Professional Documents
Culture Documents
A2: MacGregor
Embracing the ethic of care isnt detrimental to their
possibilitiesit breaks down exploitation in hopes to
reject their patriarchal status
Kao 05 [Grace, 2005. Dr. Kao is an Assistant Professor of Religion at Virginia
Tech and also teaches womens studies and religious ethics. The International
Journal of the Humanities, Volume 3, Number 11. Pg 16-17.
http://www.rc.vt.edu/religious/pdfs/Kao_Ecofeminist%20Ethics.pdf 7/28]//kmc
The problem, then, is the following: if the vegetarianism prescribed by some ecofeminists cannot exceed
a Noddings-type relativism,17 then only cat-lovers and those who regard dogs as mans best friend
should abstain fromeating them, while those without fond memories of caring for dogs or cats (or
chickens, sheep, cows, pigs, turkeys, etc.) could rightfully continue to regard themas food. However, if
we were to push in the opposite direction out of concern and sympathy for all animals, the argument
would most likely resemble the abstractness, formality, and universality to which care-theory was to be
vegetarianism. Noting first thatmeat consumption is not a natural but a culturally variable activity,
vegetarian ecofeminists have been especially troubled by its gender implications in some contexts. In
the U.S. and possibly elsewhere, meat-eating remains connected to notions of virility andmasculinity
(e.g., meat-and-potatoes men conjure up images of strength), not to mention attitudes of mastery
interlocking oppressions then, vegetarian ecofeminists urge all feminists who already support the
principle of noncoercion in childbearing to attend to the particular vulnerabilities that warehoused female
animals face, aswellbe they egg-laying hens routinely de-beaked and so overcrowded in battery cages
that they cannot even stretch their wings, or dairy cows kept in a physically exhausting cycle of
pregnancy and lactation (Gruen 1993, 72-74; Adams 2002b).
The Good-Natured Feminist by Catriona Sandilands is quintessential reading for anyone who usually thinks
of ecofeminism as attempting to link "woman" (often equated with "mothering")and "nature" in an
eco- feminists are beginning to realize the limits of identity politics and are further realizing that delimiting
the woman/nature connection to a very particular characterization can never fully capture the range of
women's experiences. In addition, it restricts nature to representation as a domesticated feminine subject.
Attempts at identity
politics, no matter how well intentioned, marginalize those who do not fit the descriptions that are
Identity
politics is inevitably limited in its ability to lead to democracy.
Sandilands maintains that this is why ecofeminism needs to move
produced, and speaking for all women and/or nature is authoritarian and undemocratic.
Fem IR
Links
Development
The act of development is one with an idea of liberation
these concepts are linked to both decision making
processes and security
Detraz 12 [Nicole. Nicole Detraz is Assistant Professor of Political Science
at the University of Memphis. International Security and Gender, page 198200]//kmc
The need for reflexive scholarship extends to examining
emancipation and security. Emancipation is about removing
obstacles to choice, and the threats and vulnerabilities associated
with insecurity are important obstacles in peoples lives. Throughout the
book, emancipation has been described as a process. Regarding emancipation as a
process does not suggest a definite, knowable end point, but rather
implies that it must be the subject of continual evaluation. This
evaluation needs the input of multiple voices - including those who
experience insecurity, study conceptualizations of security, and
make policy designed to remove threats and vulnerabilities.
Feminists concerned with emancipation are not necessarily seeking
to give voice in these contexts, but rather to evaluate multiple
perspectives and provide space for them in their analysis. Two
concepts associated with emancipation are development and
empowerment. Each of these ideas is regarded as linked to peoples
ability to make choices, and are also tied to security discourses .
Chapter 5 claimed that
This
There is
not an easy answer to that question, but anY move towards this end
would need to address underlying moti- vations for peoples choices.
In the case of environmental behaviors, this may require asking
questions about how people conceptualize scarcity and abundance.
How do they understand the relationship between humans and the
environment? Exploring these underlying Actors is necessary in a
reflexive approach to security.
degradation. So, how can these tensions between emancipation and security be resolved?
Environment
The environmental security of connecting warfare and
environmental damage within the 1AC only perpetuates
conflicts
Detraz 12 [Nicole. Nicole Detraz is Assistant Professor of Political Science
at the University of Memphis. International Security and Gender, page 166168]//kmc
Some of the most obvious connections between security and
environment are the environmental impacts of conflict and warfare .
It has long been acknowledged that violent conflict can have devastating
impacts on the environment (Seager 1999). Nearly every type of violent conflict can result
in direct or indirect environmental damage. Matthew Paterson (2001: 44) addresses the environmental
effects of war by claiming the
raising environmental issues to areas that are seen as being salient. On the other hand, several actors
have pointed out that there are very real connections between environmental change and central security
particular elements of security and its relationship to the environment. Each discourse has its own set of
narratives for discussing the connections between security and environment. These narratives determine
several aspects of the overall discourse, including how broadly or narrowly key ideas and terms are
conceptualized, and how the security implications of environmental degradation are understood.
