Murat f Al-Aqdah

A Portrait of the Umayyad

Islam

From Defaming to Profaning:

The Purified Progeny of the Prophet

Lectures Delivered by:

His Eminence Ayatollah the Allama
Kaml Al-aidar

Compiled by:
Ali Al-Madan

In the Name of Allah

the Most merciful, The Most Beneficent

Table of Contents
Translator Introduction ..................................................................................... 6
Book Introduction .............................................................................................. 7
GLOSSARY ...................................................................................................... 10
Methodical Priorities in Perceiving Religious Erudition ............................. 12
Defining the Intellectual Marji: ..................................................................... 12
(The reference point of intellectual religious authority) .............................. 12
Preface ................................................................................................................ 14
Initiating Such Researches : Why and Wherefore.............................................. 16
Aims and Objectives of these Researches .......................................................... 24
Drawbacks and Risks of Direct Doctrinal Dialogue .......................................... 26
The Quranic Approach to Dialogue .................................................................. 28
Deciding Which Marji:The Reference Point of Religious Authority ............... 33
Attitude of the Companions School towards the Transfer from the Itrah:
Sahih Al-Bukhr as an Instance ........................................................................ 41
Axes Proposed for Debating the Dilemma......................................................... 50
Passageways to the Prophetic Sunnah: Two Main Attitudes ............................. 53
First Attitude: Engaging Positively in the Prophetic Sunnah ............................ 53
Second Attitude: Engaging Passively in the Prophetic Sunnah:........................ 55
Is the Abstention of the Messenger from Writing.............................................. 68
A Tacit Sustenance to the Protesters .................................................................. 68
Main Conclusions to Draw from the Theory:
(Sufficient for us: the Book of Allah) ................................................................ 71
The First Portrait (1)
Defiling the Infallible Progeny of the Prophet .............................................. 72
Ibn Taimiyyah: His stand from Imam Ali:
The Love and Grudge Hadith: An Instance .................................................. 72
1

Justifications for Interest in the Topic ................................................................ 73

Benefits Obtainable from the Topic ................................................................... 79
First Benefit: Bind the Opponent by what he Made Binding upon himself ...... 79
Second Benefit: Absolution of the Charge: Shia of Ahlul Bait Fanatic and
Heretic ................................................................................................................ 83
Hadith of love and Grudge ................................................................................. 87
First Research: Hadith Sources .......................................................................... 87
Second Research:The Hadith Overtones ............................................................ 93
Third Research:What does it mean: Imam Ali a Norm Distinguishing the
Believer from the Hypocrite ............................................................................... 96
The Fourth Research:The Standardising Normative Value in the Love and
Hatred of Ali in the Mission Society .................................................................. 98
Ibn Taimiyyah Method in Approaching

Ahlul Bait (as) Virtues and

Prerogatives ...................................................................................................... 105

The Theoretical Aspect of Ibn Taimiyyah Method in Approaching Ahlul Bait
(as) Prerogatives ............................................................................................... 105
The Applied Aspect of Ibn Taimiyyah in Approaching the Prerogatives of
Ahlul Bait (as): The Host of the Love Hadith as a Sample ............................. 106
The Normative Value of the Love of Ali Bin Abu lib (as) and the Issue of the
Companions Uprightness ................................................................................. 116
The Attitude of Qur'an towards the Equivocal Issue of the Companions'
Uprightness ....................................................................................................... 119
The Attitude of Hadith towards the Equivocal Issue of the Companions
Uprightness ....................................................................................................... 124
Summary of Key Facts Precipitated from the Research .................................. 129
Muwiyyah: Whether or not Resentful of Imam Ali (as) ............................... 131

The First Portrait (2)

Defiling the Immaculate Progeny of the Prophet ........................................ 147
Hating and Swearing at Ali (as)
The Immaculate Itrah ................................................................................... 152
For Ahlul Bait School and the Companions School ........................................ 152
Threefold Classification of the Islamic Schools: ............................................. 155
Reference Quotes from Prominent Figures ...................................................... 155
Some Evidences on the First Umayyad Portrait .............................................. 159
The Umayyad Policy: ....................................................................................... 165
Quotes from some Prominent Figures.............................................................. 165
Percussions of the Umayyad Policy on the Science of Aspersion and
Acclamation ...................................................................................................... 171
Firstly: Slander and Ill-Speaking on the Loyalists to Ahlul Bait ............... 171
Secondly : Authentication and Praise Of the Grudge - Holding to Ahlul
Bait .............................................................................................................. 177
The First Portrait (3)
Defiling the Immaculate Progeny of the Prophet ........................................ 181
The Chief Lady of the Worlds: Az-Zahra Al-Batul
Ibn Taimiyyah Debasement of her Character ............................................. 181
Preface .............................................................................................................. 182
The First Axis :The Grade of Siddiqah Az-Zahra in the Prophetic
Accounts .......................................................................................................... 185
The First Cluster: Best of all the Women of the people of Paradise ............... 186
The Second Cluster: Sufficing for you: the Mistresses of the Worlds ............ 190
The Difference between the two Clusters ........................................................ 193
Regarding Precedence ...................................................................................... 193
Precedence of Az-Zahra over Others ............................................................... 194
3

Evidencing Texts on the Superiority of Az-Zahra (as) .................................... 195

The Significance of the Mastery Ascribed to Fatima Az-Zahra (as) ............... 199
Axis Two The Attitude of Ibn Taimiyyah from the Mistress of the Women
of the Worlds (as) ........................................................................................... 200
Prelude: Vilifying Ahlul Bait a Systematic Step by Ibn Taimiyyah ................ 200
Attitude One: Fatimah (as): A Seeker of Worldly Matters ..................... 205
Attitude Two: Fatimah (as) Action Resembles the Hypocrites' Actions . 206
Attitude Three: Fatimah Desertion and

Breaking off with the First

Caliph A Slander to her ............................................................................ 210

Attitude Four: The Will of Fatimah to Bury her at Night and not to do her
Funeral Prayer an Act to be censured for ................................................. 211
Attitude Five: Fatimah Split Asunder the Federation of Moslems, Declined
Allah Command and Incurred His Wrath for this Transgression............. 213
Attitude Six: Her Desperation (as) for the Elapsing Lower World and Grief
for a Fleeting Matter ................................................................................. 217
Attitude Seven: What is Narrated on Fatimah of Slanderous Acts Abundant
................................................................................................................... 223
The Second Portrait
Desecrating the Immaculate Itrah of the Prophet ..................................... 230
The Martyrdom of Imam Hussain: An Instance......................................... 230
Preface .............................................................................................................. 231
First Axis Legitimacy of the Umayyad Rule and Legitimacy Of the Murder of
Imam Hussein (as) ............................................................................................ 236
First Sub-researcher: Attitude of the Umayyad Islam Theorists from Yazd: . 236
Seco nd Sub-research: The Legitimacy of Slaying Al-Hussein (as) ............... 239
And Acquitting Yazd of Liability ................................................................... 239
1. Ibn Taimiyyah Stand (d.726 A.H): ............................................................. 241
4

2. Al-Q Ibn Al-Arab Stand (d.543 A.H): ................................................. 250

The Contemporary Developments of the Umayyad Islam Stand .................... 255
Axis Two :Yazd and the Sacredness of Al-Hussein Blood For the
Companions School ........................................................................................ 259
First Sub-research: Yazd Character for the Companions School ................... 260
Yazd: Commander of the Forgiven Army................................................. 262
Al-ls Sums up Ahlul Sunnah Attitude towards Yazd ......................... 268
The Second Sub-Research: The Sanctity of Al-Hussein Blood and the Soil of
Karbala for the Scholars of Ahlul Sunnah ....................................................... 275
Preface .............................................................................................................. 275
A Point for Contemplation: .............................................................................. 278
Can we Rely on "Dream-Vision" in such Researches ..................................... 278
Firstly: the Sanctity of Imam Hussein Blood ................................................... 280
For Ahlul Sunnah Scholars .............................................................................. 280
Secondly: The Sanctity of the Soil of Imam Hussein ...................................... 282
For the Scholars of Ahlul Sunnah .................................................................... 282
References ........................................................................................................ 298
English Translation........................................................................................... 298

Translator Introduction
This introduction is not to pad out extra notes to an already bulky work; it is targeted towards the
translation tactics and other respective issues which might have bearing to the text. Briefly
speaking:
Glossary provided by the translator, aiming to make the reading easier and quicker for unspecialised
reader, is elementary explanation of technical terms of Hadith recurrently used in the study, noting
it is restrictively designed for sole use of this study, and the reader can consult his own references
for further illustration or other Hadith terminology classified upon reliability and other criteria.
Certain glossary have alternated between the original and the equivalent English, such as hasan &
good, da'f & weak, sanad & chain of transmission, where readability is more attainable. However,
apart from these few instances, the translation has been systematic.
The translator's notes are isolated from the author's in endnotes, majorly paraphrasing cultural
terminology or denoting a case in point for the translation.
The Qur'anic texts alone are taken from available translations, mainly from Abu Al-Al AlMawdd and Ysuf Ali, where the contextual meaning is best conveyed. Minor modifications may
be applied to the ayah and only rarely the ayah is directly relayed by the translator in view of
accessibility of the message.
The transliteration might seem unsystematic due to the exclusion of a few proper names or words
which are highly circulated or standardised in the target language, e.g. Abdullah, Hussein, Abbas,
Umar & Sahih, Salah, etc.
Publishing Houses keep the original proper names they are identified with; thus no transliteration
been applied.
Short for veneration diction, commonly attached to the prophet name 'Muhammad' is (SAW),
whereas (sawa) & (saw-a) have been innovated to account in this study for a difference that the
writer tries to reflect between diverse narrations as whether or not Ahlul Bait (explained in the text)
are incorporated in seeking the blessings. This usage is determined by anti-or-pro attitude towards
Ahlul Bait. The hyphenated (saw-a) denotes anti-imbued narrations whereby 'a' denotes Ahlul Bait,
and the hyphenation indicates it is not used in the origin.
Capitalised 'Imam' is differentiated from 'imam' in that the former has been confined to the Imams
of Ahlul Bait to indicate spiritual and political credentials, i.e. leadership, rather than simply a
distinct status.
Bibliography provides English translation of the original reference, yet some transfers may sound
rhetorical or purportless, being rendered word for word. Titles of classical books can be decorative
and descriptive, which cannot put a big sense once translated. Still, other approaches of translation
proved to be more feasible with some titles, which convey a bigger semantic import.
Finally, it is worth noting that terminology in the Science of Hadith may be approached differently
by different schools of thought.
6

Book Introduction
Is not Islam a one-fused global religion? Is not the message of Islam
universal addressing the whole of mankind? Then what is this book for? And
what does a book entitled "the Umayyad Islam" try to communicate? Have
we blundered in these researches into some faulty definition of Islam?
In the modern world, it has become axiomatic that a human is historically
embedded and thus termed as a 'historical being'. This idiom despite its
brevity contains multifarious meanings, most important of which:
Humans in their capacity as intellectual beings are the offspring of history,
bound by its machine to a great extent beyond the dominant intrinsic
conception, about the 'human' himself and the 'body of thought' he earned,
that they are entities which cannot be impacted by history or rotated by its
wheel.
Differently put: every concept of mankind is root and branch implanted in the
habitat where it was originated. It is indebted to the available resources of its
era and the readily obtainable corpus of thoughts, criteria, concepts and
values of the environment.
The fact that the 'human' and his 'thought' have been historically leaning on
the statistics and facts of the outer reality is a tremendous gain for the
humanistic modern thought. One of its remarkable effects on the diachronic
studies of concepts is that it motivates researchers to implement inferential
reading for all the intellectual cultural facets of mankind in line with the reality
where they first emerged, and against the backgrounds of these facets within
that very reality, whether they be intellectual, linguistic, political, economic,
social, or ethnic etc.
This is what especially caused some researchers to consider afresh the
study of the Islamic history with a new realistic perspective seeking to
introduce to the diversified societal conceptions that were disseminated by
Islam about Islam itself, and simultaneously to show forth the cultural
background of every society or faction, and its role in shaping the perception
to Islam.
From the number of objectives observed by this perspective, we select two
pivotal ones that were particularly aimed at:
Firstly: to subvert any unilateral approach to Islam tending to monopolise the
truth and finalise its representation with a certain party not the other.
7

Secondly: to disclose that the understanding of Islam is not an abstract

theoretical process, more or less in pursuit of the infinite truth, unshackled by
the challenges and gravitating powers of reality. In the fore of these
challenges are: firstly the Islamic conquests and expansions by war, and
secondly the social integration of society with new constituents which have
miscellaneous backgrounds: intellectual, psychological and ritualistic.
I by no means intend in this hasty look to officially evaluate the extent of
integrity and legitimacy of this trend. It is however untimely to do that over
here. Therefore I will only indicate to the idea I try to impart, that is: not only
has the issue of diversification in the "human understanding" of Islam become
a highly anticipated prospect in nowadays serene heavyweight studies, but it
is identified as an independent field that no one can suspect from the
observers of the Islamic setting on the level of the public or a select group,
neither can they be doubtful about the diversifications and divisions in
experiencing Islam, in the awareness, comprehension and representation of
its essence.
As for the book at our disposal, the first chapter undertook the task of
featuring the prominence and legitimacy of the matters it dealt with, and
thereby it is pointless to recapitulate in our brief introduction. What must be
stressed about the book is its idiosyncratic context and unique mood from
which the researches were launched and the grounds were founded. In short,
we may say: the book rests on a certain belief that the understanding of Islam
and deciphering any of its modes, explicitly in this context: the mode of "Islam
of Umayyad personalities and those who follow in their steps", is a subject
whose discussion exceeds the influences which are normally exerted by
reality on the formulation of the human thought. This is because these
influences that seem ostensibly impartial and objective are overstepped by
others which are the product of the human consciousness and the deliberate
intention to uphold and impose a specific concept above others, owing to
some political factional advantages and material negligible gains.
The book is an effort to uncover that intentionality of the Umayyads which
endeavours to distort and misrepresent axioms and principles in the
Moslems' minds pertinent to the prophet's progeny (as), i.e. their ranks and
roles in defending Islam's mission, concepts and values, as well as to undo
the ill-effects of thoughts and attitudes coerced by the political authorities and
reinforced by relevant written works of some Moslem scholars.
Finally, it remains necessary to remind of some points:
8

Firstly: the origin of the book is 24 dialogue-based lectures delivered by

Ayatollah the Allama Kamal Al-Haidari on Al-Kawthar T.V. (a satellite
channel) in a programme entitled "Murat f Al-Aqdah.
Secondly: our work centred on the re-writing and editing of these lectures,
extracting the relevant narratives and sayings, and giving titles for each part
and the general theoretical framework.
Thirdly: because the above T.V. programme has a time limit and involves the
viewers opinion, it is impracticable Include a total coverage of the research.
Therefore, I took the labour to patch up some details so as to produce a full
picture for the reader, all implemented in coordination with Sayed Kaml Alaidar.
Fourthly: this work would not have come to light in its final shape without the
concentric and remarkable efforts of "Imam Jawad Foundation for Islamic
Thought & Culture" staff starting from the administrators, proof-readers and
technicians. For all those dutiful ladies and gentlemen best gratitude and
appreciation.
Eventually, all I ever hope is that the prestigious reader finds this book
beneficial in one way or another, and his reservoir on the Islamic intellectual
history is enriched in a sound and scientific manner, and his critical sense is
propelled to operate in wider spheres and horizons where darkness still
prevails.
Ibrahim Al-Bar
ebraheemalbasri@gmail.com

4 July 2011
2 Shaban 1432

GLOSSARY

d : isolated and unfrequented

Lit. singular but in the discipline of hadith, the above equivalent is more feasible, as it
describes hadiths that have not fulfilled certain requirements to reach the level of
tawtir complete authenticity.

Bihi : authentic in itself; without support of other hadiths, or other factors to lend
it strength, e.g. multiple chains of transmitters.

Binawihi : by its example; the extracted hadith by the succeeding reporter

has some addition (a supplement) either in the matn or sanad with the wording is
similar.

Gharb

: strange; one in which there is at least in one layer only one narrator.

Al-Hafiz (Al-fi) : Hadith master: a memoriser of one hundred thousand

hadith by matn and sanad with comprehension.

asan : good; the source and reporter of the hadith are known- less authentic
than Sahih.

Isnad l : made up with a minimum number of links.

Al-Jar and At-Tadl : Aspersion and Acclamation; a scientific

discipline which investigates the realibilty and non-realibility of hadith reporters:
Acclaimed is the one whose narrtions are accepted.

Aspersed is the one whose narrations are rejected.

Lighairihi : otherwise; authentic by virtue of corroboration from other hadiths,

or by another factor to lend it strength, e.g. multiple chains of transmitters.

Maml bihi : enforced hadiths; they are good or authentic enough to

be deemed irrevocable.

Marf : specifically traced back to the prophet, regardless of whether sound or

not, broken or unbroken, i.e. traced to the prophet without any break in the chain of
reporters

Mashhr : famous; hadith which has not fulfilled the requisites of tawtir
complete authenticity, and it is conveyed by a number of narrators not less than three.
10

Matn : text; the import as produced by the originator to where the chain of
transmitters ends.

Mithlihi : like it with similar text or wording but different sand.

Munqai :

broken; a link somewhere before the narrating successor is

missing.

Mursal : Lit. unrestricted; the narrator between the successor and prophet is
missing or omitted from the sanad.

Mustafi : elaborate; it is a level above mashhr, conveyed by a number of

narrators above three.

Mutbit : the concurrence and compliance of a certain narrator

with

another narrator on a specific hadith.

Mutawtir : unbroken and authentic; narration conveyed by such a large

number of people that they cannot be expected to agree upon a lie, thus accepted as
unquestionable in its veracity.

: authentic / sound; narration free from irregularities in the text

or

defects in the Isnad, i.e. the chain of transmitters is made up of reporters classified as
trustworthy in their memory of hadith.

Sahih: a canonical collection of authentic hadith, e.g. Sahih Muslim or the six Sahih
books.

Sanad

: chain of narrators/ transmitters/ reporters.

Shawhid : supporting evidences or alternatively evidencing examples; another

hadith with similar import but with the sanad from another companion. It is type of
Mutaba, i.e. a companion concurs with another companion on the matn of a certain
hadith.

11

Chapter (I)
Methodical Priorities in Perceiving
Religious Erudition
Defining the Intellectual
Marji:
(The reference point of intellectual religious authority)

Preface

Initiating Such Researches: Why and Wherefore?

Aims and Objectives of these Researches

Drawbacks and Risks of Direct Doctrinal Dialogue

The Quranic Approach to Dialogue

Deciding Which Marji: The Reference Point of Religious Authority

Attitude of the Companions School towards the Transfer from the

Itrah:
Sahih Al-Bukhr as an Instance

Axes Proposed for Debating the Dilemma

Passageways to the Prophetic Sunnah: Two Main Attitudes

Is the Abstention of the Messenger from Writing

A Tacit Sustenance to the Protesters

Main Conclusions to Draw from the Theory:

(Sufficient for us: the Book of Allah)

12

13

Preface
There is no civilisation all over the globe that may have a symmetrical
composite of doctrines, intellectual trends and orientations. In reality, it must
witness a variation in this complex and this holds true worldwide to every
civilisation invariably so much so that this phenomenon was recognised
unanimously as a manifestation of a vibrant, creative and fertile civilisation.
This has prompted many recent historians to presume that the dissolution of
any civilisation and retreat from the global arena are the outcomes of
fossilisation, inwardness and suppression of varied intellectual internal trends
and approaches.
The Islamic civilisation is no different from other civilisations in experiencing
this phenomenon during its bonanza eras, not solely in the sense that it
comprised astonishing variety of intellectual doctrines and trends, but also
because this variation had motivated all parties to engage into rich weighty
discussions in order to substantiate and advocate the views and grounds of
their sects.
Truly, those discussions were not all alike in their high quality and precision in
observing the scientific foundations and ethical codes of research, neither
were they equal in their conception towards violence as a tool for settling
these discussions. Therefore, it was no wonder that some debates would end
into intellectual battling and indictment of one party to the other of disbelief,
leading thereafter to losses of Moslems lives solely to champion for their own
beliefs and convictions. In some of these conflicts, both factions were the
culprit, but mostly the culprit was the governing party who holds power on the
ground.
Currently, one virtue of our age is that it has diminished to a great extent
these sinister clashes and paved the way for parties to express their opinions
and embrace any precept and belief they opt non-coercively. With such
liberties, some sound sincere thoughts arose and started to breathe out and
collect a growing number of supporters and partisans, in contrary to the past
when the authorities restrained and stifled people with a strong fist and put a
barricade between them and their beliefs. This dramatic renewal has been
widely welcomed and hailed by everyone as a favourable transformation of
the age, save by a single group who viewed it as a motive for concern about
their intellectual beliefs and groundwork. As a result they resorted to violence
as a strategy to subdue individuals and groups, hence force them to comply
with their proposals. They are specifically represented by the Salafi Jihadi
14

group who adopted the notions and premises of Ibn Taimiyyah on Jihad, and
posed a serious threat for the security of our societies and a device to
overlook others human and intellectual rights.
However, if the activity of those extremists is restricted to the officially
undisguised use of weapons to force their convictions, things would have
been less horrifying, for their savage actions would strip them off credibility to
assess others thoughts and opinions, hence lead to isolate them and
marginalise their roles. But the dire problem lies in the other face of that
faction, which is unarmed and disengaged with violence. Realising the harms
and futility of violence in today's world, they had to freeze these activities in
favour of a new tactic veiling their dark side under the mantra: defence for
the truth. They continuously express their concern about the destinies of
other sects differing with them, not shunning from exiling whole schools of
thought, defaming their creeds and branding their followers as atheists, using
epithets borrowed from the fiercest and most jarring lexicons of dictionary and
exploiting for that the latest technology available to humankind, i.e. the
media, the satellite and the internet.

15

Initiating Such Researches:

Why and Wherefore
Friends, acquaintances and loving ones from more than one Moslem and
non-Moslem country by and large, who, with their favourable judgment upon
me, have entreated me to engage in a confrontation with the lurking threat
posed to the social body of our Moslem community on the level of security
and creed. Each and every time I endeavour to start retaliating against that
ferocious campaign that is almost unilaterally directed at the followers of Ahlul
Bait sect, I find myself loaded with lectures and researches for my students in
the hawza ilmiyyai, until there came a time when those Sheikhs, appearing in
the satellite channels, have transgressed every conceivable decorum and
civility in the dialogue with their opponents, and every manner and formality,
expected of Moslems towards adversaries in their community. All that urged
me to earnestly go through a retrospective review and reflect on my aptitudes
to stand up for that duty. Eventually, I concluded that an action must be taken
to face up to that campaign, criticise its intellectual dogmatic grounds and
uncover its bombastic alleges about the feel of solicitude and concern for
Moslems beliefs and the need to aid them.
In short, I can pinpoint a number of justifications to embark on such
researches, but only two are given below:
Firstly: what falls into the category of the aforementioned media campaign
(TV and the internet) launched by that Wahhabi extremist faction, and lately
the escalation of its battling defamatory discourse against the doctrine of
Ahlul Bait, derisively nicknaming its scholars and icons, and imputing takfr to
its followersii, implementing for that sham scholars, so fiery and hot-headed
that they impulsively blast with offensive abusive words and scandalous
remarks.
Secondly: to resolve some false paradoxes and anecdotal challenges they
raise against the doctrine of Ahlul Bait, and to defy the onslaught of the takfr
campaign which seeks to assail and pounce on Ahlul Bait followers, shake
their faith in the credibility and integrity of the doctrine conceptually and
dogmatically, or underrate and discredit their Imams, scholars and dignitaries.
It must be noted, however, that such misleading takfr campaigns against the
doctrine of Ahlul Bait are not unprecedented in history, nor they have not
been experienced by Ahlul Bait followers, nor that the campaigners
16

themselves were first to use these tactics and procedures but many of their
forefathers, the so-called Salaf, were pioneering in that direction.
Furthermore, those campaigners are not simply a squad of amateurs,
infatuated by modern media; they rather originate from extensive stock of
forefathers who laid the foundation of the anti-truth artifice, and enforced for
them methods grounded on counterfeiting and fabrication of facts while
slandering others beliefs as baseless and vain.
If I were to cite every evidencing example, I will end up in volumes and
thousand pages, and the study will divert from its main objectives. Therefore,
I will cite no more than two paragraphs excerpted from their ancestor's legacy
by one of the first rate reporters, just for the reader to realise that nowadays
picture of slander, swearing and derisive nicknaming is nothing new. As a
matter of fact, it is a deep-rooted custom that they grew familiar with and
relished over time, until it turned into a common practice and a tradition.
The two excerpts are quoted from their most prominent book that is highly
circulated in their milieus, Minhj As-Sunnah, written by Abul Abbas
Taqiyyul Dn Ahmed Bin Abdul alm Ibn Taimiyyah, Al-arrni, Al-anbal
and Damashq (d.728). The satirical book has not left any repulsive abusive
takfr-incriminating lexicon unincluded so much so that the book and its hotblooded, short-tempered author has turned into an inspiring source and
dictionary for later generations of adherents and camp followers to derive
from.
Excerpt One: let us see how Ibn Taimiyyah opens his discussion on the
concept of Shiism at first mention:
And so forth, a group of Ahlul Sunnah and Jamaah have brought me a
book, compiled by Ar-Rfiahiii Sheikhs as merchandise to call for the Imami
Rfi creed. In reply I advised them that this book, though contains the
highest argument and testament of what they state, belongs to the folk who
are most strayed of all from the righteous way. most strayed in their
transferals and rationalitiesiv; they are the nearest to Allahs saying: {they
will say: If we had only listened and understood, we would not be
among the inmates of the Blazing Fire}.1 They are the folk who, in the
transfer of narratives, are the biggest liars and in the rational reasoning are
1

Al-Mulk (10)
17

the most ignorant of people. Out of the transferals, they believe in what the
scholars know by corollary as fictitious, and give the lie to what is irrevocably
known as recurrent and renowned on a large scale around the nation and
across generations. They cannot discern, amongst knowledge carriers,
hadith reporters and account relaters, between those who are known for
lying, error and ignorance in their transfers, and those who are creditable,
well-memorising, competent and reputed for knowledgebility by the legacy
and memorials they handed down. They rely for all that on taqlidv. They are
the most ignorant among all factions about theories and therefore they are
recognised, in the eye of the scholarly milieu, as the most ignorant faction
amongst Moslems.2
Then, as he elaborates on the book under criticism: Minhj Al-Karmah f
Marifat Al-Immah, he describes it and its author the Allama Ibn Muahar
al-ill:
Chapter: as they insisted on making a response to this manifest error.. this
falsity
This compiler has entitled his book The Pathway of Honour in the Cognition
of the Imamate, albeit worthy of the title: The Pathway of Remorse.
Equally true, whoever feigned the purification of heart, while he is one whom
Allah Wills not to purify, is rather from the folk of hypocrisy, Jibt and aghtvi,
and to describe him as filthy and impure is more befitting The worst malice
that settles in hearts is that in the heart of a servant of Allah who can have
grudge against the elite of believers, and masters of Allah's trustees after the
prophets. That being the case, they take after the Jews in malevolence,
capriciousness and other conducts of the Jews, while simultaneously they
take after the Christians in extremism, ignorance and other conducts of the
Christians. They have aspects by which they resemble these in some way or
those in another way, and they are still identified by people as such.3
Yet Ibn Taimiyyah does not halt at that, he conveys As-Shib profile on the
Shia, hence says: of the most insightful into them are As-Shib and other
Ibn Taimiyyah, Abul Abbas Taqyyul Dn Ahmed Bin Abdul alm, Al-arrn, Al-anbali:
Minhj As-Sunnah An-Nabawiyyah, reviewed by: Muhammad Rashd Slim, the Islamic
University of imam Muhammad Bin Saud- Saudi Arabia, pub.1, 1406 A. H., 1986 A.D, vol.1, pp.
4-9.
2

Ibid: same source, vol. 1, pp. 15-22

18

matching scholars from Kufa. It is established that As-Shibi said: I have not
met anyone who is more blockheaded than al-Khashabiyyah.4 If they were
birds, they would have been Egyptian vulturesvii, if they were from the breed
of beast, they would have been jackasses. By Allah, if I ask them to fill this
house to the brim with gold just for me to fabricate some hadith in favour of
Ali, they surely will. By Allah I would never do that. I warn you of these
misguiding caprices; and the lousiest of which is the Rfiah, those who have
not come to Islam out of desire or veneration, but out of spite for the people
of Islam and to give them offense in ambush.5
He proceeds to substantiate the similarity between the Shia and the Jews
and Christians: an indicator for that is the fact that the tribulation of the
Rfiah is one and the same of that of the Jews. The Jews said: Only the
family of Dwd (David) are worthy of the reign, whereas the Rfiah did say:
Only the children of Ali are worthy of the Imamate, the Jews said so and
so and the Rfiah said so and so...6
He carries on with the comparisons until he says: the Jews and Christians
are preferred to the Shia in two features: )!!7
Excerpt two: as he cites from the two Sahih books the prophetic hadith that
is narrated by a number of companions in variable wordings, whereby he
4

The book reviewer put a comment to paraphrase the word, and I hereby cite it uncommented by
me: Al-Khashabiyyah originates etymologically from Khashab (the wood), whereby its
representatives refused to use the sword for fighting and alternatively used wooden tools Ibn
azm (chapter 5: p.45) alluded that part of the Shia believed that using weapons is prohibited until
their awaited one will appear. For fighting, they used to either choke or stone the enemy, whereas
Al-Khashabiyyah members used wood.
5

Ibid: same source, vol.1, pp. 22-23

Ibid: same source, vol. 1, pp. 24-25. It is ironical that the similarity, he pointed to, between the
Shia and the Jews concerning the family of Dawd dominion is in fact a Quranic privilege
endowed upon them, as in the ayahs: {O Dawd, We have appointed you vicegerent on earth.
Therefore, rule among people with justice and do not follow your desires lest it should lead
you astray from Allahs Path. Allahs severe chastisement awaits those who stray away from
Allahs Path, for they had forgotten the Day of reckoning} (ad: 26), and {We bestowed upon
Dawd Suleiman (Solomon) (for a son). How excellent a servant of Ours he was} (ad: 30),
{And Suleiman succeeded Dawd and said: O people we have been taught the speech of birds,
and we have been endowed with all kinds of things. Surely this is conspicuous favour from
Allah} (Al-Naml: 16).
7

Ibid: same source, vol.1, p. 27

19

(sawa) as worded by Al-Bukhr- says: On the authority of Abdul Melik, I

heard Jbir Bin Semura, saying: I heard the prophet (saw-a) saying: There
will be twelve Amir (Rulers), he then uttered something I could not hear,
so my father said that he had said: All of them are from Quraish. Over
here Ibn Taimiyyah makes a commentary in quite a sizeable text, which I
transfer in full for its importance:
It was in such a manner; there were the Caliphs: Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman,
Ali and next reigned he whom the public unanimously conceded on, and
who gained might and fortitude: Muwiyah, his son Yazid, hence Abdul
Melik and his four sons including Umar Bin Abdul Aziz. Subsequently, the
state of Islam had encountered a flaw that is still existing to date, as Banu
Umayyah had ruled all over the Islamic province, and had the state wellfounded during their era, and the caliphs were not acquainted with titles like
Auldul Dawlah, Izzil Dn, Bahaul Dn and so-and-so Ad-Dn, but used to be
called in their first names, i.e. Abdul Melik and Suleiman. Any of them was
leading the five times prayers himself, and in the mosque, he hoists the flag
up for war, appoints regional rulers, and makes his own house his dwelling
place, neither residing in a fort nor shunning himself from his subjects As a
matter of fact, what mostly pricked people against Banu Umayyah lies in two
things: one of them is their talk over Ali, and the second: delaying prayers
from the due time.
Then, it was by way of Allah mercy and blessing that when the state moved
to Banu Hshim, it settled on Banul Abbas, despite the fact that not any of
Banul Abbas has conquered Andalusia neither the uttermost of Morocco.
Only a group of them have had the power over Africa for a certain course of
time, and eventually were overthrown, in contrary to those who had
conquered the entire Moslem kingdom and defeated enemies of Islam
altogether. Their armies were widespread: in Andalusia to conquest and
prevail, in the realm of the Turks to combat with the Big Khan, in the Slaves
homeland as well as the Romans land. Islam then was evermore
expanding and gaining power, powerful and well-fortified all over the
land
Those twelve vicegerents are verily the ones adduced in the Torah when
revealing the glad tidings of Ismail: there will be born twelve great ones.
Whoever assumes that those twelve great ones are those envisioned by the
Rfiah as Imams, he must be far out ignorant, as no one of those except Ali
20

Bin Abu lib had a swordviii, and nonetheless, he failed during his rule to
overrun the infidels, and not anywhere he conquered a city, nor he killed
some infidel; he rather had the Moslems drawn into fighting each other, until
the infidels from the Polytheists and the People of the Book in the East and
Damascus were enticed to crave after the their land. It was even said that
portions from the Moslem land were fragmented, and that if any of the infidels
ceased to inflict harm on Moslems, it was by means of mediation or petition.
Where is the vigour of Islam in all that, when the sword strikes at Moslems,
and when their enemies greed had awakened and succeeded to make its
way to them?!
As for the rest of the twelve Imams other than Ali, none of them had a sword,
particularly the awaited one who is in the eye of those assented to him, either
scared and crippled or running away and hidden for more than 400 years; he
even has not guided someone strayed to the right path, neither he enjoined
Good nor forbade Evil or triumphed for someone aggrieved, he gave no
religious ruling neither a legal verdict to anyone, he is not traceable, so of
what avail is his existence if he ever exists? And moreover, how can Islam be
vigorous through his medium?!8
Let the prestigious reader, in his capacity as a Moslem from any school of
thought, take effort to discern how matters are muddled and mingled, how
history is swindled and distorted? And thereupon we put on view these
questions: since when we were recognising the governmental leadership as a
virtue in itself unmindful of its apparatuses and devices? Are Moslems
unaware of the policies with which both Banu Umayyah and Banul Abbas
came to the throne, i.e. subjugation, persecution, heads chopping, gouging
eyes out, etc.? Could the multitude congregate around Muwiyah had it not
been for his deception and cunningness? How do we justify al-arra battle
and the background setting when the locals of Al-Medina abstained from
paying homage to Yazid? Should we be oblivious to the uprising of Marwan
Bin al-akam against Abdullah Bin Az-Zubair who had already received
pledges of allegiance and was combating with Shuba Bin Az-Zubair and Adahhaq Bin Qais in Marj Rah, when these turbulences enabled Marwans
son, Abdul Melik, to mount to the throne, and only in virtue of Al-ajjaj AtThaqaf (the greatest butcher in the Islamic history) he stayed in power?
Have not they and their successors built palaces and mansions (e.g. Ban
8

Ibid: same source, vol.8, pp. 238-242.

