Cret.

if,

in

-,

Lac.

^-.

Horn.

cp.

Instrumental

like /, ^,

&c.

probably also occurs in the adverbs in

-a,

It

as

neSa,

The

565.

positive of adverbs of quality is

so-called

originally the ablative singular of the adjective used ad-

, ^, , , , ^, ^,
verbially to which

was added the

-? belonged

ending

particle

-y (

575).

originally to c-stems only, as in

&c.

From

these

it

The
KaXm,

became extended

kinds of stems, as

to all

&c.

In the comparison of adverbs

it

is

necessary to distin-

guish between the adverbs derived from adjectives and

from adverbs.
For the comparative of
adverbs derived from adjectives the accusative neuter
singular of the corresponding adjective was used, as
those derived

, ,

,,
,. ,

And

and similarly

in

Sanskrit and Latin.

for the superlative the accusative neuter plural

and similarly

as

used,

whereas

in

Latin

we have

was

Sanskrit,

the ablative singular of the

corresponding adjective, as O.Lat.

med =

in

(inscription)

facilu-

facillumed, later facillime.

The comparative and superlative of adverbs derived

from adverbs had the instrumental ending
just as in the
so-called positives, as

566.

,
2.

,-

Suffixes.

{= Indg. *-dhi,

cp. Skr. d-dhi, above,

upwards,

6,
-,
,
-, -, -, -, -,
6 (-, -.

and the

-b in

Lat. ubi, ibi) denoting where, as in

;

Accidence

344

567.

The

beside -[) denoting place.

--).

relation in

unknown, but

suffixes stand to each other is

which these

567-75

-,
6

they are doubtless related to the -ha in Skr. i-ha,

'iv -,
kvTav -,
ku-ha, where. Examples are
beside Horn. 'ivep-6e[v),
Dor. Lesb. evep -,
:

6-{^),

6e{v),

6-{),

here,

-^',
-^
-^,
-^, ^-^,
-^, -^,
-^, -^,
-^,

denoting

568.

ivhejicc,

as

ovpavo-Oev

Dor.

6-6ev,

^-,

ev-Oev,

569.

and

vy\ro-6ev.

denoting whither

-ie

Aio-Oei^,

originally a preposition

is

related to Lat. de, O.Slav, do,

is

kKU-6ev,

OE.

t5,

to,

Indg.

.
-, -,

^-, -,

*de, *do, as aypa-Se, aXa-Se, Meyapd-Se, oiKa-Se (ace. neut.

*8^
, 6-

and similarly
with the same meaning as

from

570. -ae

6-,
-,
it

dXXo-ae,

is difficult to

571. -re
To-re.

also Att.

153),

- may

no-ae beside Goth,

see

why

the *-re

became

-ae in

-,,

-, -^.

i-ikh.,

-J),

cp.

adverbs

-^,
-,
cp.

(= Skr. -tah, Lat. -tus), as -^, kv-Tos, cp.

from here, ta-tah, from there, Lat. in-tus, caeli

573.

574.

same

-,
.
-, -,
-^

the origin of which

-, -,
-?

be the same as Goth

aljaj, elsewhere, hraj), whither,

it

tus, fundi-tus.

the

6-, -,

572. -roy

Skr.

as

-Se,

remained in adverbs of time.

av-re, -,
denoting time, as
6-,
Lesbian has -, as

of place whilst

7-6,

The

no-ae.

but

-^,

beside Horn.

pi.)

Dor.

in e

-,

-?

is

unknown,

as in

from ^afe-Ka^,
is probably
deva-sah (= Indg. *-kns), god

suffix as in Skr.

for god.

575. Quite a

nepvTi

number

{,

without a suffixal

-y,

as

-, -9, -^

,,

of adverbs have forms with and

Delph.

ol-s

beside

beside the usual form

^;

Elean

The

? ,

Adverbs

5751

-?

for

^,

Hom.

became generalized

from adjectives already

The

language.

beside

in

&c.

adverbs of quality formed

in the prehistoric period

origin of this

345

-y is

uncertain.

It

of the

probably

arose from various sources, such as the adverbial forms

where the
nom.
-y

-y
;

was

originally

gen, vvktos

in multiplicative

a case- or stem-ending, as

ace. neut. sing, x^e?,

numerals, as

See Brugmann, Grundriss,

8is,

&c., vol.

ii,

and the

Skr. bhih, Lat. bis.

second

.ed., p.

737.

INDEX
The numbers after a word refer
ayayeip 457

433

420, 458.

'!

214, 232.
458.
495
495

237

289

129, 217, 485

499
20, 38 nOte, 40,

247, 485
(Dor.) 540 note.
(Horn.) 526.
66, 197, 478.
247

((

36.

'

;^(
.

43> 44, 82, 83, 89,

93,96, 154, 88, 229,
431 457, 505. 57>
521, 540.
g6.

8.
237
75

195, 279

6)7?
^95?

269.
89.

24 1.
1

9,

424, 43

{)((.)

?
(
uSiji'

(Hom.) 546
52,

dijT?;

70,

77,

247,

(Horn.) 70.

36.

258.

aOefL 562.
a^fos
^

237

205, 269
483

79, 341

276, 359,
262.

34

3^
(Cret.)

8.

34 1

'

483
258.
124.
466.
1

^
7'

,-458
146, 546.

252.
237
289

d-yKUX?; 247

5, 50> 5

8.
37

97

36.

541
(Horn.) 80.

8,

aei 57, 122.

279
247
569.
54^
237
8.
119, 237
8.
5>20, 22,43, ^3^>
88, 248.
478
8.
254
n'fXXa 247
258.
66.
468.
(Lesb.) 478
69, 156.
8.
244
afopat 21,127, 129,190
2, 24, 43, 39> ^ 237. 420, 478.
420.
155 93

559
dyeXjjSof 559

32, 247
20, 155,

58,

499

(\!

285.
(Dor.)

2S7, 489237
489

ayoy

'.(( 36

285.

^ (.)

40, 378.

paragraphs in the Grammar.

yrcuToy 65, 290.

(Hom.)
note.

20,

to the

34

287, 290.

8.

'A^;mfe 21, 153 321

569.
321, 562.

"^ 359, 36.

(Dor.) 416.

Index

!
-

Atajrre 294.

43 1

atyfOi 128, 237.

^"?

237.
276.

axy'ih\.ov

ai-yXijfii

32.

289
289.
49^niSotof 237.
(Boeot.) 58 note.
237, 279, 298,
300, 302, 305, 368,

18
J92.

57' 562.

*"'^'

oiiV 305, 562.

aiVj (Dor.) 305, 562.

^^
;;^
^^
475

76

239
564

56, 57) 368.

ai-yoiSoTOf

347

/^

247
247
492
tiicijicoa 429, 5^7
279
*"7 239

(
oK/i^i/

559
289

oK/icor

273
495
266.

(/

/^
)7^
7;^

57
"/.

273

'

475
475
79

243

279> 492

m'fei (Cypr.) 57, 122.

258.

254) 376
489
;^);? 76, 279) 489
475
565
429

62.

77

aWepios 237.
359, 36o.

;^

(Lesb.) 80.
aXtoy (Dor.) 80.

236, 279.
ai^poroKoy 289.
II, 56, 177.
269.
(Cypr.) 1 29 note

273
"Kpty 119, 261.

277,

^
I.

493, 495.
247.
493.
495
276.
289

24 1

dCf

35

468.

(Hom.) 24.

/ds

266.

1 34
dXyfii/os 241

485
32.

76

aKybi>v 272.

a'lptTOs 32.

8,

',
;^

\
4^7

467

239

(.)

(Horn.) 428,

526.
40.

478
atVa 129, 167

57

48

258.

25909, 49
1

tj/

^2.

50, 49

474
474
371
aXeaaOai 5 1 0.

37 1
77>

09

278.
468.
526.

475

37 1
134) 469
(Horn.) 239

289

495
569

38 note.

;^$

568.

88, 43) 45^)

47_

248, 273
258.
278.

'

558.

237

8,

alvos 241.

258.

<(7

cui/eros 32
at^Jj

258.
289

239
475

40, 559
(Cret.) 561

(Lesb.)

32)

564.

558
(IXXeyov 149-

; 561

215, 232
230.
568.
305, 566.
(Dor.) 573

232,

129, 213, 221,

420, 478, 48,

57
4) 43)
132, 237

9>

129,

aXXoaf 57
(Lesb.) 571
571
40.

Index

348
(Hom.)

221,

507.
532,
532

132,

43,
358.

213,

']

37

65.

236.
(Dor.) 406.

8
8(

88, 458,

47

S^7

/'

^.

322.

4^7, 473
306, 325, 504
422, 499
292
467
47
49^
49^

/'
/;(

69

45

(Dor.) 402.
378
(Horn.) 428,
526.

a/if

djuei't/zfTnt

/*6

20,

77,

^32,

279, 3^6.

/> 73

(Dor. Boeot.) 69,

214, 402
(Dor.) 406.
258.
a/Liii' (Dor.) 402.
(Hom. Lesb.)
402.
(Hom. Lesb.) 69,
214, 402.
(Lesb.) 402.
(Lesb.) 406.

a/iff

34, 36, 39, 152,

277, 3i6, 359, 360,
3^1
492.
243
247, 279, 492
243
253
38 note, 295
247
248.
16, 258

^.

(.) 4^5

23

287, 290.

228, 229
37

aj/ayxaiof 237

561
273
aratSijy 279
290.
237
237
om-yfCJ/

24, 43, 237

484
237, 484
dvTin-epaios 237

(? 43
256.

Hvu/it
,

6, 290.
(Horn.) 430, 463,

473;

29

474 475
291558
iW^ 129 note 2, 285,
343
129 note 2.

'/:

559
559
559
466.

'''
//
''

'?

574
289
252.

( '
(Acol.) 402.

dvecp^a 430,

,7

43, 294

\ ^
^
?
(
7,
1

230, 575

q6, 380, 564.

43, 49, 239

avtv 575
avevr (El.) 575.
log.

^
^?

29
29 1

285

09

avf/Lios

202.

478
559
230, 575

8.

53

467
209.
249

(Lesb.) 3 1 6.
(Lesb.) 406.
117, 207, 24 1.
65, 213.

(Horn.) 221, 507.

4^y

(Aeol.) 402.

{)

499

1 1

'

559

()}

(^
^

564. 5^5
(Hom.) 546202.

37^
499, 526.
43, 212.

237

289
209
512.

0, 473

465, 473, 499

564, 5^5
564, 5^5
2 54

236.
236.
290.
65,

290,

90, 287,
394
170.

89,

38,

Index
,"]

30

43^
(Cypr.)

129

I.

fine 38.

27

1.

38.

(Lesb.)

148,

462.

129 note
266.

7' 43

467.

(Dor.) 458.

8, 287, 290.
395
284.
8, 373 note,

?;?

380, 395
24, 43>
note.

^
/

230

228,

424.