Environmental Conflict The environmental conflict discourse includes a combination of state security
concerns with environmental concerns. The central concern within this discourse is the potential for actors
(individuals or states) to engage in conflict over access to natural resources. These conflicts have been
identified as particularly likely under conditions of resource scarcity, and are typically understood to
threaten the stabil- lty of the state (Homer-Dixon 1999). There are several broad trends tot are identified
as increasing the likelihood of environmentally lnduced conflicts including population expansion and
migration, evironmental scarcities, globalization which brings people (and isease) into closer proximity,
and increasing recognition of environmental injustice (Barnett 2001). n example of the environmental
conflict discourse is fears about lack of water availability contributing to conflict between two parties .
Human
beings play a role in contributing to environmental degradation and
in engaging in resource conflict; however their security is not the
central concern for this discourse.
environmental threats to the list of items that may threaten state stability and security.
The "state," which is organized, administered and preserved by a national government, constitutes
the basic unit of analysis in international law. "States" create treaties, accede to customary international
environmental law. 1. The "State"
law, and compose the membership of public international organizations. 99 "State consent" is the primary indicator of global law. 100 It is obvious, then, that feminists
would reproach the domain of contemporary
involvement in, and leadership of, government and statecraft is notably minimal. International
relations is conducted overwhelmingly by patriarchal influences . Males
usurp power [*244] in national society, and males carry that position of power into the international realm as well. Men control "states" (i.e., governments) and the
created in order to permit governments to act collectively to achieve common state objectives. 102 Although some women do hold positions in government, men remain
the main players in domestic and international politics. "State sovereignty," assert feminist international theorists, grants legitimacy to the subjugation of women. 103 As
one prominent feminist theorist put it: "The state is male in the feminist sense: the law sees and treats women the way men see and treat women."
104 Law
is created by men, for men, in favor of men to rule over women. Similarly,
the state is created by men, for men, in favor of men to rule over women. The state thus becomes the embodiment
of international environmental law. This is true for international law in general, as well as for law specifically pertaining
to the environment. The male perception of the "state" as an autonomous actor
reinforces women's alienation from gender equality . In the view of feminists, men have
legitimated "state autonomy" as a jurisprudential means by which they can remove themselves from its gendered effects. 105 That is, men can point
to the depersonalized "state" as an actor that normatively functions independently of human control. In reality,
however, males decide and direct (in general) the course of "state" action. As
feminists see it, the conceptual divorce of the independent "state" from its
male masters cleverly masks gender bias in international law . 106 Construction
of the "state" in international relations limits the calls of women for a "different voice." [*245] 2. The Public/Private Distinction The public/private split permeates
the "private" sphere. 109 Feminists tend to view this separation of state-directed activities into public and private domains as generating negative impacts, especially on
women. For example, the point is argued that liberal states should assume in their domestic societies greater responsibility for day care, parental leave, and even
"reformulated roles within marriages and families." 110 By contrast, the male state normally relegates such family concerns to the "private," non-governmental world. 111
conform to certain rules or standards. "Hard" law usually results from treaty-making, or precepts which states universally understand to be binding rules of customary
international law or general principles of international law. Certain resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, are, for instance, "hard" legal instruments because
force even though it is conceded that these norms are more nascent than fully developed, and less than legally binding or enforceable in a court of law. 113 Much of this
"soft" law is contained within non-binding instruments, such as recommendations and resolutions of international organizations, declarations and final acts of international
conferences, and even draft proposals. "Soft" law documents simply recommend or exhort (but not mandate) that governments undertake certain measures. 114 General
Assembly resolutions, in contrast to Security Council actions, are non-binding international instruments. 115 States may implement them at their pleasure, if they choose
to at all, regardless of whether a government voted for or against a resolution, whether the resolution was overwhelmingly adopted, or whether it was adopted by
consensus. 116 As might be expected, repetition in state practice of the "soft" law norm may figure as a very important ingredient in the international "soft" lawmaking
feminist approaches to
international environmental law must be wary of the "hard"/"soft"
dichotomy. "Soft" law comes across as a system of empty promises
that tantalizes women with international aspirations in areas of
gender equality, but one that falls notably short on real [*247] results. After all, "soft" law represents a set of
process. Notwithstanding the gendered imagery conjured up by "hard" and "soft" rules,
recommendations, not directives. Some might think, on the other hand, that "soft" law is better than no law at all. Recommendations for normative action, they maintain,
are preferable to no guidance whatsoever. 117 Feminist international legal scholarship should embrace the former approach, particularly as a critical method. If the
international community is to achieve true progress in gender equality, "hard" law is generally preferable; "hard" law is more clear-cut and concrete and does not breed the
false hopes associated with "soft" law. Moreover, the dichotomy between "hard" and "soft" legal norms might be viewed as further evidence of international legal
patriarchy. That is, men presumably are capable of successfully addressing women's issues through "soft" law without the compulsory force that lies behind "hard" legal
norms. Consequently, one might expect that a male-dominated international legal system would prefer redressing gender-related issues through "soft" legal means, as
The
"hard"/"soft" division frequently surfaces in global environmental
law. Take, for instance, the 1982 World Charter for Nature. 118 The General Assembly adopted this Charter in the form of a
resolution. Resolutions adopted by the General Assembly are non-binding. 119 The World Charter states that the General Assembly is aware that
opposed to promulgating "hard" international legal instruments. That view, however, remains more fanciful speculation than functional fact.