21

adla palace in Al-Medina built by Muwiyah,)? Have not they shunned

themselves from the subjects with gate-attendants and servants to shield
them (the first to shun was Muwiyah)? Have not they initiated heresies and
novelties in religion that manipulate major Sunnah practices, such as: drop
the audibility of takbir (recite out loud the phrase Allah is the Greatest), omit the
talbiyah (sort of prayer stating: Here I am at thy service O Allah) in Hajj, enforce the
Adhan (call for prayer) over the Eid and many others by Muwiyah. Others by
Abdul Melik is the act of raising and waving hands on the pulpit on Fridays
congregation, and the recreational recitals after the Fajr and Ar prayers
under the plea of preaching and admonishing? Will the crafty wording of Ibn
Taimiyyah that it was merely talk over Ali alleviate the atrocity of the
Umayyad in defiling and swearing at Imam Ali (as) for a whole of seventy
years on the Moslems pulpits? Is not that so-called: talk over conflicting
with the Quranic verse on the purification and cleansing of Ahlul Bait, and
likewise the prophetic hadiths of At-Tthaqalain, Al-Ghadr, Al-Manzila or
rather dozens or hundreds of hadiths in the praise of Imam Ali (as)?
Furthermore, why would Ibn Taimiyyah, in this instance, be lenient about
abusing one of the four revered caliphs, and one of the greatest companions
of the prophet, when he, from the outset, believes the prophet (sawa) has
said: abuse not my companions? Why would he use double-standard
policy on one and the same issue?
Actually, to detect and bring to light Ibn Taimiyyah incongruities and breaches
of truth and history, we will require far more exhaustive researches and
diversified sub-researches. Enough paradox is how he draws an analogy
between the Shia and the Jews, and yet in the second paragraph, he
incidentally moves to talk on the twelve men from Quraish proclaiming they
are the ones denoted by the glad tidings of the Torah but does not take it to
apply to the twelve Imams of Ahlul Bait (as). The absurdity is that the parable
of the Torah cannot be a touchstone for the rectitude and credibility of a
specific concept only when that concept accords with Ibn Taimiyyahs thesis,
and once it accords with the Shiite thesis, it becomes inevitably deviant and
aberrant from the Islamic principles! Besides, I cannot tell how can Yazid, the
demolisher of Al-Kaaba and ravager of the Meccan natives, signify for the
glad tidings of Ismail, who betokens the sacrifice of Al-Kaaba, while the
Master of the Youth of Paradise, Al-Hussein, does not?! That is a riddle not to
figure out only by Ibn Taimiyyah himself.

22

On top of that, I would like to draw the reader's attention to the considerable
degree of uncertainty that Ibn Taimiyyah shows about listing Imam Ali (as)
with the "twelve successors". I am almost positive that he must have been
awash in anguish as he had him enlisted, considering that he stipulates the
strength and grandeur of Islam under ones rule to qualify for the prerogative
of the twelve, and obviously, according to him, Islam was humbled during
Imam Ali reign, and the state was in tumult and fury, and thereupon he cannot
be included.
In point of fact, he asserts: As for Marwan and Az-Zubair, they had no
access to the office of the supreme leadership, and during their age turmoil
prevailed, and Islam earned no glory and barely any jihad against the
enemies of Islam took place, which can be noteworthy. As a result a faction
of people treated the reign of Ali in like manner. They maintained that his
caliphateix was neither sanctioned by Nax nor by unanimity. However, Imam
Ahmed and others have condemned that view more details are given
subsequently. The point in question here is that the hadith which denotes the
twelve Imams, whether ordained that Ali be included or not, is intended to
purport that the aforesaid caliphs are from Quraish.9
Anyhow, I by no means intend to discuss the notions of Ibn Taimiyyah or to
relay them in this book. Rather, I aim to arrive at some conclusion, that is, the
present-day defamers of Prophet Mohammeds Progeny are in reality an
extension of their ancestors who set the scene for them in the past. They are
dragging in their way; and per se a replica of them; non-variant only as
concerns the opportunities created by modern technology for them to
propagate and proliferate, along with the facilities to validate their delusive
notions and to increase their uproar and loud noise in the audible and visual
media.

See ibid: same source, vol. 8, pp. 243-244

23

Aims and Objectives of these Researches

I have tried, not knowing how far successful my efforts, (an aspect I leave for
professionals to assess), not to involve into thorough complications or halfbaked complications contrived by the other party, nor to revolve around the
orbit of objections they posed, because this can abate the profitability of the
research and decrease its intellectual value. Anyhow, there is not much in
the other party discourse that needs to gather response from our side or be
subject to pose-viewing. I have always harboured the belief that what has
curbed the capacities and horizons of Ahlul Bait School from expanding is
yielding to debate and heated dispute, and that has almost always been
historically the case. Intemperate debates leave no room for or be at the
expense of- opportunities for setting up an independent edifice of thought,
constructive and unstrained by controversy and revocation.
I aimed by these discussions to achieve two goals at one time:
Firstly: to sketch clearly the methodical provisions on which the discussion
dwells, so as not to let any intellectual dubiosities breed in the progress of the
research, nor to let efforts drag in vain, or time to slip with no scientific and
practical gain for the reality of Moslems, or no input made into their collective
vision towards their history and religion.
Secondly: To reconcile opinions of Moslems, foreground common factors
and bring closer varied viewpoints, no matter how wide these variations can
be. Our contemporary world is continuously heading towards approximation
of thought, increasing interconnection and integration. Yet, this motion in itself
started to impinge on smaller blocs, coalitions and factions, posing threats of
extinction on these defenceless entities or impairing their capacity to
administer their internal affairs, let alone being able to positively influence a
broader scope of the global thought. This assimilation is one of the harms of
globalisation as it tends to undermine the natural diversity and variation of
humankind with the potential incentives to approach the truth.
If we had no choice but to keep pace with cannons of our age and to cultivate
its bountiful resources, the best we should do is to call for the unity and
solidarity of Moslems, absorb each ones beliefs and have the readiness to
co-exist with parties differing with us.
Consequently, I cannot make sense of any anti-dialogue initiatives which lack
faith in mutual talks and symposiums convened to enhance harmony
between sects, and instead seek to segregate and disperse Moslems. On my
24

part, I took it upon myself, not to try to entice non-Shi'ite parties to give up
their precepts for the sake of Ahlul Baits. These researches are not geared to
collect a bigger number of followers for Ahlul Bait. They first and foremost
seek to elucidate the standpoints of that School towards essential Islamic
issues under debate, relating to the articles of faith and history of the Islamic
community and civilisation. We solely aspire to illuminate what Ahlul Bait
School believe in and introduce the aphorisms of their own scholars, books
and references in respect to creed, decrees, ethical conducts and history,
and leave the option for receptors to or not to follow Ahlul Bait sect, and make
their personal decision; it is not us wanting them to do that.
Furthermore, what this study aspires for as well is to illustrate a highly
important aspect, that is, to dissociate two scenes from each other: the front
scene with whom we conduct our discussion, i.e. As-Sheikh Ibn Taimiyyah
and his Wahhabi patrons, and the rear scene, embodied by the entire trends
of the remainder of Ahlul Sunnah , and to demonstrate that the former trend
is irrelevant to the latter, no matter how strenuously it endeavours to
monopolise the latters voice, officially represent them and act as the
spokesmen for them.
In point of fact, it appears that the intricacies dealt with in our study are not
literally about Ahlul Bait School vs. the Companions School; the genuine
beliefs as embraced by Ahlul Sunnah. They are basically intricacies between
Ahlul Bait School and the Umayyad trend, as founded by Muwiyyah Bin
Abu Sufin, and theorised by Ibn Taimiyyah, hence circulated and being
circulated- by the manufacturers of the Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia, with their
superfluous financial resources and wide-range broadcast media.

25

Drawbacks and Risks of Direct Doctrinal Dialogue

Some persons may wonder why I tend not to participate in the doctrinal
dialogue running in some T.V. channels, exclaiming: so long as you are so
spirited to show the truth and bring to light the tenets of Ahlul Bait (as), a
shorter route for that is to attend debates and enter into discussions with the
Sheikhs from the other party in media programmes. This way, the audience
will have the leisure of watching you and also enabled to smoothly recognise
and opt out the right view.
As a matter of fact, I disagree with this opinion which has been suggested to
me more than once and still being suggested throughout queries and
discussions during my conversational serial lectures on some channels.
Nonetheless, I still believe in the sensibility and rationality of my outlook, and
at the same time treasure every view I receive from my viewers.
Before I lay down, for the prestigious reader the grounds of my attitude, I
would like to point out that it portrays the conventional method of presentation
in our scientific settings in Najaf, Qum and other seminary religious sites.
Since I started my study in the Howzat Ilimiyyah, I witnessed our renowned
tutors dealing with opinions and proposals of their contemporary peers by
means of non-face-to-face dialogue, using that very critical approach. Their
students normally undertake the task of transposing every new proposal to
the other tutor as a purely scientific notion. Then the recipient tutor would
launch a discussion, on his part, and answers back for what he debates. The
scenario progresses in tranquillity and ease, which sets the scene for a wellthought and composed scientific inquiry on the intellectual issues.
My grounds are exhibited as follows:
Firstly: Face-to-face dialogues are predominantly improvised and hasty,
which strips off chances for any placid careful examination or time to audit
and look into books and references, Quranic verses and narrations. The
main method in this dialogue for the two parties is to rely on instant memory
and stored information.
Secondly: Direct talks may entertain someone who delights in beating and
embarrassing antagonists but not someone who is truly after the truth and a
righteous cause. They cannot in the least gratify the truth; neither can they
secure the discourse from prejudice and predisposition which causes the
debate to venture into unthoughtful retorts and shoot uncertain answers by
the participants.
26

Such talks, for the most part, are not immaculate from infertile argument and
battling dispute, with the intent to quell and foil the antagonist and pin down
his defects at the expense of conveying the truth and fulfilling the ethics of
scientific discourse.
Thirdly: Direct talks may pave the way for non-specialists to intervene and
have a say, or those shallowly educated on the subject to take part and
comment, which shakes the scientific grounds of the discussion and makes
the programme more like advertising than a scientifically oriented approach.
Fourthly: These dialogues are not governed by the logical hierarchy in the
sequence of points under dispute, neither can they observe the unity of the
topic. Participants jump from one topic to another, tangle one issue into
another before having each one fully satisfied, or before rectifying their
grounds and putting each ground to the test. Scenes where each party yells
in the face of the other party for a chance to conclude his point and deal with
his queries are so common on these programmes and we all had watched
similar scenes.
Drawbacks of the kind were good reasons for me not to involve in face-toface dialogue or simply to withdraw and overlook this unproductive
procedure. On the other hand, the manner, I rely on, can circumvent and get
away with all these drawbacks or in the least minimise them. More
essentially, it corresponds with the essence of good conduct that Quran
commands in dealing with adversaries.

27

The Quranic Approach to Dialogue

While discussing the drawbacks of direct talks as so commonly practised
today, it is well-suited in this context to give a brief background on the
Quranic approach to dialogue and the manners and decorum recommended
in that way. What are the Quranic criteria of conversing with our adversaries
over some issue? What does Quran try to instil in the Moslems
consciousness, who is totally preoccupied with call for the ethos and
principles of Islam?
At this point, I will swiftly touch upon this crucial issue, considering that many
of us, and sometimes right to the end, have turned a blind eye to these
standards and failed to notice the Quranic outlook to dialogue. As a result,
the Quranic wisdom that must have disciplined our debates and dialogues
has been thwarted.
Among the ayahs that set the pillars of a fruitful positive dialogue are the two
given below:
{Invite to thy Lord with wisdom and fair preaching; and argue with them
in ways that are best and most gracious: for thy Lord knows best who
has strayed from His path and who receive guidance}10
{And certain it is that either we or you are on right guidance or in
manifest error}11
To amplify the meanings of these verses, we will surely use a much wider
space than this brief-noting. But even with brevity, we cannot be exempt from
leaking some vital points to the reader:
Point one: the first ayah stresses that the call for Allahs way is a duty laid on
every Moslem's shoulder, rather than an option made permissible by Islam. In
other words, to engage in a dialogue on some Islamic topic is not only a
Moslems right to either take or not to take, but an obligation to undertake
with its burdens. It also pinpoints another pillar for the call for Islam, that is,
the peaceful call is placed in Quran as the first and foremost option for
Moslems in conversing with others, not by recourse to intimidation,
compulsion, weaponry and fighting, nor by detaching oneself from Moslems
affairs and not to care.
10

An-Nal (125)

11

Saba (24)

28

Needless to say, Gods way, that a Moslem is supposed to call for, is not a
unilateral route on which factions unanimously and indisputably agreed, but it
is multifaceted and relatively viewed by every school of thought and
denomination. Each of them, in their faith reckon what they opted is the right
track and access. This applies to us by the same token, we believe that Ahlul
Bait are the embodiment of Gods way; and what they called for and imparted
of Islamic teachings, values, concepts and decrees are the right track and
access.
Point two: the call for Islam takes three forms, represented by: the call with
wisdom, fair preaching and argue in ways that are best. However,
without going deep into the concept of wisdom as introduced by Quran, I
note down a few points:
'The wisdom' that a dialoguer has to observe is but a form of tranquil

logical reasoning which derives from the main elements of the humans
cognition, his natural intuition and constitution, and what his innate self
and intellect are structured from, that every human soul converge on as
universal.
As for 'fair preaching', certainly not every piece of exhortation is

righteous. There is a great deal of unpleasant ill-preaching opposite to

the pleasant preaching, and Quran urges towards the latter.
The manner of preaching has to be 'in the way that is best'. Quran

loathes that we use random ways in our argument which may indulge
us in assault, swearing, desecration or make others object of ridicule.
Equally true, no matter how refined and neat our argument can be, it is
still loathed when void from compassion, kindness and amiability.
Quran prescribes a formula for the dialogue that is best in every
respect, not dropping any element of the fair symmetry.
Point three: among the best manners, subsumed by the first ayah, is the
dialoguers attitude in the preaching process. When he trusts in his own
righteousness, he will not have the right to do injustice to his antagonist,
mistreat him or ruin his self-esteem, not even temporarily, just because of his
faith in his rectitude. Without this, the dialogue cannot be neat and
straightforward. Reviewing the Messengers conduct (saw), we find: firstly:
he was positive of his righteousness relying on clear proof, and thus
enjoined by Allah (AZW) to declare: {I am relying on clear proof from my

29

Lord}12, secondly: the Message shouldered on him is Quranicly said to:

{there has come unto you a proof from your Lord}13, and thirdly: though
he was commanded to initiate preaching and call for Islam while recollecting
he was on the right track: {do invite to thy Lord: for thou art assuredly on
the Right Way}14, and only to communicate to receptors the message that
Allah (AZW) is viewing them and knowing about their deeds, for He is the AllSeeing, All-Encompassing, All-Knowing {if they dispute with you, then say:
'Allah is most Knowing of what you do}, yet, against all that Quran
astounds us by coupling this preaching with strategies more open and
tolerant in the call for Islam, confirming that to start a dialogue, we need to
presuppose that either party: us and them, could be right or wrong: {and
certain it is that either we or you are on the right guidance or in manifest
error! Say you shall not be questioned as to our sins nor shall we be
questioned as to what you do.}15
Knowing that the prophet (sawa) was addressing the polytheists of the Arabs
in his speech, as inferred from the contextual meaning of the previous two
verses, it ensues that he (sawa) who excelled in character and conduct, had
not ignored the protocols of dialogue which necessitate postulating either
party could be erroneous including himself.
{Say: call upon the other gods whom you fancy besides Allah: They
have no power, -not the weight of an atom-, in the Heavens or on earth:
No sort of share they have therein, nor is any of them a helper to Allah*
No intercession can avail in his presence, except for those for whom He
has granted permission. So far that when terror is removed from their
hearts, they will say: what is it that your Lord commanded? They will
say that which is true and just; and He is the most High Most Great.}16
Explaining

the

honourable

ayah,

Mohammed

Hussein

A-abab

comments: this verse is a completion to what the prophet (sawa) had to say
in the previous two verses. What he must 'Say' after the conclusive argument
12

Al-Anm (57)

13

Al-Anm (157)

14

Al-ajj (67)

15

Sab (24-25)

16

Sab (22-23)
30

and the materialisation of the truth of the Divinity issue is based on the codes
of conduct of justice and righteousness. It purports: as every piece of
utterance is either guided or misguided with no mediating route to be the
third, weather positively or negatively, and as we both differ in our utterances
and diverge, it should be that either we are rightly guided and you are
misguided or conversely you are rightly guided and we are misguided. So all I
ask you is just to contemplate what I lay before you with an eye of fairness,
and tell apart between the guided and the misguided, the rightful and the
erring one.17
It is worth mentioning that the Quranic verse under discussion was not overt
about the glossary used for the polytheists as erroneous. It utilised a stylistic
usage based on hyperbaton creating a link between the phrase right
guidance and We, manifest error and you in the manner they were
assorted. With such stunning accuracy and gracefulness, it expressed the
idea respectfully and courteously. This refinement and decency is the
archetype of Quranic style as opposed to Pharaohs style. In the following
verses where Pharaoh is the protagonist, he: {gathered his people and
declared:* I am the supreme lord of you all}18, while Quran recommends
dealing with him with such logic: {talk to him in a gentle manner,
perchance he may take warning or fear Allah}19, the very logic that
corresponds with that of the prophet (sawa), as illustrated in this honourable
verse: {It was thanks to Allahs Mercy that you were gentle to them. Had
you been rough and harsh-hearted, they would have broken away from
you, so pass over (their faults) and pray for their forgiveness, and take
counsel from them in affairs of importance. Then when you are resolved
on a course of action put your trust in Allah, for Allah loves those who
put their trust in Him}20. It is the logic that refrains from any fraction of
satire, derision and defamation, as commanded by the noble Quran: {do not
revile those whom they invoke than Allah, because they will revile Allah
in ignorance out of spite. We have indeed made the deeds of every
people seem fair to them. Then their return is to their Lord He will
A-abb, Sayed Mohammed Hussein, Al-Mzn f Tafsr Al-Qurn,
Mudarisn, al-Hawza al-Ilmiyya Publications, Qum, vol.16, p.374.
17

18

An-Nzit (23-24)

19

ha (44)

20

l-Imrn (159)

31

Jamat al-

inform them of what they have done}21, the logic that aims to constrain
injustice and aggression to substitute by the language of the people of
Paradise, i.e. tenderness, kindness and soft words, {there they shall hear
neither idle talk nor any sinful speech. All talks will be sound and
upright}22, in contrary to the language of the people of Hellfire, who address
each other with curses: {as a nation enters Hell, it will curse the one that
went before}23.
This latter logic is being promulgated by the media channels indicated before;
it opts out styles based on obscene offensive words, rough language and
extreme hostility that know no bounds for abuse, slander, and abasement of
their adversaries. Eccentric enough, all this is practised under the pretext of
triumphing to virtue, knowledge and Islam. This way they stood as a typical
example for Amrl Muminn verdict on such groups:
And another one has served himself the title of a scholar, when he is
not truly so. He merely appropriates some unlettered pieces from
unlettered people, and works of aberrance from aberrant people. He
entraps people by ropes of arrogance and forged slogans. He interprets
the Book in line with his convictions, and converts the truth in line with
his caprices. He renders people feeling secured about ordeals and
soothed about grievous misdeeds. He says: I reflect on dubiosities
when he relapses into them! He says: I detach myself from heresies
while he slumbers amongst them! By the look of him, he strikes you as
a human, whereas he has the heart of a beast. He does not know the
gate of guidance to follow through, neither the gate of blindness to
withdraw. The like of him is the dead in the living24.

21

Al-Anm (108)

22

Al-Wqiah (25-26)

23

Al-Arf (38)

24

See: Nahj Al-Balaghah, Shar Mohammed Abdha, Majma al-Dakhair al-Islamiyya for

research and printing, Qum, pub.1, 1412 A.H, vol.1, p.153.

32

Deciding Which Marji:

The Reference Point of Religious Authority
The diversity of denominations and factions in Islam is an inescapable
reality. Every fancy for a unified Moslem Ummah, and every doctrinal
debate endeavouring to understand Islam and investigate the legitimacy
of each faction to represent it, cannot eliminate this multiplicity. The
variation will continue inevitably, and all this toil will not merge todays
Moslems into one denomination, insomuch as it failed to do so for
yesterdays Moslems. Nonetheless, we can still say that Moslems
dilemma is not in their multiplicity as much as in their incapacity for
peaceful coexistence within that variation, closed nature against each
other and refusal to accept the other party as he is.
That said, it does not mean the fact that one single truth can literally
represent Islam is abolished, neither that Moslems are denied the right
to debate and confer on affairs of Islam, nor can any faction be
prohibited from highlighting their beliefs and convictions on the
principal issues of the Islamic thought and legislation. We just suggest
that Moslems, each within their frame of mind, need to strive for
possibilities for cohabitation and sharing, rather than inciting conflicts,
disrupting the structure of the Islamic society, fostering hatred and a
sense of alienation between members of one community.
With that said, I go over again my earlier statement: my chief concern is
not to retaliate for those who have not embraced the doctrine of Ahlul
Bait, nor to increase the number of Ahlul Bait partisans, as much as to
unveil what the school believes in and adopts, what is dimmed on this
doctrine and simultaneously to block the way for those who ascribe to
the School some outlandish sayings and beliefs. However, we are not
suggesting thereby the correctness of its entire underlying precepts
and sentiments, but reminding of the undeniable fact that it represents
one of the largest schools in Islam, in its approaches and propositions
on the dogmatic, legal and ethical levels. Over one thousand and four
hundred years, masses were affiliating with the School; and double of
their number, books and treatises were being composed, and many
sub-trends and orientations evolved. Therefore, it is irrational to claim

33

that this colossal legacy in total conforms to the truth and upholds
legitimacy. No one of our scholars has come to this conclusion.
It is sarcastic that some researchers and critics of the doctrine, due to
incomprehension of the significance of miscellaneous trends and
tendencies within the framework of one school, think of it as an
inadequacy that exposes schism and disunion inside the school. Most
probably, the motive of those criticisers arises from the fact that this
miscellany and divergence, though completely healthy and sound in
relevance to the logic of thought, will impede them, against their will,
from ruling a disqualifying judgement against the whole lot of affiliates
of Ahlul Bait, banishing them and accusing them of apostasy, as well as
generalising peculiarities of someones drawbacks to everyone
belonging to the School indistinctively.
Actually, the flexibility of this school and the divergence of its trends is
a source of pride for us; it shows forth how immense and tremendous
the intellectual efforts and products of the School are. This merit baffles
only the spiteful and narrow-minded people who try to take advantage
of any situation to undermine the entity of the School.
Moreover, to note that I am disinclined to recognise the credibility of the
whole package of products made by the School across history, does
not formally implicate that all these products share no common
grounds from which the exuberant heritage of the School have
stemmed. Equally true, I do not intend to dispute the genuine principles
and values where all these efforts and intellectual products intersect.
Rather, I would like to pinpoint over here something of great import: the
School of Ahlul Bait, like any other school in the history of the Islamic
thought, comprises the intrinsic and the extrinsic; some fundamental
premises with the unanimous consensus of scholars versus some
diminutive proposals made by individual scholars and thus
representing their originators. More plainly, there are some common
factors in the School central to its thought and at the same time some
independent works belonging to their producers. Therefore, it is
improper not to take notice of such crucial substantial differences, and
not to address our criticism towards individual cases instead of the
whole body of the doctrine. We cannot take second-rate products in the
school to exemplify first-rate celebrated ones.
34

In my opinion, to take this into consideration, we will be able to

constrain the hassle of objections and discussions which are
intrinsically no more than systematic obscure points to throw others
into confusion, or false accusations ultimately not launched in quest for
the truth.
Anyhow, the research problem is grounded on an axiom which is widely
accepted on its own merits by the Moslem scholars, that is, the main
sources for deriving the maxims of Islamic knowledge and formulating
conceptions on our creed, ethics, statutes, manners and any existential
visions, is the holy Quran and the prophets Sunnah. The totality of
Moslems believes in Allahs sayings: {We shall call a witness from
among every community to testify against it. And We shall call you to
testify against these people; (that is why) We have sent down to you
this Book which makes plain and is guidance, blessing and good news
to those who have surrendered themselves entirely}25, {we have sent
the Admonition to you (O Mohammed) so that you should make plain
and explain to the people the teachings of the Book which has been
sent for them; and so that they should ponder over it}26, and {so accept
whatever the Messenger gives you and refrain from whatever he forbids
you. And fear Allah: verily Allah is Most Stern in retribution.}27
Yet, having one source of inspiration for the precepts of Islam does not
change the fact that Moslems are still divided into trends, sects and
doctrines, and these questions still exasperate everyone: why had this
divergence occurred in the first place? How did it originate? How can
such acute and huge difference take place when all Moslems admit the
unity of the major source of reference for Islam, i.e. the Marji?
According to me, these questions are thresholds to a wider area of the
problem, and their answers substantially hit upon the gist of these
divisions and help us understand how they were originated.

25

An-Nal (89)

26

An-Nal (44)

27

Al-ashr (7)

35

Personally, I reckon the predicament lies chiefly in the second source

for Islam rather than the first, i.e. the prophets Sunnah, not the holy
Quran.
In other words, how receptors approach the Sunnah as a point of
reference is the main element that rendered Moslems divided and
entrenched into the shackles of factions, and that is basically what must
be discussed and investigated before embarking on doctrinal dialogue.
It is commonly known that the Moslem world splits into two schools of
thought in tackling this problem: the school who took to the progeny of
the prophet (sawa), Itrah, as the Marji believing in their priority to
convey the Sunnah, paraphrase it, interpret the Quranic text and
reproduce its concepts and visions, (Itrah: the title appointed here
exclusively to Imam Ali, Az-Zahra and their children to replace Ahlul Bait,
the very term that is being used by certain groups in a bid to impose the
prophets wives into Ahlul Bait circle), and the other school who heads for

the companions as to have been entrusted with these tasks and

prioritised to perform these roles.
As a result, resolving these doctrinal intricacies and dogmatic
contentions is conditional on the solution of above problem; it needs to
be dealt with before moving into the smaller-scale problems, like: the
dogmatic discrepancies on monotheism, the meanings of Allahs
attributes and their relation to His Holy Ego (Taala), or in respect of
other conceptual discrepancies like intercession, tawassul (Plead to God
via holy dignitaries) and visiting holy shrines, noting that the selected
examples are the current hour talk, otherwise the actual examples are
too varied and open-ended. Apparently such issues should have been
settled by recourse to the prophetic Sunnah, but the Sunnah in itself is
accessed and interpreted differently by different schools of thought.
In point of fact, these are specifically the avenues that should be the
centre of discussion by all schools; we need primarily to deal with the
question: should we commit to the prophets heritage as conveyed by
the companions or by that of the Itrah? Any stride towards the study of
differences between Moslems should start from here, I believe.
It might occur to someone that to encounter between the Itrah and the
companions as two conflicting poles is contrived by us, not a matter
that genuinely existed in the polemics of the Islamic history.
36

Progressively, one might assume: the Companions School after all look
upon Imam Ali (the Master of the Itrah, and the pivot in the above equation:
Itrah vs. companions) unquestionably as the prophets companion; the
supreme and preeminent of other companions. Even more, they adhere
firmly to what he relates and reports from the prophet (sawa), and this
applies similarly to the other members of Ahlul Bait like Imam AlHassan and Imam Al-Hussein (Masters of Paradise and grandchildren of
the prophet). So to isolate Imam Ali and other protagonists of Ahlul Bait
(as) from the remaining companions is groundless and unjustified;
unwitnessed in the past in the course of Islamic history by the literature
of Moslem thinkers and scholars.
Nevertheless, we think that the outlooks towards Imam Ali by the two
Schools are not the same in theory, in that Ahlul Bait School holds him
as the embodiment of Islam and the heart of the Islamic knowledge,
concepts, views and statutes. Any of his opinions, conceptions and
narrations in any field, which are proved correct by methods of
verification and reliable chain of transmission, historically and
jurisdictively, are regarded as authoritative statements and the ultimate
perception of Islam; and anything laid out against them is null and void.
In other words, he is the norm and paradigm in knowing and enforcing
the central tenets of religion and the prophets Sunnah, and no one of
the companions or the succeeding generations can be parallel to him in
this ranking. This outlook towards Imam Ali character and the role he
plays in Islam as well as the exclusiveness of that role to his person is
maintained solely by the Shia, not any other. Furthermore, there will
appear that this very view is not only disowned by the other School, but
above and over that, Imam Ali (as) for them is not equalised to the
remainder of other companions. We will prove in forthcoming chapters,
in the eye of that School, the role of Imam Ali is marginalised and sidelined as compared to other companions, weather in conveying the
Sunnah or interpreting the Islamic teachings and practices, and so forth
with other pillars of Islam. They do not take into account his distinction
and uniqueness in proportion to other companions.
This conclusion is not made by means of theoretical analysis of a
survey on the Companions School, but a declaration made by their
scholars admitting that the first, second and third Caliphs are more
37

knowledgeable than Imam Ali (as), as each ones merit and worth is
subordinate to his gradation in caliphate and succession in reign.
As for opting out the companions as the primary point of refence:
Marji, there is a great number of relevant hadiths that can fill a volume
or over. But this is not about enumerating or laying emphasis on these
hadiths as much as to cite a few evidencing examples:
1.

In an excerpt that nearly accommodates the whole theory of the

School, Abu Isq Ibrahim Bin Musa As-Shib Al-Andalus (d.790
A.H) in his book Al-Muwfiqt f Ul Al-Fiqh maintains: the
Sunnah of the companions is to refer to and act upon there
are evidencing factors for that:
Firstly: They were praised by Allah (Taala) in a way unheard of
and unprecedented, commended for fairness and other
concomitant features, as seen in Allah (Taala) Sayings: (you are
the best nation that has been raised up for mankind}28, {Thus We
have appointed you a middle nation, that you may be witnesses
against mankind and that the Messenger may be a witness against
you.}29
The first verse substantiates their precedence over the remaining
nations, which stipulates that they were unalterably righteous at
any event, and they were habitually consenting to the Sunnah
rather than contravening, whereas the second verse substantiates
their unbounded fairness, and ascertains the significance of the
first verse.
Secondly: clear command purported by the hadith to take after
them and treat their Sunnah as enjoined upon us to follow akin to
the Sunnah of the prophet (saw-a), as in his saying: you are duly
to keep up to my Sunnah and the Sunnah of the rightly guided
successors Caliphs, cling to it and clench it stubbornly with
teeth.

28

l-Imrn (110)

29

Al-Baqarah (143)

38

Thirdly: the multitude of scholars has placed the companions in

the forefront when examining the 'sayings' (hadiths), as to which
saying outweighs the other.
Fourthly: what is given in the hadiths on obligating their love and
condemning grudge against them, stressing that to love them is a
token for loving the prophet (saw-a), and in like manner to hate
them is a token for hating the prophet (saw-a). This is not only
because they had seen him, lived close to him, and conversed
with him, which is hardly a merit, but because they used to keep
up pace with him so vehemently, and bind themselves to his
Sunnah, protect him and stand up for him. Whoever therefore has
such excellence is apt to be a commendable role model, and his
biography be made the centre of attraction.30
2.