269.
292.
269, 345
552.
239
251.
485.
239 485
32, 3/8.
489
287.

''

259, 378.
289.
220, 247
247
264.

"

(Horn.)

'
;;

85, 245-

35

128, 237
248.

ape

239
378.
2 53

19, 494,

237
289.

,)^'

236,

473
473
236.
237, 266, 30,

289.

.) 212,

217, 269.
123.

(.)
(?'

73

(Horn.) 67, 212,

217, 269, 350.

\\(

343
237
237

aprt;s

359>

252.

123, 232.

-'

278,

36.

appiWepos (Arcad.) 378.

289

289.

249
200.

237
III.

266.

15^.

y^.

239
29,

44

7^.

494
499289.

8.

/ioy

(.) 129,
(.) 69,

509,

4-9

279
249
37^
Sg, ^76.
274
274
266.

/
/

43, 136, 458

291.

457) 505
429 47 1
552

248.

289
237
253
289
237, 285.
258.

239
237
dpror 294
463

564.

221,

507.

258.

^^

' '
^
'

121 note, 473

apyaXeos

275

8.

ar (Dor.) 79, 80.

257

43

559

30> 29 1.
(Aeol.) 123.

28g.
559
236.

2j8.

38

473

;(
/

aper;? 73, 258.

47 1

note

349

253 470

490.
266, 49
473

33>

333;

289.
are (Dor.) 564
466.
arepor (Dor.) 254

(Horn.) 80.
484
290, 484
8, 321, 323
arpepa 575

\\(8

(Hom.) 575
'Arpevy 338
TjTOi 109.

Index

350
129, 4 1 4
321.
(Att.) 57) 480

6,

229.
(Cret.) 134
566.
(Cret.) 134

278.

, 6,

6, 199)
6, 199)

431) 467
6, 97)
467, 468.
avos 60, 115, 213.
(Aeol.) 123
215, 237) 559

6, 57
(Dor.) 562.
258.
411.
avrijt 411.

^'

573
274
568.
566.
289

4) 405
57

nuroO 560.
279
237
au^ijj' 269.
ai'cuf (Aeol.) 71, 213
254
(Dor.)
96,
520.

27.
37
522.

220, 230, 232.

522.
325
366.
III, 248.

(
^

.
^
^^/

83, 345

376

376
272.

475
(Dor.j 564

;^
""7

/3

;;^

/3/
/
/3

128, 488.
245
463, 475
279
279; 366.

65, 141, 169,239,

262.

,?

559
478.
239
279
251.
iSa^us 264.

/3^

3^

II, 65, 75) 142,

205, 470, 477, 478,
506.

/SatVo)

/3

07.

(.)

552.
520.

107.

^58.

532

55

1 59
129,
67,

520.
(Boeot.) 205

66.

480.
(Boeot.) 65, 205,
236, 295
473

(
note

205,

478, 505, 527

1

I.

(Horn.) 498
240.
(Thess.) 205

note

I.

68, 251.

159, 233235
475
49*^

(
'-

note

I.

note

I.

(.)

205

(Dor.) 133.
247.
273.

3 note, 7)

299) 300, 305) 316,

338, 340, 489
254
128, 489
237
239

'

|3eV^of 279.

284
237

72, 79) 122, 268, 298,

(Lesb.
285.

33) 47, 67, 205,

264,322,475

(Thess.) 148.
8o, 279.
258, 378.
378.
259, 378.
378
(Boeot.) 205

/3? 67,

jZ.

((

521.

(Horn.) 523.

499
238.

/3^

^IJ
521.

58,
520.

532

67,

523.

8.

257
205

\(
;
\(

49*^

242, 49
424, 47, 540
375*
258.
236.

3^

494

(Horn.) 526.
422.

494

,^ 422.

51, 205.

424

Index

'

424, 459.

47 1

;(.)

289.
236.

7^.
51.

{') 36.

8.
( on.)

80.

2 53

/3

499
253, 470.

!
^
^

?
(

559
119, 265.

248.

,?

45

376.
145, 376.
473> 51
467, 473.
258.

?!'

532.
532.
1 1

7,

^
05
^

?!^

>/

490
264.
284.
375, 478.
478.
264.

493, 509
145, 493 J 509
263.
478.
68, 145, 251.
145, 470

'
^

92.

32.

8.

^
7

148.

236.

63,96,205,

y8.

117

45

289
289.
266.
248.
236.
(Lesb.) 69,
(Lesb.)

420, 421,

8, 29,

559273

85

48, 25;

234, 28;, 294, 298,

299, 300, 302, 305.
38, 311, 312, 314:
36, 339

5
109,

6g,

430, 402.
289.
289
1

143, 497
283, 370.
1 09.

248, 475
478

/7
1

48.
1

7,

59

(.)

8.

(Dor.) 54, 63.

'^

(Dor.) 80.

28.
88, 475

497.
236.
1 43, 258.
145
262.

^
7

243

30,

2 1 6, 499

429, 48.
429
278, 359- 36.
376.
376.
269.
(Arcad.) 321.
247

/
^
-

ye 40.

(' 49
g6, 5 1 8.
yeyap7/<a 520.

'
yfytiTT;!/

49 1

(Hom.)

523
552
518, 522.
5

8.

57
yi-yova

65, 96, 421, 429,

518.

yeyoi/eta 235, 546, 552yeyoi'uta (Ion.) 235.

2.

'
(

yiy

IJ.
1

07.

7,

58,

521.

546
221, 548
yeypux/zopnt 50
yeiVati/a 235

269

244
458, 468.
279, 298,

68.

258.
206.

429.

475, 478.
230, 285,

344-

49

205 note

117, 223.
109.

92,
158, 521.

489.
499
28g.

258, 472.
499
499

\|/^

209

69,

73.
1

278, 470.

/7

205, 26.
258.
258.

26.

'
/

236.

205.

351

368,

492.

(Hom.) 492.

352
ytvia 51.

Index

Index
baiTvs 266, 273.
75, 125, 129, 478
289.

^
^

</

5^5

462, 468, 505

279
43,

5.

^
/

(Hom.) 509

499
458, 512.
50^1-05298,301,354,355

534
298, 30, 354,

355

^"^

^
|

-,^"^
'/

'
'

322.

51.

64, 67, 83, 89,

96, 421, 456, 55

/^8.

46,

424, 433,

46.

348.
205.
9, 283.
68, 236.
276.
223, 245
238.
32, 258, 37879, 128, 279
(Horn.) 80.
283.

/^

553
58, 354, 433,
434, 463, 504, 54
546.

2.

52 note

28.

9^, 241,
note.
note, 473

"]

(\

'

287

^
^
?
473

(Cret.) 526.

'

269.
269.
247
273
41 5

'

66.

239

(Horn.) 166.
239

237

^(94 (Cret.)

166.

8.

51 8.
262.
326.
258.
322.

24
543, 547
535
547
500.
202.
498, 5
237

65.

273
(Lesb.) 51.
(Lesb.) 478.
67, 89, 217, 258,

26,

/^
'^

67.

66,

543
465

209
(Arcad.) 528.
5

129.

'
'^

((!

495
495
(Ion.) 5

520.
520.

(5

478
44,65. 171,

5,

6y, 89, 5^8.

III.

47 1

3,

96,

56-8.

38, 44,46,

421,

429,

2,

394

5 .

82,

384

54^

289
III, 396.
97, 258, 377,390.
521
(Lesb. Arcad.)

^390
258.
(Horn.) 221, 507.

321.

253
(Boeot. Cret. Lac.)

-^

1 8.

(.)

144> 258, 299,

321, 323

39
468.
221, 548.
429, 507, 5^6.
468.
79, 128, 478.
(Hom.) 429.
516, 521.
237
(Dor.) 148, 205,
205 note I, 462
486
b',
17, 80, 486,
527, 540
501.

^/
?
(
/

(\- 25 note .
540.

//247

1.

8
(.)

(9 (Horn.)

37 1

257.
244
285.

(Horn.) 124.

229, 265, 488

292.
483 488.
295

46

(\

(Horn.) 523

"9.

47.

\ 271,

552.
521.
520.
520.
247

353

'

Index

354

] 56.

499

(.)
Aio^ei 568.

125, 129,234,237,

559

302, 337

483) 4^7

26.
^"*'

21,

237
394
387
393
499
1 86, 429> 47 1

533
553
546
548.
543
541
542
540
17, 69, 154, 66,
298,301,354, 355
154, 3^^.

47 1

8, 33, 38, 49
54,82,83,85,87,96,

433,
529.

171,

354, 429,
434, 455. 472,

(Hom.) 499
205.
5 1 8.

459
459
337
495, 499
237
246.

()

499
499

;; 82.

237
236.
486.
246.
246.
486.

)
/

^
'

395
129, 395237
322.
247
247
68, 278.
68.

119,

34

(Cypr.)79. 271

111,236, 495

495
495

20.

SoXoeis 276.

549

(Horn.) 273, 305

549

(Horn.)

273,

,545, 546.
553

{&.)

271,

24,

17,

304,
69,

302.

354, 355
237
,, 239
489
489
532
532
129, 47^
275
422.

531"
'?!^ 532, 533.

/- (Rhodes)

79>

(.)

/7?7

8.

546.

304, 546.

469.

54^

97

(.)

543

393
395
82,
89,
37,

i^ote,

169,

524, 539
548
69, 262.

359,361.
49 note, 87, 96,
258,555

124, 394, 575

86, 253

54 note.

?
?
()
'
>
38 1

9> 124

235, 322.
255, 55^.
82, 235, 278, 322,

395
395

53

'^

37:

^
'

37, 292.
(Cret.) 562.

^-45,

'
88

23,

292.

559

50.

23469,
264.

129, 395-

21.

8.

,^

292.

321.

32.

254
258.

549
236,
46, 17 1
287.
129, 67, 322.
285.

354
47^
255
67, 258.
478
54 1
321.
8, 63, 354,478.
242,
242.
247
285.

Index

{5

46.

529
294, 381.
6efca

/^?

Zgo.

29.
43
290.
290.
54, 171, 22937, 124,
38, 385.

39 L
(Boeot.

J24,
(-

523.

129.

292,

-^

458, 56.
512.
230.
507.
517, 520.

(
/

458,

Cret.)

528.

559

56.

e>

54,

298-300,

82,

302,

36.

354, 404
43
43<^.

iavdavf (Hom.) 43
eap 22, 67, 79 97, 121,
. 371
eap( 241.

50,

8,

401, 4^2
463
466, 505
5

0, 512.

528
242.
67.
467.
249

514

44, 89, 115, 171,

213, 279, 457
504.
504.
(Thess.) 54 note.
248.

(
(
(
(
(

64, 67, 83, 89,

55

242.
512.

5 04.

6,44,

171,287,425,

475
233

)7

54

402.
401, 402

(
(
(
(
(
(

273,

note,

504,

520.

( 4 ,

(Horn.)

424, 498, 526.

454, 54

(
,

402.