"mankind is a part of nature and life depends on the uninterrupted functioning of natural systems which ensure the supply of energy and nutrients" and urges that the
Charter's recommendations "be reflected in the law and practice of each State, as well as at the international level." 120 These recommendations include avoiding
The
Charter neither outlines specific actions that states could take nor
mentions women in particular. Although the World Charter's recommendations are desirable, how effective can the General
"activities which are likely to cause irreversible damage to nature," and by recycling natural resources and preserving the productivity of soils. 121
Assembly be in achieving genuine ecological improvements or in enforcing global environmental standards? From the feminist perspective, the World Charter's "soft"
recommendations may constitute a significant deficiency in international law, as they conjure up the binding/non-binding issue.
When the planet is ruined, the continent forlorn in water and smoke, writes Canadian poet Dionne Brand,
in her long, unflinching elegy, Inventory (2006), in which she tallies up the disaster that is the present.
There is a chilling sense of foreboding. There is the sense as well that the sand is fast running out on our
time to act; it may already be too late. However, with the most crucial meeting on climate change in the
history of the planet taking place over 14 days in Copenhagen in early December involving, it is
estimated, 15,000 participants, representing about 200 countries there is a flicker of hope, even perhaps
contemporary environmental movement and ecofeminism can be historically located in 1962 when the
marine biologist Rachel Carson (1907-1964) published her pathbreaking study Silent Spring. The books
opening sentence contained its own implied lament: there was once a town in the heart of America where
all life seemed to live in harmony with its surroundings. The book reflected Carsons long standing
concern that the reckless use of synthetic chemical pesticides after World War II was not only detrimental
to the environment but to human beings themselves as a part of the natural world. Another formative
figure in the intellectual development of ecofeminism is the French feminist Francoise dEaubonne (19202005) who actually came up with the word ecofeminisme; in 1974 she published Le Feminisme ou la mourt
which strongly linked the devaluation of both women and the earth. Her book provided solid historical
arguments that many women in the past used sound ecological methods that almost always were
disrupted by male-dominated interests. The book was also a call to action: women needed to take steps
immediately to save themselves and the earth simultaneously. If we listened to, and followed the counsel
of ecofeminists, dEaubonne maintained, our planet, close to women, would become verdant again for
everyone. Nothing less than the extinction of people and the planet is at stake, she insisted, and a
complete revolution in thought and action is required. Ecofeminism is the bringing together of
body or matter thinking subject from external object - the justification for domination was solidified.
This dualism between an active subject and passive object suggests literally
man who receives, interprets, and organizes the sense data of a passive
objective nature. Since women were often associated and even conflated
with earth/nature it was a simple logical step to both see women as objects
and as passive, with men retaining a higher position in the symbolic order as active subjects.
Aristotle did not mince words on this issue. He writes in De Generatione Animalium the female, as female,
is passive and the male, as male, is active, and the principle of movement comes from him. The father
of modern science Francis Bacon (1561-1626) urged his new man of science to force from nature the
secrets she conceals in her womb, to unearth the truth that lies hid in deep mines and caves and to
shape her on the anvil. Nature, as far as Bacon is concerned, must be bound into service turned into a
slave put in constraint and molded to serve mans (not womans) ends. Both nature and women
were nothing more than objects to be undressed and exploited. Two 19th century art works are informative
here. A sculpture located in the entry to the School of Medicine in Paris is entitled, Nature revealing herself
to science, reflected the prevailing view that nature was only too eager to cast off her veil and expose her
secrets. In Edouard Manets painting, Le Dejeuner sur lherbe, a naked women picnics on the grass with
for a dual liberation although offering differing analyses are Ynestra King and Starhawk. In 1983 King
outlined a number of tenets of ecofeminism. First, she notes that
With women's role as primary caretaker still intact within most segments of society (Ferree 1987; DeVault
and nature. ECOFEMINISM Eighteen years ago, well before the current environmental movement
asked to be the "natural" wood-nymph and earth mother and to create places of escape from the
destructive patterns of the dominant culture. Ruether's statement illustrates several elements that
concepts are separated and used for analysis. Feminists add the
idea that when two concepts such as nature and humans are
separated, hierarchy forms and one is given a higher status than
another. In this case , humans dominate nature . Second, Ruether's quote suggests that
women and nature have traditionally been aligned in terms of symbols and terminology. The popular
media has demonstrated this by popularizing the slogan "Love your
mother earth." Other examples that engender nature are "raping the
land," and "virgin resources." Third, women are already very visible in
local grassroots movements and other political activist groups
centered on changing policy and rampant consumerism in order to
save the environment. Thus, women have already begun to play that major role in the
environmental movement that Ruether prophesied. One such role is that of environmentally-conscious
historical, symbolic, and theoretical connection exists between the domination of nature and women. This
philosophy is based on four principles (Warren 1990): 1) there are vital connections between the
oppression of nature and women, 2) understanding these connections is necessary to understanding the
two veins of oppression, 3) feminist theory must include an ecological perspective, and 4) ecological
starkly different. More emphasis would be placed on the role consumers have played in environmental
destruction and how basic value structures need to be changed in accordance with the concept of
interdependence. This different vision is delineated in the sections that follow.