Al-Ghazl (d.505 AH) said in his book Al-Mustaf f Il AlFiqh: a certain folk headed towards holding the tenet of a
companion as an authoritative source unrestrictedly.31

As-Shib, Ibrahim Bin Musa Bin Mohammed Allakhm Al-Ghurn, Al-Muwfiqt f Ul

Al-Fiqh , reviewed by Mashhr Bin Hassan l Salmn, Dar Ibn Affan - Saudi, pub. 1, 1417 A.H1997 A.D, vol. 4, pp. 446-493.
30

Al-Ghazl, Muhammad Bin Muhammad, Al-Mustafa f Il Al-Fiqh, reviewed by Hamzah

Bin Zuhair Hfi, Al-Madinah press, Jeddah, 1413 A.H, vol. 2, p. 450.
31

It is worth mentioning that Al-Ghazl is aware of the dilemma that to treat the credentials of the
companions as unquestionable and unrestrictedly deem their sayings as authoritative will dictate the
impeccability of those companions, a matter for which they have been censuring the Shia over and
over finding them at fault for ascribing impeccability to the Imams of Ahlul Bait (as). So he tended
to nullify this opinion on the grounds that: Whoever can lapse into mistakes or unintentional
oversight, and their impeccability has not been verified, their sayings upon that are not
authoritative. How can we take their sayings as authoritative when they are likely to commit
mistakes? How can we avow their impeccability without some recurrent and famous evidence?
How can we conceive of some folk as impeccable when they differ among themselves? How can
two impeccable persons differ? How can this be when the companions themselves concurred on
licensing others to differ with them? Abu Bakr and Umar have not had remonstrated those who
made Ijtihd (juristic inference) opposite to theirs using their own discretion; they rather enjoined
that each Mujtahid* (juristic analyst) is to follow his independent opinion at issues requiring Ijtihd.
Accordingly, the absence of evidence on impeccability, the disagreement among themselves, and
avowing the permissibility to counteract and differ with them, all serve as conclusive evidences (for
non-authoritativeness of the companions). (ibid: same source: p.451)
39

This evinces clearly that the understanding of Islam, the explanation of

its creeds, rulings and visions, according to that School, is conducted
throughout the Sunnah of the companions, or their transmission from
the prophet (sawa).
Some might elusively induce the argument into a corner saying: so
long as you do not believe in what we transfer from the companions,
neither accept our hadiths, and likewise we do not believe in what you
transfer from the Itrah (as), neither accept your hadiths, why do not we
resort to the first source in Islam, that is, the holy Quran, take and act
upon its content, and quit what contradicts it?!
Actually, we cannot consent to this rationale for these reasons:
Firstly: the prophetic Sunnah is indispensable to the understanding of
Islam, and in no way we can disregard it, as the holy Quran testifies:
{We have sent the admonition to you (O Muhammad) so that you should
make plain and explain to the people the teachings of the Book which
has been sent to them; and so they should ponder over it}32 and {So
accept whatever the Messenger gives you and refrain from whatever he
forbids you. And fear Allah; verily Allah is stern in retribution.}33
Secondly: the holy Quran can be multifaceted; it has a large number of
ayahs that can be classified as entwined (Mutashbih), probable,
general and absolute. It can also be replete with figurative usages,
metonymies and metaphors. This feature makes its understanding in
isolation from the prophets Sunnah extremely hard if not impossible,
so it does not suffice to stand by itself as a source for accessing Islam.

It appears thus according their School on the authoritativeness of the companions sayings- that
while they deny the companions impeccability, practically speaking, they attach it to them without
officially announcing it. This is especially true as they narrate and circulate a saying from the
prophet (sawa), albeit they themselves argue over the soundness of its chain of transmission: My
companions are like stars; whomever you take as a guide, you will be rightly guided.
*Mujtahid: an Islamic scholar competent enough to do independent reasoning and interpret matters
of Sharia.
32

An-Nal (44)

33

Al-ashr (7)

40

Thirdly: the sweeping generalisation that each party does not accept
what the other party reports in total is not fully right. We do not reject all
that is transferred by Al-Bukhr and Muslim for example, but reject the
idiosyncratic of their reports or ones whose accuracy has not been
verified as creditworthy, otherwise reports which are not unique to them
are rated as authoritative by our School. Equally true what has been
substantiated by unanimity or by consistency with the Holy Quran and
other criteria stated by the Science of Jurisprudence is also deemed as
authoritative.

Attitude of the Companions School towards

the Transfer from the Itrah:
Sahih Al-Bukhr as an Instance
I have illuminated the main difference that distinguishes the Itrah School
from the Companions School stating that the level of adherence towards the
Itrah legacy ranging from the narrations to the exposition of Islamic
teachings, is not equally alike for the two Schools, and that only devout ones
to the School can be identified with Itrah loyalists. We also elucidated that
the objection to the counterbalance between the Itrah and the companions
seeing it as fictional and contrived is totally incorrect and inaccurate, and
rather there are dozens of evidences which indicate it actually existed in the
literature of Islamic history.
For the time being, I would like to outline for the prestigious reader some of
the aftereffects of this counterbalance and how by every measure the Imams
41

of the Itrah were unduly banished and marginalised by the most notable
book of the Companions School, specialised on hadith heritage, i.e. Sahih
Al-Bukhr. It is true that everyone narrates this hadith with different
wording - from the prophet tradition: I am about to be summoned, and I
would respond duly. I have left behind that through which you will never
go astray after me: the two weighty things; one is bigger than the other:
the Book of Allah, a line from Heaven to earth, and my Itrah; verily they
will not part until they happen to meet me on the Fount, but historically
the reality shows that no rightful regard has been assigned to the Itrah by the
Companions School whether in deriving from or attaching to their erudition.
To illustrate this state of indifference and obliviousness to the Itrah legacy,
we conduct a comparative study between two companions' calibre in AlBukhr book, the space they occupy and the amount of transmissions on
their authority from the prophet (sawa), namely, Imam Ali (as) and Abu
Hurairah Abdul Ramn Bin akhar Ad-Ds (d.57 A. H).
I will not wade into the real nature of Abu Hurairah Islam, his relation with the
prophet (sawa) and how penchant for Muwiyah he was, the constant formal
enemy of Imam Ali (as). But I will content myself with glimpses into the
subject quoting from a writer most conversed with his biography and
specialised in his scientific and political profiles and the narrations on his
authority, i.e. Mamd Abu Rayyah who divided his study into two books:
Aw al As-Sunnah Al-Muhammadiyyah and Abu Hurairah, Sheikh
Al- Murah.
We will open our topic with a piece of information of critical importance,
featured by Abu Rayyah in his former book: Aw and supported
meticulously by scientific proofs in his subsequent book: Sheikhul
Murah. It propounds that Abu Hurairah has not had accompanied the
prophet (sawa) only a year and nine months or at best three years according
to Abu Hurairah himself if we assume this to be true and accept the three
years version, it is because it slightly makes change to our attitude from his
narrations.

42

Let us cast a look on what Abu Rayyah states himself or quotes from other
scholars and researchers, in connection with Abu Hurairah and his
narrations:

Abu Rayyah quotes from Muhammad Rashd Ria: should the age of
Umar have extended until Abu Hurairah had died, a plethora of these
hadiths would not have reached us.

Then he cites a statement from Ibn Qutaibah, Abu Muhammed

Abdullah Bin Muslim Ad-Dainr in his book Mukhtalaf Tawl AlHadith: as Abu Hurairah was rendering from the prophet (saw-a)
narrations that were novel to the majority of his companions and the
earlier forerunners, they incriminated and condemned him, saying: only
you heard that? Who else heard it with you? And Aisha had most
intensively condemned him above all others, as both of them had long
life-spans.34
In point of fact, Abu Hurairah was the first hadith-narrator in Islam who
was indicted on corruption, as Abu Rayyah quotes from the writer
Mustaf Sdiq Ar-Rfi, and in no doubt both writers were right in their
points.
It is reported by Al-Bukhr that Abu Hurairah had a pouchxi from which
he brings out his hadiths! He said: Abu Sli related that Abu Hurairah
had related that Allah Messenger (saw-a) said: Best charity is the
beneficent and bountiful, and the upper hand is better than the lower
hand; start with ones who are dependents on you for provision, then he
supplements: a wife would say: either you provide me with food or you
divorce me, and the slave would say: provide me with food then use me
in your service, and the child would say: provide me with food, to whom
you are forsaking me. The surrounding people said to him: O Abu
Hurairah; have you heard that from the Messenger of Allah? No, this
is from the pouch of Abu Hurairah, he replied.35

Abu Rayyah, Mamd, Aw al As-Sunnah Al-Muhammadiyyah, 5th pub. offset: the

Egyptian copy, p.203.
34

Al-Bhukhr, Abu Abdullah Muhammad in Ismail, Al-Jmi Al-Musnad As-Sahih AlMukhtaar, reviewed by Muhammad Bin Zuhair Bin Nir An-Nir, Dar Tawk al-Najat, Beirut:
43
35

Quoting from Abu Muhammad Bin Hazm, Abu Rayyah reports that Abu
Hurairah had narrated 5374 hadiths from the prophet (sawa), of which 446
were authenticated by Al-Bukhar. Then he remarks that this phenomenal
rendition of Abu Hurairah must have established a standard and a quantifying
rule for the amount of narrations we should predict from every companion,
saying: what remains is to know the amount of narrations rendered by those
pub.1, 1422 A.H. Kitab: The Book of Expenditure, Ch.2: Expenditure Made Incumbent on
Dependents: Duty, vol. 7, p.63, hadith 5355.
Actually, the pouch of Abu Harairah was broad enough to incorporate more hadiths with this phrase
attached: from the pouch of Abu Hurairah, such as:
1.
His saying (I had reported to you whoever becomes impure in body (Junub), he would
break his fasting, but that is actually from the pouch of Abu Hurairah as anyone who gets impure
in body (Junub) does not truly break his fasting, see: Al-Khab Al-Baghdd (392-463 A.H), Abu
Bakr Bin Ahmed Bin Ali Bin Thbit, Al-Faqh wal Mutafaqqih, reviewed by: dil Bin Ysuf
Al-Azzz: Dar Ibn Al-Jawzi, Saudi Arabia, pub. 1, 1417-1996 A.D, vol. 2, Ch.The overturn of
the Juristic interpreter (Mufti) of his Legal Verdict (Fatwa) as the Truth Unveils to be
elsewhere, pp. 421-422, hadith 1404.
If Ibn ajar discredited the chain of transmission aspect of the hadith, his challenge is overruled by
the succeeding hadith (no.1405) which purports that Abu Hurairah has overturned and withdrawn
his verdict on body impurity (Junub) breaking fasting. Therefore it would have been better to say
that Abu Hurairah ceased to narrate the hadith not that he withdrew his verdict.
2.
What is reported in Musnad Ahmed on a number of prohibitions declared by the prophet on
the means of earning a living, i.e. the hadith on the authority of Al-Mughrah whereby he said: I
heard Ubaidullah Bin Ab Num relating that he heard Abu Hurairah saying: the Messenger of
Allah (saw-a) has prohibited earning money from the career of a cupper (Al-ajjam), the
prostitute and the cost of a dog, and he said further: Asbul Faal (noble horses lent for
copulation with female horses of another owner)?, then Bin Ab Num said that Abu Hurairah
proceeded: this is from my pouch. Musnad Ahmed, reviewed by Shuaib Al-Arnat, Mussasat
al-Risala, Beirut. Pub.1, 1416 A.H, vol. 13, p355, hadith no.7976.
It should be noted that the phrase Asbul Faal which sounds like verbosity made by Abu
Hurrairah is but an interjection and a continuation made by Ubaidullah Bin Ab Naum. This note
can be corroborated by An-Nas wording of the hadith (see: Sunnan An-Nas, reviewed by:
Mashhr Bin Hassan l Salmn, commentary: Muhammad Nirul Dn Al-Albni, Makatabat alMaarif for publishing and distribution, Riyadh, pub.1, p.712, hadith 4673, wherein the phrase from
my pouch is not included.
Incidentally, driven by the need to elicit an acceptable signification for this very phrase, many of
Abu Hurairah partisans had it tailored to suit some entry of meaning and interpretation, such as: the
container, the wit, an acute insight, or merely a sarcastic reply to his enquirers, and by some it is
deemed as an inkling to abolish the hadith, and so forth of pedantic fruitless attempts, for which we
have no space to elaborate further.
44

who preceded him in Islam; who were more loyal to the Messenger (sawa),
more knowledgeable on religion, with higher honour and longer history of
jihad than the Muhjirs, the Anr or others, and had for an extended period
of time associated with the prophet, to see how far did those seniors narrate
from the prophet (sawa).
He proceeds thereafter with instances from pre-eminent companions in
sequence indicating the volume of their narration, saying: there we see Abu
Bakr, the first to enter Islam after Ali, master of all the companions, who spent
with the prophet all that extended period in Mecca and Al-Madinah, and who
was a tracer of the Arabs ancestry, I wonder how many hadiths he had
narrated? Al-Nawawi says in his Tahdhb book: the Siddique has narrated
142 hadith, 104 were reported by As-Siyt in his book: Tarkh Al-Khulaf,
and 22 of them by Al-Bukhr. That is to say, Al-Bukhr has related for Abu
Hurairah twice twenty times as much as he related for Abu Bakr.
As for the Caliph Umar Bin Al-Khab, Abu Rayyah says: he entered the
faith of Islam on year six, accompanied the prophet (sawa) till the end of his
honourable life (sawa), and among his sayings: I and a fellow-mate of mine
were alternately calling on the Messenger of Allah; one day I call on him
myself, and the second day he does. If it were my turn I would bring him
tidings from the latest of the Revelation and other accounts of the day. If it
were his turn, he would do the same, despite that only fifty of his hadiths
were authenticated, as recorded by Ibn Hazm.
Then Abu Rayyah turns to Imam Ali (as): he was first to enter Islam; he was
brought up in the holy lap of the prophet, lived under his wing since the
mission of prophethood, and accompanied him until the prophet's soul went
to her last resting place. He had not parted with him either in voyaging or at
home place; he is his cousin and been married to his daughter, he witnessed
all battles and every episode in Islam except for Tabk, as the prophet
installed him as his successor in Al-Madinah. At that time he said: are you
leaving me among children and women? and the prophet said to him: are
you not pleased to be for me like Harn (Aaron) to Mus (Moses)? This
imam, who is almost unmatched in knowledge by all the companions, had
been assigned no more than fifty eight hadiths on his authority as As-Siyt
45

unfolds, whereas Ibn Hazm announces: only fifty hadiths were authenticated,
and no more than twenty hadiths were related for him by Al-Bukhr and
Muslim.
On Uthman and other companions, Abu Rayyah states:
As for Uthman, nine hadiths has been narrated on his authority by Al-Bukhr
and five by Muslim.
Az-Zubair Bin Al-Awwm: nine hadiths by Al-Bukhr and one by Muslim.
Talah Bin Ubaidullah: four hadiths by Al-Bukhr.
Abdul Ramn Bin Aof: nine hadiths by Al-Bukhr.
Ubai Bin Kaab: from all the sixth books (six canonical hadith collections), a
bit more than sixty were narrated for him.
Zaid Bin Thbit: eight hadiths by Al-Bukhr; only five of which had the
consensus of the two Sheiks.
Salmn Al-Fris: four hadiths were extracted for him by Al-Bukhr and three
by Muslim.
It is also evinced that many of the companions have not had narrated from
the prophet.36
It eventually transpires, what Al-Bukhr had narrated for Abu Hurairah
surpasses the number of hadiths narrated for Imam Ali by as much twice
twenty two times.
This is the case with Imam Ali in the accounts of Al-Bukhr, if however, we
scan the remainder of late Imams of Ahlul Bait, including ones who were
contemporary to Al-Bukhr himself, i.e. Imam Al-Jawd, Al-Hd and AlAskar, we will realise that they were expelled altogether! Al-Bukhr has
Abu Rayyah, Aw al As-Sunnah Al-Muhammadiyyah, ibid, pp. 224-225 noting that the
number of Al-Bukhr narrators totals to 2400. It is useful to consult in this connection a book
entitled: Al-Ifh an Awl Ruwt A-i, written by Muhammad Hassan Al-Muaffar
(d.1375) where the reader can introduce to those narrators and see the feedback of the specialists the
discipline of Aspersion & Acclamation on them.
36

46

related not even one single hadith for them!? Even with respect to Imam Adiq, who laid the foundations of the four schools of thought, father of the
masters of these schools, not one sole hadith has been narrated on his
authority. What is more far-out is that Al- Bukhr has lived in the same
scientific incubator where Imam A-diq had lived, namely, Al-Hejaz and the
gap between him and the Imam from the perspective of the traditionists is
not extensive. Imam A-diq died in 146 or 148 A.D, while Al- Bukhr died
in 256 A.D, that is, a gap of one century and a few years over. Further to that,
he transfers from the students of Imam A-diq, while the master is denied
this right.
Sheikh Mohammed diq Najm, author of the weighty book: At-Taamul f
A-aain, states: we find Al- Bukhr relates from twenty six men called
Al-Hassan, twenty three narrators named Ms, thirty nine traditionists with
the name Ali, yet none of them includes Al-Hassan Al-Mujtab (as), the
delight of the prophets heart (sawa), neither Ms Bin Jafar, the descendant
of the prophet (sawa) nor Ali Bin Ms Al-Ri (as) whose erudition and
honour were recognised by the loving and the disdainful.
Indeed, Muslim and Al- Bukhr have extracted not even one single hadith to
any of Ahlul Bait, like Imam Al-Hassan Al-Mujtab, Imam Ms Bin Jafar,
Imam Ali Bin Ms Al-Ridha, Imam Muhammad Al-Jawd, and Imam Al-Hd,
and with particular reference to Imam Al-Hassan Al-Askar (as) who existed
in the same timeframe of Al- Bukhr.37
I conclude by citing from the Allama Muhammad Hussein At-Tabb his
pronouncement in his book Al-Mzn f Tafsr Al-Qurn: the proceedings
Najm, Muhammad diq, Aw al A-aain: Dirsat wa Tall li Sahih Al-Bukhr
and Muslim, Arabicized by: Yay Kaml Al-Barn, Mussasat al-Maarif al-Islamiya, Qum,
pub.1, 1419 A.H, p.113.
37

47

with regard to the successorship of Allah Messenger (sawa) entailed the

divergence of the Moslem public opinion on Ahlul Bait; some were devoted
and adoring, others were neglectful and oblivious of their calibre and rank
amid the Quranic Sciences, while others were resentful and vindictive. This
has run counter to the prophets (sawa) recommendation, which is
undeniable and irrefutable for every Moslem, to acquire knowledge from them
rather than to dictate it for them, for they are the most well-versed in Allah
Holy Book than anyone, pointing that they will not misinterpret nor
misconceive the Book, besides saying in the Mutawtir hadith of At-Thaqalain
(two weighty matters): I leave behind the two weighty things: the Book of
Allah and my Itrah; verily they will not part until they happen to meet
me on the Fount (). Also in part of his prolific tradition, he (sawa) said:
He who interprets Quran according to his own discretion, should yield
himself thereby to his place in Hellfire (), and that was the biggest cleft
to afflict the Quranic Sciences as well as the procedures of contemplation
and deliberation commended by Quran itself.
An evidence of this state of inattentiveness towards Itrah (as) is the rarity of
hadiths transferred from them. As we do a rundown on the Science of Hadith
(), and try to enumerate what is transferred from Ali, Al-Hassan and AlHussein (as), particularly as concerns the Exegesis of Quran, the findings
will be confounding: the companions have not transferred for Ali (as) only
trivially and insignificantly, whereas the successors transferred no more than
one hundred narrations if counted- as opposed to the whole entity of Quran.
As for Al-Hassan (as), the transfers cannot probably mount to ten hadiths,
and no hadith is available to recall for Al-Hussein, noting that some
traditionists have concluded the narrations on Quranic exegesis into
seventeen thousand, all from the side Ahlul Sunnah scholars (Jimhr)38, and
a similar rate of narrations in the field of jurisprudence.39

A-abb footnoted in respect of this phrase: it was mentioned by As-Siy in Al-Itqn,

and mentioned the number of narrations in his exegesis book: Turjuman Al-Quran and his
abridged book: Ad-Dur Al-Manthr.
38

A-abb, Muhammad Hussein, Al-Mizn, Jamaat al-Mudarisn Publications, al-Hawza alIlmiyya, Qum, vol. 5, p. 274.
39

48

49

Axes Proposed for Debating the Dilemma

In view of the notion we made over the dilemma of doctrinal dialogue,
and specifically the stringent demand to start a conversation on the
second source of the Islamic thought: the Prophetic Sunnah40, along
with the pressing necessity to examine it and deal with queries that
transpire in the scene before turning to side details, we propose to lay
out for the reader the main axes which we reckon substantive for the
study and analysis of this notion.
Obviously to do that we need a fairly exhaustive research incorporating
minute details, which are beyond this brief study, and which may lead
us to solely focus on the first axis at this point.

Against this knotty background, I had these axes drafted in the form of
questions:

Axis One: contains a cardinal question that discusses whether or not

we need to resort to the prophetic Sunnah as a source for Islamic
erudition in the first place; and alternatively weather it suffices to
confine ourselves to the Quranic text?
Not only does the answer to this question affect our theoretical
conception on the structure of Islamic thought; how it is mapped on the
level of creed, legislation and ethics, and the bearing it has on the holy
Quran, but it also affects our conception on the function and the
intellectual mission of the Sunnah reporters, namely all companions
and Ahlul Bait members (as); hence extends to shake their position and
significance in later Islamic ages. All this can be a consequent result of
our answer if we agreed to isolate the prophetic Sunnah from the
structure of Islamic thought and totally rely on Quran.
I would like to draw the attention of the prestigious reader that every time we say Sunnah in
this research, we mean the prophetic Sunnah exclusively. As regards the Sunnah of Ahlul Bait (as)
who confirmed all the time that their acts are similitude of the Messengers, and their sayings are
replica of his hadith, this is an issue to investigate thoroughly in coming chapters.
40

50

Axis Two: a subdivision of the first axis, highly dependent on the

conclusions we draw from that axis. More plainly, if we choose to
answer the question positively admitting our need for the Sunnah as
part of the formula of the intellectual Islamic thought, and seeing that
without it we are unable to accomplish this task rightly to the purpose,
only then we can activate the second axis and start a query on the role
and function of the Sunnah. The query notably investigates if that
particular role is complementary to what the Quranic text failed short
for, or if such presumption subsuming deficiency in Qur'an is null and
void according to our creed, which entails that the Sunnah is merely an
elucidating, explanatory and amplifying documentation? Or if it is in the
nature of Quran to inherently require that Sunnah for explanation and
interpretation, or it is we, the receptors, who are deficient in that sense?

Axis Three: if we presumed that the Sunnah is indispensable for the

construction of the Islamic thought and it is intended in the main to
explain and interpret, we will have, in that event, to answer the following
focal questions: how can we obtain that Sunnah? What are the methods
for eliciting genuine Sunnah neatened from intrusive material which has
pervaded by time and been widely recognised by Moslems as false and
forged?
In this very axis lies the core of what we defined earlier as varying
approaches to the Sunnah, and explained that Moslems are accessing
the Sunnah differently: some have relied on the companions as a route
conducive to that Sunnah, while others had recourse to the Itrah (as)
for this task, and each party have furnished grounds for what they
picked out producing dozens of compilations and books, dispersed all
over the Islamic sciences, e.g. the Foundation of Jurisprudence, the
Science of Hadith, the Study of Hadith Reporters, etc.
Moreover, the axis does not only aim to prove the existence of such
difference between the two schools, or the rigid adherence of each
school to their choice and what they provide of foundations for that
choice, but includes minor issues evolving progressively throughout
the discussion, such as: the criteria to verify a specific narration, the
scientific requisites for verifying reports whether they be d,
51

mutawtir, mustafi

41

(see glossary),

the criteria for the Science of

Aspersion and Acclamation (Al-Jar and At-Tadl) in assessing the

authority and credibility of reporters from the layers of chain of
transmission, besides other meticulous detailing sub-researches.
The axis brings into view as well schemes by which numerous
prominent personalities of high scientific calibre belonging to the Itrah
School were banished and marginalised, their integrity and reliability
were infringed, and their faith discredited with derisive nicknames, (like:
Rfi and Mutashayixii and so forth of epithets pervading the literature
of Aspersion and Acclamation of the Companions School), not for any
apparent offence save for loyalty to Ahlul Al-Bait (as).

Axis Four: concerned with what has come to be called in the domain of
Hadith Studies: the 'Internal Textual Criticism' as opposed to the
'External Textual Criticism' which pertains to the third axis. It
investigates the devices that are used to analyse and understand the
import of the Sunnah. More plainly, how is the Sunnah understood?
What are the procedures and concepts that promote this crucial task?
As a matter of fact, this is an axis where theories multiplied, and trends
from the myriad of philosophers, Islamic jurists, Sufis and others
diversified even inside one sole genre of thought. This way, it has
become tantamount in its diversity to the trends pertaining to the
inferential reading and interpretation of the Quranic text; a diversity
that resulted in a big host of approaches to its study and a new
independent discipline called Methods of Exegesis."

42

An-Najm: (4)

The investigation of this ayah as regards its comprehensiveness of all the prophets acts, sayings,
approvals and disapprovals will be linked to another coming research, associated with a topic on the
prophet's impeccability (sawa), its dimensions, boundaries and evidences. This way we will not
digress from the main point in this section.
52

Passageways to the Prophetic Sunnah:

Two Main Attitudes
From the past four axes, we can pin down in the first axis which addresses
the question of whether or not to dispense with the Sunnah, two
passageways to the Sunnah in the Islamic intellectual history. Despite the
wide strides that the second passageway has taken that rendered it hugely
distanced from its origin, it can still be identified as an independent attitude
with affiliates and supporters (to elaborate further shortly) or at least it can be
deemed so during the first decades of Moslems life immediately after the
demise of the prophet (sawa). It is true that in later historical stages this
attitude had retreated and attenuated, which makes our analytical review
more theoretically-oriented and limited to a particular epoch, but this sort of
analysis remains indispensable for our study so long as we need to place
these attitudes in categories in the minds of Moslems.

First Attitude:
Engaging Positively in the Prophetic Sunnah
This is the prevalent general attitude for Moslems with the sundry of sects
and trends they have. It looks upon the prophetic Sunnah as a robust source
for the understanding and construction of the religious erudition, in which
case the holy Quran signifies the pivotal source and the Sunnah serves as
the expository text. This attitude of Moslems towards the prophet's Sunnah in the form of sayings, acts or tacit approvals on someones doing- is
ultimately owing to the Quranic verse:
Nor does he speak out of his desire. This is nothing but a revelation
that is conveyed to him.42

42

An-Najm: (4)

The investigation of this ayah as regards its comprehensiveness of all the prophets acts, sayings,
approvals and disapprovals will be linked to another coming research, associated with a topic on the
53

The evidences that reinforce this attitude are plentiful, part of which:
Firstly: The Practical Consensus: embodied by the consensus of all the
today Moslems on this view (indicated above recently).
Secondly: The Quranic Evidence: a host of Quranic verses that urge
Moslems to embrace what yields from the prophet (sawa) and to comply with
his teachings, such as:
A. Whatever (from the possessions of the towns people) Allah has

bestowed on His Messenger belongs to Allah, and to the

Messenger, and to his kinsfolk, and to the orphan, and to the
needy, and to the wayfarer so that it may not merely circulate
between the rich among you. So accept whatever the Messenger
gives you, and refrain from whatever he forbids you. And fear
Allah, verily Allah is Most stern in retribution.43
B. (O Messenger), tell people: If you indeed love Allah, follow me,

and Allah will love you and will forgive you your sins. Allah is AllForgiving, All-Compassionate. Say obey Allah and obey the
Messenger. If they turn away, then know that Allah does not love
those who refuse to obey Him and His Messenger.44
C. He who obeys the Messenger thereby obeys Allah; as for he who

turns away, We have not sent you as a keeper over them.45

Thirdly: The Narrative Evidence: it determines the need for the Sunnah as
a requisite. There are several hadiths in this respect, such as the mutawtir
hadith that is uncontested among Moslems: 'hadith At-Thaqalain' (the two
weighty matters). Although this hadith is rendered with varied wordings: the
Book and the Itrah vs. the Book and the Sunnah46, this partial variation
prophet's impeccability (sawa), its dimensions, boundaries and evidences. This way we will not
digress from the main point in this section.
43

Al-ashr (7)

44

l-Imrn (31-32)

45

An-Nis (80)

46

According to our beliefs as well as Ahlul Sunnah scholars beliefs, the hadith implying the word:
Itrah is mutawtir and unarguable, whereas the content with the word Sunnah or my Sunnah
54

does not overrule its position as a reference for inference and deduction, or
more simply, it does not destroy the unanimous faith of Moslems that the
safekeeping of the Ummahxiii and its fortification against erroneousness are
unattainable only by subservience to the Sunnah, whether we take the
avenue of the companions or the Immaculate Itrah (as). Amid the four axes,
only the third axis is susceptible to this phrasal variation (Itrah-Sunnah),
because in that axis a recruitment process is conducted to locate the real
carrier of the Sunnah and the conducive way from the two passageways,
noting that we believe in the Itrah as the avenue and the word Itrah as the
original phrasing of the hadith (elaboration to substantiate this notion will follow in
future researches of this series, God Willing).

Second Attitude:
Engaging Passively in the Prophetic Sunnah:
(The Theory of "Sufficient for us is Allahs Book")
This attitude tends to believe that we can dispense with the prophetic Sunnah
in the process of constituting and understanding the Islamic erudition, noting
that it is no longer advocated by any school of thought in our contemporary
Moslem world. However, its absence from the present day should not
understate the fact it was a fully-fledged intellectual attitude with followers
and callers, albeit limited in time and unsuccessful in every respect.
There will appear that the founder of this attitude towards the prophetic
Sunnah is almost exclusively- Umar Bin Al-Khab, the second caliph, and
in the documentations texts /documentary reports at our hand, some
traditionists have kept his name undercover, while others were more explicit.
Additionally, we have other historical accounts confirming that it was a
sustained meditated policy by the second caliph, not a spur of the moment
attitude.
The most outstanding account is the statement made by the second caliph
when the prophet (sawa) was on the brink of death, and he (sawa) was
assaying to document a will that safeguards the Moslem nation from
perplexity and aberrance, and Umar hastened to hinder its writing.
is one of the d reports; and even more it has been categorised as hadith daf (elaborated in
future researches).
55

The hadith portraying the incidence is rendered by Ahlul Sunnah higherranking hadith records. Yet we quote exclusively from the two forefront
references of hadith, i.e. "Sahih Al-Bukhr" and "Sahih Muslim", as they
suffice to bear witness to the incidence and bind the other party. Afterwards,
an important word for one of the most renowned Islamic scholars, Abu Ihq
Ibrahim Bin Ms Al-Lakhm As-Shib Al-Andalus is annexed.
This hadith is reported by "Sahih Al-Bukhr" in four places, three of them are
unique to him, and the fourth is reciprocated by Muslim. The four hadiths are
cited in line with the sequence of the origin:
1. Ubaidullah Bin Abdullah Bin Utbah on the authority of Ibn Abbas (R.A) said:
"when the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) was near to death, and men

were on every side of the house, he (saw-a) said: come along, so

that I write you a script after which you will not go astray, some of
them said: Indeed the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) is overcome by
pain, you do have the Quran; and for us sufficient is the Book of Allah.
People in the house argued and were engaged in a wrangle, some
were saying: converge on the prophet, so that he may write you a
script after which you are not straying, while others were saying
something else. With the escalation of their dispute, the Messenger of
Allah (saw-a) said: draw away from me. Ubaidullah said: Ibn Abbas
used to constantly say: Indeed the calamity, the utter calamity is what
hampered the prophet from writing that very script; it was due to their
clamour and discord. 47
2. Narrated by Ubaidullah Bin Abdullah from Ibn Abbas his saying: "when the
ailment of the prophet (saw-a) intensified, he said: fetch me a sheet
so that I will write you a script after which you will not go astray,
Umar said: indeed the prophet (saw-a) is overcome by pain, we do
have the Book of Allah; sufficing for us. They argued and bustled so
much so that the prophet (saw-a) said: draw away from me; it is
unbecoming you contend in my vicinity. Ibn Abbas went out saying:

Al-Jmi Al-Musnad As-Sahih: Kitb Al-Maghz - Book of Military Campaigns, Ch. On

the Illness and Demise of the Prophet, vol. 6, p.9, hadith 4432.
47

56

indeed, the calamity, the utter calamity is what intervened between the
prophet (saw-a) and his writing. 48
3. Narrated by Ubaidullah Bin Abdullah from Ibn Abbas (R.A) his saying:
"when the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) was at the point of death, and
there were men in the house including Umar Bin Al-Khab, the
prophet (saw-a) said: come along so that I write you a script after
which you will not go astray. Umar said: the prophet (saw-a) is
pain-stricken, you do have the Book; sufficient for us is the Book of
Allah. People in the house argued and were engaged in a wrangle.
Some were saying: move towards the prophet (saw-a) so that he may
write you a script after which you are not straying, others were
reverberating what Umar had said. As their uproar and dispute
heightened, the prophet (saw-a) said: draw away. Ubaidullah said:
Ibn Abbas was constantly saying thereafter: Indeed the calamity, the
utter calamity is what hampered the prophet from writing that very
script; it was out of their clamour and discord. 49
4. Narrated by Sad Bin Jubair who said: Ibn Abbas said: Thursday, and
what will explain to you what Thursday is! As the ailment of the
Messenger of Allah (saw-a) aggravated, he said: draw near so as to
write you a script that will forever protect you from straying, they
hassled, and it is improper to contend around a prophet, hence they
said: what is the matter with him!? Is he delirious? ask him then?, so
they went to face up with him, but he said: let go of me, what I am
experiencing is better than what you assemble for, he
recommended for them three clauses, saying: Evacuate the
polytheists from the Arab Peninsula, and grant allowance in the
same vein I used to grant them (the recipients)xiv, as for the third, he
went quiet, or he just said: I forgot it.50
48

Ibid: same source, vol.1, p.34, hadith no.114.

49

Ibid: same source, vol.7, p.120, hadith 5669.