33,

(
(

53

429

e-yXeXvoi 73
44, III,

54, 96, 248.

517,

54

96, 456, 503458, 56.

63, 7, 97 45,
56, 528.
522.

eyparj/a 507,

(Horn.)

552.

(Hom.) 509

503.
2 1 6.

)/

499
278,

359,

(Hom.)

('

129.

278,

e'vyi? 558.

("/

212.

8,

(
((

(
(
(

5"

2.

546.

iyyevrji 230.

82, 279, 290,

511,

206.

509.

290.
279

523.

507,

531, 547.

((

56.

/3>;' 458,

298-302, 38, 312,

314, 363, 364, 366,
367, 373.

"/.

467, 472511.

{\^

(Horn.) 385.

(Horn.) 523.

217,

392.
lOJ, 158, 39
e^i^i/ 70, 205, 422, 424,
458, 503, 506.

() '

43<^)

(((
(Hom.)
?^
463,

3S6.

534
(Cret.) 528.

!
(

(Dor.) 50, 51, 506,

708.

(Hom.) 390.

546.

24.

115, 213, 250.

396.

(Horn.) 546.

512.

(
(

e3oi/

473

(Hesych.) 152.
396.

355

(Hom.)

292.
(apivos 241.
e^aXo;/ 129, 505.

236.
269.
248.

;
(
((
((
(
(

397,

(
ie

(Horn.) 404.
(Horn.) 505
(Horn.) 43
(Horn.) 77.

((

({)
((

(fos (Boeot.) 406.

511.
522.

((
((

(Hom.) 509.

((63,

507, 511.
521,

((
(< 57

(
(

129, 458, 48 1.
522.

Index

356

'
'

'

505.

(Boeot.) 52 note

2.

(Qiiva 216, 511.

(
(

(Horn.)

433

note.

504.

52 note

2,

504,

252.
e^fos 280.
40, 416.
80.

(
(
/

(
(

'
6

(Horn.) 526.

76, 129, 230, 433,

517.
289.
24

fiV

396

394
IIIj 121, 386.
258, 392
(Horn.) 523
euTOP 518.

^
('

'' 86, 47
43

539

eiro 416,

(Hom.)

g6,

,518

57

12,

57

6? 552
222.

',

517
517-

(Horn.) 69, 462.

;( 57>

'

/6,

52 1

394
396
393, 396
266.

(KjfpTjS 291.

eVe? 305, 325, 416, 562.

fKcWev 416, 568.

fKUvos 412, 415, 416.
eKdvoai 412, 416.
457.
212, 217,

(
'

509,

512.

26.

fKepbava

(Ion.) 216.

217, 509,

(
'
(
(
(
(
'

391

6y, 89, 96,

512.
262.

56

6-

II 6.
eKXiiO 513
2^\,

(Arcad.) 73
237

511.

430.
153
eis 12, 69, 89, 96, 144,
154, 38.
,
239

43^

564

fKaarepa 564
S7, 96, 287.
eKaroV 65, 73> 141, 82,
38, 387
,

464.

28.

520.

'

546.

430.

(Ion.)

6, 52.

(
^

(
(

lpyav

53.

34 1
34 1
eiXap 37 1

(Hom.)

6
?

6;? 373

54 1

'

279
322, 552

219, 43
ihrov 425, 430, 457
(Horn.) 433 note.

el8m 122, 322, 552

eiKtiy

1 1

fiVe 38, 540

*-"-*

ttSor 425^ 43*^

eh (Horn.) 404.

itSo/uai 96.

'//

463,

464

531
546.
548.

499>

(
(

fldap 271, 371.

(18

214, 229, 427, 433>

434, 452, 49, 526.
7, 12, 38, 58,83, 85,
96, 424, 428, 453
498, 524(Boeot.) 404.
(IvafTes 384
384, 3^7
384
69, 124,

(.)
(.)
39
(.) 214,

eOpf^a 511.
ei

7,

520.

et

44>44note ,

69, 85, 89,

40, 104, 169, 212,

45,

454, 504.
eOev (Dor.) 404.

(Horn.) 148.

273
Sly.
430.

e/it38,4o,

512.
430, 431.

'(

(
(

73
eKopop 505.
fKoy 574

8, 43

247
512.

69

54

eKTfipa 2 1 6,

221.
566.

e/CTOJO 517, 518.

221,258,350,377,

572.

(
;

'^/ 456,

55

124

221.

eK0pes 539
121
note,
352.

275,

Index

(
(
(
'

38, 38 note, 422,

505.

(.)

So,

69.

129, 156, 210.

499
278.
258.

{\>

69, 80,129,156,

''

210, 378
130.
249
209.

(
/

(Horn.) 76, 402.

508.
(Ion.) 402.

24 1.
273

f/xeii

5 II

248.
02, 96.

(]
^^

517.

58

552.
38, 540.
A(9fii^ 139
38, 82, 97.

8)

450, 456, 55
279
(Lac.) 117, 172.
(Horn.) 430.
eX
1 49
230.

^/
(\(

148.

201.

eXos 279

37

141.

214,

230,

346, 387.
394
eVciXior 237.
eVar 396.

('
,

?'69, 124,377.390.

(/
/^

evSeKa 37. 385

391

566.

8> 287.

429. 45 7> 505

69, 117, 2 16,

58,

511.

(Lesb.) 69, 117,

216, 508.
386.
39~
(Dor. Lesb.) 567.

('
(

567.
258.

{"

258.
(Ion.) 402.

1 47
'(' 4 1 6.

/^

(Dor.) 69, 117,

216.
560.
512.
(Dor.) 69, 2l6.
512.
ei'^a 567.
70, 5o6.
(Hom.) 221, 507. ei'^ev 568.
(Dor.) 402.
(Dor.) 133
eVtauaioi 169.
507.
evi
429.
5 I
eViWef 524, 539.
II 6.
eVrea 79, 122, 384.
(Hom.) 43.
(VveaKaibiKajos 39^
117, 150, 230.
(Lesb.) 69, 214.
384.
ei'1'eay 396.
5 1 8.
(Horn.) 2 14, 232. ei'i'eoi'(Hoin.) 2 1 4, 43O.
(Horn.) 386.
512.
f
1 2 1 note, 463, 464.
402.
(vos 44, 213, 378.
45
284.
33) 46.
ivs 153.
402.
(Dor. Lesb.) 402. eiT fCret.) 12, 69, 154,
380.
43 1
230.
567.
yo.
(VTfS (Dor.) 354.
eWoi 350, 572.
285.

(Dor.) 402.

^^

I40,

458,

475,

'

evtjs

'

(9

'

(Dor.) 80.
65,

ej/

1>((}

(Horn.) 509.

'^

552.

80, 402.

262.

6.

57
57

(
/

! (Dor.)

58.

6// 63, 507

eXi^a 507, 51

(Was

'(

(
'

(Hom.) 523.
f^fwa (Lesb.) 69, 216,

^^

')7

43

23t).

482,

475

474
279
iKeyxos 279

29,

357
1 J

493. 509
343. 393. 482.
507, 53 1
257
371.
458, 481, 56,
514230.
>/ 397, 402.
fVfyf 35. 401. 402.
(Hom.j 402.

f'/xeio

259) 378.

'

eMftj/a69, 216,508, 5 II

?;;^' 466, 505

209,210,264,378.
458, 499

eXeiii/os

21,

466, 505.
470
509.
375

'^

'

'
'

('
(8

Index

358

fvvnviov 237.
fwnvos 37
f'l 109, 222.

429, 457, 505.

217, 221, 507,

('

82, 89, 96,

289.

(
(

456, 505
274
274
eViTToX^f 560.

38.

( ((
(
('

386.

392.
2 1 6, 508
522.

517,

29 1

(
('

(Horn.) 33, 406.

fov (Dor.) 404.
eoCs (Dor. Boeot.) 404.
64, 65, 89, 422,
e'oi

(
470;

278.

416.
eneiaa 1 66,
eVfii;

509,

5 II,

520.

no,

179.
5 12.

II 6.

(((
(7(
543.

(
(

(Horn.) 523.
(Horn.) 523

inenovddv 430.
inep&va

430.

5 08.

(Horn.) 509.

66, 509.

289.

46 1.

64,

07,

^IJ.

\/ 511.

39 1

/
?
'
'

394
387

?
/
'

(Dor.) 458, 506.

(Dor.) 96.
289
396
458
521.
247

4S8
epaopni 458
458.

239.

129 note

2.

'^
?/ 28.
f'p/ia

273.

78.

124
3,

157,158,213,384

{'neira 57 1.

46 1,

44,

2,

239.

epKos 279.

456,

505,^524, 539
28g.
eVoy 121, 202 note
212, 247, 279
67
33,

129 note

ipKilos "iyj

513

219, 420,

'
/

73.

'

6.

44) 89, 96, 202,

213,

1 1 7, 207.
473
129 note 2.

420, 456, 505.

473.
fpii 260, 285, 343.
249.

53

eVa^a (Dor.) 8o.

enepaa

237
53,

51
51

en-Xe^a

8.

f'opya 518.

306, 564.

f'peTij

('
?'

eVip^^drtos

'

epepvos

fper?;?

528.

fVXay^a

S18.

(Arcad.)

('

5^5

274
78

'Epe/irjs

273
529

10, 274
456, 55

66( 456,

(Hom.) 24

IIS564.
568.
eo (Horn.) 404
e'oi (Horn.) 404.
eotKal86, 470,471, 517,

279

effi^oj/

fi" 539, 540.

^
^
^

521.
1 29

285.
291.

(05

e|a? 396.

121,

77,117, 136,205,
205 note 2, 207, 231,

29 1.

7.

2,

(( 36

278.

387.

07,

^58.

I^Oie

188.

509.

221, 384.

e^OKty 394.

44

epyoi;

44, 136, 157, 213,

430, 456.
123458

eppfoi;

(Hom.)2l5, 43

'
'

23
fpp7|a 123, 232, 430
i^ppiya 518.

43

521.
1

6.

56.
82, 83, 96, 123,

57,

$2,
77, 236

;7(.)67, 212,217,

7'
.

345;

466.

Index

(:

('pvyt'iv

466, 505.
244,

"]

note.

\)( 467.

5,

153

%
^

e'ff^ijy

53, 5 09.

509.

44 note

(.

(
'

522.

153 note.

(Cret.)

66.

560.

eVrrepii'di

eanepos 121 note, 212.

9^,

457,

() 5
,

44 note

8.

^
/;/

517, 520.

57

517^OJ.
224, 475
235-

(Hesych.) 90,
97

56.
44 note

523.

53
(Horn.) 523.

511.
511.

217, 509,

50, 54
5

;^/ 7,

go.

96.
121,
,

64,

^?9
528.
426, 456, 505
(Hom.) 509.

(
(
(
(
/?
(8
{8
6.

6.

514

26,
237

458
422, 456, 466.
404
279, 366.
376

(.)

(
((

565.