Resource Wars
The framing of resource scarcity/wars within the 1AC
ignore the many negative effects scarcity has on women
Detraz 12 [Nicole. Nicole Detraz is Assistant Professor of Political Science
There are several factors that have been linked to the food price
hikes including naturally occurring events like drought, and humancreated phenomena like falling food stocks, increased use of grains
for feedstock and bio- fuels, and changes in consumption patterns in
emerging economies around the world. Zenebe Uraguchi (2010)
examined househo in Bangladesh and Ethiopia and found that
gender inequality makes women more vulnerable to increases in
food prices.
fetn3L\e-headed households at a greater risk for lacking access to nd control over resources that can cope
women in both male- and femaleheaded households were found to be more likely than men during
times of food shortages to adopt coping mechanisms which reduced
their personal intake of food, leading in some cases to food
insecurity for those women. At the same time, the study also found
that women in the areas studied were resourceful in devising ways
to cope with food scarcity. A range of mechanisms were employed, including reducing the
with external shocks like ice spikes. Additionally,
number of meals eaten per day, borrowing money from relatives to buy food, sending children to eat with
for socio-economic development . Credit, extension, input and seed supply services
usually address the needs of male household heads.
community have rec- 8nized the differential gender impacts of food insecurity and the ^cultural policy
employed to achieve food security. As always, it lmPrtant to examine these issues in a context-specific
manner
Securitization
Human security through ideas like economic, health, food,
environmental, and political ignore the unjust social
relations and unequal gender relations within the IR
sphere
Grenfell and James 08 [Damian and Paul, 2008. Damian Grenfell is a researcher in the
Globalism Research Centre at RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia.
Paul James is Academic Director of the Globalism Research Centre at RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia
and Director of the United Nations Global Compact, Cities Program (UNGCCP).
Rethinking Insecurity, War and Violence. Debating insecurity in a globalizing world, pages 12-14]//kmc
Although the
literature on new wars has been influential in understanding
contemporary violence and security, the growing appeal of the
concept of human security has also become increasingly
influential, reflecting many of the changes that have come in a postCold War period of intense globalization. Human security as a
concept was made famous by the United Nations Development
Program report and its extension of traditional security debates into
a set of seven key areas: the economic, health, food, the
environmental, the political, community, and personal. Such a list
posed a challenge to the traditional conceptions of state security,
which, particularly through the discipline of international relations,
had been the dominant way of understanding why and how violence
had occurred in the world. The movement in analysis away from an emphasis on the state to
Human Security, Critical Security Studies, and the Decentering of the State
groups and individuals not only reflects the kinds of violence enacted through the New Wars, but also
reflects the fact that in the face of globalization many now see the state as less and less relevant in
As members of nations,
religions, and races under threat, women are subsumed: they do not compose a group in and of
themselves. So says the Copenhagen School. Hansen maintains that in not recognizing women as a
potentially threa- tened group,
Subsuming security dovetails with the silencing example. Without recog- nizing that raped women are
silenced as members of a distinctive gender col- lectivity, there is little that critical Security Studies can do
to ease women out of their security dilemma. They become like H.C. Andersons little mermaid in
Copenhagen harbor. She silently hopes that love will liberate her from her watery prison and give her the
human perambulation required to be with her beloved prince. She takes the decision to leave the water
world and become human, to have a soul, only to discover that her man cannot recognize her now as a
stuck to stone in Copenhagen harbor, at once sad and quietly com- manding of the waters around her.
The Arab Spring is a term used to refer to the series of uprisings that took place in several states in the
Middle East and North Africa in 2010-2011. This movement captured the attention of the general public,
War
The 1ACs securitization frames war as an experience,
which ignores our emotional relationshipwe should
embrace the ethic of care to reject the over-securitization
of war
Sylvester 10 [Christine, 2010. Sylvester is Professor of International
Relations and Development in the Politics and International Relations
Department at Lancaster University, UK. Gender and International Security.