Ibid: same source, vol.6, p.9, hadith: 4431. See also: Al-Qushair An-Naisbr , Abu al-Hussein
Muslim Bin Al-ajjj, Sahih Muslim, Dar Ihia al-Turath al-Arabi, Beirut, reviewed by
Muhammad Fud Abdul Bq, Kitab: Al-Waiyyah - The Book of the Will, Ch. Drop the
Will by he who has Nothing to Bequeath, vol.3, p.1257, hadith no.1637. He said: narrated by
Sad Bin Jubair from Ibn Abbas who said: Thursday, You know not what the Day of Thursday
is! then teardrops started to pour forth on his cheeks, visible like arrayed pearls, and he said: the
57
50

As regards Abu Isq As-Shib word promised to the reader, it is quoted

from the chapter entitled: On the Reason for the Breakup of the Heretical
Factions from the Moslem Bloc (Ch.9) in his book Al-Itim", in which the
author campaigns against what strikes him as heresies; the type of novelties
that tear the Ummah apart, foster conflicts and distance people from the right
path. After sketching how epithets like disunion and dissension are
characteristic of the heretical people, he moves on to explain the motives that
incite them. From his perspective, they are twofold: one is predestined, not
procured by human action, and the other is procured by human action for
which humans are held accountable. As he distinguishes three areas of
dispute: firstly: dispute on the foundations of the doctrine along with the subfoundations. Secondly: on the sub-foundations of the doctrine other than the
foundations. Thirdly: dispute on the general rules of the doctrine and
consensus on the foundations, he singles out the second and third as the
heart of conflict among Moslems, and expounds that in the second, Moslems
take no blame as it manifests Allahs Mercy, while the third embodies the sort
of heretical dispute which has been prohibited. Eventually, he elaborates on
the third and last dispute to highlight the motives behind it. On my part, the
message I try to impart for the reader is related to his concept on a
predestined dispute and inevitable dissension originated by Allah (Taala)
rather the human action, whereby he says:
he (saw-a) was very solicitous and concerned about our solidarity and
guidance to the extent that it was established by hadith from Ibn Abbas (R.A)
his saying: by the time the prophet (saw-a) was on the brink of death, and
men, among whom Umar Bin Al-Khab, were in the house, he said: come
along so as to write you a script after which you will not go astray. But
Umar said against that: ailment has overwhelmed the prophet (saw-a). You
do have the Quran. Sufficient for us is the Book of Allah. People in the
house argued and were engaged in a wrangle. Some of them were saying:
converge on the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) so that he may write you a
script that protects you from straying, while others were mimicking Umar.
Messenger of Allah (saw-a) said: fetch me a sheet and inkwell (or: a panel and ink) to write
you a script that protects you forever from straying, they said: the Messenger of Allah (saw-a)
is raving.
58

When the uproar and dispute escalated around the prophet (saw-a), he said:
draw away from me. So, Ibn Abbas was iterating: Indeed the calamity,
the utter calamity is what hampered the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) from
writing that very script; it was out of their clamour and discord.
It might be that God knows best- the Divine Inspiration revealed to him from
Allah that should he write that very script, they will not be misled for the whole
eternity. This way, the Ummah will be exempt from Allahs saying: they will
not cease to dispute.. to fall into the category of His Mercy: except those
on whom thy Lord has bestowed His Mercy, yet Allah disdained that for
them and foreordained what is in His Pre-knowledge of discord and
dissension, just as bygone nations had underwent. We submit to Allah Act;
we beseech Him with His grace to fasten our grips to the Book and the
Sunnah and to conclude our lives on that path.51
My wonders will never cease for what As-Shib says herein! He proclaims
that the prophet (sawa) devotes great care to our guidance and solidarity to
the extent that he summoned Moslems to write a script upon a Divine
Revelation, and that Umar hampered its writing. Yet, he reckons
simultaneously it is by ordinance of Allah (Taala) his writing was disrupted,
saying: so, Allah disdained that for them and foreordained what is in His Preknowledge of discord and dissension, just as what bygone nations had
underwent. Is there a paradox more outrageous than this one that we may
envision!?

In conclusion, I would like to foreground certain points from these excerpts

which in turn highlight some vital dimensions, such as:
1. The prestigious reader should observe that the attitude of the prophet
(sawa) in all the above scenes is unrelenting on requesting a pen and
a paper to record his will. This act, like any other act of the prophet
(sawa), should promptly invoke the Quranic description: so accept

As-Shib, Abu Isq Ibrahim Bin Ms Bin Muhammad Allakhm Al-Andalus, Al-Itim,
reviewed by: Mashhr l Salmn, Maktabat al-Tawhid, Manama, pub.1, 1421 A.H 2000 A.D,
vol.3, pp.126-127.
51

59

whatever the Messenger gives you and refrain from whatever he

forbids you. 52
2. The saying of the prophet (sawa) in the above excerpts you will not
go astray demonstrates that the script content barely relates to any
frivolous secular matter, or everyday-living matters, but rather hinges
on matters with solemnity like the Ummah salvation, guidance and
safekeeping from aberrance.
3. His saying after which or after me, you will never go astray,
indicates to the perpetuity and certainty of the result: not to stray.
4. Though the above excerpts provide no names for the attendees
whether from Ahlul Bait (as) or the companions in the very room
where he (sawa) faced pangs of death and met his end. But quite
expectedly, they were not a big flock, and restricted to his household
members and a few of the high calibre companions. This conclusion
can be drawn from the surrounding circumstances of the incident in
relevance to time and place. Time in the scene is the hour of deathstruggle of the prophet (sawa), which is the most grievous stretch in
time and the biggest affliction for Moslems in general and the eminent
companions in particular. As for the place factor, our prior knowledge
about the capacity of rooms in that historical period thwarts any thesis
that overstates the number of companions in the room, and overrides
the presumption they were strictly from the circle of eminent
companions.
5. The unanimity of Moslem scholars agreed on the identity of the man,
who disrupted the prophets will-writing and claimed he went delirious
from a strenuous pain, as the second caliph Umar Bin Al-Khab. But
what is striking is that earlier reports kept his name confidential and
only hinted: they said., or simply: some of them., and, the
ones that were more outright did not exceed beyond his first name
Umar, omitting his second or clan name, which poses the question:
did the intensity of the incident and its serious repercussions on the
one hand, and the fierce domineering personality of the caliph on the
other hand have relevance with the traditionists attitude in keeping

52

Al-ashr (7)

60

his name undercover!? This question being the age-old issue looms
large over history and it is inescapable for the reader to think it over.
6. What adds to the absurdity of the situation is that these earlier reports
present Umar as someone more insightful into the prophet's inner
state (sawa) than the person of the prophet (sawa) himself! The
prophet (sawa) says: move towards me or come along so that I
write you the script, while Umar says against it: do not react
seriously to the prophets request for he is pain-stricken or
hallucinating!
However, Umars pronouncement cannot be justified in that he was
merely alluding to the prophets ailment not intending to prevent the will
writing and only inadvertently disadvantaged him.
We counter say: the reason for rejecting this thesis is dictated by the
import of his pronouncement itself; he did not simply combine two
elements: the Book and Sunnah, saying: sufficient for us are the Book
of Allah and the Sunnah of his prophet, so as to conjecture that he only
inadvertently deterred the will-documentation. He made a clear-cut
statement: sufficient for us is the Book of Allah, which reveals he was
fully conscious of the bid to ban the Sunnah and the script that the
Messenger of Allah (sawa) was fretting to write.
If we were not bound by our word not to comprise in this study any
hadith from outside the two Sahih books, we would have proceeded
with bigger profile on the caliph Umar; his sayings and conducts which
are all clustered on the effort to inhibit hadith-recording, exiling the
Sunnah and contenting ourselves with the Holy Quran53. Anyhow, I will

53

One of his strategies is to detain the companions and proscribe hadith-narration. Reported by
Shubah Bin Al-ajjj from Saad Bin Ibrahim, from his father: Umar Bin Al-Khab has detained
a number of people including Abu Hurairah, ordering: curtail narration from the Messenger of
Allah (saw-a). They had Abu Hurairah in jail until his death. As-Sib Bin Yazd said that he
frequently heard Umar saying to Abu Hurairah: either you quit narrating hadith from the
Messenger of Allah (saw-a) or I exile you to Dous province. Abu Hurairah signaled to that saying:
should I have narrated to you these hadiths during the lifetime of Umar, by Allah I will find the
cane flogging my back!?
Moreover, Umar used to commend his provincial governors on the Islamic provinces and the
companions migrating to these provinces to tighten up hadith-narration, saying: curtail narration
from the Messenger of Allah (saw-a), and I am indeed your collaborator in that, or: dissociate
Quran from its interpretation (tafsir), and curtail narration from the Messenger of Allah; go forward
61

cite here these two accounts, and it is down for the reader to detect the
implications and overtones produced by the second account which
illustrate aspects of his personality subsumed by the first account:
First Account: from Al-Qsim Bin Muhammad Bin Abu Bakr:

news reached Umar Bin Al-Khab that certain scripts were

circulated around by people. He denounced that and convulsed
about it, and said: O folk of people, news reached me that you
are circulating scripts; and indeed the scripts which are most
equitable and righteous are most gratifying for Allah; so not
anyone of you should keep a script undelivered to me, so that I
may have my say on them. He added: they thought, by have a
say, he intends to review and rectify the content to eliminate any
inconsistency among them, and as they handed them over, he
set fire on them.54

and I am indeed your collaborator in that. Exemplifying this is the incident with Qura Bin Kaab
when he was heading to Iraq.
For the above data, see: Ad-Dhahab, Abu Abdullah Shamsul Dn Muhammad Bin Ahmed, "Siyer
Alm An-Nubal, reviewed by: co-reviewers under supervision of: Shuaib Al-Arna,
Mussasat al-Risala, vol.3, 1405 A.H - 1985 A.D, vol. 2, p.600 upward & Ibn Abdul Al-Barr,
Jmi Bin Al-Ilm wa Faluh, reviewed by Abu Al-Ashbl Az-Zuhair, Ch. Reference to:
Those who Dispraise the Profuse Narration of hadith Incomprehensively, vol.1, p.998
upward.
Ad-Dhahab comments on Umars threats to Abu Hurairah: That is how Umar truly was he used
to say: curtail narration of hadith from the Messenger of Allah (saw-a). He chided more than one
companion for hadith promulgation, and this is what Umar and some others were inclined to.
Muwiyyah Bin Abu Sufin exploited this situation effectively to tighten the grip of these stern
Umari measures, and license hadith narration only inasmuch as Umar used to license when he was
in office. He announced: O people, reduce the narration from the messenger of Allah (saw-a), but
as you will go ahead with narration without fail, then do narrate that which have been circulated
during the era of Umar. Umar was certainly intimidating people in admonishment of Allah (see:
A-abaran, Abu Al-Qsim Sulaimn Bin Ahmed Al-Lakhm, Musnad As-Shmiyn, reviewed
by: amdi Abdul Majd As-Salafi, Mussasat al-Risala, pub.1, 1409 A.H- 1989 A.D. vol.3, p. 250).
It is worth mentioning that history swarms with accounts on this profile of Umar life and his
conduct with those who deal with hadith-narration so much so that they can set up an independent
broad field of study. But we will keep that for later stages God Willing.
See: Abdul Khliq, Abdul Ghan, ujjiyat As-Sunnah, the International Institute of Islamic
Thought, Washington, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, 1407 A.H, p.359 & Al-Khab al-Baghdd, Abu Ahmed
62
54

 Second Account: Narrated by Al-Muqdm Bin Mad Karib Al-

Kind that the Messenger of Allah (sawa) said: there will be a

time so close when a man, reclining on his couch, would narrate
some hadith of mine saying: parting between us and you is the
Book of Allah (AZW), whatever it deems lawful, we deem lawful;
and whatever it forbids, we deem forbidden. Verily, what the
Messenger of Allah (saw-a) forbids is identical to what Allah
forbids.55
7. Some parties tried to ascribe the phrase it is unbecoming to contend
around a prophet to Ibn Abbas not the prophet (sawa)56, but such
claims are unfounded and fallacious, considering that the second
account taken from Al-Bukhr from his Sahih is sound and explicit in
identifying the utterer as the Messenger (sawa).

Meaning of Al-Hajr: "Delirium"

Comentators Outlooks & Counter Comments
Apart from a few anomalous views, Al-Bukhr annotators57 concurred on
defining the lexical meaning of al-Hajr used to speak ill of the prophet
Bin Ali, Taqyd Al-Ilm, reviewed by: Sad Abdul Ghaffr Ali, Dar l-Istaqama, Cairo, pub.1,
1429 A.H- 2008 A.D, pp.53-54.
See: Al-Albn, Muhammad Nirul Dn, Sahih Sunnan Ibn Mjeh, Maktabat Al-Maarif for
publishing and distribution, Riyadh, 1st edition, 1417 A.H-1997 A.D, vol.1, p.21.
55

This view was proposed by Ibn ajar as a probability, while Al-Ain made a passive form
statement: it was said. Then, they rectified that to trace it to the Messenger (saw-a). See: Ibn
ajar Al-Asqaln, Ahmed Bin Ali, Fat Al-Br Shar Sai Al-Bukhr, reviewed by:
Abdul Aziz Bin Abdullah Ibn Bz et al. Dar al-Salam: Riyadh, pub.1, 1421 A.H- 2001 A.D, vol. 8,
p. 167 & Al-Ain, Abu Muhammad Badrul Dn Mamd Bin Ahmed Al-anaf, Umdat AlQr Shar Sahih Al-Bukhr, reviewed by: Abdullah Mahmd Muhammad Umar, Ali Bein
publications and Dar al-Kotob al-Ilmiya, Beirut, Pub.1, 1421 A.H- 2001 A.D, vol. 18, p. 79.
56

See: Ibn ajar Al-Asqalani, Fat Al-Br Shar Sahih Al-Bukhr, ibid: same source, vol.
8, 167 & Abu Mohammed Al-Aini, Umdat Al-Qr Shar Sahih Al-Bukhr, ibid: same
source, vol. 18, p.80 & Al-Qaaln, Ahmed Bin Mohammed, Irshd As-Sr Shar Sahih AlBukhr, al-Amiriyyah Al-Kubra press, Egypt, pub.7, vol.7, p.462.
63
57

(sawa) in terms of delirium and obscenity. Ibn ajar quoting from AlQurub said: al-Hujr (with the vowel u and a mute vowelless ending) is
delirium which signifies what vents out of words from someone affected by
illness, usually incongruent and ultimately worthless for its void essence. 58
Those annotators have worked out ways to amend and construe the word
Hajr in an agreeable manner, though admittedly they avow and proclaim the
unlikelihood of such a presumption that Allahs Messenger (sawa) be
susceptible to this kind of personality disorder, pursuant to the Qur'anic verse:
nor does he speak out of his desire. This is nothing but a revelation
that is conveyed to him, and the prophets hadith: I say naught but the
truth whether pleased or displeased. In this venue, Ibn ajar made a
summary of the most prominent interpretations of the word, taken from AlQurub who originally summarised from Iy version; and hereby I quote
passages from Ibn ajar with reference to the phrase: "what is the matter
with him? Is he delirious?
Verily, he who uttered that but said it in reprimand to the one who failed to
comply with the prophets command and caused to freeze any response to
bring him an ink and pen. It was as though he said: 'how dare you not obey?
Do you think he becomes delirious at illness like others? Comply with his
command and fetch what he requested, for he is someone who does not utter
but the evident truth'. He said: this is the best explanation, and also said: it is
possible that somebody, swept by fleeting doubt, had said it. But considering
the fact that the rest of companions, albeit elites, have not had condemned
his act eliminates this possibility. If there were any counter condemnation, it
would have come into sight through narrations. Equally possible, the utterer,
in a state of awe and bewilderment, which afflicted many of them at his
departure (saw-a), ventured with these words."
Consequently, when he says his final word on these explanations, Ibn ajar
maintains:

See: Fat Al-Br on the same given data. Also see: Al- Qaaln Irshd As-Sr Shar
Sahih Al-Bukhr, the same given data. He said: delirium is what the patient utters that is
inconsistent.
58

64

I said: it sounds to me that the third probability given by Al- Qurub

outweighs the others, which presupposes that the utterer must have recently
entered Islam, and was used to the fact that anyone under excruciating pain
may be too engrossed to be able to compile a draft with the intended
message, and this is likely to happen in reality.
This very view is equally adopted by Al-Ain in Umdat Al-Qr, as well as
Al-Qasaln.
To elaborate these views, we will digress from the real issue. Therefore we
will take the study only as far as to remind the reader of certain points:

Firstly: the accounts portraying the Umari clipping policy of the prophet's
tradition (sawa), over and above proscribing hadith-recording (part of these
accounts cited above) yield concrete evidences that his acts are but the offspring
of a firm unwavering calculated agenda. Subsequently, those particular acts
which date back to the prophet's time should be interpreted in view of his
future policy when he was in office. Needless to say what Al- Qurub and AlQasaln try to sway our mind for, claiming it was a motion of censure for the
one who overlooked the prophets (sawa) order, is never true, considering
what Ad-Dhahab divulged and certified on the nature of his policy. (See as
above)

Secondly: contention was the immediate upshot of his statement which

avers it was said with the intent to actually deter the writing, not in the least to
denounce an act of disobedience to the prophet's order. It affirms too that the
contention was strictly speaking sparked by that statement, not a bit before or
after that.
Thirdly: Umars phrase addressing the spectators: ask him, immediately
after the statement attributing delirium to the Messenger (sawa) broadcasts a
message that it was by no means intended to prompt subservience to the
prophets order (sawa), and this outweighs the view that his former phrase
was in the way to disrupt the writing. If it were not so, he would have
otherwise addressed his speech to the transgressor of the order, not the one
who gave it.

65

Fourthly: all the above theses could have been tolerated if this account
stood alone without other analogous accounts with much the same import to
support it (partly cited above). So can the annotators overlook these accounts?
In what way will they deal with accounts which clearly declare: Umar said:
the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) is overcome by pain, and: sufficient for us
is the Book of Allah, and expound how the attendees differed into either
saying converge on the prophet (saw-a) so that he may write you a script
after which you will not stray, or resounded what Umar had said. With all
these conclusive reports on the incident, will there remain any room for
random fanciful interpretations.
Fifthly: pursuant to these points, especially the fourth, Al-Qurub thesis (in his
second probability as transferred by Ibn ajar), that in these circumstances the rest

of surrounding companions should have condemned what Umar said if he

truly said it, represents one absurd extreme view. How can condemnation be
any louder than what happened? All the reports convey a scene of dispute
and dissension in the circle of companions; they had split into two factions:
one faction call for compliance with the prophets command, and the second
sides with Umar in his stance!?

66

67

Is the Abstention of the Messenger from Writing

A Tacit Sustenance to the Protesters
Can we presume that, once the prophet (sawa) abstained from writing, he
made a gesture in favour of the protesters implicitly sustaining their
challenge? In other words, had he acknowledged his incapability of writing or
at least its unproductivity?
On our part, we have unshakable faith in the improbability of this theory, and
thereby we retort to those who say vice versa:
Firstly: to show the inner contradiction of the theory, we concede to say that
he (sawa) admitted the conquest of pain over him, but this immediately raises
a second question: would he still admit undergoing a state of hallucination!? I
do not believe any of todays Moslems can accept this theory, and how can
the prophet (sawa) admit his infirmity, when the holy Quran relates about
him: nor does he speak out of his desire. This is nothing but a
revelation that is conveyed to him.
Secondly: more importantly, if the prophet had approved of that phrase, he
would have said to the speaker: well done, it is true I am beaten by pain, so
you cannot take seriously what I said! At variance, he proclaims: draw away
from me, a word fraught with disfavour and disapproval of what is said,
hardly voicing any approval.
Thirdly: with the broadcast of that phrase, the prophet (sawa) refers to the
current stand as contention saying: you should not contend in my
vicinity. Therefore if we grant he consented to the offence laid against him
by his challengers, it follows he must have ordered the dissidents from
Umars opinion to keep quiet, rather than describing their conduct as
contention, hence ordering them to leave saying: what I am experiencing
now is better than what you assemble for.
Fourthly: Ibn Abbas portrayal of the scene when the prophet (sawa) quit
writing plainly indicates: calamity, or rather utter calamity, which proves
that he deciphered a gesture of disapproval by the prophet (sawa) for what
had been said, and if otherwise the gesture tacitly conveyed approval, there
will be no sense in Ibn Abbas anguish and in what he blurts out: the
calamity, and it ends up that the prophet (sawa) himself is the one who
actuated that calamity, or at the least, he had a hand in its actuating!!

68

We cannot say the prophet (sawa), being the envoy of Heaven with a
mission to guide the whole of mankind, need not react towards these
challenges against his vocation hence freeze his actions, because doing that,
he will disdain the divine mission he is shouldered with. In reality, it has never
been the case that Allahs messengers would relinquish divine errands just
for being met with opposition by their receptors.
Furthermore we say: it is not unprecedented example that the prophet
(sawa) refers to the issue of 'caliphate' and its relevance to Imam Ali (as); it is
a motif that has been brought forward repeatedly over time. We believe that
the prophet (sawa) left no detail in religion unexplained, according to Allahs
Saying: this day I have perfected for you your religion, and have
bestowed upon you My bounty in full measure, and have been pleased
to assign for you Islam as your religion. (Follow then, the lawful and
unlawful bounds enjoined upon you.) As for he who is driven by hunger
without being wilfully inclined to sin, sure Allah is All-Forgiving, AllCompassionate59 and likewise His Saying (AZW) on behalf of his
Messenger (sawa): Neither does he withhold grudgingly the knowledge
of the Unseen.60
In point of fact, we necessarily conclude that what the Messenger (sawa) had
essayed to do at the verge of death was merely to bring sharply into focus a
specific issue which has been illuminated time and again in the past. Evoked
by his capacity as a father for this Ummah and feeling of solicitude, as sopresented in the holy Quran: ardently anxious he is over you; to the
believers he is most kind and merciful61, he wanted to uncover the
ultimate truth that safeguards the Ummah from straying; the truth for which he
consumed his whole noble life to foster and consolidate in the minds of
Moslems. Afterwards, the Imams of Ahlul Bait (as) followed suit of him
focusing throughout the last will on smaller details and particles of the Sharia
that they dedicated their whole lives to teach and promulgate. Exemplifying
this is the will of Imam A-diq (as) in which he foregrounded 'Salahperformance' (the five daily prayers), but that does not mean he never came
across this topic and only in the long run when facing death he would say: O
people, pay heed to your Salah. He but said it at this juncture for emphasis
59

Al-Midah (3)

60

At-Takwr (24)

61

At-Tawbah (128)

69

on the magnitude of Salah, and this is ultimately what the prophet (sawa)
willed to do at the moments of death.

As for the reason why the prophet (sawa) desisted from writing and
suspended his last will, the rationale of the story bring us to understand that
by virtue of Umar's words, a rigid barricade was drawn between Moslems and
their Messenger stripping their fervour to respond to him with the pen and
paper, and this has particularly rendered the command of the Messenger
(sawa) valueless and ineffective. Subsequently, if it were ordained for him to
fulfil the writing at any event, the purpose of the script: ''the safeguard of the
Ummah'' will dissolve. It will be inoperative so long as the public will look
upon its content as the product of deliriousness and ailment. Even worse, it
will lead to graver consequences in that it engulfs every prior act and saying
by the prophet (sawa); a portion will be graded as the input of revelation and
another as the projection of illness and deliriousness.
Accordingly, the moral of the script will not only be mislaid, but any attempt to
insist on its writing will bring out abominable repercussions subjugating the
entire prophetic tradition, that has been accrued over time, to interrogation,
doubt and debate, hence leading it to the retrogressive decline altogether.

70

Main Conclusions to Draw from the Theory:

(Sufficient for us: the Book of Allah)
As we swiftly toured through the set of circumstances and facts that surround
the second attitude, we can briefly draw some conclusions from this theory:
Sufficient for us is the Book of Allah:

First Conclusion: this phrase, which mirrors the mainstay of the second
attitude, unreservedly counteracts the Quranic clear declaration that truth
and righteousness are associated with the Messenger of Allah (sawa), and
that all the way his utterances are but Divine Revelation, unmarred by
whimsical speculation or falsity.

Second Conclusion: this phrase openly contravenes the prophets

command to write the script, noting that all the narrations on the incident
purport it was the Messenger (sawa) in person who made the command.

Third Conclusion: this phrase has become the impetus for suspending the
last will of the Messenger of Allah, and blocking exuberant favour and profuse
reward in store for Moslems. It stood as a barrier against a script that is
described by the prophet (sawa) as a guard against deviation from the right
path: "after which you will not go astray forever". Sufficient is this prophetic
word to illustrate the colossal losses and deprivations incurred on Moslems
by that Umari phrase.

71

Chapter II
The First Portrait
Defiling the Infallible Progeny of the Prophet
(1)
Ibn Taimiyyah: His stand from Imam Ali:
The Love and Grudge Hadith: An Instance

Justifications for Interest in the Topic

Benefits Obtainable from the Topic
The love and Grudge Hadith
The Hadith Sources
The Hadith Overtones
What does it mean: Imam Ali a Norm Distinguishing the Believer
from the Hypocrite
The Standardising Normative Value in the Love and Hatred of Ali
in the Mission Society

Ibn Taimiyyah Method in Approaching Ahlul Bait (as) Virtues and

Prerogatives
The Theoretical Aspect
The Applied Aspect
The Normative Value of the Love of Ali Bin Abu lib (as) and the
Issue of the Companions Uprightness
The Attitude of Qur'an towards the Equivocal Issue of the
Companions' Uprightness
The Attitude of Hadith towards the Equivocal Issue of the
Companions Uprightness
Muwiyyah: Whether or not Resentful of Imam Ali (as)

72

Justifications for Interest in the Topic

A question may arise: why we take special interest in a subject
concerned with the study of Imam Ali (as) merits arguing what gain
might we have in exploring his merits at this juncture? Has not this
subject been saturated with countless products compiled by preceding
scholars? Is not the Islamic library abounding with these compilations?
One more question may also arise: even with the presupposition that
we have satisfactory solid grounds for dealing with the topic of Imam Ali
(as), as regards Ibn Taimiyyah what makes the research single him out
from the whole set of Islamic thinkers? Why should the research be
centred on his thought?
In reply, Id rather start from the last question, that is, the correlation of
Ibn Taimiyyah with the subject, and the grounds for nominating him as
the browser for the merits of Amrl Muminn (as).
However, no more labour may be required to throw light on the
importance of this joint of research to the reader. It is a common
knowledge that the Salafi trend is witnessing inside the Islamic Sunni
incubators from over a century and a half- an increase in the number
of adherents, as a result of many historical, social, economic and media
factors in the backdrop whose details are currently irrelevant. But it
matters that we recognise that the expansion of the Salafi trend in
general and the Wahhabi in particular, indicates by necessity to the
spread and centralisation of the front runners thought in the Islamic
milieus.
Moreover, if we considered Ibn Taimiyyah dynamic character and vital
position as a highly acknowledged point of reference for that trend, as
well as the sovereignty of his thought in the minds of his followers and
vigour of his biography being a role model in their conduct, we will be
justified in that direction for the peculiar interest we take in his thought,
its study, examination and filtration. Anyhow, this effort will be
scientifically useful to the overall Islamic thought and likewise socially
advantageous to the Moslem society in the sense that it liberates and
salvages Moslems from twisted trends, divergent from the essence of
the Book and Sunnah, whether intellectually or behaviourally.

73

Actually, the signification of Ibn Taimiyyah in our study is owing to his

disastrous part in distorting rooted intellectual dogmatic facts in the
Islamic thought, and the sinister role of his own thought and person in
subverting the scientific conventions of the Islamic scholastic settings,
and the social inherited traditions of the Moslem community.
So far, any evidence to satisfy the prestigious reader, who may be in
hot haste for details, is beyond this part of the research. I hope that as
he progresses, he will find adequate evidences to support and
elaborate the issue.
As for why we are concerned in the first place with the review of Amrl
Muminn merits, and if there is any advantage behind it, it actually
stems from our preoccupation with the Sunnah of the prophet (sawa),
our own understanding of his character (sawa) as dictated by the holy
Quran: Nor does he speak out of his desire. This is nothing but a
revelation that is conveyed to him62, and from our commitment
towards his person (sawa) as enjoined on us by the Quranic verse: {so
accept whatever the Messenger gives you and refrain from
whatever he forbids you}63. More plainly, what we are given from the
prophet (sawa) on the feats and virtues of the great character of Imam
Ali (as), and what is bestowed on him by the prophet (sawa) of profound
reverence and high esteem in an unprecedented way with other
companions are the motives for navigating this subject.
The truth that Imam Alis merits and feats are unmatched by any of the
companions is not a mere allegation unqualified for, but a crystal-clear
fact asserted by many first level narrators, and there is a big number of
narrations in this respect, part of which:
5. Al-Hafiz, Jallul Dn As-Siy allocated a whole chapter to the subject
in his book Trkh Al-Khulaf', under the title: A Chapter on
Hadiths on his Merits. Stated in the chapter: Imam Ahmed Bin
anbal said: on no ones virtues, amongst the companions of the

62

An-Najm: (3-4)

63

Al-ashr: (7)

74

Messenger (saw-a), there has been renderings as much as on Alis

(R.A)64
6. What Ahmed Bin Mohammed Bin Ali Bin ajar Al-Haitami at the start of
part two in his book A-aw'iq had cited: concerning his merits
(may Allah be pleased with him and ennobles his face): they are enormous,

great and renowned, until he said: no amount of virtues were

rendered on anyone as much as those which have been rendered
on Ali. Ismil Al-Q, An-Nas' and Abu Ali An-Naisbr all said:
there have been no narrations with finest and most well-founded
sanad on any of the companions than the narrations on Ali.65
Ibn ajar tries later to come up with some explanation for this
phenomenon in the Islamic heritage, saying: then when that dispute
and the insurgency against him took place, the companions who have
heard hadiths on his merits, started to broadcast them as ethical
teachings for the Ummah. Afterwards when the affliction aggravated,
and when a faction from Banu Umayyah initiated a ceaseless onslaught
against him on the pulpits; debasing and abusing him with offensive
words, and the Kharijites (curse be upon them)xv coincided with them, and
even more went far-fetched to declare his apostasy, the great masters
from the traditionists of Ahlul Sunnah reacted by absorbing into
propagating his virtues so much so that they multiplied, so as to morally
instruct the Ummah and to triumph for the truth.66
The above quotation purports a certain truth on which we congregate
with Ibn ajar, that is, the Companions School substantially differ from
the model of Islam nurtured by the Umayyads. The Umayyad faction
has reserved no effort or as expressed by Ibn ajar initiated
ceaseless onslaught- for disparaging the character of Imam Ali (as),
slandering and offensively abusing him on the pulpits of Moslems.