499
273

^
^
^;

8.

34

(Cret.)

34

273
559
558

(
(^

(Lesb.) 430.
y]b.

235

54
540
67.
54^.

(Hom.)

505.

;(/

3 1,

56.
.

'
(
('

'^

(Hom.)l29, 232.

(Horn.) 94
(Horn.) 94
(Horn.) 94

(=eVTa) 390.

217, 509, 5^1217, 509, 5^1

09, 377
475

'

509.
94, 254, 3^0.
511.

56,

507.

429
463

note.

505

(
(
''

2.

/
'

'

53
(\( (Hom.)

38 note, 504

6,7/

24.
89,

50.

542.

468.
66,

1 1

(Dor.) 70, 506.

458) 56.

5?3, 504.

230.

8.

520.
1

454,

456, 505
iuTOptaa 90.

1.

520.
67.
1

426,

266.

I.

424, 425, 475

250.
475

46

552.

422,

56.

458, 501, 56.

121, 121 note.

(
(
(

59

(Lesb.) 509
517, 520.

(Boeot. Thess.) 222.

463,
457,

erf

552.
217)

73.

524, 539.

273,

50, 504

(Hom.) 523

541

epwf 279, 368.

3?'

(Hom.)

(Horn.) 523.

521.
ep^o/xat 425.

fi

273,

546.

/ (Dor.)

fpvKfu 429, 467.

*;^'

(Horn.)

549

(Horn.) 523.

248.

fpvKQKov 429.

"

'

221.

fpvdpos 9, 22, 30 note,

33, 47,77, 136, 177,

^231,

(
(>
'^

(
{"
(
'

359

67.

279, 366.

26 1.

evvoos 80.
fvrovy 33, 80, 343, 376.

36

Index

(
(
(
(

37^

82, 83) 85, 9^

278.

263.
(Aeol.) 1 23.

eiipe

38, $4
fvpfla 129.
edpeTiOf 556

47.

(
(
(
(
}

(
'

8,

,,

?\//

\|^

6,

69,

509.
239
239
';;/ 426, 503
6, 69, 26,
520.

'^'

44 note

'
'4

43*-*

0,

426,

firos 287.

(Pamph.)

9>

97, 422,

512,
512.

9, 21, 46, 47,

6,

8,

141,

30, 36,

197, 227,

309,

227-

^ 478.

129.

241.

121,

464
257

193
(Dor.) 148.

fb(v

9, 55

;^ 466,

458, 48 1,
e^fa 510, 511.

59>

236,

8,

330,

,313,326.

firia (Boeot.) 44 note

319,

248.
212, 227,
486.
486.

26.

f e 404.

fepyov (Cret.) 121.

220,
220.
5

fapyov (El. Locr.) 44

note 2, 121.
fediv (Lesb.) 404.
ftUari (Dor.) 121.
fios (Locr.) 404.

54

96,

499
Zeis 6, 16, 18, 21, 29,
30 note, 36, 52, 61,
118,
122,
63, 80,
129, 173, 229, 234,

298-300,

(Corinth.) 73

262,

,337.

217, 507, 509,

70, 87,

(!

289

456, 505.

56,

2J8.
levKTOs 106, 19s, 258.

279, 368.

289.
(Lesb.) 509.
(Dor.)
38

227.
6l, 273, 350.
273
546.
463.
279

74

(Att.) 79> 8.
71, 121, 213 note,

'

note.

'

58.

8o.

(({.,)

{()

ecor

468.
43

5"

(-

(Arcad.) 321.

373
43

fcor

(:
/^

512.
note.

509, 51^

6\//

S"

(Dor.)

'(

57
57

457,

458, 5! 56.
115 note.

^
(
(

322.
430

e> 25, 89, 96, 1 15 424,

216.

((

Fos (Cret.) 33, 404

fparpd (El.) 121, 1 38.
(Lesb.) 121.
fplvos (Lesb.) 123.

f'xvpos 248.

29, 43 1

563
{f)o'iaos 97

"],

96, 49

247
219,
425.

49

(
^
(,
\7

49'^

6,

(
'
f'xp'ji'

264, 33
511.

(Lesb.) 404.

fo'i

(Cypr.) 121.
f
fo/c(DeIph.)303,325,

49 1

88, 458,
(vpos 279

(Dor.) 550.
256.
6y, 129,
e'X^iV 416.
259
fX^i"*" 375
'ixey

56.

(Horn.) 45.
flKnaros (Boeot.) 392.
ftKan (Boeot.) 97, 121,
ftV (Dor.) 404.
fiafos (Cret.) 166.

8, 141,
49
fj

564.

213, 407-

36

Index
'7

413

31,

V433.-7

96, 425.
96, 273

230.

^^,67,

56 1.
(Horn.) 52, 6s, 79.
93, 213, 430, 431,

i7/ii5f

(
<.

(.)

429, 457, 5^5

217, 59
29, 273, 345

41.

560,

^
76 ,

254, 376, 378,

404
^>7?/ (Cret.) 549

5^5

8.

52, 140, 213.

17/11-

411.

(Dor.) 69.
235
,^/ (ij/iii'j 316, 402.
40.
^/xt

565

6.
212, 259
30, 213, 375 377
289.

^/
8{)(

247

,
7/

30.

430
49

301, 313,
333

331,

(Horn.) 430, 523

note.
122, 238.
504, 520.
564
43

{}

129 note 2.
183, 37^.
40.
512.

^
7 .
^

5 1 0,

(Horn.) 523.
121 note.
509

327.
340.
(Dor.) 154, 380.
507.

^/

548.

^
,

236.
236.

^()
^

55

43
(Dor.) 133

573
267.
429.
(Horn.) 263.
rjoios 237.
^or (Horn.) 79, 80.

375
2,

183,

7;^

517, 521.

(Horn.) 564.
(Lesb.) 80.
(Dor.) 430

29.

<^

341.
568.
(Horn.) 71, 97, 213,
279, 373

(Dor.) 70.

05 6,

^
^

67, 127, 202, 302,

371.

55

457,
pya6
430.

562.

183,

4 1 6.

7/

h^

^^'
Vi-^ey

2,

373, 495
522.

'
^

129 "0^6

^WyKoi/ 425, 457, 505

430.
276.

'

29 notC

378
420, 454
495
376
237

30.
1

378
43

322,

(Horn.) 509
221, 507.

fjpvyov 456, 505

ijTTO)

73

53
73

45. 47, 5> 79,

124, 141, 235, 264,

52

46,

54

289.

373

43

^pof (gen.) 80.

512.
509.

24.

235-

'
?

7$ 8,

430.

67, 145, 287.

43*^

vyyiXica 520.

jyoeti'

402.

73

^
^
^

237.

65.

37

(Ion.) 400, 402.

4OO,
2 1 4,
6g,

i7)ueay

433

237,
467

(Att.) 402.

456, 505
456, 5^5

75,

24

322.

475
248.
475, 478.
202.
202.

564.

289.
^afoTOs 68, 90, 124, 258.

Index

302
55

^e'pof

422.
129, 473

2\J.
212, 217.

2\y.
23, 6;, 212,

5,

217
246.
375
23, 69,
115, 129, 156, 194.
23, 69, 115, 129,
156, 94
^ 8, 29, 63, 71, 79.
92 note, 229, 305

(.)

^
(
^"V
^etoi/
Oe'ioi

f"5^

53
531, 532, 533
532, 533
209.

237
237.

354, 355

34

(\.
'

237
237

524, 539
548.
262,
49 note, 87, 96,
258.
(Cret.) 134

&

21.

304, 314, 325.

:
(

(()

36.

235, 322.
23924, 209, 239
130.
^epofif 276.

115.
122.

^?;^

234, 343
241.

,.

254) 378.
273
528.

249
489.
35-

32.

129 note

2,

285.

36,

47,

359.

63.

129 note

247273

9,

note,

55,

177, 239.
465.
241.

^
5
%^6

465.
177,

36.

321, 569
321, 562.
250.
96, 239
494
(97;| 285.
494
234

88.

^^

36,

33.

278,

49,

36.

92, 124, 234. 359

489.
278.
278.

^ijy

'

^pipiS,

135.
252.

^^ 265.

%
^^

499
115, 499
264.

(5

^?,7 63, 247.

2, 235,

322.

^;^

^/

34

(Horn.) 124.

321,

321.
242, 467
242, 467.
467.
^); 456.
(97? 252.

befits

29, 44 note 3, 79,

80, 124, 294, 295,

63,

502.

(Rhodes) 549
(Horn.) 273, 549.
(Horn.)
273,
546.

^fcii

478.
49^
67, 264, 279.
215
2 1 5.

^f'/xei/

553

79 8,
79

(9eVii

^eVeiv

261, 285.
371.
^eve'w 499.

543.

^^

43
250.

^)

217.

122.

67.

124.
122.

279

^epaof (Aeol.) 67, 212,

^?

499
466,
422.
(Boeot.

&C.) 44
note 3.
^r? 348.
^mroy (Dor.) 68, 90.
8o, 424, 470,
505.
^r^rof 68, 90, 124, 258.

46.

'

(Horn. Lesb. Thess.)

380, 411, 416.

43 .
129,

4.

Boeot.
(Dor.
Thess.) 74.219,248.
tarr}p

236.
236.
i^u| 285.

Index

' (Horn.) 416,

540.

500.

38,

45

>

96, 273, 305, 549

(Horn.) 79 273)

26, 30) 33

492
492
(Horn.) 92, 279)
319, 368, 492.
(Horn.) 492.
(Horn.) 14, 76,

'

^/

129, 552.
252.

(Dor.) 118.
; (Cypr.) 416.
(Dor.) 45
(Horn.) 526.
toy 53, 69, 121, 124,
213.
,
tmreios 237.
268.

44

'.

icpos 74, 94) 219, 484

94

89, 220, 224, 429,

ff

(Cret.) 528.

(9 540.
274

29.

66, 238.
(Horn.) 166, 238.
284

^
/

'
,

/
.

215,

373

47 1

36

(Lesb.) 69, 117,

215.

38.

237
(K/zaXeof 247
465.
471, 54
459
117,
69,

7 459

(Horn.) 507, 523

224, 539, 540.
29, 305) 325)

470, 47 1

(Horn.) 65, 465

43 1

376.

562.

49
348
488.
242.

278.

467 note.

467.
248.
267.

89, 96, 213, 424,

429, 457, 467.
53, 90, 97, 121.

'
'

97

54
542.
239

' 36.

'

28.
243

;)(6 276.
289.
119, 234) 298300, 302, 305, 38,
311, 312, 314, 36,
334
526.
(Boeot.) 354
402.
(Boeot.) 402.
(Cret.) 44 note 3

'^?

,
/

533
553
(Dor.) 51,83,87,

228.

23.
49

96.

546.
467

"

354, 355
322.
548

8.
543

102,

539, 54
529.
121 note,

33

430, 457, 467

220.