War, sense, and security. Page 24-26. 7/26]//kmc
painful loss of people, property, art and archi- tectures around them and end up repulsed by what they
see, paralyzed by grief or trauma, or saddened by popular opinion about a war. They might become
a
person who is not directly involved in war can be moved for or
against a waror war in generalby the justifications given for it, by
how well or poorly it is going for ones group and oneself, by popular
opinion, by ones political party affiliation, by reports in the media,
by religion and identity politics, by representations of war in the arts
and in novels, by what one learns about war in classrooms, by the
effects of war on the economy or on ones family or future, by
memories of war and war memorials. Not everyone touches war in
the same way but everyone can be touched by it in this time of globalization
disgusted with war while others take from the same experience a certain exhilaration. Meanwhile,
as citizens, refugees, observers, participants, victims, recorders and researchers of war experiences.5
Indeed, the many wars of the post-Cold War era in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East have put all of us in
an insecure zone that overflows with bodily senses. The UN Human Development Report of 1994 made the
sense and human security link explicit in its calls for freedom from fear and freedom from want, rather
than, as has been common in statist logics, freedom from invasion.6 But Anthony Burke argues that it is
difficult to get security as freedom from right, because we have become addicted to sufferingto a
rational, functional suffering embedded in the very patterns of politics and order that regulate global life.7
Our politics create and then pander to fear and dread, those twinset emotions people are so accustomed to as part of the fabric of
everyday life. To Erin Manning, sense does not pre-exist experience.
Perhaps our experiences with violence have curdled our senses.8 We help
generously at times of tsunamis, earthquakes and hurricanes and then feel sour watching shocked parents
close to our safe homes groping for words to express what it could possibly be like to learn that their 11year-old son has been shot dead on his way home from soccer practice in Liverpool. A Long Beach,
California high school student writes: If you look Asian or Latino, youre gonna get blasted on or at least
jumped. The war has been declared, now its a fight for power, money, and territory; we are killing each
other over race, pride, and respect ... They might think theyre winning by jumping me now, but soon
queue, suffering, hateful, or numbed by a bureaucratic politics that targets individuals where it once
carry a critical edge and are not afraid to go into sensory spaces. To ponder new ways to think about sense
and security, consider four such texts: Anthony Burkes (2007) Beyond Security, Ethics and Violence, Lene
Hansens (2006) Security as Practice,10 Laura Sjoberg and Caron Gentrys (2007) Mothers, Monsters,
Whores: Womens Violence in Global Politics,11 and Erin Mannings (2007) Politics of Touch. Not every
women and men are often negatively impacted by war and conflict;
however these impacts are typically gendered . Rather than assume
conflict or war impacts everyone similarly, or even that it impacts
the marginalized in the same ways, feminist security scholars
conclude that all stages of conflict are gendered- and this often
serves to make women more vulnerable than men to security
threats. Feminist security studies concentrate on the ways world politics can contribute to the
insecurity of individuals, especially individuals who are marginalized and disempowered (Enloe 2000;
2007; 2010; Reardon and Hans 2010). This is in contrast to traditional security approaches that have
typically evaluated security issues either from a structural perspective or at the level of the state and its
decisionmakers. There is a tendency in this literature to look at what happens during wars as well as being
concerned with their causes and endings (Riley et al. 2008; Tickner 2001). There is a danger, however, in
a simplistic analysis that automatically views women as victims in times of war. This volume calls for a
more nuanced understanding of the particular experiences of women and men during times of conflict.
This caution is echoed by many feminists who argue against simplistic notions of peaceful women and
aggressive men.
focus on particular issues and abuses women often face during war or conflict. These include rape in war,
military prostitution, refugees (many of whom are women and children), and more generally issues about
civilian casualties. Additionally, there has been increased attention paid to the place and experiences of
women as political and military leaders, soldiers, revolutionaries, and terrorists. This book explores
gendered understandings of security rather than simply the roles and responses of women in the security
debate. As mentioned above, gender can be defined as a set of socially constructed ideas about what
Gender analysis involves examining genderbased divisions in society and differential control of/access to
resources. This is different from an approach seeking to bring
women into an analysis, which can isolate women from the broader
socio-cultural context in which behavioral norms are embedded .
men and women ought to be.
Therefore, this book will not only explore the particular position of women and men within the context of
security, but also investigate the objects of study and the specific language used in the present security
discussions for examples of gendered implications.
Heg
The hegemonic framing of the 1AC frames the state as a
masculine subject within IR that needs to be securitized
Wadley 10 [Jonathan D., 2010. Wadley is a PhD candidate at the
good reason to believe that a model of masculinity centered on protection has achieved dominant, if not
hegemonic, status. While the question of its hege- monic status will have to be settled empirically,
protection appears to be both clearly masculine and sufficiently widespread. And although studies of the
idea of protection are dwarfed by studies of the idea of security within IR, there is enough work that has
been done on its normative force, evolving meaning, and the growing range of performances that it
regulates to merit consideration. Work on these different aspects of protection could be usefully combined
to reveal an overarching processone through which feminist Security Studies can study the gendering of
the state that takes place at a systemic level.