As-Siy, Imam Al-Hafiz Jalalul Dn Abdul Ramn Bin Abu Bakr, Trkh Al-Khulf, alMaktabah al-Asriya, Saida, Beirut, p. 191.
64

Ibn ajar Al-Haitam, Ahmed bin Mohammed Bin Ali As-Sadi, A-awaiq Al-Muriqah,
reviewed by: Abdul Ramn At-Turk et al, Mussassat al-Risala, pub.1, 1997 A.D, vol.2, p.353.
65

66

Ibid: same source

75

We should not intermingle the two intellectual trends as far Amrl

Muminn (as) is concerned. We are fully aware of the methodical
differences between the Umayyad trend whose main concern is to
debase Imam Ali (as), and the trend of Ahlul Sunnah School who have
liberally spent efforts to broadcast his virtues and to uphold the truth.
From our side, not in the least we doubt in the latters principled
attitude.
Best exemplifying this is An-Nas67 attitude and the circumstances
under which he wrote his renowned book: Kha'i Amrl Muminn,
Ali Bin Abu lib.
Given on his biography by Ad-Dhahab in his book Siyer Alm An-Nubal the following:
The Scrupulous imam Al-Hafiz, Sheikh ul-Islam and hadith reviewer: Abu Abdul Ramn,
Ahmed bin Shuaib Bin Ali Bin Sinan, Bin Bar Al-Khursan An-Nas, author of As-Sunnan).
(See: Ad-Dhahab, Shamsul Dn Mohammed Ahmed bin Uthman, Siyer Alm An-Nubal ,
Mussasat al-Risala, supervised the book the review and hadith extraction: Shuaib Al-Arn. The
chapter reviewed by: Akram Al-Bsh, pub.1, 1403-1983, vol.14, p.125).
67

He said elsewhere:
(Al-Hafiz Abu Ali An-Naisbur said: the imam told us that, in hadith-reporting, Abu Abdul
Ramn An-Nas is certainly unequalled.
While Abu Al-Hassan Ad-Dar Qun said: Abu Abdul Ramn comes to the fore when anyone of
his age, who is identified with this discipline of science, is mentioned. Also Al-Hafiz Bin hir
said: I asked Saad Bin Ali Az-Zinjn about a certain personality from the hadith reporters. He
authenticated him, and I said: An-Nas had weakened his reliability. So he said: O Son, Abu
Abdul Ramn imposed provisions on hadith-reporters harder than those of Al-Bukhr and
Muslim.
I said (the speaker: Ad-Dhahab): he told the truth, as he attenuated the reliability of a group of the
personalities appearing in Sahih Al-Bukhr and Sahih Muslim. [] I said: no body on the top list
of the three hundred can be a better memoriser of hadith than him. He is superbly skilled with
hadith, its defects, and the personalities of the reporters, more than Moslem, Abo Dawd and Abu
s. He follows the same course of Al-Bukhr and Abu Zurah (ibid: pp.131-133).
The question that imposes itself hereunder: if Ad-Dhahab Sheikh ul-Islam thinks that An-Nas
is more skilfully conversant with the hadith than Muslim as well as with diagnosing the defects of
hadiths and the personalities of reporters, as signalled by the reviewer of chapter 12 of Siyer
Alm An-Nubal : li As-Samar reviewed under the supervision of Shuaib Al-Arnsaying: the supremacy of Sahih Muslim over Sahih Al-Bukhr according to the Maghribah (the
Westerners: North Africa) and Abu Ali an-Naisbr from Al-Mashriqah (the Easterners: Arab
countries to the east of the Red Sea) (for details see: vol.12, p.566), if that was the case, then why
76

has not the book of An-Nas As-Sunan been duly rated as a top grade book on a par with AlBukhr and Muslim books?
Probably the reply can be illustrated by the two incidents below, as reported by Ad-Dhahab in the
same source:
1. Abdul Ramn Bin Mandah said on the authority of amzah Al-Auqb Al-Mar et al: at the
final stage of his life, An-Nas left Egypt heading towards Damascus where he was asked about
Muwiyah and what has been narrated on his merits. He said: so he (Muwiyah) does not accept
to be head-to-head with him (Imam Ali), and rather he wants to preside over him. He added: they
started to prick him on his testis (the book reviewer Shuaib Al-Arnu said hereunder in his
footnote: on his flanks, while in Shadhart Ad-Dhahab, it was stated: on his testis, until he
was evacuated from the Mosque and was carried to Ar-Ramlah province where he died.
Ad- Dr Qun said: he started his journey for Hajj, and in the way he faced tribulation in
Damascus and was martyred. (Ad-Dhahab: Siyer Alm An-Nubal, ibid, vol.14, p.132)
The last phrase of Ad-Dr Qun he was martyred clarifies that An-Nas was murdered, and it is
obvious his murderers were the upholders of the Umayyad trend who did not like his sound logic
that clings strongly to the prophetic Sunnah and abstains from acts of falsification by transferring
forged hadiths, or distorting the Sunnah through concealment of the truth about Muwiyah and his
lowliness. Therefore, we find Ad-Dhahab proceeding with the comment: he is following the same
course of Al-Bukhr and Abu Zurah, yet he harbours little of Shiism and a state of deviance from
Imam Ali antagonists like Muwiyah and Amru (ibid: p.133), that is, loyalty to Imam Ali versus
disloyalty to his antagonists.
Factually, that is the core problem of An-Nas: (his inclination to Ali and indifference to his
antagonists), an attitude that is deemed, according to them, a blatant mischief bringing the downfall
of the person even though he descends from the rank of An-Nas. Any prudent reader can discern
the reason why the books of Al-Bukhr and Muslim were put at the forefront whereas other
existing hadith books which are not less significant, or more significant from a certain perspective,
remained in background.
2. Al-Wazr Ibn inzbah said: (I heard Mohammed bin Ms Al-Mamn, a companion of AnNas saying: I heard a certain folk censuring Abu Abdul Rmn An-Nas for allocating his book
Khai for Ali (R.A) while neglecting to compile on the two Sheiks merits. So I had this
reported to him, for which he said: I have been to Damascus where a great number of people
wandering astray from Ali, so I compiled the book of Khai with the hope that Allah (Taala)
may guide them to the right path. Afterwards, he compiled his book on the companions virtues
Fail A-abah, and they came then to say, while I was listening: are you not writing a
review on Muwiyahs virtues?, and he retorted: what should I write in the review? Is it the
hadith: O Allah never let his belly be satisfied from food?, and the inquirer fell silent thereafter.
(ibid:129)
The reader should be acquainted that the denunciation of Al-Hafiz An-Nas for the proposal of the
Umayyad partisans, and his injurious winking at Muwiyah which points to the prophetic hadith:
O Allah never let his belly be satisfied has not deflected the Umayyad adherents from their
intention (further details given below). They even more carried it too far by turning An-Nas wink
77

An-Nas is unanimously recognised to belong to Ahlul Sunnah school

of thought, far from the Umayyad trend.
7. What Ibn ajar Al-Asqalan opined to in his book Fat Al-Br Shar
Sahih Al-Bukhr saying: Ahmed, Ismail Al-Q, An-Nas and Abu
Ali An-Naisbr have said: there have been no narrations with the
finest and most well-founded sanad on any companion than the
narrations on Ali.68
In point of fact, it appears that our concern with Imam Ali virtues is not out
of willingness to do that or in response to some party advocating and
voicing this issue, but upon a principle instituted by the Prophet (sawa)
who: Nor does he speak out of his desire. This is nothing but a
revelation that is conveyed to him.

into a merit and a feat for Muwiyah, and merging this hadith originally intended to condemn
Muwiyah with other hadiths, forged by their manufacturers, e.g. Ad-Dhahabs comment on the
above hadith: this might be a virtue, as it had been said by the prophet (saw-a): O Allah,
whomever I have cursed or verbally abused let it be a purification and mercy for him. Other
similar endeavours are manifest in manipulating the condemnation: may Allah not let his belly be
satisfied alleging that it connotes saving him from undergoing hunger on the Doomsday, according
to the prophetic hadith: the more extended the time people are overstuffed from food in this
World, the more extended their hunger on the Doomsday!! (See Al-Buair: Ahmed Bin Abu
Bakr Bin Isml, Itf Al-Khaiyarah Al-Maharah bi Zawid Al-Masand Al-Asharah, reviewed
by: Abu Abdul Ramn Adil Bin Sad et al, Makatabat al-Rushd, Riyadh, pub. 1, 1419-1998,
vol.5, p.310)
Ibn ajar Al-Haitami, Ahmed Bin Ali Al-Asqaln, Fat Al-Br Shar Sahih Al-Bukhr,
Dar al-Marifa, 1379 A.H, vol. 7, 71.
68

78

Benefits Obtainable from the Topic

Motives for interest in the creditable character of Amrl Muminn (as) have
been laid out earlier entailing that this subject is important on its own merit as
to foreground and bring to light the Sunnah of prophet Muhammad (sawa),
and the bearing it has on our contemporary world. Therefore, to deal with it is
not by way of fulfilling a desire to enter a race for the top list of virtues among
companions. More specifically, our purpose is not solely to honour the
exemplary character of Amrl Muminn or meet an ethical requirement
insomuch as to delineate the role anticipated from every Moslem as he gains
insight into the matter.
The fruits which are reaped from this subject are plentiful and they extend to
many levels such as the ideological and historical, all springing from our faith
that his virtues and merits (as) are solid universal facts. Only partly we cite
these benefits:

First Benefit:
Bind the Opponent by what he Made Binding upon himself
As we navigate the tradition of Moslem scholars focusing more intently on the
Companions School, it transpires that the criterion for defining the notion of
'Caliphate'xvi is specific and clear-cut. It subsumes the precedence of the
successor (Caliph) in virtue, and this precedence is restrictively the crucial
touchstone for appointing prospective nominees in the right hierarchal order
in lieu of the Messenger (sawa). As a corollary, the one with utmost moral
excellence is the one who has the right to this divine momentous position.
From here, we figure out why the Companions school is so adamant to
establish the precedence of Abu Bakr and Umar over Ali Bin Abu alb (as),
and even more the supremacy of Uthman according to some group. This
determination is out of belief in the inseparability between precedence and
eligibility to Caliphate.
Ibn Taimiyyah said in this regard: because the prophet (saw-a) is the best
and finest of all creatures, and whoever bears the highest resemblance to
him, he is surely superior to the one who does not. And so long as the
Caliphate is a succession to prophethood not a monarchical possession, the
one who would succeed him and be in his place should be his analogue. And
he who bears the biggest resemblance to him is surely the best and finest, as
79

he who succeeds him must be the closest analogue to him, and that closest
analogue must be the best and finest, thus he who succeeds him must be the
best and finest.69
It is true that there is a small group of the Mutazilah who believe in the
precedence of Imam Ali (as) over the remaining caliphs, and that the
Caliphate had passed to the less worthy other than the worthier, but that is
strictly limited to the Mutazilah and other groups almost of the same
mentality, barely infiltrating the public opinion of Moslems. The conviction of
the Companions School that no Na exists from the Messenger (sawa) to
name the caliph person is what made them resort to alternative criterion for
identifying the one with priority and eligibility to the reign. The criterion is
supremacy in religion and antecedence in Islam, that is, the magnitude of
effect he had on Islam: offerings, sacrifices and role in backing religion and
the great prophet of Islam (sawa). Consequently, should this level of
precedence be demonstrated for someone, he certainly has the right to the
caliphate!
Upon this criterion, the School tried to inaugurate a new cultural context in
researching the issue of Caliphate, according to which dozens of books were
compiled, revolving around the merits of the three caliphs: Abu Bakr, Umar
and Uthman. Accordingly, chronicles on their heroic actions started to
emerge; the first caliph's early migration with the Messenger (sawa) (the
Cave tale), his financial jihad by spending for the mission of Islam etc. the
second caliph's devotion, bravery and valour in the way of the truth and
mission, and so forth with the third caliph.
In this study, we try to assume for the sake of argument that what the logic of
precedence states is true; a precedence conducive to the belief in one's
eligibility to the reign of Caliphate, although it is inconsistent with our logic
and what we ideologically reckon as the standard. To the best of our belief,
we hold to the theory of Na from the prophet (sawa); we think too this Na
clearly identifies the nominee as Ali (as) as the immediate rightful caliph for
Moslems after the prophet (sawa). However, even if we only temporarily
relinquish our belief and accept the opposite approach and standard, we still
think in practice they mistook in the applied research. This is because as we
Ibn Taimiyyah, Abu Al-Abbas Taqiyyul Dn Ahmed Bin Abdul alm Al-arran Al-anbal,
Minhj As-Sunnah, reviewed by: Muhammad Rashd Slim, The Islamic University of Imam
Muhammad Bin Saud, Saudi Arabia, pub.1, 1406 A.H - 1986 A.D, vol.4, p.513.
69

80

probe into the tradition of the Companions School, we will end up into
findings contradicting the results anticipated from the research, and it
transpires this tradition documents and testifies for the precedence of Imam
Ali (as) and his antecedence over the remainder, henceforth his eligibility to
the successorship of the Messenger (sawa).
It should be noted that this kind of deductive reasoning we follow, i.e. to
accord with the opponents view and postulate his logic, which deems
precedence parallel to rightfulness to reign, is the very controversial method
that Imam Ali (as) leaned on across his book: "Nahj Al-Balaghah" in many of
his speeches. More often than not, we find him declaring he is the one with
priority; the one with precedence, as if he aims to say: so long as this is your
approach and pathway in tackling the issue of Caliphate, in that you rely on
one's virtues and applaudable acts irrespective of the prophet's will and Na,
I would say to this: in line with your logic itself, I am the best and most worthy
of this post not any other.
In consequence, the first benefit we obtain from treading on this topic is to
bind the opponent by what he is binding himself, and to deduce what proves
the disintegration of the method they carry out in their research and the
tentative nature of conclusions drawn upon that method, and the fact that the
truth runs counter to their findings and derivations, all based on their heritage.
Yet, in order to preserve the scientific standards of the research and
constrain any fallacious debate, we shall stick to three clauses as regards the
narrations we use to corroborate Imam Ali precedence over others. These
clauses are:
Clause one: to be sound
Clause two: to be explicit
Clause three: to have received the consensus of the two Schools: Ahlul
Sunnah School and the Imami Ahlul Bait School.
These three clauses sum up the technique that we will use throughout this
study, according to which we will not cite narrations in the interest of Imam Ali
(as) only where both Schools have concurred on their authentication, and
when they are explicit in conveying the message.
Despite the serious challenges and scientific difficulties that pervade this
technique, we chose it on purpose with scrupulous care for knowing it is the
quickest access to the reader who pursues the truth and wants to be
81

reassured. It becomes especially important as we have from our Islamic

tradition plenty of texts available at the present day, voicing the opinion that
the Ummah will not concur on error, and thereby it is not liable to go
astray70, whereby the Ummah herein denotes: (scholars all over the Islamic
nation with the diversity of trends, intellectual ideological pillars and so forth).
That is to say, if the scholars' views congregate on a certain matter of faith in
any field of knowledge, this will be precisely the clue for its soundness,
70

The Narratives given in this context are great in number, part of which:

1.
Al-Hussein Al-Idris, renowned as Al-Kittn, Abu Al-Fai Jafar, Num Al-Mutanthir
min Al-Hadith Al-Mutawtir, Dar al-Kotob al-Ilmiya, Beirut, 1400 A.H -1980 A.D, pp.104-105,
said: the hadiths on the impeccability of the Ummah, stating that it does not concur on aberrance
and error, are:
Ibn Al- Humm mentioned in his book At-Tarr, and others also did, that this hadith is
mutawtir in import. He stated: among the heard evidences (Sam hadith) (hadiths transferred as
someone heard), that the consensus is a conclusive authoritative proof, there are d or mutawtir
hadiths (see glossary), and others are reciprocal, all stating: my Ummah will not concur on error,
and so forth with many others.
Some wordings of the hadith: Allah will not let my Ummah unite on aberrance. This hadith was
extracted by At-Tirmidh et al on the authority of Ibn Umar, extracted by Ahmed et al on the
authority Abu Burah Al-Ghafr, extracted by Abu Dwd et al on the authority of Abu Malik AlAshar, extracted by Ibn Mjeh et al on the authority of Anas, extracted by Al-kim in AlMustadrak on the authority of Ibn Abbas, and also adduced by him in Al-Maqid under the
letter Lam-alif LA.
He said as he proceeds: from the sum of hadiths, this hadith is mashhr (see glossary) in its
content, with many chains of transmission and authoritative evidences, all are among the hadiths
marf (see glossary) that is traceable to the prophet (sawa) by the chain of reporters, and other
categories of hadith.
2.
Ibn anbal, Abu Abdullah Ahmed Bin Mohammed, Al-Mawsah Al-adthiyyah:
Musnad Imam Ahmed Bin anbal, Mussasat al-Risala, Beirut, 1421 A.H 2001 A.D, ser/ss:
45, the part reviewed and the hadiths extracted and annotated by: Shuaib Al-Arnat et al, p.200,
hadith: 27224.
3.
Al-Khab Al-Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Bin Ahmed Bin Ali Bin Thbit, Al-Faqh wal
Mutafaqqih, reviewed by: dil Bin Ysuf Al-Azz, Dar Ibn al-Jawzi, Saudi Arabia, 1417 A.H
1996 A.D, vol.1, p. 423, hadith: 447 and 448.
4.
Al-Albn, Muhammad Nairul Dn, Silisilat Al-Adth A-aiah, Maktabat alMaarif for publishing and distribution, Riyadh, 1415 A.H -1995 A.D, vol.3, p.319, hadith no.1331.
He said after the transfer of the hadith through several routes I said: the hadith from all these
routes is asan (see glossary)

82

validity and compliance with the intellectual dogmatic Islamic standards.

Consequently, whoever wants to lunch a discussion against the concepts and
notions of this study, he too must conform to the same technique we
followed, viz. it is inept for the second party to debate relying mainly on his
own doctrinal tradition while dismissing Ahlul Bait tradition, henceforth trying
to obligate us with the findings of that discussion, as from the very start it is
reduced to a form of stereotyped prejudiced discourse, and it cannot thus
obligate the first party whose intellectual and ideological premises
descending from a variant tradition.

Second Benefit:
Absolution of the Charge: Shia of Ahlul Bait Fanatic and Heretic
The second prospective benefit in this study -a derivative from the first- is to
expose the illegitimacy and invalidity of the wrongfully unfairly filed charge
against the Shia as fanatic and heretic, or rather against anyone pro the
precedence of Ali (as) over the rest of companions.
Running over the Islamic history, we will be ascertained beyond doubt that
the crisis of the Shia antagonists with the followers of Ahlul Bait and the
barefaced lies released against them is not in effect to the technicalities and
particularities of the Shiite ideology. It is neither the Shia theology nor belief
in the Imams' impeccability that have occasioned this hostility, but other
elements on a much narrower scale. Sheer belief in the precedence of Ali
(as) over the companions is deemed inadmissible, in which case the fiercest
and most ruthless descriptions are applicable to the believer. This is exactly
the backbone of the body of thought of the Umayyad Islam; it perceives of the
Shiite individual as a heretic believer, not because he falls for the concept of
impeccability but for the love of Ali (as) and the favourable rank he assigns to
him above others.
Best exemplifying the definition of Schism in terms of Alis favouritism is Ibn
ajar statement given below:
Schism is ultimately the love Ali and seeing him presiding over the
companions; whosoever rates him above Abu Bakr and Umar, he is a radical
Shiite to be called: Rfi, or else a Shiite. If on top of that, he adds

83

swearing and open grudge against them, he is extremist in his Raf, while if
he believes in Rajahxvii in this World, he is even a greater extremist.71
This conviction in itself is sufficient to recognise the person as a heretic; it is a
minor heresy to prefer Ali (as) to other companions, and a major heresy to
prefer him to Abu Bakr and Umar. Let the prestigious reader reflect on the
text below:
Ad-Dhahab says in the biography of Abn Bin Taghlub:
A deep-seated ardent Shiite, but trustworthy. For us will be his honesty, and
against him will be his heresy. Ahmed Bin anbal, Yay Bin Man and Abu
tam have authenticated him. Ibn Adiy also hinted to him saying: he was
extreme in Shiism. As-Sad said about him: he is erratic and publicly
confessing his sins.
Someone might wonder: how can a heretic person be authenticated, when
the level of acceptability is to have fairness and excellence? How can
somebody with heresy be fair?
In answer to that: the heresy has two facets: a minor heresy such as
extreme Schism, or Schism free from extremism or erraticism then the
major heresy as in total rejection which can be overstated extreme level,
added to the liberty in demeaning Abu Bakr and Umar hence calling for
that at the moment I cannot recall in this facet the memory of either honest
or trustworthy man. Rather, lying is their motto and circumspectionxviii and
hypocrisy are their garments, so how can we accept the reports of someone
who is like that? Nay, God forbids72, he also says: Abn Bin Taghlub has

See: Ibn ajar Al-Asqalani, Shahbul Dn Abu Al-Fal Ahmed Bin Ali Bin Mohammed,
Hadyi As-Sr f Muqaddamat Fat Al-Br: Shar Sahih Al-Bukhr, annotated by: Abdul
Ramn Al-Barrk, reviewed by: Abu Qutaibah Naar Al-Farib, Dar aibah, Riyadh, pub.1, 1426
A.H-2005 A.D, vol.2, Ch. On Discerning the Motives of Slandering, p. 1238.
71

Ad-Dhahab, Shamsul Dn Abu Abdullah Mohammed Bin Ahmed bin Uthman, Mizn AlItidl f Naqd Ar-Rijl, reviewed by: Ali Muhammad Al-Bajw, Dar al-Marifa, Beirut, pub.1,
1382 A.H - 1963 A.D, vol.1, pp.5-6.
72

84

never hit on the subject of the two Sheikhs; he might be seeing Ali better than
them. 73
Let us stop over the notion that is used in the above text as plea to categorise
Abn Bin Taghlub as a heresy-maker, and contemplate the meaning of
heresy in this very connection? It means nothing but being the Shiite of Ali,
that is, having affection, loyalty, and adherence to him and preference to
others. What else purported but that sense, particularly when reinforced by
Ad-Dhahab statement that Abn Bin Taghlub has never hit on the subject of
the two Sheikhs? So what justifications are still pendant to accuse him of
heterodoxy but his love to Ali (as) and faith in his precedence over the two
Sheikhs, simply what they see as transgressing the red line. This is ultimately
what made them categorise Ibn Abu Al-add as Shiite and insist on that,
though he clearly acknowledges in his explanation of "Nahj Al-Balghah" the
validity and legitimacy of the homage paid to Abu Bakr Caliphate! The reason
for this is favouring Ali (as) over Abu Bakr.74 Let us run across what Ibn Abu
Al-add says as regards the issue of Caliphate:
All our Sheikhs (may Allah have mercy on them), the earlier and the latest, from
Basra and Baghdad, have agreed unanimously that the homage paid to Abu
Bakr for Caliphate is valid and legitimate []. They differed only on the matter
of precedence []. As for us we head towards what our Sheikhs from
Baghdad headed to in assigning precedence to him (as).
This extract implies an overt declaration by Ibn Abu Al-add that he believes
in the validity and legitimacy of the allegiance made to Abu Bakr. Yet, he is
emphatically linked to Shia faction, just for his closing phrase that expresses
a view in favour of Ali (as), and that is the very aspect that caused Ad-

73

Ibid: same source: p.6

See for example: Ibn Kathr Ad-Dimashq, Imdul Dn Abu Al-Fid Ismail Bin Umar, AlBidyah wal Nihyah, reviewed by: Abdullah bin Abdul Musin At-Turk in collaboration with
The Centre for Research and Arabic Islamic Studies, al-Hijr for publishing, distribution and
advertising, pub.1, 1419 A.H - 1998 A.D, vol.17, p.354.
74

85

Dhahab to describe Abn Bin Taghlub as heretic. When he referred to him

as 'resolute/ forbearing', he hastened to add that it is because he is
'trustworthy', as if the Shiite individual for Ad-Dhahab is originally
mendacious at the base, or actually that is what he concretely stated in his
above phrase on the second facet: currently, I cannot recall in this facet the
memory of neither honest nor trustworthy man. Rather, lying is their motto
and dissimulationxix and hypocrisy are their garments.
In any case, with the conclusion we drew from the analysis of the second
benefit, that the precedence and distinction of Imam Ali (as) in every respect
and in a matchless way over the companions, is a vivid fact in the books and
compositions of the Companions School and Ahlul Sunnah, the
fallaciousness of such statements against the Shia becomes quite
perceptible.

86

Hadith of love and Grudge

First Research: Hadith Sources
The hadith under scrutiny is from the range of hadiths that have been handed
down by the Islamic tradition with variable patterns and wordings. It is the
immediate rendering of Amrl Muminn (as) from the Messenger (sawa) with
a content addressed to him: No one but a believer would love you, and
no one but a hypocrite would nurse grudge against you, or alternatively
other pertinent sayings with similar content but different patterns.

It is incorporated by the myriad of books and compilations of the Companion

School; and hereby some contexts from these books:

First Context: what is adduced in "Sahih Muslim": transferred from Adiy

Bin Thbit from Zur, he said: Ali said: by Him, He who split the seed and
originated the breeze, it is the covenant of the untutored prophet (sawa)
to me that no one but a believer would love me, and no one but a
hypocrite would nurse a grudge against me.75

Second Context: what is adduced in " Sahih Ibn abbn": transferred from
Adiy Bin Thbit from Zur Bin ubaish from Ali Bin Abu lib (as), he said:
by Him, He who split the seed and originated the breeze, it is the
covenant of the untutored prophet (sawa) to me: indeed no one but a
believer would love me, and no one but a hypocrite would nurse a
grudge against me.76

Al-Qushair An-Naisabur, Muslim Ibn Al-ajjj, Sahih Muslim, elaborated by: Abu uhaib
Al-Karm, Directed and executed by: the team of Bait Al-Afkar Adawliah for publishing and
distribution, Riyadh, 1419 A.H 1998 A.D, vol.1, Kitab: Al-mn - The Book of Faith, Ch.33:
Evidence for: Love of Al-Ansr and Ali (R.A) is a Segment and Sign of Faith, hadith no.78,
p.60.
75

Al-Fris, Alaul Dn Ali Bin Balbn, Sahih Ibn abbn bi Taqrb Ibn Balbn, reviewed,
annotated and the hadiths extracted by: Shuaib Al-Arnat, Mussasat al-Risala, vol.15, p.367,
hadith: 6924.
76

87

The book reviewer Shuaib Al-Arnt annotated: its chain of transmission is

authentic, its reporters are reliable; recruited by the two Sheikhs apart from
Muhammad Bin A-ab Al-Jarjar. Nevertheless, Abu Dwd and Ibn
Mjeh narrated from him; he is trustworthy, and been scrutinised.
Third Context: what is adduced in Musnad Abu Yal Al-Mul: from
Adiy Bin Thbit from Zur Bin ubaish from Ali (as), he said: by Him, He
who split the seed and originated the breeze, it is the covenant of the
Messenger of Allah (sawa) to me that indeed no one but a believer
would love you, and no one but a hypocrite would nurse a grudge
against you.77
The book reviewer Hussein Salm annotated: its chain of transmission is
authentic.
Fourth Context: what is adduced in "Musnad Ahmed Bin anbal": from
Adiy Bin Thbit from Zur Bin ubaish, he said: Ali said: By Allah, from that
which is covenanted to me by the Messenger of Allah (sawa): indeed no
one but a believer would love me, and no one but a hypocrite would
nurse a grudge against me.78
The two book reviewers annotated: its chain of transmission is warranted
after the provisions of the two Sheikhs except for Adiy Bin Thbit79 [], then
they said80: it was extracted by Ibn Mjeh from the route of Abdullah Bin
Abu Yala Al-Mawil, Ahmed Bin Ali Bin Al-Muthann At-Timm, Musnad Abu Yala AlMawil, reviewed and hadiths extracted by: Hussein Salm Asad, Dar al-Mamun for Heritage,
Beirut, vol.1, p.251, hadith no.391.
77

Ibn anbal, Abu Abdullah Ahmed Bin Muhammad As-Shaibn, Musnad Imam Ahmed Bin
anbal, reviewed, annotated and the hadiths extracted by: Shuaib Al-Arnat et al, Mussasat alRisala, pub.1, 1416 A.H 1995 A.D, vol.2, p.71, hadith no. 642.
78

79

Ibid: same source, p.71

80

Ibid: same source, p.73. I would like to remind the prestigious reader that the above excerpt
comprises the volume and page numbers of each given source. But due to having multi and varying
editions, it will be pointless to elaborate on this data and include the extractions of hadith, and
thereby we skipped them. We refer the reader to the original source if he likes to chase up the
authentication.
88

Numair with this chain of transmission, extracted by Al-amd, Ibn Abu

Shaibah, Muslim, Ibn Mjeh, At-Tirmidh, Ibn Abu im, Abdullah Bin Ahmed
in Zawid Al-Fail, Al-Bazzr, An-Nasa in Al-Kubra and in
Khai Ali, Abu Yal, Al-Khab in Trikh Baghdad, and Al-Baghaw
in Shar As-Sunnah from the routes of Al-Amash.
Fifth Context: what is adduced by Imam Al-Hafiz Abu Abdul Ramn Ahmed
Bin Shuaib An-Nas in his book Khais Amrl Muminn Ali in Abu
lib under the title: Chapter on the Difference between the Believer and
the Hypocrite81. The hadith is given in three patterns, all valid in their chain of
transmission. They are as below: 82
1. Pattern One: from Adiy Bin Thbit from Zur from Ali (may Allah
ennoble his face) said: By Allah, by He who split the seed and
Title of this chapter of the book Al-Khai differs in the different imprints. The title of the
edition reviewed by Sheikhs Muhammad Hd Al-Amn, published in Najaf 1969 A.D, republished
several times, is given as Love of Ali Parts between the Believer and the Disbeliever, which
accords with the hadiths import in that section of the book more than l Zahaw title does: Ch. On
the Difference between the Believer and the Hypocrite whereby the name of Imam Ali is not
included in the title. What is more eccentric is that all other titles of the book in the two imprints
start as below:
81

Al-Amn: the prophets saying (sawa): Allah Will never Dishonour Ali his saying (sawa) to
Ali: you are all forgiven his saying (sawa): Ali from me and I am from him and so on.
l Zahaw: the prophets saying: Ali is your custodian after me his saying (sawa):
whosoever verbally abuses Ali, he certainly has verbally abused me
The titles endowed upon the hadith in question bear no resemblance to the context of the book. The
title that looms first to mind: (the Prophets Saying: Certainly, Love of Ali is an Embodiment of
Faith, Grudge against him is an Embodiment of Hypocrisy, or a matching one.
We pointed out that Al-Amin title is more genuine and more coherent with the context, and as for
l Zahaw, we cannot tell if he made some alteration, or there was originally an existing difference
between the manuscripts incurred by the scribes, God knows.
An-Nas, Abu Abdul Ramn Ahmed Bin shuaib Ahmed Bin Shuaib, Khai Amrl AlMuminn Ali Bin Abu lib, reviewed by: Ad-Dn Munr l Zahaw, al-Maktaba al-Asriyya,
Saida- Beirut, numbers of narrations according to the above sequence of citation: 100-101-102,
p.86.
82

89

originated the breeze: it is indeed the covenant of the prophet

(sawa) to me that no one but a believer would love me, and no
one but a hypocrite would nurse a grudge against me.
2. Pattern Two: from Adiy Bin Thbit from Zur from Ali (may Allah be
pleased with him) said: it is covenanted to me by the prophet

(sawa): no one but a believer would love me, and no one but a
hypocrite would nurse a grudge against me.
3. Pattern Three: from Adiy Bin Thbit from Zur who said: Ali said:
Indeed it is the covenant of the prophet (sawa) commended to
me that no one but a believer would love you, and no one but a
hypocrite would nurse a grudge against you.
According to the book reviewer, all the above narrations have been
authenticated by Al-Hafiz An-Nas.
Sixth Context: What is adduced by Imam Ahmed Bin anbal in his book
Fail A-ahbah, he said: from Adiy Bin Thbit from Zur from Ali, he
said: it is covenanted to me by the prophet (sawa): no one but a
believer would love you, and no one but a hypocrite would nurse a
grudge against you.83
The book reviewer, Waiyullah Bin Muhammad Abbas added a footnote:
Chain of transmission is authentic; it appears with analogous sand and matn
in the Musnad, i.e. Musnad Ahmed Bin anbal.

The hadith was extracted by Ibn Abu im in As-Sunnah, Ibn Mandah in

Al-Imn from the route of Al-Wak, extracted as well by At-Tirmidh, Ibn
Mjeh, Ahmed, Al-Baghaw, Al-Khab in his history book Trikh, and Abu

Ibn anbal, Abu Abdullah Ahmed Bin Muhammad, Fail A-aabah, reviewed and
hadiths extracted by: Waiyullah Bin Muhammad Abbas, Dar Ibn Al-Jawzi, new revised edition,
vol.2, p.196, no.948.
83

90

Nam in his book Al-ilyah, all from the route of Al-Amash. With this
regard Abu Nam annotated: this is an authentic hadith, unanimously agreed
on and narrated by the great majority of the masses throughout Al-Amash.84

I have but cited the book reviewers notes with respect to this hadith, laying
emphasis on Abu Nam's, just because regardless of what he says:
unanimously agreed on and narrated by the great majority of the
masses, there are groups still skeptical about it, as we will find out with the
progress of the research.

In same context, we find Abu Nams testimony duplicated in Siyer Alm

An-Nubal by Al-Hafiz Shamsul Dn Ad-Dhahab. While the former
highlights the unanimity reached beyond doubt on the hadith throughout the
Fundamentals of Transmission and Narration, the latter states in like manner:
I have collected hadiths of A-air (the bird) in one part, and the routes for
hadith: for whomever I am his master which proved to be more
authentic, though the hadith that is most authentic over and above the first
two is what Muslim extracted from Ali saying: Indeed it is the covenant of
the untutored prophet to me: no one but a believer would love you, and
no one but a hypocrite would nurse a grudge against you.85
As yet, Ad-Dhahab proclaims: the hadith no one but a believer . is
more authentic than the Mawl (master) hadith: for whoever I am his
master Ali is his master too.
The chief concern herein is that should Ad-Dhahab rate the love and
grudge hadith as more authentic than the master hadith, it is of paramount
importance to know the merit of the master hadith for him as regards the
sanad? Only then we may understand the real sense of more authentic in

84

Ibid: same source

Ad-Dhahab, Siyer Alm An-Nubala, Mussasat al-Risala, reviewed, annotated and the
hadith extracted by: Shuaib Al-Arn et al, pub.1, 1983 A.D, vol.17, p.169.
85

91

Ad-Dhahab phrase, hence recognise the magnitude of the love and

grudge hadith for him, as well as the high merit of its sanad.
Let us review what Ad-Dhahab said in the same book Siyer Alm AnNubal when he came upon the Mawl hadith:
the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) walked out of a tent or a canopy, signalled
with his hand three times, held the hand of Ali (may Allah be pleased with) and
said: for whomever I am his master Ali is his master too, this hadith is
deemed particularly highly asan (see glossary), and its matn is mutawtir.86
From his closing phrase, we realise the meaning of more authentic, and
know that the merit of the sanad of the love and grudge hadith for imam AdDhahab is mutawtir, or rather more authentic than merely mutawtir.
You may wonder: why are we so consumed over the hadith authenticity?
Actually, the reason for that as we will come to know shortly is basically
owing to the pitiful hopeless endeavours of some of the Umayyad figures to
discredit the hadith and arouse suspicion about it in the Science of Hadith.
So far, it appears that this hadith, among other hadiths, has received the
consensus of Moslem scholars so much so that Ad-Dhahab, one of the bignames of Moslem scholars, find it more authenticated in sand than other
hadiths deemed mutawtir.
As a result, a vital conclusion precipitates which literally embodies one of the
key optimal procedures in tackling the inconsistency among the reports and
narrations. The conclusion states that if this hadith is opposed by other
hadiths lower in the merit of sanad, or if vain doubt was cast about its merit,
this opposition is scientifically indefensible and improper according to the
rules applied to the Science of Fundamentals of Jurisprudence in case of
incongruity.
Proven to be authentic, admittedly accepted and circulated and equally
unanimously agreed on its calibre and tenability by Moslem scholars from the
Companions School, the hadith sanad will no longer be a subject of
discussion in our research. But it is worth mentioning that if I am stressing the
86

Ibid: the same source, vol. 8 (volume reviewed by: Muhammad Nam Al-Arqass), p.335.
92

Companions School here, I purposely want to keep it aside from the

Umayyad frame of mind, the prime culprit for putting the hadith in doubt but
whose efforts were always shed in vain.