^
/

note

()

489

"2

,
;^'
;^?

note, 124,
183, 220, 237, 238,
294
323
258.
209
() 53, 121, 234)

62,

32, 45) 51,

;^;'

237
/770^6' 568.
289.
28g.

484
268.

tf

489
252.

176, 220, 354, 429,

433, 455) 459. 467,
540.
44 note .
44 note .

'(

54

no.

TTf

rpfv 38, 45

258.

(Horn.)

304, 546.
273
329.

?
!

'Vof 7, 53
250.

56.

363

IXvs 267.

247, 49 1
247
43
220, 430.
54
65, 478.

'^

'

57, 75

Index

364

^
56 1.

122,

195) 499

29 1.

289.

507.
298, 343
564, 5^5
5^5

29
40, 95
69, 24

;^^

(Lesb.) 478
243

258,

9)

49;

402.

32.

'^
;^^

416, 566.
124, 238.
412, 46.
67, 129, 217,478.
570.
420, 454
478.

(.)

1 1

495
495
247
124, 24

0.

65.

235
43, 157, 248.
248.

82, 230.

540.

/
/

20.

252.

521.

90.
480.

97

/'

95
95

241.

95

285.
212, 217.

6y.

229,

115, 247

^30

457, 55
499

36.

(
^

5 1 8.

(Hom.)
;)^
'/

8.

(Horn.)

9^, 171,

35
35

429

96, 5 1 8, 521.

5 1, 67,

gO.

468.
522.
522.
505.
429.

67.

153, ^70
244
467.
239
273
62, 456, 467 505'

^^

521.

-)/ 5

7.

(Hom.)

Kft^i

462, 55
422.
485

564.
228,
note.

73
Kfpoeis 276.

57

(1 .

'

2.

247
90, 02, 200.

^ 46.

565.

490
246, 490

6,

\/^

249.

46 1.

285.

473
195
473
34^

464^

97

507.

375

1,

283, 370.

(Hom.) 221,

239
259

153, 170.

44 note

;^5$ 237

278.

239

247

37

6y.

285.
124, 238.
376.
257

65.

KaXfas (Dor.) 124

Kf/LMis

228.

(Cret.) 354

49^
239

^
.
-

540

378, 490
284

429?

523.

57

273
279.
239
251.
(Lesb.) 412.
(Dor.) 416.
92, 230, 234, 30:
343
239
494
499
494
249
249

^/

'^'

;;|

47 1

Index
47 1

7, 69,

Kirfivetii 73.

463, 4^5

49 1

248, 49^
249
402.

44 note , 461.
300, 305, 308) 31 1)
312, 314,316, 328.
(Thess.) 202 note .
Kis 128, 234) 298, 299,
Act'f

,33.
129 note
129 note

2.
2.

24.

4;\;' 124, 465

532.
532.

t'XPW' 459
4^6, 4^7
156, 466, 479>

58.
57, 75,

125, 478,

50,
239
500.
468.
57

6?
kXcivos

07,

158.

272.

8.

44, 67, 89, 96,

129, 132, 158,

473,
559
285.

56.

(Ion.) 47

248.

499

345
177, 540.
33, 47, 89, 132,
64, 82, 258, 555
274
276.

'

274
92,
234,

342,

343
gO, 258.
478

475
237
475
Kfij^y 68, 239
203
239
Acvt^ta 478.
KJ/u^rj^pos 239
478
/<d-y;;^os 02, 200.

'
/coiTOS

25
1

I.

485.
Kolpavos 242, 485.

129 note
258.
285.
249.
195
499
499
KOvis 487
128, 487.
KOtV?;

/
{)

'
/

29
242.

473

53, 244

285.
249
112.

464.

/copfd (Dor.) 69.

Kopfa (Arcad.)

2.

124.

5 1,

51, 69, 124,

236,

238.

251.
Kopti^^o^t 566.
73.

239
Kopoy 238.
212, 217.
(Ion.) 212, 217.
Ko'pny 129 note 2, 166,
298, 343, 493

'?

29 note

2,

493^

258.
249.
262.
258.
(Ion.) 202 note

249
KoTepoi(Ion.) 202 note

I.

249
KoO (Ion.) 202 note
Kovpfvs 21.

!
(
^
'
^
(

Kovpr; (Ion.)

1.

129, 142, 237

(Ion.) 202 note

5!

150.

8.

,^ 56
KOiof

343
266.
89, 122, 279
1 64, 258, 376
376
246.

07,
82,

^^

459

129, 462,

479, 499, 53
(Lesb.) 69, 129,
462, 479
568.
262, 479
236.

//-

465.

'

365

I.

51,69,124,

238.
Kovpoy (Ion.) 238.
258.
254.
73

(Ion.) 51,67
478
129, 478
(cpciroi' 67, 241

6y.

248.
289

259, 377, 378

6y, 90, 279
264, 378.

peas 49, 79, 195, 283,

370.

377

'
(

366

1 29 note 2, 378.
27 S, 352.

!
/

251.
534

420, 458

44 note

464.

202.

(.)

509

499
499

*cpe^

(Hesych.)

"JJt

l29note

Kpiros (Aeol.) 67.

230.
478.
230.

^;,

44 nOtC

4^1

240.
499

/' 129,462,479)499
479
258.
252.
'<'? 555
73
323
249

466, 505
(Dor.) 90.
(Horn.) 72.
285.

239
259
279
289.
237.
202, 326.
570.
561.
241.

/
'6

8.
121.
269.
1 86, 47
285.
;^^^ 185.
;^'^ 276.

49

;^

559-

KpvpaXfos 247
239
473
(Dor.) 564

36,

321, 564.
(Lesb.) 65, 478
65.
12, 65, 69, 129,
226, 478.
(Lesb.) 69, 129,
478.
226, 262.
278.

)!^

07.

KuSaiVft)

467 note, 479

543) 546
553
109,
25, 92,
191, 212, 425, 456,
511, 522.

'

54
26, 55
43'-'

38.

^
)

373
87, 96

6,

505
478

505.

289

36,

5'-'8

'
/

273"
273

553
543
255, 556
555
12, 25, 29, 3)

38,

26,

49<^)

6,

159, 212, 215

285.

(Horn.) 80.

122,

285.

(((
66

47> 2

(Cret.) 124
(Ion.) 202 note

9>

58.

254
289.
loy, 473
252.
129, 478
285.
269.

47> 65,
269, 345

245

75,
235. 322.

y^.

128, 237
289
292.

/,>;559

^
/
/
/

^/

289.

2.

'

285, 298, 343

248.

467, 479
289

49*-

529
234
375
(Ion.)

Index

321, 564.

289.
285.
243
56, 122, 238.

373 376.
26, 466, 5^5

58,64,82,83,85,89,
92, 96, 117)

8, 132,

202, 202 note 3, 204,

433) 450, 456, 503.
505, 518, 522, 523,
526.
553

'

540
24, 132, 93
553
553
499
73

(Horn.)

507.
log.

221,

Index

\() 257.

'^ 478.

^^

\^\.

\((

429.
429.
XfXnAciita 55^
522.

8.

8.

117, 204240, 553

221, 548.

50.

?\///
5 1 8,

!
'

y6,

Xr^cif

53, 55

72.

96, 215, 232.

279
467
237
285.
202.

7^
;/?

7 34
\y|^oa

422.
1

422.

559Xtyvvs 265.
248.
264.

()

490

129 I^Ote

378.

2.

2,

(.)

/
^
^

8, 257
484
239
236, 484
548
466, 479
354, 554

'?

50.
540.
235
3^8.
(Cret.) 312,325
13, 17, 8, 23, 44,
46, 54, 59, 63, 64,

/?

2.

258.
252.

8.
373
239
236.
185.
420.

52 note

230,

236.

564.

XiySr;i/

378
378.

2,

32, 289.

87,

433

129 note

47 note

201,

352

)^ 467

239
28g.

241.

49
477 478

34

553
279

478.

248.
log.

543, 547
535
354, 355
322.

433, 499, 5^
255, 556
555
185, 28, 245
38 note, 354,

548.

50 1,

9,

(Boeot.) 312.
248.

85, 89, 96, 456,

38, 543

32.

295,
304,
323,

8.

31

496
564
248.

(7 ,
? 33

546
552
552

36,

314,

121,
212,

325

239, 496
155, 459, 466,

Xine'iu

8.

\fXos
132,
279
Xexpios 115, 185.
Xe'w'f 558.

38,

XiTrapcJi

56-9, 53

48.

237

59 82, 83, 96,

\(

29,

}/ 237, 273
^'' 237

'

553

522.

(Hom.) 439
97,

467

521.

7(9

66, 69, 8, 82,

141, 153, 202,
229, 230, 236,
298-300, 302,

493

XiOfos 128, 237

115-

8,

367

429,

48.

6,

8g,

29,

421, 458, 48
47^
495
495

lyj.
376.

559
248.
564.

(Arcad.)
73,

269,

129

34.
note

145, 269, 474

129 note 2.
129 note 2.
559

2,

Index

368

(
!
/
!

499, 5^1
466.

'

237, 48.
65, 238.
489
233> 252.
289
233 246, 252,
202, 489
246.
562.

^
'

46 1.
429,

48

375
494
285, 298, 343
128, 486.
5, 6,

50,

559

/
-

Meyapade 569.

(.)

347^

258.
272.
2,

140,

230, 285,
344, 493

301,

129
129 note

128, 488.
(Boeot.) 52

^
2.

463.
2I4.
232.

369, 375
377
485.
^ft\t';(fiof 237

note

'/

'
/

559

366, 373
463, 47,

(Hom.) 552
45

8.

420.

32.

5*-'6.

4^.

50.

247
247
214, 248, 378.
247

47) 47 1
83, 89, 96, 424,

429, 457
(Horn.) 416.

499

(Hom.)

129, 493

28.

523.

40

/'

323

276.

^
/

25 1.

65, 89, 96, 5

/
((

45, 140, 278,

420, 487
48734.
'?*"7 242.
214, 322.

2.

129, 43, 478

275, 352

421.

264.

6,

(')

552

M^^9,33>47, 177, 229,

482, 487.
257
294
278.

359, 360.

^lOtC 2.

(Hom.)

259.
275, 352
124.

239

^' 26, 482.

MiJ^iiP

129 "Ote

65, 54 1
521.

//

349
258.

96.

III, 374.
28o.

145

129,
44) 119, ^29

^178) 237,376
257
402.
24
)} 52 note , 2, 524
279
;}' 52, 117, 212, 26,

73

349

24

'
'
?
^

292,

6.
254, 376
276.

2)77

37^.
154, 322,
349, 350, 490
474

(\

4^2.

MfyaXits (Pamph.) 52
note 2.
MeydX?;? 52 note 2.

^'
/

^
/_

63

321.

'()5

145,

'? 236.

/ii'^ij

378.
378

/ieXai 5 69,

51, 140.

/xf'ya

70, 117, 216, 347

()^

534
529.

(Dor.)