Econ
The affirmatives focus on conventional growth obscures
larger inequalities that perpetuate gendered hierarchies
the alternative uses a different lens for viewing
globalization that is mutually exclusive with the affs
ontological approach
Tickner 1professor at the School of International Relations, USC. (Ann,
Gendering World Politics: Issues and Approaches in the Post-Cold War Era, 7778)
Ohmaes top-down view of a borderless world, with its emphasis on the
globalization of production and finance, hides the large inequalities , stressed by critics, that
exist
within and between societies . While there are obviously enormous differences in the socioeconomic status
of women depending on their race, class, nationality, and geographic location, women share a certain commonality
since they are disproportionately located at the bottom of the
socioeconomic scale in all societies. Figures vary from state to state, but on an average, women earn three-quarters of
both
mens earnings, even though they work longer hours. Many of these hours are spent in unremunerated reproductive and caring tasks. Of the 1.3 billion people estimated to
be in poverty in the mid 1990s, 70 percent were women: the number of rural women living in absolute poverty rose by nearly 50 percent from the mid 1970s to the mid
1990s.45 Women have received a disproportionately small share of credit from formal banking institutions. For example, in Latin America, in the early 1990s women
constituted only from 7 to 11 percent of the beneficiaries of credit programs; in Africa, where women contribute up to 80 percent of total food production, in the mid 1990s
they received less than 10 percent of the credit to small farmers and 1 percent of total credit to agriculture.46 Feminist perspectives on economic globalization and on IPE
more generally have investigated the extent to which these disturbing figures are attributable to gendered effects of trends in the global economy outlined above. Findings
structures
neorealism and
detrimental to women;
adding women to
economic
cause of womens
Rather
than trying to understand the conditions necessary for stability in
the international system, feminists are seeking to understand the causes
of womens various economic insecurities and investigating the
conditions under which they might be alleviated. While neorealists and neoliberals both claim that
states are furthering their own interests in the global economy, they have been less concerned with how these rewards are distributed internally . Rather
than taking the state as given, feminists seek to understand how
questions asked by both neorealists and neoliberals about the reasons for state conflict and cooperation are quite different from those of feminists.
state policies and structures, in their interactions with the global economy,
have differential effects on individuals; making visible gendered
power relationships can help us to understand how women and men
may be rewarded differentially as the state pursues gains from the global economy .
Much of feminist analysis of economic globalization comes out of a different
ontology and different methodologies than those of neorealists and
neoliberals. Concerned with questions such as the global division of labor, feminists have examined how
hierarchical structures of class, race, and gender cross and intersect with national
boundaries; they also have examined the interactive effects of these
hierarchies on the workings of the global economy. In so doing, they draw on sociological
analysis rather than rationalist methodologies based on microeconomics. Given their interest in understanding
how culture, norms, and values shape and are shaped by material structures,
they are unlikely to choose rational-choice methodologies that focus
on calculation of interest.
Threat Focus
The 1ACs framing of threats ignores the vulnerabilities
within the systemthe securitization of threats creates a
dedefinition of security, in which it is impossible to see
vulnerabilities
Detraz 12 [Nicole. Nicole Detraz is Assistant Professor of Political Science
things like increased competition over natural resources or damage from natural disasters rather than
military might of a state. Most scholars wishing to problematize the idea of state security argue we must
be concerned with both threats and vulnerabilities.
all large-scale
evils become threats to security, the result will be a dedefinition
rather than a redefinition of security. Waever (1995) offers another warning,
claiming that expanding the notion of security may actually serve to strengthen the hold the state
1998: 24). State- sponsored solutions may or may not be the optimal resolution for each problem. In sum,
security studies has a long history within IR, but has seen some important changes in recent years (Buzan
and Hansen 2009; Collins 2007; Williams 2008). These changes include the addition of elements that have
not historically been understood as high politics. There are those who enthusiastically welcome these
additions as challenges to state-centric, military security scholarship. Alternatively, there are those who
see these additions as either watering down the concept of security past the point of effectiveness, or as
unnecessarily
Omission
Silence is violence---link of omission just proves that the
alt solves because it exposes the hegemonic nature of the
1ac---this card smokes them
Jackson 8IR, Aberystwyth U. PhD, U Canterbury (Richard, The Ghosts of
State Terror, http://users.aber.ac.uk/mys/csrv/ghost%20of%20state%20terrorrichard%205.pdf)
Employing a grounded theory approach, the analysis was considered complete when the addition of new texts did not yield any new insights or categories. The second
stage of the research involved subjecting the findings of the textual analysis to both a first and second order critique. A first order or immanent critique uses a discourses
internal contradictions, mistakes, misconceptions, and omissions to criticise it on its own terms and expose the events and perspectives that the discourse fails to
The point of this form of internal critique is not necessarily to establish the
correct or real truth of the subject beyond doubt, but rather to destabilise dominant
acknowledge or address.