Second Research:
The Hadith Overtones
It matters that as we refer to the hadith overtones of: no one but a believer
would love you, and no one but a hypocrite would nurse a grudge
against you, the reader calls to mind the utterer's portrait, i.e. the
Messenger of Allah (sawa) in his capacity as the Seal of prophets with his
extraordinary stature, and the high stations he orbits around, and only this
way the hadith gains its virtual value and takes its due place.
It is the hadith of the one described in the holy Quran as: {Nor does he
speak out of his desire. This is nothing but a revelation that is conveyed
to him}87, in which case the motives and incentives of his utterances and
actions can neither stem from prejudice towards kinship and folk people, nor
from political partisanship to realise personal goals and intentions, nor can his
assertions and commendations be prompted by desires and fancies (Allah
forbids). He draws from the divine Revelation and a holy point of reference,
and the matter at heart is a fulfilment of the Will of Heaven. This sacred
covering of legitimacy bestowed upon the prophet (sawa) is the ground from
which his utterances must be understood.
The Major Question here: Islam, as a spiritual religion and the final
destination for mankind, must have been intensely careful about setting a
norm for the demarcation between sincere faith of genuine believers and
false faith of hypocrites and fakers who trade in the name of religion and
spiritual values, and act upon Sharia under false pretence, so what could this
norm be?
At this particular juncture, this great hadith comes into view: no one but a
believer would love you, and no one but a hypocrite would nurse a
grudge against you to equip us with the norm; a genuine guideline which
enables every Moslem to distinguish between belief and hypocrisy, not solely
on a collective social level in relevance to factions, classes and trends in the
87

An-Najm (3)

93

Islamic society but on a personal subjective level. Henceforth, if anyone

debates himself: How do I know I am among the people of belief or
hypocrisy? The hadith readily puts at his disposal a norm in one sentence
stating: if you love Ali, you are among those of faith, and if you hate him, you
are among the hypocrites.
As such, Ali symbolises the real distinguisher and partition between truth and
falsehood even on a personal level. The love and hatred of Ali can pierce
through the fathoms of human self, expose its interiors and divulge the nerve
root of its outer conduct that may strike you as good and righteous, when in
reality it is frail and vacant.
Actually, to personify the parameter of belief and hypocrisy by someone's
love and hatred exhibits a high spiritual status for the assignee, represented
by strong affinity and empathy with the essence of truth and falsehood,
guidance and misguidance! Apparently, the prophet (sawa) has not coupled
the parameters of belief and hypocrisy with Alis love and hatred on the
condition that he is on the right track, but he did that unconditionally
determining they are constantly rotating in the wheel of his love and hatred,
and totally contingent on them.
This very 'contingency' stands as a shiny beacon which upholds the Shia
conviction of the infallibility and cleanliness of Imam Ali (as) from sins, errors
and triviality, in actions, sayings or inward thoughts. If otherwise he were
fallible and thus liable to commit errors and sins, it will ensue his hatred for
that error or sin is no longer a sign of hypocrisy, but contrary to that, a sign of
faith.
In point of fact, it appears that the identification of the love and hatred of Ali
(as) with belief and hypocrisy is a clear indicator to the infallibility of this great
man and purification from guilt and spurious acts.
Moreover, in the same way that the identification of faith and hypocrisy with
the love and hatred of Ali (as) has necessitated his infallibility, it would
necessitate theologically the identification of the love and hatred of Allah
(Taala) with the love and hatred of Ali. More conspicuously, the love of Allah
(Taala) is a consequence of loving Ali, while the hatred of Allah (Taala) is a
consequence of hating Ali. This unique consortium between Allah (Taala)
and Imam Ali (as) was crystallised in some narrations which denote: He
94

who loves Ali, indeed he loves Allah, he who hates Ali, indeed hates
Allah.88
A number of narrations are laid down for the precious reader with the above
import:
1. Al-Hafiz As-Siy said in Trkh Al-Khulaf: A-abarn extracted

with an authentic chain of transmission, on the authority of Um Salamah

from the Messenger (sawa) his saying: whoever loves Ali, indeed he
loves me, and whoever loves me, indeed he loves Allah, and
whoever hates Ali, indeed he hates me, and whoever hates me,
indeed he hates Allah.89
2. He said too in his other book: Al-Jmi As-Saghr min Hadth Al-

Bashr wal Al-Nadhr:

Whoever loves Ali, indeed he loves me, and whoever hates Ali,
indeed he hates me.90
3. The book reviewer, Ibrahim li said the following in the footnotes91: it

is authentic. Extracted by Al-kim in Al-Mustadrak from Salmn,

whereby Al-kim said: it is authentic according to the provisions of the
two Sheikhs and Ad-Dhahab coincided with him. Equally extracted by
Ahmed and A-abarn in his book Al-Kabr on the authority of Um

88

There will appear later (God willing) that there are many reports with the same shades of meaning

or nearby, such as: whoever hurts Ali, indeed he has hurt me, and whoever hurts me, indeed he has
hurt Allah, or his saying: whoever swears at Ali, indeed he has sworn at me, and whoever swears at
me, indeed he has sworn at Allah.
89

As-Siy, Jallul Dn Abdul Ramn Bin Abu Bakr, Trkh Al-Khulaf, reviewed by: Ibrahim li,

Dar Sadir, Beirut, p.206.

90

As-Siy, Al-Jmi A-aghr min Hadth Al-Bashr wal Al-Nadhr, reviewed by: Mahdi Ad-

Damirdsh Muhammad, Maktabat Nazr Mustafa Al-Baz, vol. 4, p.1667, hadith no. 8319.
91

Ibid: same source

95

Salamah, and authenticated by Al-Albn in Sahih Al-Jmi and AsSaiah.

I hereby convey the verification made by Al-Albn after transferring the

hadith, as indicated by Ibrahim li:
1299- He who loves Ali, indeed loves me, and whoever loves me,
indeed he loves Allah, and whoever hates Ali, indeed he hates me,
and whoever hates me, indeed he hates Allah.
Narrated by Al-Mukhlis in Al-Fawid Al-Muntaqt with an authentic
chain of transmission, on the authority of Um Salamah: she said: I bear
witness that I heard the Messenger of Allah (sawa) saying: then he
stated the hadith92

Third Research:
What does it mean: Imam Ali a Norm Distinguishing the Believer from
the Hypocrite
Introducing Imam Ali (as) as a scale to set apart between the two states of
belief and hypocrisy, upon reports handed down from the Messenger (sawa),
brings out a number of key findings scattered on two levels: the Afterlife level,
and this World level.
As for the finding pertinent to the Afterlife, it impinges upon our deeds as
whether or not accepted on the Judgement Day, all depending on the load of
truthfulness in ones faith. Therefore, the same deed that has once been
accepted by Allah (Taala) will be turned back once infused with hypocrisy
and lying. However, so long as faith and hypocrisy are contingent on the love
and hatred of Ali (as), it follows that ones deeds are accepted or rejected by
Allah (Taala) upon a scale personified by Imam Ali93. Whoever loves him will
92

Al-Albn, Muhammad Nairul Dn, Silisilat Al-Adth A-aiah, ibid: same source, vol.3,

pp. 287-288, hadith no.1299.

93

Imam Ali (as) as a scale for the acceptance of humans deeds is a topic widely furnished by
prophetic narrations. However, our concern herein is not to cite these narrations as much as to
96

be branded as a believer, thus his deeds are accepted by Allah (Taala), and
whoever hates him (as) will be branded as a hypocrite, thus his deeds are
rejected.
As for the finding pertinent to this World, it is the materialisation of Imam
Ali (as) as a scale and a norm, placed by the prophet (sawa) within reach of
every individual Moslem to enable him to distinguish between the faithful and
the hypocrite from the masses of Moslems in the vast Islamic society,
including or actually comes to the fore, the people contemporary to the
prophet (sawa) whether in his lifetime or succeeded straight away. More
clearly, an emblem of Islam, Ali Bin Abu lib, is assigned according to the
prophetic hadiths as a scale for the assessment of all the companions and
every Moslem co-existed with the Imam (as).
The holy Quran explicitly declares that the Islamic society in the prophets
era (sawa) was composed of two categories: the believers and hypocrites.
Examples of these verses are:
There are many hypocrites among the Bedouins who dwell around
you, and likewise among the citizens of Al-Madinah there are hypocrites
who have become experts in hypocrisy. You do not know them, but We
do know them. The time will come when We give them double
chastisement, then they shall be turned to a far greater torment94,
similarly: the believers were then put to a severe test and were most
violently convulsed. And call to mind when the hypocrites and all those
with diseased hearts said: All that Allah and His Messenger had
promised us was nothing but deceit95, another: when they are told:
come to that which Allah has revealed, and come to the Messenger,
you will notice the hypocrites turning away from you in aversion.96
Consequently, if this description maps out the Islamic society which coexisted with the Na era, how about succeeding societies when it goes
without knowing the believers from hypocrites? What is the tool for knowing
reproduce the very import of these narrations as an effect that transpires from the hadith at issue
(the love and grudge of Imam Ali (as).
94

At-Tawba (101)

95

Al-Azb (11-12)

96

An-Nis (61)
97

the two categories? How can we bridge this long gap, during which politics
and whimsical desires played a critical part in falsifying many truths, so as to
distinguish and separate between the two categories? Over here the Moslem
individual, being obligated to comply with the prophetic reports, becomes
equally obliged to admit that Ali Bin Abu lib is the guideline to diagnose the
members of each category in society.
The Fourth Research:
The Standardising Normative Value in the Love and Hatred of Ali in the
Mission Society
What is advanced as regards Imam Ali (as) is neither told from our vintage
point, nor does it reflect our own interpretation of these narrations. Inversely,
it was a common practice in the Moslem society at that time to refer to Imam
Ali as the standard and norm for discriminating between believers and
hypocrites of their own fellow-people. The narrations we have today at our
disposal were clearly put into practice to that effect: no one but a believer
would love you, and no one but a hypocrite would nurse a grudge
against you, and they were simply codes of conduct for the mission society.
In other words, people used to reckon on the love and hatred of Ali (as) as a
touchstone for setting aside the hypocrite from the believer in their
environment.
Let us review the following narrations:
1. Stated in the book of Juzu Ali Bin Mohammed Al-umair97, hadith

no.38:
Hrn Bin Isq related to us: Sufin Bin Uyaynah related to us, from
Az-Zuhr, from Yazd Bin khaifah, from Busr Bin Sad, from Abu Sad
Al-Khudr, saying: we were not recognising the hypocrites at the

Ad-Dhahab said about him in Siyer Aalm An-Nubal (ibid: same source: vol.15, p.13):
Al-umair, the Allama imam and Islamic jurist, Al-Kufa judge Abu Al-Hassan Ali Bin
Mohammed Bin Hrn Al-umair Al-Kuf Al-Hafiz.
97

98

age of the Messenger of Allah (sawa) only through the hatred of

Ali.98
The chain of transmitters is cited in full in order that we investigate the
soundness and weakness of the hadith, and herein I would like to
explore the biography of every name in this chain and find out how they
were assessed through the discipline of Aspersion and Acclamation in
terms of authenticity:

The First Name: Hrn Bin Isq:

Ad-Dhahab said about him: Hrn Bin Isq Al-Hamadn Al-Kf
memorised from Abu Uyaynah and Mutamar, and from him narrated
At-Tirmidh, An-Nas, Ibn Mjeh, Ibn Khazm and Al-Mumil, and he
is trustworthy and a worshipper.99

The Second Name: Sufin Bin Uyaynah

Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln said about him: Sufin Bin Uyaynah Bin Abu
Imrn Maimn Al-Hill, Abu Mohammed Al-Kf, hence Al-Kf is a
trustworthy memoriser and Islamic jurist, an authoritative imam, but his
memorisation changed in the long run, he might have used tadlsxx,
though only from reliable reporters.100

Al-umair, Abu Al-Hassan Ali Bin Mohammed Bin Hrn Bin Ziyd, Juzu Ali Bin
Muhammad Al-umair, reviewed, studied and extracted by: Abdul Aziz Bin Sulaimn Bin
Ibrahim Al-Buaim, Maktabat al-Rushd, Riyadh, pub.1, 1418 A.H, p.97, hadith no.38.
98

Ad-Dhahab, Abu Abdullah Shamsul Dn Mohammed Bin Ahmed, Al-Kshif f Marifat man
lahu Riwyah f Al-Kutub As-Sittah, reviewed by: Fard Abdul Aziz, Dar al-Hadith, Cairo,
1429 A.H 2008 A.D, vol.3, 230.
99

Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, Ahmed in Ali, Taqrb At-Tahdhb, review, annotation, illustration
and additions: Abu Al-Ashbl Saghr Ahmed Shghif Al-Pakistani, introduced by: Bakr Bin
Abdullah Abu Zaid, Dar al-Asima for publishing and distribution, 2nd edition, 1423 A.H., p.395,
biography no. 2464.
100

99

The reader can observe how the assessment and verification are made
to highest degree of precision, particularly that his tadls is only from the
side of reliable sources, noting that Sufin Bin Uyaynah more often
than not transfers from Az-Zuhr as stated in the Sahih books.

The Third Name: Mohammed Bin Muslim Az-Zuhr

Abdul Azz Bin Sulaimn Bin Ibrahim Al-Buaim, reviewer of Juzu Ali
Bin Mohammed Al-umair, annotated on the page from where we
cited the narration: He is Abu Bakr Mohammed Bin Muslim Bin
Ubaidullah Bin Abdullah Bin Shahb Az-Zuhr Al-Qarash who is
trustworthy, competent and authoritative memoriser.101

The Fourth Name: Yazd Bin Khasifah

The above reviewer of: Juzu Ali Bin Mohammed Al-umair
annotated: [] trustworthy, authenticated by Ahmed, Yay Bin Man,
An-Nas, Abu tam, Ibn Saad, Ibn ajar and Ibn abbn.102

The Fifth Name: Busr Bin Sad

Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln in Taqrb At-Tahdhb said about him: Busr Bin
Sad Al-Madan, the worshiper and servant of Ibn Al-aram is
trustworthy and venerable.103
With this swift voyage with the narrators in terms of reliability and
weakness, the normative hadith has been demonstrated as sound and
101

Al-umair, Juzu Ali Bin Mohammed Al-umair, ibid, p.74, footnote: 3.

102

Ibid: same source, p.97, footnote: 4.

103

Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, Taqrb At-Tahdhb, ibid, p.166, biography no. 672.
100

irrevocable. Even if the tadls of Sufin Bin Uyaynah from the reliable
reporters triggered some scratch, that single scratch will not in the
least remove the hadith from its position as asan.
2. In Imam Ahmed Bin anbal book Fail As-Sahbah, he said: on

the authority of Abu sad Al-Khudr who said: indeed, we knew the
hypocrites of the Anr merely by the hate they harbour to Ali.104
The book reviewer, Waiyl Dn, said in comment on the hadith: its
chain of transmission is authentic.
Elsewhere, he also transferred the hadith from the route of Jbir Bin
Abdullah as: we, the folk of the Anr, were not recognising our
hypocrite ones only by the hatred of Ali.105
The book reviewer said: its chain of transmission is asan.
3. What At-Tirmidh transferred in his book Sunan saying: from Abu

Hrn, from Abu Sad Al-Khudr, he said: we used to recognise the

hypocrites from the folk of the Anr- by their hatred of Ali Bin
Ab lib106. On this hadith, Al-Albn commented: its chain of
transmission very weak.107

Ibn anbal, Abu Abdullah, Ahmed Bin Mohammed, Fail A-abah, reviewed and
hadiths extracted: Waiyyullah Bin Mohammed Abbas, new revised edition, Dar Ibn al-Jawzi,
Saudi Arabia, pub.2, 1420 A.H 1999 A.D, vol.1, 715, hadith no. 979.
104

105

Ibid: same source, p.792, hadith: 1086.

At-Tirmidh, Abu sa Mohammed Bin Isa, Al-Jmi Al-Mukhtaar min As-Sunan [he
enlisted Al-Albns Book Al-Akm, edited by: Fariq Bait al-Afkar Adawlia for publishing
and distribution, p. 581, hadith no. 3717.
106

Ibid, also see: Al-Albn, Mohammed Nsrul Dn af Sunan At-Tirmidh, Maktabat alMaarif for publishing and distribution, Riyadh, 1st edition of the new impression, 1420 A.H - 2000
A.D, p. 424, hadith: 3717.
107

101

Anyhow, this is Al-Albns own vision, but At-Tirmidh has another

opinion whereby he literally said in the above book at the front of A
Book on the Defects: Abu sa said: all the hadiths comprised in the
book are enforced (maml bihi: see glossary), and some scholarly
people refer to the book as a whole excluding two hadiths 108
4. This hadith is also transferred in As-Sahih Al-Musnad min Fail

Bait An-Nubuwwah109, a book composed by the researcher Um

Shuaib Al-Wdiiyyah, supervised and prefaced by one of the biggest
names of the contemporary Salafi scholars, Sheikh Muqbil Bin Hd AlWdi, whereby he said in the preface: Among the she-researchers is
the virtuous austere pious Um Shuaib Al-Wdiiyyah, who wrote on
As-Sahih Al-Musnad f Fa'il Ahlu Bait An-Nubuwwah, and her work
is deemed the best composition on the virtues of Ahlul Bait as it sticks
to the sound hadiths. A list of authors, too extensive to count, has
written on that but they could not distinguish the weak from the sound
hadiths.110
Accordingly, the fact that the love and hatred of Ali being a criterion to
decide on the faithful belief or alternatively hypocrisy of each member of
the Moslem society including the companions, is not our own
speculation, but a historical truth that was practically implemented
during the Revelation age and the lifetime of the prophet (sawa), as the
above narrations showing.
The matter becomes significantly important, when we realise that some
groups are meddling in the historical reality of Moslems in a bid to
distort it and produce an alternative anti-truth depiction. A glaring
example is Ibn Taimiyyah when he says: it is a common knowledge
108

At-Tirmidh, Muhammad s, Al-Jmi Al-Mukhtaar min As-Sunan, ibid, p.608.

Al-Wdiiyyah, Um Shuaib, As-Sahih Al-Musnad f Fail Ahlu Bait An-Nubuwwah,

supervised and introduced by: Abdul Ramn Muqbil Bin Hd Al-Wadi, Dar al-Athar for
publishing and distribution, pub. 12, 1421 A.H -2000 A.D, p.63 (the hadith is transferred from the
narration of Abu Sad Al-Khudr).
109

110

Ibid: same source, p.4.

102

that Allah has designated for the companions a special status of

affection in the hearts of every Moslem, and that applies particularly to
the caliphs, but more specifically to Abu Bakr and Umar. The generality
of common companions had affection for them both, and those were
the best generation among centuries. While Ali was not like that as
many companions and their successors used to hate him, swear at him
and fight him111, and when he says too: it is well-known that many
companions were defaming Ali.112
What he says is sheer lying and twistedness of historical facts, not even
the strictest followers of his pathway coincide with him in this respect.
Al-Albn amid his talk on the credibility of Ms Bin Qais, and after
citing Al-Uqailis note discrediting Ms for fanaticism and narration of
defective hadiths, comments on a specific hadith that Al-Uqail
transfers from Ms whereby the latter announces his love for Ali more
than Abu Bakr: All what is about it [the saying of Ms Bin Qais] is that
he loves Ali more than Abu Bakr, as apparently shown, and as a matter
of fact many of the Salafi prominent figures were like that as their
biographies showing.113

It appears so far, the historical truth is a counter-image of what is given, in

that the hatred of Ali Bin Abu lib (as) was a valid norm and regulator, by
which the Moslem society at that time used to uncover the reality of
hypocrites. As for the swearing, defamation and fighting with Imam Ali (as),
they were almost completely the practices of the Umayyad House, their fans
and followers and everyone walked in their track (only a few were from the
companions). Apart from that, there were the Kharijites who were not directly
subservient to the Umayyads but also lost their way under their deceitful and
cunning policies. However, it is necessary to note down here that our
Ibn Taimiyyah, Abu Al-Abbas Taqiyyul Dn, reviewed by: Mohammed Rashd Slim, Mussasat
al-Risala, pub.1, 1406 A.H 1986 A.D, vol.7, p.137-138.
111

112

113

Ibid: same source, vol.7, p.147.

See: Al-Albn, Mohammed Nirul Dn, Silisilat Al-Adith A-aah, ibid, vol.1, S.1,

p.319, at the bottom of hadith no.166.

103

discussion is basically concerned with the incursions made by Ibn Taimiyyah,

otherwise it is granted for us that the love and hatred of Ali Bin Abu lib has
stood as a long-lasting prophetic norm for the evaluation of the companions
regardless of whether negative or positive was their attitude towards Imam
Ali, and that the very norm was comprehended and implemented by the
companions themselves (to elaborate throughout the progress of the research).

104

Ibn Taimiyyah Method in Approaching

Ahlul Bait (as) Virtues and Prerogatives
To sketch out the method and strategy carried out by Ibn Taimiyyah and his
followers in approaching hadiths which celebrate the virtues and feats of
Imam Ali (as) and the entirety of Ahlul Bait (as), the research can be
considerably extended, though we still hope that we can go beyond swift
allusions into wider details. We can tackle the subject, in brief, across two
aspects:

The Theoretical Aspect: the intellectual groundwork of Ibn Taimiyyah and

his followers in approaching and interpreting these commendation hadiths
along with the scientific grounds they dwell on.

The Applied Practical Aspect: the practical steps in the application of the
method on a general level, and the application to one hadith or another on a
particular level.

I will firstly write a brief account for the reader on the principal methodical
steps that Ibn Taimiyyah applies to these hadiths, and then swerve to the
practical aspect using a tangible specimen, i.e. the hadith in question and
other hadiths with relevant import.

The Theoretical Aspect of Ibn Taimiyyah Method in Approaching Ahlul

Bait (as) Prerogatives
The theoretical aspect rests on three steps:

Step One: criticise the hadith via its sanad either by denying it or deeming it
as forged or simply by arousing doubts about it and shaking its grounds.
If this step proves to be practically unsuccessful, with the hadith appears to
be mutawtir, mashhr (see glossary) or concurred on by Moslem scholars, he
moves to the next step:

105

Step two: criticise the hadith via its matn, by fiddling with the plain import
deflecting it from the original message. If that does not work as well and the
hadith import proves to be too distinct and crystal-clear, he moves to the last
step.
Step Three: criticise the hadith by underrating the significance of its
undisguised import, tearing it off from its particularity to Amrl Muminn Ali
and detaching him (as) as the object of the hadith, while attaching a general
capacity to the content so that it applies collectively to other companions or
even a lay Moslem with righteousness. For doing that, he obscures the
original message by enveloping his own notions with some ayah from Quran
or a prophetic tradition so as to peel off the hadith of its genuine import, or he
contradicts the entire hadith with either some ayah or a prophetic tradition
that have identical or matching import but denoting other characters.
These are the steps of Ibn Taimiyyah in approaching the commendable acts
and remarkable stands of Imam Ali (as) and Ahlul Bait (as) as a whole.

The Applied Aspect of Ibn Taimiyyah in Approaching the Prerogatives of

Ahlul Bait (as): The Host of the Love Hadith as a Sample
We will deal with the subject in practical terms showing Ibn Taimiyyah
method towards the hadiths of praise of Ahlul Bait (as), with reference to
aforesaid hadiths on the love and hatred of Imam Ali (as), explaining how
they impact ones faith or hypocrisy.
So far, we cited three narratives on the love of Imam Ali (as) as follows:
Narrative One: as narrated by Imam Ali (as): indeed it is the covenant of
the Messenger of Allah (saw) to me: no one but a believer would love
me, and no one but a hypocrite would nurse a grudge against me, or
variably: no one but a believer would love you, and no one but a
hypocrite would nurse a grudge against you."
Narrative Two: as transferred from the Messenger of Allah (sawa): he who
loves Ali, surely loves me, and he who hates Ali, surely hates me", and
in certain reports, there is something annexed: he who loves Ali, indeed
106

loves me, and whoever loves me, indeed he loves Allah, and whoever
hates Ali, indeed he hates me, and whoever hates me, indeed he hates
Allah.

Narrative Three: as conveyed by a number of companions who explicitly

declare: we, the folk of the Anr, were not recognising our hypocrite
ones only by the hatred of Ali, or we were not recognising our
hypocrite ones, at the age of Allahs Messenger, only by the hatred of
Ali.
We learnt earlier that these hadiths have been conceded on, postulated and
authenticated by the multitude of Moslem scholars, and duly we raise the
question: what is the attitude of Ibn Taimiyyah towards these hadiths in
line with his threefold step method?
As for the first narrative: no one but a believer would love you, and no
one but a hypocrite would nurse a grudge against you", Ibn Taimiyyah
says:
these hadiths, (i.e. the love of the Aanr: an embodiment of faith and their
hatred an embodiment of hypocrisy) are more authentic than what is narrated by

Ali: indeed it is the covenant of the Messenger of Allah (sawa) to me: no

one but a believer would love me, and no one but a hypocrite would
nurse a grudge against me", which is one of the unique narrations of
Muslim, handed down by Adiy Bin Thbit from Zur Bin ubaish from Ali, and
it was overlooked by Al-Bukhr.114 Conversely, the Anr hadith had
received the unanimous consensus of the Sahih books compilers, such as AlBukhr, besides the fact that the people of knowledge know with certitude
that it is said by the prophet (saw-a), while the hadith of Ali was subject to
doubt by some parties.115
114

If Al-Bukhr overlooking this hadith will open the gate for a big inquest to conduct by

researchers to investigate the motives and reasons for that attitude, and this inquest is as colossal
as the stretched history of tragedies that has been afflicting Ahlul Bait (as): Why would Al-Bukhr
drop from his narrations what is concurred on by Moslems, circulated and authenticated? We lay
down this question for the reader to reflect on.
115

Ibn Taimiyyah, "Minhj As-Sunnah An-Nabawiyyah", ibid, vol.7, pp.147-148.

107

This excerpt is a conspicuous example of the tactic employed by Ibn

Taimiyyah with narratives he is not in favour of, just as they clash with his
whimsical speculation. As he failed to label Ali's hadith as false or refute its
chain of transmission, he desperately tried in vain to cast skepticism about it
saying: "while the hadith of Ali was subject to doubt by some parties",
without showing, neither him nor the book reviewer, Muhammad Slim, the
identity of those skeptical people! He even tries to distract the reader from
what he stated by another immediate statement that the Anr hadith is more
authentic, which presupposes according to Arabic grammatical rules that the
former hadith, despite the suspicion aroused about it allegedly, should be
authentic. However, rather than disclosing his attitude towards the hadith and
the doubts he alleges to have been expressed by some groups, he left it
floating, in which case the reader would stray about .
It would have been less hectic or less burdensome if this strategy toned down
and faded away with Ibn Taimiyyah figure. But the blight it is being
rejuvenated by several contemporary researchers who embraced it as a
systematic method in dealing with every hadith they are willing to dispose of
or strip off its genuine import that can be disconcerting and bothersome for
their thought and intellectual foundations.
Let us contemplate for instance what the reviewer of Musnad Imam Ahmed
Bin anbal said when he came upon this hadith:
Its chain of transmission is authentic according to the provisions of the two
Sheikhs, but as for Adiy Bin Thbit, , even though the two Sheikhs
extracted for him, Shubah said about him: he was narrating heavily from the
marf hadith (see glossary). Ahmed said: he was engaged in Schism. Equally,
Ibn Man said: he is an extravagant Shiite, Ad-Dr Qutn said: he is
trustworthy, but extremist in Schism.

We said before: the people of knowledge have repelled from the narratives of
this trustworthy that which is concordant with his heresy. Ad-Dr Qutn had
criticised Muslim in At-Tatabu for extracting this hadith, saying: "Muslim

108

had extracted the hadith of Adiy Bin Thbit: 'by He who split the seed...',
yet Al-Bukhr had not extracted it.116
Evidently, the book reviewer failed to find a loophole or a flaw that empower
him to disfavour this hadith other than what he did by insinuating a derogatory
remark for Adiy Bin Thbit, the trustworthy, and accusing him of heresy,
claiming that whatever the heretic would transfer in line with his heresy
should be repelled and cropped up. At this point, the reader may recall what
we hinted earlier that heresy is defined by them in these contexts as
ultimately and entirely the love of Ali (as); and this helps him understand the
state of confusion they were sown in over this hadith.
This is specifically what we meant by the Umayyad perception of Islam. It is
per se a preliminary dismissal attitude for what is least related to the
prerogatives of Ahlul Bait (as), according to which all their bright laudable
traits and conducts are controverted, repelled and manipulated. It is
pioneered by Ibn Taimiyyah who laid the foundation of the method, hence
pursued by his followers who put his method into effect.
As far as the 'second narrative' is concerned, it has been transferred by the
Allama Ibn Al-Muahar Al-ill within a sequence of hadiths on the merits of
Imam Ali (as), and it is number two in the list.
Over here, Ibn Taimiyyah annotates: these hadiths are ones that the
erudite scholars on hadith are well aware they are fictitious.117
He said too: the first ten in total are lies.118
116

Ibn anbal, Abu Abdullah As-Shaibn, "Musnad Ahmed Bin anbal", the part reviewed by:

Shuaib Al-Arna't and dil Murshid, Mu'assasat al-Risala, Beirut, pub.1, 1416 A.H -1995 A.D, vol.2,
pp.71-72, hadith no.642.
It sounds that the above attitude of Ad-Dr Qutn stems from his sense of dread for the appalling
consequences and tight predicaments to result from the extraction of Muslim for this hadith in his
Sahih, in that it leads to browse and scan the chronicles of the antagonistic attitudes towards Imam
Ali by his opponents, whether launched by the companions and successors contemporary to him or
by later generations of the Moslems community. Therefore, we find him turning to Al-Bukhr for
reference among others, as the latter saved him from the 'dilemma not letting him get entangled in
its web by overlooking the hadith altogether in his Sahih.
117

Minhj As-Sunnah, ibid, vol.5, p.42.

118

Ibid: same source

109

On our part, we remind the reader that the content of hadith two in the list of
Ibn Al-Muahar, is what has been transferred from Salmn in answer to: how
intense is your love for Ali?, he said: I heard the Messenger of Allah saying:
"he who loves Ali, indeed loves me, and he who hates Ali, indeed hates
me."
To uncover the truth behind Ibn Taimiyyah claim that this hadith is but a lie,
we note down:

Firstly: this hadith is part of the transfer of Al-kim An-Naisbr in his book
Al-Mustadrak, on which he added saying:
This hadith is authentic in accordance with the provisions of the two
Sheikhs, but it is not extracted by them.119

Secondly: concurred with Al-kim An-Naisbr on this opinion is Imam AdDhahab in his summary of Al-kim book saying: (Kh, M)120, i.e. consistent
with the provisions of Al-Bukhr and Muslim.

Thirdly: authenticated the hadith one of the preeminent contemporary Salafi

scholars, Muqbil Bin Hd Al-Wdi in his book As-Sahih Al-Musnad
mimm Laisa f A-aain121 albeit, beyond a shadow of doubt, Al-Wdi
is aware of Ibn Taimiyyah denial of this hadith. Therefore to have it
authenticated is to show a bold front to Ibn Taimiyyah on this point.
Fourthly: Ibn Abdul Bir cited it as mursal (see glossary) but postulated its
ascription to the Messenger (sawa) saying: "he (sawa) said: he, who loves
Ali, indeed loves me, and he who hates Ali, indeed hates me. And he
119

Al-Hkim An-Naisbr, "Al-Mustadrak al A-aiain", appended by: "At-Talkh", Dar al-

Marifa, Beirut, 1418 A.H, photocopied from the Indian imprint, vol.3, p.130.
120

Ibid: same source

121

Al-Wdi, "As-Sahih Al-Musnad Mimma Laisa f A-aain", Dar al-Athar, Sanaa, vol.1, p.373,

hadith no.442.

110

who hurts Ali, indeed he hurts me, and he who hurts me, indeed hurts
Allah."122

Fifthly: even if we make concession for the sake of argument granting the
invalidity of the hadith sanad, this will not engulf the body of matn which
remains valid. The rule in view of which scholars of Aspersion and
Acclamation tackle this matter is to separate between the sanad of the hadith
and its content (matn) as regards authenticity and validity.
Each one's authenticity is not conditional upon the other; just as it is probable
for the sanad and matn to be simultaneously authentic, they can be jointly
nullified, or alternatively one can be nullified and the other authentic but only
authenticated from another route. This rule is pinned down and implemented
by the Allama Al-Albn in his works, whereby he says in his book Sahih
Sunan Ibn Mjeh:
By saying authentic or good, I am referring to the matn. As far as the
sanad is concerned, it can be authentic and good in itself (see glossary: bih)
without support of other hadiths; or otherwise (see glossary:lighairih) by support
from other hadiths.123
It follows, the content of the hadith may still be sound even though we
acknowledge the weakness of the sanad, and yet it does not eventuate as a
result the weakness or invalidity of the matn, due to the possibility to have the
sanad authenticated by other routes or to have the matn supported by other
narratives to corroborate its soundness.124

On these grounds, we maintain here that if Ibn Taimiyyah had more or less
observed scientific integrity, he must have said: 'the content of the hadith is
122

Ibn Abdul Bir, "Al-Istb f Marifat Al-Ahb", reviewed by: Ali Albijw, Dar al-Jil, Beirut, pub.1,

1412 A.H, vol.3, p.1101.

123

Al-Albn, "Sahih Sunan Ibn Mjeh", Maktabat al-Maarif for publishing and distribution, Riyadh,

1st edition of the new impression , 1417 A.H - 1997 A.D, vol.1, p.14.
124

And that is what Al-Albn did precisely. Despite attenuating the sanad of Salamn narration, he

used it as evidence to support the hadith which he deems authentic, i.e. "whoever loves Ali, indeed
he loves me, and whoever loves me, indeed he loves Allah (AZW)", narrated from Um Salamah. See
Al-Albn "Silsilat Al-Adth Aaah", ibid, vol.3, 287-288, hadith no.1299.