478

129, 49*^
284

49^
248.
362.

/?

30, 322

247
195) 285.
129, 214, 232,

75

46 1.

/^

(\8
^
fiei'y

252.

485
247

73

96, 279) 366.

83, 89, 96) 2 1 6,
424, 457, 58.

45, 475
49^

49^
23, 224, 47

Index
211, 224, 486.

369

Index

370
vvKTfpot 373.
560.
562.

411.
258.
239
292.

(Cret.) 528.

147,

66,

202, 285,

47, 214

od^ois

275, 354
248.

402.

(Horn.) 402.
(Horn.) 406.
4^4

129.
(Ion.)

124,

98

note

122,

46,
328.

211,

no,

59, 96,
121, 171,

229,

424,

515,

519,
527.

523 note, 526,

5,

6,

58.
237
249
232.
247
232.
249

^
^

^
'

^;/0

13, 43,

518,

47-8.

43

'

276.

oVptf 261.

394
387

73

y^.
88, 239

569.
I1S, 305, 562.

(Hom.) 3S6.

236.
oyjUOi 83, 96, 2^9

128.

258.
485
(Arcad.) 32 1.

oy5oar 396

39
o-ySo;y/<oi/Tit 386.
392
oy8oos 39^

396

(Cypr.) 122, 380.

248.

'
o'Uei

295

253

253

(Heracl.)

.528.
3^3
oiKo^t 566.

305, 325, 562.

oiKOv8f (Horn.) 35,569.
o'iot

241.

note, 479
467 note.

43 1
230,

499, 526.
258.
465
o?;^o/i(U 420,
(Dor.) 573
248.

6.

141, 213,

298,

oh (Delph.) 575
24, 02, 16,
,174, 175, 55

431, 458, 48 1.
568.
566.

oiycu

26,

8, 26.

43.

^'
'

295. 325, 399,

2,

489

otoy 122, 238, 380.

124, 404, 562, 575

238.
^epos 248.
468.
79, 468.

-^^

oti/o;^oos

224.

3^

^iVoy 69, 109, 124, 225,

6\0!

205.

/;^' 489

73
5^7
(Lesb.) 80.

o^of

69,

237
237

oiVouf 80.

239

499

238.

129,

otVij,

124
258.

343

^6'

6g, 129.
239
59, 380.
oiVoeti 80, 276.
2y8.
380.
121, 241.

/i^

55

was

299
252.

''

29, 121, l82, 236,

485.
(Lesb.) 69,129.

237
431, 468.
o5e 401,

(Lesb.

Boeot.)

384

8,46,63, 164, 82,

384.

? (.)
,

'
'

\(

251.
2)77

148.

(.) 59

'
'

39^

202 note

499
278.

499
259, 377

oXi'yoi 20.

467 note, 479

!
^

Index

242, 467
467, 4^7 note.
248.
421.
117, 148, 463.
233
119, 124, 132,238,
284284.
129

(Lesb.) 129.

(.)

562.

421, 429 5^7

546.
247
237
III, 159) 248.

43 1

(Cret.)

463 507

499
478.
266.

;(,?;

26.

303, 325,

^.
24

8, 425, 43
273
4^3
44iiote , 73, 77,
401.
292.
opeioy 237
292.
254
73,

'37,

27, 37

oviipos 496

49^

37
262.

65, 77, 147, 273,

30, 309, 3^3> 350,

49
129, 49,

58.

289
(Cypr.) 410
209

;^/
8.

'

/7?

^
/

?
6
,

^^96;

y^.
y^.

237
209.

6((

267.
ora (Lesb.)

(/) 36.

ore 571
Oreo 414.

;
.

(Herod.) 73

6g, 462.

(Horn.) 124.
38.
(Att.

284.

44 note

402.

b 2

57

(Cret.) 414.

(Dor.) 80.
(Dor.) 80.
124, 238.

^^

73

429, 57
5? 46, 127, 43
(Horn.) 124, 406.
239
46,
294,
3^9,

273
202.

6(

429
559

23.

(Att.) 73

414

509.

96, 560.
102.

499,

73

429

oppof 217.

(Rhodes) 414
(Locr.) 325, 563
(Dor.) 563.

(Cret.) 526.

73

89, 9^, 496

57

217, 424, 457,

463, 505.
465.

69, 124,

38

6,

172.

73

273,

,^

(Lesb.) 32 1, 564.
(Horn.) 117, 124,

onus

/
(.)

(Hom.)
549

560.

499

o^/ijats

289

486.
343, 486.
540

07,;

73

289.
237

(Elean) 384.
(Gortyn) 414

403
54
465.

oveinp

239opvfov 237

493
07rt^e(i/) 567.
onis 285, 343
258.
258.
orroet? 276.
129
(Boeot.) 129.
(Cret.) 129.

247
117, 204, 294
54

/xoy

/^?

(Cret.) 564.

325.
342.

o/xop-yw/xi 73j

275
43

? 239

(Dor.) 562.

-ei

/;^>; 20,

'

258.
37^.

(Cret.) 561.

404.
213.

Dor.)

24,

%^

Index

ovha^ 73, 283, 370.

ohhoi (Horn.) 124.

oWap

33, 88, 177, 371.

ovK 24, 230 note.

202 note

i.

olXos

(Ion.) 68, 119,

124, 132, 148, 238.
(Ion.) 499.
325, 564.
217.
ovpafios 269.

^,

ovpos

/'
777;
1

117,
148.
124,

294
209, 258, 200.
258.
24, 32, 55)
62, 234. 267.

"9)

497
128.
121.

;^0
234,

341

239

\///

89, 92) 96, 496)

499) 526.
(Dor.) 414
258.
237

09,

49
15

66.

237) 295
253
253
289

217,
221,

507

7;(^

375, 478.
1 09, 1 66, 47
(.) 52 note 2.
Locr.) 44

(.

note

2.

II

170.

5) 29, 33) 36) 40,

44) 44 note 2, 49) 52
note 2, 61, 67, 79) 82,
83, 85, 89) 92) 96,
136, 157, 64) 230,
237, 278, 298-300,

302,305,308,311-12,

67

(Dor.) 124, 232.

278.
37

429) 4^0
292.
49) 278.
562.
289.
292.
466.
289
562.

^'
7';
';^

/;^

54,

(Dor.) 124
292.

7.

67, 129,
478, 507, 59
(Horn.)

69.

67.

15

7,

148.
69,

322, 354)

129,

69,

III, 184.

254) 376
292.

238.
(Dor.) 404
365
40, 41 1
40, 411) 41 6.
411; 4 1 6.
230, 325) 563)
575
230, 325, 575
230 note.

36,

.355

376.

566.

242.
(Ion.)

275,

32.

ffaXai-yfj/iji

269, 348.
303, 568.

6"/.

429) 4^0
230, 343
(Lesb.) 167.
429, 4^0,
202.

I.

QVKm 202 note

233

8,

40,

560.
568.
57
289

57 1

284

565
233) 32
229, 564

56 .

29.
37

2gi.
38.

38, 43
269

36)

314)

319, 332,

^359) 36.
III.

289
295
9, 237
2S9.

340.
1 84
247
259
185, 245
279
32, 247
1 15, 264.
284

;(

96, 342, 564

236, 342, 350
TTefos 21, 119, 129, 173,
237.

(Dor.) 305)
414, 562.

12,

325

24) 58) 96,

115, 115 note,
177) 179) 341,
456, 499) 505) 509)
511, 520, 526-7.
69) 322.

166,

Index

(.( 495.

386.

(Hom.)

89.

(Thess.)

note

'
'?
?

202

2.

50I.
1 53 note.
225, 422.
556.
115 note, 499

279
472

^
^

472, 473
473
45 8, 56.
475
475
251.
285.
wfXtKKOv 236.
ne\Kvs 236.
238.
rreXXvr^of 1 1 7, 1 72.
IleXoTroi'i'ijaof 292.
TTi/iTre

/^

254

8.

(Cret.) 528.
520.
522.

^;'

6.

/^
5

32.

, , 58
57

521.

(Ther.) 528.
521.
89, 202
203:

258.
473
548.
5 8, 522.
240.

54

345> 35
508.

283, 37

46 1.

ntvras 396.

/{5

39^

67,

76 34,

^?

1 66, 509.
40, 44
43

nepi/cXfijs 79

'

29

503)

458,

44

note

82, 89, 96, 457>

458, 497

Trerpaio? 237

(Boeot) 39
(Boeot.)

386.

(Boeot.)
1 68,
383-

202

8.

46 1.
321, 323

24,

note

2,

129, 129 note 2,

203, 473
345

6, 6, 96,115,
115 note, 456, 466,
505

553
note.

7/(9

433,

46 1.

552

Tre'paf

29,

247

65, 89, 5 1 8.

43
43

285.

395395
289.

/
'
/
*

203,

2,

,473, 477, 478

247

464

8, 521.

479-

fffirroff

2.

(Ion.)

note

97,

5*^5

221, 548.

384

394
387

233, 241, 287,

562, 575
233, 24
(Dor.) 562, 575
575
(Hom.) 499
(Lesb.) 202

56.

505.
429,

8.

;?

'

?
note

548

Thess.)

139, 155, 202 note 2.

139, 258, 390.
5II, 52I.
285.
272.
ntvearepoi 37^
285.
ntvOfpos 248.
492
TTfV^os
64, 225, 279,
492.
237
TTiVre 44, 139, 155, 202,

/?
^

552.
65.

67, 5^8

371.
(Lesb.

392
266.

(Cret.) 39

495
67, 129, 478.

Tiflaai

'

76;;((

271, 37 1

neipara

373

-!
5

522.

65, 5 1 8.
5 1 7, 5^8

429, 457
522.
429
522.
yi, 5 1

8.

520.

(Hom.)

439-

322.
322.

(Hom.)

552

^?

111,394)463

258.
285.
338
252.
202.
(Lac.) 325, 5^4
193, 204, 294)

38, 3")
36, 33

298-300,
314,

490
247
247
236, 350, 371.
236, 248, 35

TTiei

(Horn.) 44 note
2, 383.

202 note

462.
44 note

'
/

23, 45,
266.

46

429, 466.
429,
459

,475

429, 459
258.
(Dor.) 424> 462.
424) 498, 5^6.

47 1

6y.

47

(.)

23,

(
'

285.

87.

5.

8.

()

499
500.
122,
79)

303,

266.
566.

325,

(.)

414,

526.

499
258.

157,

5,

414,

568.

305,
562.
238.

129, 485
32, III.
65, 129, 49^
237
65, 82, 92. 96
273, 298, 30, 302,

^'
395,

38, 3-2,
36, 319, 345.

305,
314,
490.

28.

82, 96.

14, 267.

^^

52, 239, 475

^/

257
(Horn.) 70.

)}

237
202, 241.

^'

44

yjb.

(.) 129,

478.

202,

463.

45

273

122,
289

07,

54, 63, 88.

^
(

235
279
486.

/
/
5.