silences
in a discourse
can be
as important, or even
more important
at times,
stated . This is because silence can function ideologically in any number of ways. For example, silence can be a deliberate means of distraction or
the suppression or delegitimisation of alternative forms
of knowledge or values, the tacit endorsement of particular kinds of practices,
setting the boundaries of legitimate knowledge, or as a kind of disciplining
process directed against certain actors among others. In other words, the silences within a text often function as an exercise
misdirection from uncomfortable subjects or contrasting viewpoints,
has porous borders and often contains multiple exceptions, inconsistencies, and contradictions by different speakers and texts. Many of the terrorism scholars discussed in
this paper for example, upon a close reading of their individual texts, often express more nuanced arguments than are necessarily presented here. The important point is
not that each text or scholar can be characterised in the same uniform way, or even that these scholars agree on a broad set of knowledge claims. It is rather, that taken
together as a broader discourse and a body of work that has political and cultural currency, the narratives and forms of the discourse function to construct and maintain a
specific understanding of, and approach to, terrorism and state terrorism and that this knowledge has certain political and social effects.
God, to which blame does not generally attach. But a person or institution that actively seeded a hurricane
would likely be considered responsible for the actual harm that hurricane caused. Thus risks "caused" by
salient individual action (choosing the vaccine or seeding a hurricane) are perceived as worse than the
greater risk posed by inaction (the virus or the flooded city). When individual action is salient, we see choice
(and sometimes intent n24) and attribute causal responsibility accordingly, but where individuals fail to act,
the omissions tend to fade into the surrounding situation. n25 Policy and policy analysis reflect that
omission bias. For example, pharmaceutical [*422]companies have never been held liable for failing to
produce vaccines, but have sometimes been liable for the harm caused even by vaccines whose dangers are
unavoidable. n26 Tort law traditionally has been reluctant to impose responsibility for doing nothing n27
and generally imposes no duty to rescue. Thus, the "sunbather who watches a child going under the waves
has no duty to dive in the water, throw her a life ring, or even notify a nearby lifeguard." n28 Similar
techniques shield the legal regime itself from responsibility. As Philip Bobbitt and Guido Calabresi
have argued, lawmakers engage in legitimating subterfuges to avoid explicitly making "tragic choices" that
would cause suffering or death. n29 Policies ostensibly pursuing some justified end, but having
untoward consequences for some groups, typically are viewed less as actions causing harm than as
situationally excused omissions. n30 Of course, a purported goal need not be the actual motivation for
an act or a policy in order to have the absolving effect. Often a "cover story" need not be very strong to justify
harmful conduct. In the Lerner experiment, the subjects without a salient choice to end the shocking (the
second group) could more easily excuse themselves from blame than the subjects who were presented an
alternative. The "optionless" subjects took cover behind their assigned roles in an ostensibly valuable,
scientific inquiry. Stopping the experiment would have required affirmative, abnormal actions--going
against the flow. In part because no one expects such actions to be taken, no blame attaches to not taking
them. And in part because such omissions would be blameless, no one acts. n31
A2: Perm
Perm Failsthe inclusion of the state-based plan with the
alternative dooms the alternative to failurea lack of
understanding of feminist theories means the state wont
adopt the alt into policies
Sjoberg 10 [Laura, 2010. Sjoberg is Assistant Professor of Political Science
at the University of Florida. She holds a PhD in International Relations and
Gender Studies and a law degree specializing in International Law. Gender
and International Security, pg 1-2. 7/26]//kmc
In the intervening decades,
feminist scholars have critiqued and reformulated many of the
foundational theoretical assumptions of IR. Still, the productivity of
conversations between feminists and other IR scholars has been
more mixed than original predictions envisioned . In some areas of IR,
scholarship that uses gender as an analytical category has successfully engaged in dialogue with more
mainstream approaches. In other areas of study, however,
of sexual violence as a tool of war in conflicts from South Korea to the Democratic Republic of Congo,10
womens participation as soldiers in armed conflicts around the globe,11 and womens activism and
Practitioners interested in
peacekeeping,13 the study and management of refugees,14 and
protecting noncombatants in times of war15 reveal the increasing
importance of gender sensitivity to many of the actors that we study
in global pol- itics. As Spike Peterson explains, real world events
protests against conflicts (including the war in Iraq).12
Alternative
Gender Lens
The alternative is to reject the securitization of the 1AC
and use a gender lens to approach the affirmative
Detraz 12 [Nicole. Nicole Detraz is Assistant Professor of Political Science
discussion . By using gender lenses, this book can identify the ways gender is currently incorporated
in security issues, as well as the ways gender can be incorporated in security studies into the future.
may become more or less viable and the interests of some groups may be served more than others
(Backstrand and Lovbrand 2005; Cohn 1993; Haas 2002; Hajer 1995; Litfin 1999).