111

sound and fixed, although by sanad, it constitutes a problem', rather than

generalising his statement to classify the whole hadith as false: a 'lie',
henceforth to delude the reader.
As for the 'third narrative', Ibn Taimiyyah traversed it in two contexts, and
both of which were classified as a 'lie'.
1. He said in the first context: this (hadith) is one that every scholar

knows it is a lie.125
2. He said in the second context: and this is what exposes the lie

beneath the narrations of some companions like Jbir in that he

said: (we were not recognising the hypocrite ones, at the age of the
Messenger of Allah, only by the hatred of Ali), in truth, this negation
is a lie, the most ever visible lie.126
Earlier, we displayed the sources of this hadith, with particular focus on
the book of Juzu Ali Bin Muhammad Al-umair whose reporters
are said to be all trustworthy.
Ahead in the research, we exhibited the method that Ibn Taimiyyah
devised and the trend he pioneered, branding it as the Umayyad Trend
that is ceaselessly on motion to eradicate the merits of Imam Ali (as),
defame him and diminish the worth of his actions, roles and
contributions to Islam. Eventually, I would like to conclude with a
quotation from Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln in connection with Ibn Taimiyyah
commentary on the third hadith and his book Minhj As-Sunnah, the
very book that poses itself nowadays as a first-degree source for the
Umayyad trend towards their perception of Islam and their critique of
Ahlul Bait doctrine; it is also the main reference for every mimicker of
Ibn Taimiyyah trend. So herby, I quote some appraisal statement on him
and his book from someone who does not in the least affiliate with the
School of Ahlul Bait and in no way can he be perceived of as prejudiced
and subjective. He is rather a valued fellow and marcher in the

125

"Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.4, p.298.

126

Ibid: same source, vol.7, p.149.

112

procession of Ibn Taimiyyah, drifted in his path and intertwined with the
general framework of his School.127
Ibn ajr says in his book Lisn Al-Mizn in the biography on Ibn AlMuahar Al-ill, after pointing to Ibn Taimiyyah response to the Allama
book: I have reviewed the aforesaid response, and found it
corresponding with what As-Sabk said in Al-Itf, but personally I
found him exceedingly prejudiced in repelling the hadiths reported by
Ibn Al-Muahar, though they are in majority among the untenable and
forged hadiths. But actually in the process he repelled plenty of the
finest hadiths for which he had not consulted during his compilation
their original locations and references. Being a prolific memoriser, he
relies on the reservoir of his rib cage, albeit humans are susceptible to
forgetfulness. Eventually, his exaggerated attitude in attenuating the
discourse of the Rfi has resulted more often than not in

127

To say that Ibn ajar is interwoven in the fabric of Ibn Taimiyyah; spun in his School, is because he
implements criteria identical to the latter's in dealing with the legacy of prophetic hadith and with the hadith
narrators, particularly as concerns the commendation hadiths on Imam Ali and Ahlul Bait (as).
Reviewing this paragraph from Ibn ajar, the prestigious reader will fathom the truth of the matter:
"I used to find it problematic that they authenticate nearly all the Nib and attenuate the Shiite altogether,
considering that it has been transferred in respect of Ali: "no one but a believer would love him, and no
one but a hypocrite would detest him". Afterwards the answer to this problem was uncovered to me: this
hatred therewith is owing narrowly to the fact that he actively supported and triumphed for the prophet (sawa), as it is in the nature of humans to detest someone who caused them offense, or the other way around for
loving someone. All that was often in relevance to matters of this secular world, and as such the statement
on the love of Ali is not unconditional. It happened that he was loved by some to such a degree that they
went extravagant and claimed him to be a prophet, or a god -be He raised far above this manifest lie.
However, what is rendered on Ali has been rendered similarly on the Anr, on which the scholars have
pointed out that if the Anr were detested for the victory they achieved, this will be a sign of hypocrisy, and
vice versa, and this is applicable to Ali by the same token. Equally noticeable, the majority of those described
as Nib are reputed for integrity and adherence to matters of religion, contrary to those described as Rfi;
they are majorly liars and hardly God fearing in dealing with the reports. Originally it dates back to a time
when the Nib faction held the belief that Ali had murdered Uthman or he aided into that, so they detested
him out of religiousness as they claim, besides having relatives who were murdered in the wars of Ali.
See: Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, "Tahdhb At-Tahdhb", edited by: Ibrahim Az-Zaibaq et al, Mu'ssasat al-Risala,
Damascus, pub.1, 2008 A.D, vol.3, p.480.

113

deprecating Ali. However, this biography does not have the capacity to
elaborate on that and highlight related examples.128
As a matter of fact, the deprecation of Ibn Taimiyyah for the character of
Imam Ali (as) is not a casual mishap or sheer blunder. In fact, there are
several matching context-indicators all over his book, which induce the
thought that his statements are unleashed by premeditated tactics. Where Ibn
ajar withdrew and ostensibly apologised for not citing some evidencing
examples due to shortage of space in his book, we hereunder undertake this
task hoping that the reader finds in this study and future studies a satisfactory
sum of examples to bring him closer to this belief. Anyhow, this ongoing
debate we are conducting is a crystal-clear example in that direction. We
witnessed how Ibn Taimiyyah does not shun from denying hadiths which all
Moslem scholars deem authentic, and he alone classifies them as forged, or
moreover goes as far as to fumble for excuses for the detesters of Amrl
Mu'minn Ali (as) including his murderers, and accredit and eulogise their
deeds.
Let the prestigious reader reflect on how Ibn Taimiyyah, led by his caprices,
creates justifications for the murderer of Ali (as). In a gesture whereby he
reminds us that his murderer is someone who prayers, fasts and rehearses
Quran, he presumes that after all he committed his crime out of belief that
Allah (Taala) and His Messenger (sawa) love the murderer of Ali, so he did it
for a noble cause in love of Allah and His Messenger -not knowing how Ibn
Taimiyyah probed into the depths of the man to tell on his behalf. He is
therefore at worst no more than a 'stray heretic', whereas the murderer of
Umar is unmistakably an atheist, considering the fact that a 'stray heretic' is
not dissident from Islam, but someone who did juristic inference and reached
at the wrong conclusion. Ultimately, Ibn Taimiyyah is trying to convince us
that the killer of Umar is an atheist and the one who killed Ali (as) is only at
fault due to a jurisdictional process, not knowing what has incited him to
discriminate between the two murderers!!
He says: "it is a common knowledge that the dislike of a person being an icon
of hypocrisy does not necessarily subsume his precedence over others. It is
unquestionable for anyone acquainted with the state of affairs of the
128

Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, "Lisn Al-Mizn", edited by: Abdul Fatt Abu Ghuddah, Maktab Al-

Islamis Published Books, Beirut, pub.1, 1423 A.H - 2002 A.D, vol.8, pp.551-552, biography no.2619.

114

companions that Umar earned bigger enmity against the atheists and
hypocrites than Ali did, and his impact on the triumph and glory of Islam and
the humiliation of the hypocrites was greater than that of Ali, and the atheists
and hypocrites detested him more than they did for Ali. Consequently, the
one who killed Umar is a disbeliever detesting Islam, the prophet and the
Ummah, and with these motivations he perpetrated the murder. While the
one who killed Ali is someone who prays, fasts and rehearses Qur'an, thus he
killed him thinking it pleases Allah and His Messenger. So he did it out of
devotion to Allah and His Messenger -as he alleges- yet he remains a stray
heretic."129

129

"Minhj As-Sunnah An-Nabawiyyah", ibid, vol.7, pp.152-153.

115

The Normative Value of the Love of Ali Bin Abu lib (as) and the Issue
of the Companions Uprightness

As indicated, the hadiths descended on the love of Imam Ali (as) has
established a highly critical rule, that is, his love and hatred (as) are the norm
to arbitrate on people's faith and hypocrisy. This norm renders every hadith
on the rightfulness of some lay or elite Moslem methodically untenable,
unless prior to that the love of Ali (as) is consummated by this Moslem.
Therefore, to clearly define someone as fair and rightful, in the sense that he
shows meticulous adherence to the rules and regulations of religion, is
pointless when he is likely to be a hypocrite or unbeliever.
If we cling to this vital rule as a systematic method, only then we will be able
to understand in a sound plausible manner the issue that has been
extensively discussed over and over giving rise to a great deal of complexity,
that is, the issue of the companions uprightness.
In order for this methodical rule to take its due course in this study, we need
first of all to consult the holy Quran tracing its perspective on this matter,
considering in the meantime that the ayahs of Qur'an interpret each other;
and each ayah maintains a tenuous grip on the other to formulate in the end
one whole coherent vision. In the event that some vague points are still
pending in the ayahs, the prophetic hadith, dictated by its religious and
missionary tasks, mends the gap by illuminating details vital and vigorous for
the construction of the overall divine Qur'anic theory.

Reverting to the honourable ayahs, we find three points mapped out as an

appraisal approach to one's faith:

Point One: the person should be heartily believing, not feigning belief: {The
Bedouins say: "we believe" (O prophet) say to them: "you do not
believe, you should rather say: "we have submitted", for belief has not
yet entered your hearts}130, according to which, it is determined that
humans are not deemed believers by mere verbal utterance, but they need to
have concomitant belief permeating their hearts.
130

Al-ujurt (14)

116

Point two: one's faith has to be uninterrupted; ceaselessly persisting with no

overturn or vicissitude whether pre-or-post the demise of the Messenger
(sawa): {those who swore fealty to you (O prophet) in fact swore fealty
to Allah. The Hand of Allah is above their hands. So whoever breaks his
covenant breaks it to his own hurt, and whoever fulfils the covenant that
he made with Allah, He will bestow on him a great reward}131. This clearly
states that the pledge of allegiance in itself is insufficient to demonstrate
one's faith, but one must fulfil what he pledged for; and if he breaks it or
apostates, he is immediately ejected out of faith.

Another honourable ayah in the same context: {Muhammad is no more

than a Messenger, and messengers have passed away before him. If
then he were to die or be slain, will you turn about your heels? Whoever
turns about on his heels can in no way harm Allah. As for the grateful
ones, Allah will soon reward them}132, stipulates that to be a believer, one
should stay steadfast in faith and not to overturn after the demise of the
prophet (sawa).

Point Three: one's faith should be accompanied with good deeds, or else
truthful faith cannot be accomplished by some abstract form of heartily belief
even though it remains stable and unchanging. This category and the other
two are envisaged by this Qur'anic verse: {indeed the ones possessed of
true faith are those who believed in Allah and His Messenger and then
they did not entertain any doubt and strove hard in the Way of Allah
with their lives and their possessions. These are the truthful ones.}133

These are specifically the foundations of faith in Islam as laid down by the
holy Qur'an.

131

Al-Fat (10)

132

l-Imrn (144)

133

Al-ujurt (15)

117

Nevertheless, what remains is to know the norm under which we can signify
for the first prerequisite of point one, i.e. the heart-piercing belief, so how can
a Moslem attain faith of this nature?
It is precisely here where the missionary role of prophethood sets about to
answer for that submitting this Na, which is the crux of our study: "no one
but a believer would love you, and no one but a hypocrite would nurse
grudge against you". This way, the 'love' of Ali would embody the 'minor
premise' of that ayah in the analogical reasoningxxi whereas the ayah itself
embodies the 'major premise' of the logical analogy, that is, faith must be
nailed down our heart to culminate belief, and without which we end up
Moslems at the face value. In other words, the prophetic hadith protrudes
here to delineate the minor premise of the analogy elucidating that heartily
belief cannot be materialised only via the love of Ali Bin Ab lib (as). We
were enlightened earlier that this Qur'anic/prophetic logic was prevalent and
valid in the historical reality of Moslems, and people were unable to discern
the hypocrites only by virtue of their dislike to Imam Ali (as).
Another concurrent issue forwarded by Qur'an, point two, which needs to be
understood, relates to an outer reality that evolved during the era of the
Messenger (sawa), and represented by members of the society who had
overturned, broke the pledge and failed to fulfil the covenant, as illustrated in:
{Muhammad is no more than a Messenger, and messengers have
passed away before him. If then he were to die or be slain, will you turn
about your heels? Whoever turns about on his heels can in no way
harm Allah. As for the grateful ones, Allah will soon reward them.}134

We will put this subject in the spotlight furnishing it with narratives in coming
researches. But we need beforehand to examine the entire corpus of ayahs
onto which some factions cling to support their claim of unconditional
"uprightness of the companions". However, only briefly we will touch upon
this topic as it requires an independent exhaustive research getting into the
nerve of the problem (to come elsewhere). We can only say here that pursuant
to the rule and regulator we introduced above, that is, the love of Imam Ali
(as) personifies a criterion to adjudge on ones belief or non-belief whether he
were a companion or a lay Moslem, this regulator alone will help us take the
134

l-Imrn (144)

118

research forward to determine the companions veracity or vice versa, taking

into account the ayahs used allegedly to prove this veracity.

The Attitude of Qur'an towards the Equivocal Issue of the Companions'

Uprightness
The principal Qur'anic verses, intensely used by some groups to substantiate
blanket rightfulness for the companions, are as follows:
The First Verse:
{Allah was much pleased with the believers when they swore featly to
you under the tree. He knew what was in their hearts. So He bestowed
inner peace upon them and rewarded them with a victory near at
hand.}135
Apparently, this honourable ayah is not addressed to the wide spectrum of
companions: the faithful and non-faithful, but clearly addressed to the former
in terms of 'believers', saying thus: {Allah was much pleased with the
believers}. So the question that arises here: who are those believers
signified by the verse? For the answer, it is binding at this point to turn to the
Scale which has been assigned by the prophet (sawa): "No one but a
believer would love you, and no one but a hypocrite who would nurse a
grudge against you."
The Second Verse:
{Muhammad is Allah's Messenger, and those who are with him are firm
with the unbelievers but compassionate about each other. You see them
occupied in bowing and prostrating and in seeking Allah's bounty and
good pleasure. They are distinguished from others by the marks of
prostration on their faces. This is their parable in the Torah and in the
Gospel, like a seed which sends forth its blade, then strengthens it so
that it becomes stout and stands firmly on its stem. This is a sight
pleasing to the sowers and one by which the unbelievers will be
enraged. Allah has promised those among them who believe and do
righteous deeds forgiveness and a great reward.}136
135

136

Al-Fat (18)
Al-Fat (29)

119

This particular ayah is emphatically used by these groups to establish the

rightfulness of the companions, clutching notably to the segment: {"and
those who are with him"} as expressly an absolute and blanket description.
Yet, at the bottom of the ayah, we find it stating, contrary to that: {"Allah has
promised those among them forgiveness and a great reward"}, whereby
the preposition 'among' in 'among them' suggests segmentation, i.e. only
part of those who were "with him" were promised forgiveness and an
abundant reward. It cannot be comprehensive to every companion who coexisted with the Messenger (sawa), as it is originally designated for the
devout truthful believers.
The Third Verse:
{Allah was pleased with those from the Muhjirsxxii and Anr who were
the first to respond to the invitation to the Faith, and with those also
followed them in their righteous conduct, and they, too were pleased
with the reward from Allah; He has got ready for them gardens
underneath which canals flow and they will abide therein forever; this is
the greatest success.}137
The key point they stick to in this honourable ayah is the infinity of the
statement made on the {Muhjirs and Anr}. The discrepancy point stems
from the usage of {from} in 'from the Muhjirs and Anr', and the
interpretation they draw for its semantic significance. Seeing it as
'explanatory' renders it comprehensive to all the Muhjirs and Anr, and
therefore provides extra evidence towards the uprightness of the whole
companions.
But as regards Ahlul Bait School, scholars disagree with this version and tend
to interpret the preposition: 'from' in terms of segmentation, relying for that on
the immediately annexed verse: {there are many hypocrites among the
Bedouins who dwell around you, likewise among the citizens of AlMedina there are hypocrites who have become obstinate in hypocrisy:
you know them not, but We do know them. The time is coming when We
will give them double chastisement: then they shall be returned to far
greater torment}138. The verse maintains that among the locals of Al137

At-Tawbah (100)

138

At-Tawbah (101)
120

Madinah, there exist some hypocrites who, without fulfilling the precondition
of belief, cannot attain Allah (Taala) pleasure with them and win the Gardens
of Heaven.
Moreover, considering the instrumental rule which is an indispensable
requisite for the interpretation of Qur'an that every exegetist or contemplator
have to take into account, i.e. the honourable ayahs of Qur'an paraphrase
each other, it becomes impossible to try to build up a sound Qur'anic vision
whilst disconnecting its ayahs, looking at some and blinking at others. Such
approach is condemned by the holy Qur'an, and anyone who implements it
will be included among those: {who have made Qur'an into shreds (as
they please)}139, who segmented the Book, believing in one part and ignoring
the other.
However, as we contemplate the verse on the Muhjirs 'immigrants': {"from
the Muhjirs who were first to respond"}140, we find the holy Qur'an
resolves this controversy about the identity of immigrants in: {those who
emigrated and were driven out from their homesteads, or suffered harm
in My cause, or fought or have been slain- verily, I will blot out from
them their iniquities, and admit them into Gardens with rivers flowing
beneath. This is their reward with their Lord; and with Allah lies the best
reward}141. This verse reduced the meaning of immigration and the faction
categorised as the immigrants to a specific conceptual notion. Not only to
move from one place to another, the concept of immigration is realised in the
measures of Allah (Taala), but the immigrant must have encountered
adversaries in the way of Allah, endured pain and hardship for his religion;
must have killed for Allah or faced martyrdom. These are the conditions
which are made compulsory by this Qur'anic vision in order to be identified as
Muhjirs, noting that there are some companions, among the prominent
ones, who never entered a battle; and were not historically distinguished with
one single incident of jihad, or even worse, some were discouraging people
from rising to fight for Allah sake.

139

Al-ijr (91)

140

At-Tawbah (100)

141

l-Imrn (195)
121

Over here, with the resultant meaning from bordering the two Qur'anic verses,
we realise that 'from' in the controversial verse is not explanatory but simply
a segmentation tool which renders the ayah infeasible to use as evidence for
the uprightness of companions in whole.
The Fourth Verse:
{Allah forgave the Prophet and those Muhjirs and Anr, who stood by
him in a time of distress, after that the hearts of a part of them nearly
swerved (from duty); but Allah forgave them (also): for He is unto them
Most Kind, Most Merciful.}142
Again, some have used this verse to conclude and corroborate the
uprightness of companions by giving a generalised unbounded sense for the
term: {Muhjirs and Anr} who were bestowed Allah's favour of
forgiveness. But, with recourse to preceding ayahs in the same Surah, we
immediately recognise the deficiency of this notion, i.e. {Allah has helped
you on many occasions before this; (recently you witnessed the glory of
his help on the day of the Battle of unain; you were proud of your
great numbers which had deluded you but it availed you nothing and
the earth, with all its vastness, became too narrow for you, and turning
your backs, you fled. Then Allah has sent his peace and tranquillity
upon His Messenger and the Believers, and sent down aid forces which
you could not see and chastised those who denied the truth, for this is
the due recompense of those who deny the truth.}143
These honourable ayahs maintain that Allah (Taala) has sent down His
tranquillity on the believers of the Muhjirs and Anr in particular, yet clearly
not on an unspecified sample. However, to define the meaning of the
intended believers in this verse, we will have to fall back on the hadith: "no
one but a believer would love you, and no one but a hypocrite would
nurse grudge against you" so as to determine who the believer is and who
the hypocrite is. Henceforth, if anyone is proved to be one of the believers, he
will be encompassed by the favour of forgiveness in the honourable ayah, or
else he remains outsider.

142

At-Tawbah (117)

143

At-Tawbah (25-26)
122

The Fifth Qur'anic Verse:

{Surely, those who believed and migrated and strove hard in the way of
Allah with their possessions and their lives, and those who sheltered
and helped them- they alone are the true allies of one another. And
those who believed but did not migrate (to Dar-a-Islam), you are under
no obligation of alliance unless they migrate. And should they seek help
from you in the matter of religion, it is incumbent on you to provide help
unless it be against a people with whom you have a pact. Allah is
cognizant of all that you do.}144
Though this is one of the very verses, used as evidence-base for the
uprightness of companions, it actually has especially introduced restrictions
on the sense of 'immigration', stipulating belief as a constituent and a partition
between two types of immigrants. As a result, only the faithful of immigrants
firm in belief can be the guardians of each other, and may have:
{forgiveness of sins and a provision most generous}145, whereas those
immigrants lacking in faith are totally outlandish to these privileges and
statutes.
In sum, without consummating faith, the human actions including the
immigration and support for Islam will be valueless. It is stated in Qur'an in
this respect: {Allah does accept offerings only from those pious ones}146
and undoubtedly, piety cannot be actualised regardless of belief and good
deeds.
The Sixth Qur'anic Verse:
{It also belongs to the poor Emigrants who have been driven out of their
homes and their possessions, and those who seek Allah's favour and
good pleasure and help Allah and His Messenger. Such are the truthful
ones. It also belongs to those who before them had homes (in AlMedina), and had faith before the (arrival of the) Muhjirs. They love
those who have migrated to them and do not covet what has been given
them; they even prefer them above themselves though poverty be their
own lot. And whosoever are preserved from their own greed, such are
the ones that will prosper. (And it also belongs to) those who came after
144

Al-Anfl (72)

145

Al-Anfl (74)

146

Al-M'dah (27)
123

them, and who pray: "O our Lord, forgive us and our brothers who have
preceded us in faith, and do not put in our hearts any rancour towards
those who believe. Lord, you are the Most Tender, the Most
Compassionate.}147
Again these honourable ayahs are used by and large to demonstrate the
uprightness of all the companions, but as we read them with attention to
detail, notably: {but those who before them had homes (in Al-Medina),
and had faith"}, it becomes transparent again that in order for a member
from the Anr to be esteemed by Allah (Taala), he needs to have faith, and
this is specifically what the supplication of those who succeeded them
underlies in the concluding ayah: {and those who came after them say:
"Our Lord! Forgive us and our brothers who came before us into faith};
they invoke Allah for forgiveness but not indefinitely; forgiveness solely
directed to believers.
Moreover, we find the first ayah at the bottom describing them as: {such are
indeed the truthful ones}, and as we probe into the word 'truthful',
considering that verses of the holy Qur'an interpret each other, it appears
elsewhere clearly defined: {indeed the ones possessed of true faith are
those who believed in Allah and His Messenger and then they did not
entertain any doubt and strove hard in the Way of Allah with their lives
and their possessions. These are the truthful ones}148. Henceforth, the
'truthful' is firstly: a believer in Allah and His Messenger, secondly:
entertaining no doubt, and thirdly: underwent migration.
These are the descriptions of the 'truthful': belief comes to the fore, and yet it
cannot be realised or unearthed only throughout the Scale, which is placed
for us by the prophet (sawa): "no one but a believer would love you, and
no one but a hypocrite would nurse grudge against you", addressing
Imam Ali (as).
The Attitude of Hadith towards the Equivocal Issue of the Companions
Uprightness
In the above overview on the intricacies resulting from hypothesising
unconditional rightfulness for the companions pertinently to the love and
grudge hadith, we hinted how the holy Qur'an tackles the matter depending
147
148

Al-ashr (8-10)
Al-ujurt (15)
124

on certain criteria for the personality appraisal of the Moslem individual. In the
same discussion, point two, we highlighted a specific key issue underpinned
by the holy Qur'an in this respect, i.e. a believer is someone who is steady
and firm in faith with no change, vicissitude or reversion. Equally true, we
alluded that Qur'an bears witness that such overturn acts have virtually
occurred in the Moslem community, and we promised to have another
stopover on the topic to support it with extra evidences.
In this section, we shall come across the bulk of hadiths undealt with,
providing that the selection of hadiths is strictly made from narratives traced
to the top source-books of the Sunni thought, i.e. Sahih Al-Bukhr and
Muslim.
From Sahih Muslim, I select the following:
First Narrative: from Abdullah Bin Ubaidullah Bin Abu Mulaikah that he
heard Aisha saying: I heard the Messenger of Allah, amid his companions,
saying: "I am at the Fount waiting for whoever of you happen to meet
me. Yet by Allah, the track will be hindered with no men traversing. I
would say: O Lord! From me and from my Ummah! He says: you know
not what they perpetrated after you, they have been constantly turning
back on their heels."149
Second Narrative: from Abdullah Bin Rfi, servant of Um Salamah on the
authority of Um Salamah ... the Messenger (sawa) said: "I am your
forerunner on the Fount, whereupon no one of you would come to me
and he is not being repelled just as how a strayed camel is repelled,
whereupon I would say: what is this for? It would be said: you know not
what they innovated after you, I would say: far-off be they."150
Third Narrative: from Al-Amash from Shaqq from Abdullah, he said: the
Messenger of Allah (sawa) said: "I am your forerunner on the Fount and I
would fight in defence for some folks, but my efforts would be foiled, so

Al-Qushair An-Naisbr, Abu Al-Husain Muslim Bin Al-ajjj, Sahih Muslim, reviewed
and hadiths extracted by: Muslim Bin Mohammed Uthman As-Salaf Al-Athar, introduced and
assessed: Mohammed Mustafa Al-Zuail, Dar al-Khair, vol.4 & Kitab Al-Fail - Book of
Virtues, p.119, hadith no. 2294.
149

150

Ibid: same source, hadith no.2995

125

I say: O Lord my companions, my companions! It would be said: you

know not what they innovated after you."151
From Al-Bukhr narrations, I select the following:
First Narrative: Abu zim said: and so heard me (An-Numn Bin Abu
Ayysh) ... then said (i.e. An-Numn): I bear witness that I heard Abu Sad
Al-Khudr annexing to it [to a preceding narrative transferred by Abu zim
from Sahl Bin Saad]: "I would say: they are from me, and it will be said:
you know not what they innovated after you. I would say: far-flung, farflung he be who altered after me."152
Second Narrative: from Sad Bin Al-Musayyab from Abu Hurairah that the
latter was relating that the Messenger of Allah (sawa) said: "there will come
to me on the Doomsday a squad from my companions, and they will be
expelled from the Fount, and I would say: O Lord my companions, and it
will be said: you know not what they innovated after you, they retraced
their steps backward."153
Third Narrative: from A' Bin Yasr from Abu Hurairah from the prophet
(sawa) he said: "there will come to me on the Doomsday a squad from
my companions, and they will be expelled from the Fount, and I would

151

Ibid: same source, p.121, hadith no.2997

Al-Bukhr, "Al-Jmi' As-Sahih", explained and reviewed by: Muhibul Dn Al-Khab,

volumes, chapters and hadiths collected by: Mohammed Fu'd Abdul Bq, published, revised,
edited and supervised the printing: Quai Muibul Dn Al- Khab, Maktaba al-Salafiya, Cairo,
pub.1, 1400 A.H, vol.4, p.206, hadith no.6584.
152

Ibid: hadith no.6585. Adduced in Ibn ajar transcript in his book: "Fat Al-Br": "back on
their heels", which corresponds to the lexical Qur'anic usage in: {Muhammad is no more than a
Messenger, and messengers have passed away before him. If then he were to die or be slain
will you turn back on your heels? Whoever turns back on his heels can in no way harm Allah.
As for the grateful ones, Allah will soon reward them} (l-Imrn:144), and brings us to wonder
why the two reviewers made no indication to this. Ibn ajar Al-sqaln, Ahmed Bin Ali, see:
"Fat Al-Br Shar Sahih Al-Bukhr", edited by: Abdullah Bin Abdul Azz Bin Bz,
footnotes completed under the supervision of Ibn Bz: his student: Ali Bin Abdul Azz As-Shibl,
numbers assigned by: Mohammed Fu'd Abdul Bq, Dar al-Salam, Riyadh, pub.1, 1421-2000,
vol.11, p.577.
153

126

say: O Lord my companions, and it will be said: you know not what they
innovated after you, they retraced their steps backward."154
There is a plethora of relevant hadiths, yet I will take this much of samples
lest we lengthen the research unnecessarily. However, this portion can be
adequate to convince the reader about the core idea.
On our part, rather than doing an in-depth analysis or searching out the
content of these reports, we make some swift remarks:
First Remark: these are outright narrations on the fact that the companions
have brought novelties to the religion originally non-existent, and they
retraced their steps or according to Ibn ajar transcript: 'turned back on their
heels', whereby the latter expression is but a repercussion of the Qur'anic
verse: {Muhammad is no more than a Messenger, and messengers have
passed away before him. If then he were to die or be slain will you turn
back on your heels? Whoever turns back on his heels can in no way
harm Allah. As for the grateful ones, Allah will soon reward them},155 that
is, they receded into the Jhiliyyah traditions and beliefs.
In point of fact, upon the standards of scientific discipline, those who cling to
the concept of indefinite rightfulness of the companions must start to discard
a baseless belief and admit the fact that some companions deviated from the
path of Islam. They ought also to acknowledge that what is imputed to the
Shiite regarding the apostasy of some companions is equivalently and
explicitly a conviction we locate in the most salient Sunni sources: Sahih
Muslim and Al-Bukhr.
Second Remark: it appears from these narrations that the number of
companions who introduced novelty to religion or retraced their steps is fairly
big. Yet, so as not to be locked in a vicious cycle of debate over the exact
number of such companions, we only simply figure out from the diction of
these narratives that their number reached a very high score. Examples of
this diction: his exclamation (sawa): "O my companions, my companions!", or
his proclamation (sawa): "the track will be hindered with no men traversing",
or his frequent description of the companions as a 'squad', and thereupon
said to: "there will not be distilled from them (the squad) but so much as

154

Ibid: same source, pp.206-207, hadith no.6587.

155

l-Imrn (144)
127

'hamal an-naam (only a few)" , as 'squad' is known in the Arabic lexicons as

a group or a multitude of people.156
As for the segment: "there will not be distilled but so much as 'hamal annaam'" cited in Sahih Al-Bukhr, Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln annotates: "AlHamal (with two short vowels /a/) is the camel with no shepherd", while AlKhab said: "Al-Hamal is the animal which is not put to graze nor it is
utilised. The term is also used for strayed animals in the wilderness. The
overall meaning is that there will not come to (the Fount) only a few of them,
as the Hamal of camels is little compared to others."157
Third Remark: Ibn ajar interpreted the word: 'man' cited in the last hadith,
which we transferred from Al-Bukhr, saying: "it is meant by 'man': the angel
consigned with that, and I could not find out his name."158
His interpretation in a way is bizarre as the two contexts of the narration with
the word 'man' not 'angel' were forthright and unreserved. Thereupon, we turn
again to the heritage of Ahlul Bait for the interpretation of 'man', quoting the
prophet's saying (sawa) with respect to Imam Ali (as): "you are the Divider
of Paradise and Hell",159 and Imam Ali personally saying with the same
import: "I am the Divider of Paradise and Hell"160. No wonder, he is the
Divider; for when his love and hatred are touchstones for the believers and
hypocrites, he is not overstating his value by the self-portrait he gives on
himself as the divider between Hell and Paradise in the Hereafter, since life in
this World is a plantation for the other World.
Ibn anbal was asked about this particular saying of Amrul Mu'minn about
himself, and he replied: "what do you chide in that; is it for who he is? Have
we not been narrated by the prophet his saying to Ali: no one but a believer
156

See Zumer entry in Arabic lexicons.

157

Fat Al-Br, ibid, vol.11, p.578.

158

Ibid: same source

Ibn Bbawaih Al-Qumm, Abu Jaafar Mohammed Bin Ali Bin Al-Hussein, "Uyn Akhbr
Ar-Ri", authenticated, introduced and annotated by: Hussein Al-Alam, Mussasat al-Alami for
publication, Beirut, pub.1, 1404 A.H -1984 A.D, vol.1, p.30 & 92.
159

Al-Kulain, Abu Jafar Bin Muhammad Bin Yaqb Bin Isq, "Al-Ul min Al-Kf",
authenticated and annotated by: Ali Akbar Al-Ghafr, Dar al-Kutub al-Islamiyya, Tehran, pub.3,
1388 A.H, vol. 1, pp. 196-197-198.
160

128

would love you, and no one but a hypocrite would nurse a grudge
against you? We said: yes, indeed. He said: then where is the abode of the
believer? We said: in Paradise. He +said: then where is the abode of the
hypocrite? We said: in Hell. He said: henceforth, Ali is the Divider between
Hell and Paradise.161
Fourth Remark: these narrations have avowed clearly that among the
companions, there will be some who deviate from Islam after the demise of
the prophet (sawa), and they will introduce novelties into religion. Relevantly,
it is handed down from the prophet (sawa): "the first to alter in my Sunnah
will be a man from Banu Umayyah."162
It is noteworthy that if I am slightly touching on this matter, it is because this
research is one link in a series on full portrait of: "the Umayyad Islam" leading
eventually to a vivid coverage of the bits and pieces. Nonetheless, the reader
needs to bear in mind that the historical survey of narratives we made so far
on acts of apostasy and novelty is made in as much as to undermine the
thesis of unbounded rightfulness of the companions. Added to that, it will
appear later through a comparative study of these narratives with others that
the leading figures of these acts, i.e. distortion, alteration and apostasy are
strictly from the interiors of the Umayyad clan, headed by Muwiyah Bin Abu
Sufin.