1 85, 239129, 479

88, 262.

Tnifuaoi/ioi 500.

/ca

559

457

129-

III,

274
274
562.

87, 472, 473)

521, 522.
499
248.

247

69

466,

251.
378

54.

148.

'

156,

53

259, 378
378.
109, 472

148.

'

29.

07, 09,

1 48,
462.

236.
236.
122, 236.
252.

420.
153,

248.

'

/^

461.

5) 67) III, 264,

322, 486.

III.

258.

?
-

(Dor.) 252.
242.
505.
252.

129, 196.

490.

53-

7, 53) 88,
49*^

I,

02,

74

^^

122, 271, 352,

7)

(Horn.) 458, 506.

(Horn.) 506.

185.

175-

235
nit pas 235
"t(f)os 53, 280.

I,

479)

540 note.

()

169, 262,
246.

203, 499
321, 564.
414) 56.

:
(!

Index

'
'?

374

96,

429
429, 53
(Dor.) 573
237
486.

Index
(Ion.) 237.

\f^'^e

569.

40, 237, 486.

486.

noXivs

559
259, 39
559
40, 68, 8, 390

54, 65, 82, 92, 96,

(Cret.)

3 1 2,

328.

238.
30, 45, 72, 80,
230, 258, 260,

7,

82,

375

322.
40, 560.
560.

298-300,

308, 311,
314, 316, 328, 331.
(Ion.) 312.
258, 323.
559
230.
40, 202 note

6,

66,

157,

6"/.

171,

212, 234, 287, 294,

298, 300, 302, 305,
38,
312, 314,
36, 342, 343, 345,
3SO, 364
499
478.
(Dor. Boeot.)

67, 239
463.

3,

70, 221, 322.

248.
285.
97,

1,

29.

67.

236.

272.

(.)

559

23, 51,

129

202.
8,

46,

157,

229,

252.
374,

378.

7;(0

285.

129, 478.
236,
129, 478.
234
376.
96, 376.
74

37

289
268.

'

29 .

354
rrpdf 228.

239

26,

38.

29 1.

(Lesb.) 567.

5()
-()

46, 136.

'
()

429,
570.

48

3 1 8.
46, 169, 322.
129) 414
(Lesb.) 57^
30 note, 40.

57
82,

129, 564

3)

46, 202, 376,

484

'.
239
269.
74

(Boeot.) 323.
1 1 5, 273

^
^
/^
/^

III,

562.

55, 475
564.
III.

rri'/ca

466.
243

29 1.

(Mess.) 528.

8g.

3^5 4,

559
237
237

44

289

/^

254
564.
228.

128,

9^,

497
8,

567.
38

559
258.

97

414)

29 1.

559
252, 559

489
236.
236.
36, 248.
242.

53,

TTToXiTTop^of 289.

23.
23, 224-

126.

458,

466.
466.

80, 390.

230.

289.
258.
244
343
157, 204,

83.

^*
56.

94

475
279
371.

292.
(Syrac.) 414
96, 262.
(Dor.) 563.

54.
88, 273

36,
564.

325, 414,

Index

376

!
:

(Dor.) 33, 54, 82,

96, 234,
319,
342.
414.
96, 97j 484
264.

266.

285
parepos 80.
242.
(Boeot.) 129.
pefw 129, 478.
peiepav 25 1.
466.
273
ptvais 262.

/53

122,

96,

44,

137,

56.

(
232,

82, 83, 8/, 96,

232, 463
376.
375pij^t? 121.

,^

(Hom.) 458-

pjJTepos 80.

^
5

359
289
123.

pr/r/jo 121, 1 38.

)7

43, 457
96.

373

pofos (Cypr.) 122.

236.
122, 236.

23
log.

559239

478
289

124, 232, 279

285, 343
499
153 ^ 56, 494,

509.

(Dor.) 129
248.
(Att.) 73

'(5

73
73, 564
23, 224, 464

124,

497
420.
ae^ei^ (Lesb.) 403(Horn.) 403
aeipos 215.
124, 468.
aeXava (Dor.) 6, 69.
(Lesb.)
69,
214.
(T(\as 241, 283.
289.
6, 69, 214, 241.
232.
273
117, 207, 241.

'
!

'

(.)

43

25

73-

256.
129, 273278.

,^
/

!
^

74

239
152.
152, 248.
478.
56, 238.
284.
67,112, 129,478.

/
(

67, 129, 47^

239
III.

44 note

129,

464;

251.

279
242.
242.
283
420, 497
88.

302, 321.
252.

?
'

44

401.

74

276.
88.

/
^
/

248.

497
236.

249
215
468.
(Hom.) 129, 232.
(Ion.)

137,

559

473

68, 397, 43
117, 207, 420,

fffCe

poOf 122.

pu(W

(.)

279
564
)/,; 247
237

(\
^

ptf^348.

09,

464.
234
229

''

278, 359
279, 492
8, 492
121, 322.
241.
236.

'

(8>

^
(:

purc5f 88, 96, 258.

'
/'

129, 184,

287, 559
272.
506.
285.

(Megar.) 414

82, 87, 9^

(.)

ff^pepof

202.

92,

78.

78.

212.

(9>?

323
251.
478.
247
55

note

Index

(\
!
7
0(
{
371.

>/.

234, 342.
214
214, 24 1

69, 148.
67.

214214.
214

354, 355
202.

403

46.

22, 124,

403.
337
30 note, 73, 373
note.

325, $65
565.
258.
565.
376, 254
272.
75> 129,212,

478.^

24 1.
258.

258.

468.
6y, 478.

153 note, 166,

511.

49
65, 49^
02, 66.
2S5.

^^
}!/
/; .

559
02, 236.

242.

241

112, 197, 212

note, 279
197, 99
69, 238,

'?

(.)

28.

6;^

58,

'

456, 505.
499
499
67, 129,
221, 478, 509
III, 466.

239
236.

53 1
531-33
(Dor.) 69, 48

501.

217,

112.

458, 47
249
241.
279
242.
242.
(Horn.) 72.

540.

?7,7

69, 148.

/^

273
146, 546.
72, 528.

422.
422, 499
2 1 8.
98.

555
497
247
26, 497
236, 484.

05

236.

273
69, 238.
376.

(\

26.

'
(5
(
^^

501.
247.
247

09, 20,

28.

559
326.

257

236.

209

/^

276.
276.
464.
285.
460, 463.
236.
269
(Dor.) 289
25 .

;^'

8.

'

'
-

37 1
242.

72

269.
198, 478, 507.
169, 2 1 8.
236.

?
' :
(
'
212, 258, 555
264.

124

67,

23,49, 87, 9^,

5,

129, 497

;^
?

55^
240.

28.

^;^

2>n

(Lesb. Thess.)

?
'
|

273, 35
464
465.

68,258.
484.
248.

237
189, 24 1
02, 176, 247
234
247.
397, 403.
299.
289
321.
7';^' 230.

^
/

/3/?

53

232.

559
117, 149, 230.

230.
117, 15 1
liy,

\.
366.

Index

378

15 1.
38.

29 I
avvrptis 29 1.

02,

239

334230.
245
237
-yior 237
(Boeot.) 1 29
129, 478
322.

102,28,22

02,

404.
404
404
102,
4c6.

^,

?' 02,

6,
6.

6.

237

466.
404.
404.
403.

/
'^

555

(Dor.) 96

(.)

54
23

67, 69,

8.

^
/
!

92.

559

;^' 559

289
499

(Horn.)

115, 258.
248.

524, 539
202.

258, 555
273

465, 499
262.

29.

205.
67.

129

65;

'

8.

463.
129, 164.
129

^
(
((

202 note

2.

(Horn.) 526.

499
526.

279

264.
262.

47^.
233

533
90

220.
(Dor.), 325, 562.
TciV (Horn. Dor.) 403.

65.

(.)

552
540.

(
^^

/^
TOi/e

212

546
541
501, 57
424
501.
(Horn.) 552

294
321.
(Dor.) 462.
(Thess.) 410.

463.

47^

6^7;

6,

325.
272.

;^

^
(

403
112, 197,
note, 279.
552.
517, 520.
520.

56, 409.
TOKepos 96.

44
(Horn.) 403.
(Horn.) 325, 403
406.

(
>

(Dor.)

50.

65.

{)
{)

^^
;( 02,

(Hom.j 314, 321.

Te 35, 40, 44, 202, 414

350

/
'

559
559
115, 259

279, 3 1 6.
129, 94
284

376.
246.

289
248.

2.

(Dor.) 564.
321, 564.
561.
279
248.
564.

;^

22,7.

75

283

5,

289.

8.

22,7, 359

36,

217, 47^

254, 37^

40.

117, 230.
217.

129, 192,
477, 507

202.

289.
285.
liy.

64, 258.
60, 248.
289.

5, 65,

Tavpos

46,

212,

232.

213,

499
322.

(
(8

1 5 1.

499

49

(()
491.

371,

Index

((

24 1

269,
490.

75,235,322.

1,

)
(-) (
499

125, 129,

237

{(-

482, 492, 499,

59>

,392.

67, 129

202,

212,

482,

212.
(Att.) 76.

go, 97-

499
65, 4^2.

/ 499

(Horn.) 202, 414

Tfv (Dor.) 403.
(Horn.) 33, 404
Tfis (Dor. Boeot.)
403.
Ttoi (Dor.) 403.
ripas 283, 370.
repfvos 35
reperpov 257.

233
505.
67, 258, 39.
(Horn.) 523.
5 1 8, 522.
rereXfica 520.
rereXeapai 522.

ripijj/

Tf'p/ia

322, 345, 350.

251.

273.
273, 345

/
^
-/

Tf

78.

457, 505, 5o6.

247

50.
(Hom.)

212.
67, 212, 420.
TepToj (Lesb.) 390

8.

/iei/at

54
(Hom.)

(Hom.)
5

523.

8.

429, 505.
422, 499.

50I.

129

62, 456,505,
522.
285.
re;^;/;; 40, 258.
258.

5",

(Horn.) 72.
T^3f 561.
273,

rV^'? 233.
TJjKifiwv 272.

Tijw 506.

^546.

520.
go, 97
5

552

TeVopis-

(
(
;/
TervKili/

reW

2.
go,

(Dor.) 383
383

(
^

53

rerpaici? 394

387
266, 39^
129, 395

TeTpaneTo 457

78.

520.

520.

Te'o

(Dor. Ion.)

68, 126, 383, 386.

392
TCTTapes 44 note I, 1 24,

Tfrirypfi/

6y.

((

8, 521.

Terrt^ 285.

58,

492.

501.
1

383

168, 202, 202 note 2,

391.
reraypfvos 32.

(Horn.) 69, 124

(Hom.) 24,

540.

276.

1 1

521.
221.

6*:/

6(66-)<-

129,212,468,

5 1 8, 521.
221, 548.

129-

394

168, 202.

32.

258.

8.

/; 73

reaaapts

TfXcanji 258.