This is not to say that all people, or even all women, experience gender in the same
ways. While genders are lived by people throughout the world, each person lives gender in a different
Feminist
This
dichotomous thinking about gender influences how scholars and
policy-makers frame and interpret issues of international security. A
third common theme for feminist Security Studies is the broad and
diverse role that feminist scholars see gender playing in the theory
and prac- tice of international security. In each of these chapters, gender matters in
unitary concept, dichotomous thinking about gender continues to pervade social life.48
the theory and practice of international security in three main ways: (1) it is necessary, conceptually, for
understanding international security; (2) it is important in analyzing causes and predicting outcomes; and
(3) it is essential to thinking about solutions and promoting positive change in the security realm. First,
policy choices are guided by their identities, which are based on association with characteristics attached
to masculinity, manli- ness, and heterosexism.50 Finally,
feminists interest in
Prereq
Acknowledging gender inequality is the first step to peace
keepingconflict is inevitable in a world absent a
genderless lens
Hudson 10 [Heidi, 2010. Hudson is Professor of Political Science and
Academic Program Direc- tor of the Centre for Africa Studies, University of the
Free State, Bloem- fontein, South Africa. Gender and International Security.
Peacebuilding building through a gender lens and the challenged of the
implantation in Rwanda and Cote dIvoire, page 256-257]//kmc
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 asks that memberstates ensure the consideration of gender in peace building
processes.1 This chapter explores what considering gender would mean,
arguing that, it requires more than acknowledging gender inequality
and foregrounding womens needs in peace processes . Considering
gender also includes seeing the differ- ential impact of conflict on
men and women and the unique knowledge and experiences that
both groups bring to the peace table. The benefits of such a strategy reach beyond
improved gender relations. Considering gender in peace building also
increases the chances of successful planning, implementation, and
institutionalization of a post-conflict order.
the
Many differed
Hegemonic femininity is
perfectly sound as a theoretical concept, but it is present only when
feminine values dominate the social structure under analysis. But
insofar as states are manly, the field of international politics is
dominated by states with differing hegemonic masculinities.
American hegemonic masculinitys most recent turn towards
hypermasculinity is in stark contrast to Germanys focus on
economic pri- macy. But it does not matter whether Gerhard
non-Western men), as well as many forms of subordinate femininity.
chosen to follow by attending Princeton will likely lead to my further integration and/or assimilation into a
White cultural and social structure that will only allow me to remain on the periphery of society; never
becoming a full participant.70 Furthermore, she continues in the next paragraph, as I enter my final year
at Princeton, I find myself striving for many of the same goals as my White classmates. It remains to be
to a position of power, all participants (gay, straight, male, female, light or dark-skinned) must conform to
the cult of [hegemonic] masculinity.71 As Carol Cohn has showed us in the field of nuclear strategy,
Framework
State Bad
framework is badit works inside the assumption that the
state is good and gender-neutralthis only perpetuates
the masculine framing of the state and silences the need
to integrate gender
Wadley 10 [Jonathan D., 2010. Wadley is a PhD candidate at the
University of Florida. His research focuses on sexual politics and European
identity. Gender and International Security. Gendering the state, page 53-54
7/27]//kmc
Bigos discussion of protection suggests that this model of masculinity can be studied usefully through the
technologies deployed as states strive to emulate Performativity and protection 53 54 Jonathan D.
Those within IR whose theo- retical innovations have paved the way for a processual relational account of
identityWendt, Campbell, Jackson and Nexon, to name a fewmust go further by considering gender as
Reps Key
Our reps are key to breaking down the gendered lens
within IR policiesthe alternative isnt ignoring gender,
that only makes the problem worse, but instead breaking
the silence and using our speech act to recreate gender
structures
Wadley 10 [Jonathan D., 2010. Wadley is a PhD candidate at the
University of Florida. His research focuses on sexual politics and European
identity. Gender and International Security. Gendering the state, page 38-39.
7/26]//kmc
scholars of International Relations (IR) tend to treat
the state as if it were a person. It is assumed to have interests
and intentions, said to act (and often, to act rationally), even
allowed to experience death. In the most extreme cases of anthropomorphization, the
state is explicitly given a body and a life. For most scholars, it seems perfectly
naturalcommon sense, evento speak of the state in this way .
Indeed, so commonplace is the attribution of personhood that it is hard
to think of the state without appropriating the language used to
describe the beliefs, emo- tions, motivations, and actions of
individual human beings. Such naturalness is reflected in the fact
that metaphors of personhood are not restricted to one or two
subfields, but characterize the discipline as a whole, so much so that
in a field in which almost everything is contested, this seems to be
one thing on which almost all of us agree. 1 And yet, despite the
For analytical purposes,
The argument that states are produced within, and not outside of, their environ- ment is no longer esoteric.