(\

67,

126, 390.

386.

90 97 273
TfXftor 69, 238.
(Horn.) 76, 129

76,

289

262.

4S2, 490.
289.
54 226, 235)
322, 345> 482,

(Hom.)

TfTparos

279

499

Tos 279.
1

^
(

379

395
289.

39^

252.

rrjXoae 570.
T/jXoC 560.

129,

84, 287,

559
(Dor.) 325, 562.
573.
(Dor.) 412, 416.
(Dor.) 563.

rjji/e:

rijof 72.

T^rfs 559.
230.
Tt'^et

540.

533.

^/ 532,

533.

Index

66,

12,

69,

154)

298,

30,

354,

154 322.

273)

549.

553
546.
548.

(
Ti^f;/Lit

49 note,

6, 24, 33,

52, 85, 87, 96, 115,

169, 177, 180, 354)
429, 433, 434, 455,
472, 529

529.

457, 473, 503

216,478.
(Dor.) 50,51, 276.
(Cret.) 312.

8,

40,

128,

467 note, 482-4, 527,

540.
5,

18,69,229,237,

239, 302, 304, 305,

38, 312, 321, 482,
484
276.

566.

236.
(Dor.) 573.
tokUs 285.
TOKsvs 268.
TOKOf 236.
130, 322, 484.
484.
236, 372.
236, 372.
TOve (Thess.) 410.
258, 321.

489
239
/of 78, 241.
Toporoy 78.

{)
(

69.
(Ion.) 69.

TOW

'

''

39,

45)

by.

(Dor.) 550.
(Dor.) 456
264.

Tpits

202, 212,

45^,

(Dor.) 456

124, 4^5

44

67,

(Cret.)

44)

73

115.

468, 59
248.
69, 215, 269.
396
386, 387, 392,
396.
394
387
393
153, 392
396.

/
6,

6,

117,

109,

532.
269.

129, 395
395

289, 343, 382.

(Heracl.) 69, 394
385.
391
(Hom.) 390.
258, 390
266, 396.
395
129, 395
128, 497
236.
128, 485, 497
96, 236.

"''

236.
236.

26.
12,

29,44,45)

169, 202, 262.

480.

119, 128,
58, 69,
136,
64, 313-14,

47 1

316,328-9,381,385

499,

55

26.
128,

382.
7,

(
(
/

215

24, 67, 115,456,

73, 287, 383

55

()
/

'/ (Cret.) 69, 382.

67.

(Boeot.) 403.
(Lac.) 403
(Dor.) 562.
411.
(Dor.) 563.
(Dor.) 568.

Tios (Boeot.) 406,

Tis 40, 414.

57

547
483

499
255, 556
252.
483.
Ti/itof 237
rtV (Dor. Roeot.) 403.

129,

555
67, 96, 456, 497,

505-6, 521.

'^ 478.

y^.

50.

^
'

273) 345

go, 97
ro 46, 76, 164, 230, 399:
408.
T08e 410.
To8t 411.

(5^

/
4

164, 468, 497

(Boeot.) 73

540.

roi 59, 325, 399

Tot (Horn. Dor.) 403.

544
543
541

5,

^^

,^

.355

(Horn.)

(Dor.) 97

236.
y^

236.
Tpo;)(if 260.

Index

'

(,

i'piji'

Lesb.)

397)

466.

247

129, 273

,
' (.)

(Dor.) 316, 403

242.

(Horn. Dor.) 397j

403^
(Aeol.) 3 1 6,

43
(Lesb.) 406.

403

499.
45 8> 473
343
272.
/os 244
247
49^
496
45^.
505.
499'
(Cret.) 303, 325
(Dor.) 563, 564
(Arcad.) 41

^/

29.

(
^

(Horn.)

107,

228.
43} 43
205.
49^
49^
248.

8
?

48.

254

147,

157.

273

29.

55, 213, 234, 334

(Lesb.) 224
170.
48, II
43^ > 58
258.
522.
2 1 6, 5^8.
254, 376.

8
^

17>

540.
239

2og, 248.

533
458

02, 28.

532
532
354, 554
499

(
/et?

54
273
501.

354
(Att.) 58, 69, 80,

117, 214.

8.

236, 37 1
ZfXos 74
14, 332
vlvps (Cret.) 3 1 2, 33 1
332.
vlvs (Cret.) 332.
289.
(Att.) 403.

58, 69,
122, 214,

241, 485
130, 485
(Lesb.) 69,
214.

237

253
48, 236.

(.)
117,

//

24.

247

291
29 1

275

8,

85, 8y, 96, 454

546.

37
1

269.

(Dor.) 51, 82, 83,

567.

241, 496
496.
228, 230 note.
228.

29.

2gi.

8,

(Dor.) 50.

75, 8, 115 note,

216, 354, 478, 508,
540.
238.
285.
238.

29 1.

^yy.
48, 1 57
232,

(({)

^
/

567.
27^

(8

568.
\|/ 560.

'

(Dor.) 406.

254, 37^, 378,

403
(Horn. Lesb.) 43
(Horn. Lesb.)

>^ 247

'

403
127, 403

8,

46.

340.

TUi'ij

(.)

!
1

(Dor. Boeot.) 403.

96.

(Dor.
403

381

^/

/[ (Dor.) 403.

236.
269.
478.
383.
234-

555
241.
285.
82.

^'

(.

note

Locr.) 44

2.

124,

28.

(.)

124,

285.
202.

(.) 469

28.

Index

382

422,

509.
247
247
289.
^epfv (Dor.) 55
153) 544
124, 232.

53

0^mt

543, 547
535

,^/ 354

85,

(Lesb.) 124.
(Dor.) 478

/)?

69, 124, 465

12, 69, 129,217,

259, 378.
273

59

578)

289

241.
535-6
478.

^^

499

(Arcad.) 129.
526.

69, 233, 235)

298, 322.
258, 378.
378.
258.

'/

475
69, 226.
69.
124, 465
202.

6,

8,

II,

13,

162,

147,

164, 169,

,;

12,

449,
527,
65,

38,

30-02,

540.

50.

/if

^5(.) 214,

232.

(.) 469.
(.) 430.
8,

24, 62, 64, 83,

163,205,
89, 96)

456,

28g.
547

499
483) 497
537

305,

352-

53

55)58.
258.

128,

482-3, 485, 497, 527)

456, 497)
529, 539)

31-4,

8,

40, 482, 485

38 note.

284
237
366.
258.

nOtC

2,

485, 497
236, 497.
484.
484.
2j6.

268.

489
65, 209, 236.
244
236.

(.) 469.
6,

425,427-8,430,433524,
540.

/3
/3

'

74

212-13,229,230,236,
4,

205

248.
128, 205 note 2,

129 "ote 2.
129 note 2.

258.
236.
236.

17)

22, 24, 29, 30, 44, 44

note 2,45,46,49)54,
56, 69, 80, 82-83, 85,
89,96-97,136)140-1,

(.)

97.

36,

342, 343
249
237
243
239
234, 342.

497^

499
(Lesb.) 69, 129,

538
29
542.
542
542

475
273
475
205, 234,

>

201.

257

(Dor.) 133
124, 482.
482, 488.

38, 40, 454) 470,

(8\

54 1

5.

243
239-

205, 420, 497

((
{( [)

202.

470,
65, 209, 258.

54

'
?

268.
29, 96, 128, 268,
424, 497
262.

268, 497
285.
239
82-3, 97,

236,

497

258.

463
279, 366, 373
429
262.

478.
266.
(Dor.) 50, 162,
236, 278, 359, 360.
236.

Index

/
?
'

/!

478
272.

33, 278, 359.

371.
64, 6$.
289.

13,

89,

92,

193,

^
^
-^

44 note

559

559

44 note

237141, 226, 230, 234

287, 346.

44 note

88.
12, 69, 230, 276,

298, 36, 343

522.
258.
247

298-301,

(
45

38,

322,

284.

6.

29

235
356

343
239
478.
(Boeot.) 80.
289.
252.
229.
87, 97> 169, 202.
422.
422.

239
500.

44 note

69,

215, 237, 388.

273

'

24 1

(Dor.) 80.

259, 378.
Xeiporepos

234

(()

378

359

'

242.
244
253
248.
122, 236.
258.
478
II

24, 193) 273

Xfip 294, 362.

478.

79
79

88, 285, 343j 481.

((

248.
356,

376.

2 58.

388.

74

254

Xfiptf 559

393
266.
248.
141, 193) 230, 234,
346.

356, 357

247

237
4, 1 66, 365

216,

347
XVpoy 248.
247

394

346,

304,

292, 321.
(Dor.) 69
559
20, 466.
(Heracl. gen.)

(.)
(.)

,/;; 82, 83, 96.

82, 92, 96, 97,

237

56.

559
83, 89, 456
469
53
236.
322.
(Lesb.) 478.
278.

!
'
/

(Dor.) 38
193

(.)

-!

"5

24, 89, 115,

note, 193, 498, 511,
526.
69,

20.

569
285.
466.

66,

129, 473, 485

289.
237
489

''
,'

50

Xei>a 273

473, 485
266.

237.
285.

373

289.

458,

48.

96,

!
'
,

XepaSof 73.

499
67, 424

269, 345
236.
234, 236.
478.
219.
219
241.
241.

}
^

383
Xf'XDs 237, 267.

(xepeiav) 378

237
(Lesb.) 44 note

1,69,215,388.

(.) 47

273
430.
239Xpovoy 241.
237
237
486.

33

Index

384
486.

^
(!

555
243> 244

8, 5>63,

5,

141, 248, 298,

302, 304, 305>
321.
(Ion.) 51.

,^,
70,

3>
38,

5 II

/ior

463, 5'-'> 5^2

24.

74

- 354

248.
//09 248.
\//-;^' 269.

2)/|

/?7 241.

//^/

26, 508,
241.
522.
321, 562.
43
507.
43

248.
09, 225

558.

^^/cy

^^

(Dor.) 563
(Ion.) 564

6
; 8.

258.
285.
322,

/
^/

7
7

43

73
232.

321.
264.
463, 512.
2

33) 54

247
279, 366, 373

44
73
96
97

riote I

/or

ii8, 127

(^

402
431

507,

read

,,

,,
,,

...(.'

(Horn.) 430

&f

92, 96, 234, 342.

^,
.
(.
.

.
.
,
, (.
.
.

*-.

\8.

eptOev.

(last

two

and delete
50I /or
512
517

221

559

82,

.8

(,
,

129
153
237
287
289

406

(
\(

55

8.

CORRIGENDA.

457)
217,

509, 5"
Spro 221, 507

43
S)Ka 564

(\

/^

^
)

(Cret.) 303, 325

(Locr.) 325, 563

73

8.
128.

\//77 289
\/'

289.
285
507.
26, 294

74

279, 366.
>//
509)
285.
234

478.
559
202.
256.

,,
,,

lines)

fyrjpaaa

_;i?r

read

,,

were also formed read was also formed,