Summary of Key Facts Precipitated from the Research

A number of key facts have precipitated from the late research, which are in
short:
First Fact: the reference made by the holy Qur'an to those who accompanied
the Messenger (sawa) of the Muhjirs and Anr, and the special
descriptions given to them are actually applicable to a specific faction rather

Abu Yala Al-Farr' Al-Baghdd Al-anbal, Al-Q Abu Al-Hussain Muhammad Bin Abu
Yal, "Tabaqt Al-anbilah", reviewed and introduced by: Abdul Ramn Bin Sulaimn AlUthaimn, Riyadh, 1419 A.H 1999 A.D, vol.2, p.358.
161

162

Further elaboration on this hadith will follow. So far I only note that the Allama Al-Albn
authenticated this hadith. See Al-Albn, Muhammad Nirul Dn, "Slisilat Al-Adith Aaah", ibid, vol.4, p.329, hadith no.1749.
129

than the entirety of companions; this specific faction possesses the truthful
sincere belief.
Second Fact: within the chapters of Qur'an, there are verses which point to a
faction of hypocrites existing among Moslems, e.g. {(O Prophet), when the
hypocrites come to you, they say: "We bear witness that you are
certainly Allah's Messenger." Allah certainly knows that you are His
Messenger. But Allah also bears witness that the hypocrites are utter
liars!}163. We believe that such clear pronouncements and fact sheet on the
hypocrites, not only leave no room for the argument of indefinite rightfulness
of companions, but set the scene for a bigger inquest on the magnitude of
this faction in the Islamic community at that time, their characteristics
according to Qur'anic vision, and the admonition of Allah regarding their
destiny.
Third Fact: the tradition in respect of Amrul Mu'minn (as): "no one but a
believer would love you, and no one but a hypocrite would nurse a
grudge against you" illustrates layers for the companions where the
believing ones are set apart from hypocritical ones by means of a prophetic
norm. That said, it should be noted that narrowing down the track of this norm
to the circle of companions in this study is because the issue of companions
is currently under spotlight, otherwise it functions on a much wider scale
beyond that group encompassing every Moslem across ages.
Fourth Fact: the honourable Qur'anic text and the esteemed tradition of the
prophet (sawa) have placed for us three pillars to judge on the companion
and estimate the extent of his faith as follows:
Firstly: to be a believer (the criterion of belief cited above)
Secondly: not to innovate in religion, overturn or revert rearward.
Thirdly: inapplicability of the prophetic hadith to him: "he who dies without
allegiance, his death is one of the Jhiliyyah". In other words, he should
not have lingered nor withdrawn from the pledge to the legitimate Imam,
whether at an advanced stage, as in the example of Abdullah Bin Umar, or at
later stages by way of overturn or violation of allegiance, as seen with some

163

Al-Munfiqn (1)

130

groups who paid allegiance to Imam Ali (as) at the outset then disavowed it.
(This pillar is amplified elsewhere)164

Muwiyyah: Whether or not Resentful of Imam Ali (as)

The final remark holds a critical clue for the inauguration of this section (see:
the Attitude of Companions: remark four). To start with, there are groups who
malevolently exploit modern mass-media to send false messages on the
Shiite thought letting pass some misconceptions as regards the companions
and their crucial role in serving Islam. Earlier in the research, reviewing the
principal criteria for the appraisal of companions, we pinpointed the extent of
misrepresentation that the Shiite thought has been subjected to in this
respect, evincing as well how these criteria were implemented by the glorious
Qur'anic text and noble prophetic tradition. In the meantime, we have not
provoked any row or vicious argument in relation to certain personalities, for
our main concern is to set the scene for a systematic scientific approach
towards the topic rather than browsing any companion's profile here or there.
Undeniably, no one is empowered to call upon others to accept the
guardianship of a specific individual or faction, before stressing and giving
prominence the systematic grounds applied by Qur'an and the prophetic
Sunnah towards the equivocal question of the avowal-disavowal, i.e.
accepting someone's Imamate or rejecting it. Qur'an declares in this context:
{did you not see the hypocrites say to their brothers, the unbelievers
among the People of the Book: "if you are banished, we too will go with
you and will not listen to anyone concerning you; and if war is waged
against you, we will come to your aid". But Allah bears witness that they
are liars.}165
The honourable ayah evidently voices the opinion that the hypocrites and
atheists are fraternally related: 'brothers'166, while elsewhere another ayah
164

See: Lecture Series: "Al-Irah Al-Mahdawiyyah"

165

Al-ashr (11)

It is important for the reader to note that this ayah (Al-ashr: 11) is a link in a chain of the most
vital ayahs (8-10) used to claim the "the uprightness of all companions". By their succession, they
seem to suggest two points at one time: firstly: to urge Moslems to pray for the goodness of their
brothers who preceded them in Islam, secondly: to disown the hypocrites who are deemed by the
ayah as brotherly with the atheists from the people of the Book. This point is very crucial and
worthy of attention.
166

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sharply delineates the right attitude of Moslems towards the unbeliever as

impunity, i.e. freeing him from any obligation towards the unbeliever: {this is
a declaration of immunity from obligation by Allah and His Messenger
towards those idolaters with whom you made a treaty. You are free to
move about in the land for four months more: but you should know that
you cannot frustrate the Will of Allah, and that Allah will degrade the
rejecters of the Truth.}167
According to this ayah, it becomes incumbent on Moslems to disown the
hypocrites and keep apart from them. Incidentally, knowing that the
hypocrites were virtual reality in the Islamic society during the prophet's era, it
ensue that belief in indefinite fairness for the companions and accepting their
authority as guardians in total are contradictory to the sacred teachings of
Qur'an.
This is the core concept of the Shiite Imami thought on the status of the
companions. In no way does it misuse the Qur'anic text clinging to a certain
ayah with unbounded meaning and isolate it from its context and other
relevant ayahs which contribute to its content so as to squeeze out a certain
intended message, unlike the case with groups who took all these liberties to
wring out any desired message from the Qur'anic text and use it to instil
sectarian rioting and doctrinal dissension, or to force a certain wrongful
conviction, e.g. we are commanded to ask forgiveness for the companions
and revere them as our guardians. Such attempts, being unable to
differentiate between the classifications and divisions of the companions
which are dictated by the holy Qur'an itself, fail to consider any subtleties and
specificities implicated in this heavy weight declaration. Furthermore, they do
not halt at this level of vile deception, but lash out loud that the Shia accuse
all the companions of unbelief and degrade them excluding a few, aiming by
this to obliterate the truth, and discredit the doctrine of Ahlul Bait (as) among
the public Sunni milieus.168

167
168

At-Tawbah (1-2)

The fact that their motives are to obliterate the truth and bring the doctrine of Ahlul Bait to
disrepute will be uncovered for the reader once he realises that the number of companions who
were martyred only in the battle of iffn at the side of Amrul Mu'minn exceeded seventy,
mindless of the names of the prominent companions who stood by him (as) in battles and other
proceedings. All this proves it is implausible for the Shiite individual to say that all-or-majority of
the companions have turned into disbelief or apostatised. However, clinging to such narratives in
the process of discussion without scrutinising the sanad and ignoring the scholars' verdicts about
132

We will halt only briefly at the names of companions who failed to pass the
test of the Scale: "no one but a believer would love you, and no one but a
hypocrite would bear a grudge against you". This topic requires a broader
and massive research to be thoroughly satisfied. At this point, we will go over
profiles of some companions who are lavishly awarded the honour of
companionship, assigned attributes of rightfulness and fairness, and they are
still being revered as Amrul Mu'minn or still enjoying prerogatives such as:
people seeking Allah's pleasure with them. By this description, I signal to
Muwiyyah Bin Abu Sufin, the pioneer and founder of the "Umayyad Islam"
(title given for this series of research) on the intellectual and political levels in the

Moslem community.
The key question at this point: where is Muwiyyah standing in relevance to
the love and hatred of Imam Ali (as)? What is his calibre from the perspective
of the Scale: "no one but a believer would love, and no one but a
hypocrite would bear a grudge against you"? Has he passed this test
successfully or he fell into hypocrisy?
It is indisputable that deep down any grudge, there is a spiritual element
based on hatred and repulsion against the person in question, and naturally
this element has clues and gestures to indicate it and lay it open to view, viz.
direct confession of hatred, and here we have several narratives (to be
exhibited later) on a bunch of companions who were not shunning from
confessing their hatred to Imam Ali (as), and went beyond that to show
feelings towards certain people for nothing other than their hatred to him (as).
Other gestures of grudge are outer conducts which are conventionally
interpreted as hatred, vindictiveness and hearty dislike, manifested by curse,
debasement, swearing and slandering.

them is a way to obscure and elude facts for a non- specialised reader. The prestigious reader must
have noticed that we committed ourselves from the very start, whether in this research or
forthcoming ones of this series, not to cite any hadith without taking into account the attitude of
Ahlul Sunnah scholars and ensure their accreditation and acceptance of the hadith. In any case, the
concept of 'apostasy' as cited in such hadiths does not mean to break up from religion and repudiate
it, but merely to reject some essentialities of Islam and deny some foundation pillars, and this
concept is similarly stated in the Sunni narratives given earlier. This subject is so copious and
diversified that it cannot be well-furnished in this abridgement. A more thorough study will
hopefully be provided in a future opportunity.
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Seen in this light, we can figure out the stance of Muwiyah towards Imam
Ali (as) in relevance with of the equation (love-hatred) throughout his outer
conduct, irrespective of whether or not he was debasing Imam Ali (as),
swearing at him, cursing and slandering?
Our conviction as regards Muwiyah is that not only has he pioneered the
acts of swearing and cursing, but he founded an organisational culture that
held the hatred of Ali (as) as a ceremonial religion for public worship.
Muwiyah has established a community and cultivated a whole generation
that will continue for decades not communicating with Imam Ali (as) only via
resentment, strong dislike and bare grudge. For this, we have multiple
evidences and testimonies, the biggest of which is the ceaseless warfare led
by Muwiyah against Ali (as), encroachment upon him and shedding his
blood with impunity granted to the perpetrators. All these acts were
nationwide fads of the era and publicly practised. However, mindless of the
warring issues, we can submit to the prestigious reader a number of authentic
reports substantiating the resentment of Muwiyah to Imam Ali (as). The
following examples are illustrative but not exhaustive:
1. Ibn Mjeh Al-Qazwn said in his "Sunnan": Ali Bin Muhammad related to
us saying: Abu Muwiyah related to us saying: Ms Bin Muslim related to
us from Ibn Sbi who is called Abdul Ramn, from Saad Bin Abu Waqqa
who said: Muwiyah went on one of his Hajj voyages, and Saad called in.
As the name of Ali was mentioned, Muwiyah assailed him, which angered
Saad and said: you are debasing a man on whom I heard the Messenger
(sawa) saying: "whoever I am his master, Ali indeed is master too", "you
are for me like Aron to Moses, but no prophet will follow me" and "I
would give the war-flag to a man who loves Allah and His
Messenger."169

Ibn Mjeh Al-Qazwn, Abu Abdullah Muhammad Bin Yazd, "Sunnan Ibn Mjeh", reviewed,
annotated and hadith extracted by: Shuaib Al- Arn et al, Risala Al-Alamiya publisher,
Damascus, pub.1, 1430 A.H, vol.1, p.88, hadith no.121.
169

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The book reviewers including Shuaib Al-Arn't, who is one of the signposts
in the Science of Aspersion and Acclamation, annotated: "The hadith is
authentic, and the chain of transmitters is trustworthy."
An-Nas' in his book "Al-Kubra" had it extracted with the same chain of
transmitters, whereby his version is longer than the above-given, but not
including: "whoever I am his master, Ali indeed is his master": Muslim [...]
and At-Tirmidh [...]"170
2. The above hadith has been adduced by Nirul Dn Al-Albn in his book
"Sahih Sunnan Ibn Mjeh", which means he had it rated as authentic, and
added commenting on the phrase: "he assailed him", saying: "in other words,
it is Muwiyah who assailed Ali and spoke ill of him."171
I have but transferred Al-Albn comment that Muwiyah in person is the
slanderer and abuser, because soon enough it will unveil that hands have
been laid on this hadith, altering and tampering with its content, i.e. deleting
names and substituting by pronouns, so as to make it susceptible to multiple
interpretations and deflect its original connotations.172
Furthermore, Imam Abu Al-Hasan As-Sind Al-anaf had preceded Al-Albn
with this view in his explanation of "Sunan Ibn Mjeh", amplifying:
"It means: Muwiyah had assailed Ali, abased and swore at him, and
moreover he commanded Saad to swear at him, as stated in Muslim and AtTirmidh. This tension is originated by the worldly matters of this mortal life
that were running between them. There is no might or power but with Allah.
May Allah forgive us and connive at our wrongdoings. If this is duly well
170

Ibid: same source.

171

Al-Albn, Muhammad Nirul Dn, "Sahih Sunnan Ibn Mjeh", ibid, vol.1, p.58.

Part of these attempts is what Al-Mubkafr did in his explanation of Jmi At-Tirmidh,
whereby he presumed that Saad was among a faction accustomed to the swearing at Ali, and that
the narrative does not explicitly tell that Muwiyah has ordered Saad to do the swearing. See: AlMubkafr, Abu Alla Muhammad Abdul Ramn Bin Abdul Ram, Tufat Al-Awadh bi
Shar Jmi At-Tirmidh, Dar al-Kotob al-Ilimiya, Beirut, pub.1, 1410 A.H -1990 A.D, vol.10,
pp.156-157.
172

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thought out173, it ensue that the swearing has been made in terms of a
critique or other acts admissible for the people of juristic inference on
this wise, but not at all in terms of cursing or so forth.174
I had some phrases highlighted to note that this sort of analysis cannot be
warranted, namely, to say both Muwiyah and Ali (as) were prompted in their
conflict by "worldly matters of this mortal life". This is certainly an
eccentric way to flatten the matter!! Not only because it is scientifically
untenable with the documents we have that uncover the ulterior motives of
conflict for each man, but because it comes in an endeavour to fold this page
without taking the trouble to inspect one of the bloodies, the most tragic and
rampaging periods of the Islamic history.
The engendering factors of this conflict were never one and the same for
each man, so that we take liberty to say: "worldly matters .. between them".
In reality, matters of this mortal world were solely the pursuit of Muwiyah no
more, whereas for Ali (as) it was a principle much more profound; it lies in the
heart of Islam and none other than Islam, i.e. to protect the creed of
monotheism and teachings of Sharia. More plainly, it was Islam versus
Jhiliyyah, not simply a modest small-scale war for rulership and sovereignty.
All the historical documentations serve as clear proofs for these facts and
testify how Muwiyah, driven by lust and fancy for power, has been anti-truth
173

It is noteworthy that the logic of "well thinking" in respect of the assailers of Ali (as) is not
applied equitably and evenly to everyone. As regards Muwiyah, this logic is valid all the time, but
as for others, the same logic is subject to consideration! It is functional by the same token with
reporters who are icons of nab when assessed by the Aspersion and Acclamation books, but it can
be impaired with other reporters and only functioning as a tool for discrediting their faith to the
degree that their narrations are dropped and banned. Therefore, we do not know what is so special
about Muwiyah to always enjoy the privilege of well thinking? What is the truth behind it? Is it
sheerly ethically motivated, or set in defence of Muwiyah, his symbols and what he represents of
the political and ethical systems!?
See for example what is said by the assessors of Aspersion and Acclamation in respect of:
A-ilt Bin Dinr Al-Azd Al-Bar, Azhar Bin Abdullah Al-arz, arz Bin Uthmn Ar-Rab
As-Sharq, Lumazah Bin Zabr Al-Azd Al-Jahaam, Abdullah Bin Slim Al-Ashar, Abdullah
Bin Shaqiq Al-Uqail, Nam Bin Abu Hind Al-Ashja, etc.
As-Sind, Abu Al-Hasan Bin Abdul Hd Al-Tataw, "Shar Sunan Ibn Mjeh & in the
margins of the book: "Talqt Mubh Az-Zujjeh fi Zaw'id Ibn Mjeh", Imam Al-Buair,
reviewed the origins (according to the six Sahih books), hadiths extracted, numbered by: Khall
M'mn Shai, Dar al-Marifa, Beirut, pub.3, 1420 A.H, vol.1, p.86.
174

136

and pro-falsehood175, to the extent that Amrul Mu'minn (as) after his battle
with the Kharijites came out with his famous utterance: "do not kill the
Kharijites after me, for he who pursues the truth but he mishits is not
like someone who pursues falsehood and attains it" hinting at Muwiyah
and his ulterior motives. Even if we oust Imam Ali (as) from his infallibility
(recognised as infallible by Ahlul Bait School), it tuns up that the historical
sequence of events after his martyrdom were running concordantly with that
declaration, proving beyond doubt the validity and reliability of his verdict on
Muwiyah and his peers, and also revealing the intentions and motives of
this conflict when Muwiyah converted the reign of Allah's Messenger (sawa)
into hereditary despotic rulership, squandering Moslems wealth, shedding in
vain their dignity, distorting their creed and suspending the Sharia rules and
ethos.
Although knowing that these points need full-colour illustrations and more
vivid details to help lift the veil of obscurity and forgery from history, which
rendered the truth too complex to grasp by the lay reader, I hope that Allah
may grant me success to deal with the subject in future researches of this
series: "The Umayyad Islam" with the due meticulous care and scientific
procedure it requires.
However, to interpret Muwiyah's conduct as a 'critique', and a practice of
'juristic inference' which 'mishit the target' is but a barefaced blatant exercise
to twist the prophetic hadith: "no one but a believer would love you and no
one but a hypocrite would bear grudge against you" and eschew other
sound accounts (samples given earlier) which equate between the verbal abuse
of Ali and the Messenger of Allah, hence the abuse of Ali and Allah (Taala).
With this logic, instead of taking his right position amidst history as a
hypocrite, offender and abuser of Allah and His Messenger, Muwiyah has
become Mujtahid anticipating the reward of Heaven for the effort he made in
an inference process though with faulty end result. This is a hopeless attempt
to patch up and adorn the ugly face of Muwiyah. It is unhidden for a witty

See: Ibn Ab Al-add Al-Mad'in, Abu mid Izzil Dn Abdul amd Bin Hibahtullah,
"Shar Nahj Al-Balaghah", reviewed by: Muhammad Abu Al-Fal Ibrahim, Dar Ihia Al-Kotob
Al-Arabiya, pub.1, 1379 A.H -1959 A.D, vol.5, p.78.
175

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reader that if the story is conversed and Ali (as) stands in Muwiyah's
position in the dock, there will not be any attempts to interpret his acts in
terms of good will. On the contrary, he will be subject to malevolent
treatment; suspected, incriminated, defamed and accused of offences which
he has not truly perpetrated, as typically carried out by Ibn Taimiyyah and the
like of him.
Back to As-Sind's claim that to "assail him" does not constitute to 'curse
him' but simply to 'swear' and 'speak slanderously and unfavourably on him'
which is "a jurisdiction for the people of juristic inference", we say it is a weak
presumption, infirm and lacking in historical evidence. However, swearing in
itself on the part of Muwiyah is an evildoing violating the explicit Sunnah
and hadith of the prophet (sawa), and misrepresenting the moral ethical
codes of Islam that prohibit filthy, obscene language and abusive tongue.
More importantly, contrary to this claim, history testifies that the pillars of
Nab were set up by Muwiyah, and the custom of cursing was first
performed on the pulpits of Moslems by him again. This point will be shortly
elaborated for the reader to know how far the partisans of Muwiyah plunged
into erroneousness just to advocate him.
3. This narrative is also transferred in "Al-Muannaf", by Abu Shaibah Al'Abs Al- Kf (d. 235). The book is highly important for its old age and
genuineness firstly, and for containing crucial information which has been
tampered with and altered at subsequent stages.
Abu Shaibah, whose chain of transmission is the same as that of Ibn Mjeh
said: "from Saad, he said: Muwiyah went on one of his Hajj voyages, and
Saad called in. As they mentioned Ali, Muwiyah assailed him, which
angered Saad who said: "you are saying this for someone on whom I heard
the Messenger of Allah saying he has three faculties, whereby possessing
any of these faculties is more desired for me than the whole of this World and
its treasures. I heard the Messenger (sawa) saying for whoever I am his
master Ali is his master too", I also heard him say: "you are for me like Aaron

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to Moses, but no prophet will follow in my wake", and similarly heard him: "I
would give the war-flag to a man who loves Allah and His Messenger."176
Muhammad Awamah, the book reviewer annotated:
"its chain of transmission is vigorous, it has been narrated by Ibn Abu im
in "As-Sunnah" from "Al-Muannaf", with no other corroborating hadith in
itself [...], narrated with the same chain of transmission of "Al- Muannaf" by
Ibn Mjeh, narrated by An-Nasa' from Ms Bin Muslim, equally narrated by
a group excluding his saying: for whoever I am his master Ali is his master
too which was substituted by "O Allah, these are my family members "
correspondently with the Qur'anic verse: {say: let us summon our sons and
your sons}. Also with the same wording, the hadith was narrated by Ahmed,
Muslim, At-Tirmidh, An-Nasa' and Al-kim."177
On my part, I have revised all these references, and found no word with the
name of Muwiyah but substituted by a pronoun! And that is what we meant
earlier by meddling in the hadith. Therefore, I recommend the prestigious
reader to turn to older genuine references whether manuscripts or printed
books reviewed by contemporary researches.
So far, it has become evident we have at our disposal narrations which are
straightforward and plain in stating that Muwiyah used to assail Ali and
abuse him verbally, besides commanding others to do so, as seen in the
account of Saad Bin Abu Waqq.
Yet, all what we advanced is dealing only with part one of stage one of
Muwiyah's amid the equation of the "love and hatred" of Ali (as). This part
basically shows that Muwiyah was assaulting Ali on a personal level and
swearing at him in public, with the companions and Moslems are on sight.

Abu Shaibah Al-Abs Al-Kufi, Abu Bakr Abdullah Bin Muhammad (159-235), "AlMuannaf", reviewed, rectified and hadiths extracted by: Muhammad Awwmah, Dar al-Qiblah,
vol.17, p.101, hadith no. 32741.
176

177

Ibid: same source.

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As for part two, stage two with the same equation and Muwiyah, it exceeds
the personal or individual level extending to the social to incorporate the
populace of Moslems in the hatred mode and verbal abuse of Imam Ali (as).
In other words, Muwiyah erected a novel Sunnah and social rite for the
daily practice of the general public reckoning the swearing and cursing of
Imam Ali (as) as permissible, or even more so, desirable and recommended
in Islam, and a requisite of religion to seek nearness to Allah (Taala).
At this juncture, Muwiyah appears so adamant with all his potential to
educate a whole generation with the hatred of Imam Ali (as), and get them
into the habit of cursing and swearing at him. We are faced with a colossal
scheme with cultural, intellectual and dogmatic dimensions, investing all the
state expedience and finance, the broadcasting media starting from prayer
leaders in mosques, Friday orators, to the narrators and tutors congregations,
etc. only to overturn the scale of love and hatred in the minds of Moslems,
and install a new scale revolving around the question of avowal and
disavowal. It is a brand new industry based on cultivating and steering
Moslems' feelings and passions in the interest of that political personal
scheme. More seriously, the objectives and end effects were not addressed
to the lay people who can be labelled as intellectually superficial and simpleminded, but swept a wide class of scholars and thinkers, who served the
scheme to a high degree with their theorisation and compositions turning it
into an intellectual compact doctrine, and inviting Moslems to embrace it. The
protagonist scholars who led the scheme were: Ibn Kathr, Ibn ajar, Ibn
Taimiyyah, Ibn Al-Qayyim and Ad-Dhahab.
How did Muwiyah do that? Let us review Ad-Dhahab phrase in "Siyer
Alm An-Nubal":
"There are swarms of people in the background of Muwiyah, who love him,
overvalue and give him a favourable regard. They were either drawn to him
for his generosity, forbearance and bestowals, or they were born with his
love, including a small number of companions, and a big number of

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successors and dignitaries, who fought the people of Iraq with him, as they
grew with Nab. We seek refuge in Allah from caprices."178
What Ad-Dhahab describes as the 'forbearance' of Muwiyah is no more
than his 'smart cunningness' that he was reputed for in all historical
documentations, whereas the 'generosity and bestowals' are other
expressions for looting and exploiting the treasury of Moslems in his capacity
as a ruler for his personal interests.
But what we are concerned with in Ad-Dhahab descriptive account is the
portrait he gives for the Syrian society in that era: 'they grew with Nab'179. It
is obvious that this growth with nab is the aftermath of propaganda and
governmental scheme to nurse grudge and hostility against Imam Ali (as),
with Muwiyah sitting on top of the scheme. Though Ad-Dhahab does not
acknowledge the fact that such campaign has been administered and
supervised by Muwiyah, the reader can decipher that the very traits of
Muwiyah sketched lavishly for him by Ad-Dhahab: generosity, forbearance
and giving by which he won the hearts of the Syrian younger generation,
were not purposeless. There was an ultimate purpose behind that, and the
question is: what is that purpose? Whose interests it serves? It is the nab
and nothing other than nab, or else how do we justify the evolution and
development of this concept?! It certainly has not come out of the blue or
unplanned! Ad-Dhahab has illustrated the layout of that hatred scheme, its
mechanism and repercussions, but as he comes to the name of the culprit,

Ad-Dhahab, "Siyer A'lm An-Nubal'", supervised the book review and hadith extraction by:
Shuaib Al-Arnt, reviewed by: Muhammad Nam Al-'Arqass et al, Mussasat al-Risala, Beirut,
1402 A.H -1992 A.D, vol.3, p.128.
178

The reviewer of Ad-Dhahab book defined the "nab" as follows: the Nibah are the hypocrites
and those religiously nurtured the hatred of Ali"; they do not only hate Ali, but practice their
religion and seek nearness of Allah through his hatred (as). See Shamsul Dn, Siyer, ibid, vol.4,
(volume reviewed by: Ma'mn As-gharj), p.37. The same is said by Ibn Taimiyyah, see:
Minhj, ibid, vol.4, p.554, where he defined nab as the hatred of Ali and his children.
179

141

he keeps it secret. However, the unsaid cannot be concealed from a witty

reader that the frontman of the campaign is precisely speaking Muwiyah.
But in order to assure the reader about Ad-Dhahab awareness of Muwiyah
position as the frontman and plotter of the scheme, we quote another part of
the same paragraph where he deals with Imam Ali (as) agenda in Iraq,
considering it as equivalent and counterpart to that of Muwiyah in Syria, a
theory for which he provides some explanation afterwards. And as AdDhahab sees the outlook of Iraqis, relationship and mental attitude towards
Muwiyah as the product of Imam Ali policy in Iraq, we easily guess from his
logic of equivalence the one who is accountable on the other side for framing
the Syrians minds, outlook, relationship and mental attitude towards Imam Ali
(as), according to him. In relevance with that, Ad-Dhahab digresses:
"... just as the army of Ali and his subjects, excluding the Kharijites, are
indoctrinated to love him and rise with him to war, dislike whoever
wrongs him, and disown him, notwithstanding many of them went to
extravagant lengths in Schism, so how is it like by Allah the condition of
someone who grew in a territory where you almost see no one but
extravagant in love, excessive in hatred? How can justice be
executed?"180
In this extract, Ad-Dhahab constricts the entire scheme of Muwiyah; the
indoctrination of the Syrians on his love counter to the hatred of Imam Ali
(as), into a form of political agenda, against which stands a collateral agenda
by Imam Ali in Iraq which correspondingly leans on promoting his love to his
subjects opposite to the hatred of Muwiyah. As for the vast majority, they
are for him the victims of political coaching and the current mood of the social
climate.
I have been receiving enquiries from my readers and viewers investigating
whether or not I can provide an evidence for rating Ad-Dhahab as Nib. In
response, I introduce some of his scripts which evince his precept of nab,
and enquire on my part: is he truly ignorant of the difference between the
180

Ad-Dhahab, Shamsul Dn, "Siyer Alm An-Nubal'", ibid, vol.3, p.128.

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implication in loving Imam Ali (as) and hating him; between affection to
Muwiyah and affection to Ali (as)? Is the love of Ali (as) truly the offspring of
social upbringing dictated by the political climate and pursuit for power or is it
part of religious coaching, enjoined by Qur'an and the Messenger of Allah
(sawa) who literally called to embrace his love and to condemn his detester,
assailer or abuser? Can we reduce the Scale of his love and hatred to merely
political clashes, or is it actually a principle of faith; an Islamic decree,
concept, value, and a norm according to which we know to whom we avow or
disavow? What should the Moslem individual do in this case? Should he
identify Ali (as) with the political conflict, and place him in equal position with
Muwiyah, overlooking the prophetic tradition in respect of his love, loyalty
and his status as our guardian? Or should he stand up for the malicious plots
of Muwiyah and expose how he repelled the teachings of Islam and orders
of the prophet (sawa)?
The answers to these questions circumscribe the state of Nab.
By now, the reader has some tangible grounds to tell which party Ad-Dhahab
sides with. Not only does he declare his affiliation with Muwiyah, but he
openly implores forgiveness and mercifulness of Allah (AZW) for the
offenders, continuing his last phrase as follows:
"we utter praise to Allah for good health, He Who offered us existence in a
time when Truth is sifted and clarified at which side of the two parties it
stands, so much so that we distinguished the flaws of each faction, gained
insight into things, and thereafter found excuses, asked forgiveness, and
loved mildly, sought Allah mercy for the offenders by applying some
agreeable interpretation to a certain sentence, or by anticipating forgiveness
for some error God willing, hence we said just as we were taught by Allah:
{our Lord! Forgive us, and our brothers who preceded us in faith, and
do not put in our hearts any rancour towards those who believe.}181
Ad-Dhahab, the insightful, was guided by his clear insight to love Ali 'mildly',
but as regards Muwiyah even though an offender -as Ad-Dhahab admits
himself- he can be justified by 'applying some agreeable interpretation to a
181

Ad-Dhahab, Shamsul Dn, "Siyer Alm An-Nubal'", ibid, vol.3, p.128.

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certain sentence' or by 'anticipating forgiveness for some error God willing',

therefore for him he is excused, or moreover he asks forgiveness and
mercifulness for him, incessantly beseeching Allah not to instil in his heart a
grudge against him for he is among {those who believe}.
Just for the reader to know the frailty of Ad-Dhahab effort in advocating
Muwiyah, let him examine closely his phrases: ''applying some agreeable
interpretation to a certain sentence'' and 'anticipating forgiveness for
some error God willing'' to see what brittle and flabby expressions they are
and how craftily exploited to evoke sympathy in his favour, and thereafter to
withdraw an extremely grave conclusion, that is, to decisively and firmly
merge Muwiyah with those who believe, on whom the ayah urged the
believers to implore Allah (AZW) to remove any grudge against them from
their hearts?! So instead of itemising him among the hypocrites pursuant to
the prophetic hadith: "no one but a believer would love you, and no one but a
hypocrite would bear grudge against you", Muwiyah was turned by virtue of
Ad-Dhahab modest bashful statement into a 'devout believer' at first,
henceforth into a man of indisputable faith!
Eventually, away from Ad-Dhahab fiery rhetoric on his clear vision, we
proceed with Muwiyah and the hatred policy fostered to a whole society
against Imam Ali (as). By then, the state of affairs was so frantic that the
Moslem society was deserting the prophetic Sunnah just to escape
Muwiyah punishment for the offence of loving Imam Ali (as)! From the
amount of multifarious accounts, I cite these two for the reader, which suffice
to illustrate the public fear from penalty for the love of Imam Ali (as) and how
the prophet's Sunnah was forsaken by people lest they should be
incriminated:
1. Adduced in Sunan An-Nas' and authenticated by Al-Albn the
following: "from Sad Bin Jubair, he said: I was with Ibn Abbas in Arafat
mount, whereby he asked: "why cannot I hear people doing talbiyah?,
Scared of Muwiyah", I said. So Ibn Abbas went out of his tent and did

144

talbiyah saying: "O Allah, here I am wholly submitting to you. Verily they
deserted the Sunnah out of hatred for Ali."182
2. Imam As-Sind said in his commentary on As-Siy's explanation of Sunan
An-Nas', with respect to Ibn Abbas statement ("verily they deserted the
Sunna out of hatred for Ali"), -noting that the phrases in brackets are made by
As-Sind himself, on which he explained:
"[...] and thereafter the root cause of disagreement among scholars over
the talbiyah in Arafat has come to light, from which it transpired that the
truth can be at either side of the two factions, all due to the hatred of Ali;
explicitly for hating him, that is, he was unyielding about the practices of
Sunnah, and thus they abandoned it out of his hatred."183
In conclusion, we close this chapter with a stanza composed by Ibn Kathr
Ad-Dimashq, one of the prominent figures of the Umayyad Islam, appearing
at the end of his book: "Al-Bidyah wan Nihyah". After long chanting
rhymed verses with the names of all the caliphs, whom he describes as
praiseworthy, he concludes in that very stanza that Muwiyah was Nib,
loathing Imam Ali (as):
"As-Sheikh Imd Ad-Dn Ibn Kathr said: "I wrote some rhymed metrical
verses afterwards". He cited some lines concerning the Tatar invasion of the
Islamic kingdoms, the overthrowing of the Abbasid Caliph and the aftermath
of events, henceforth referred in another poem to the affairs of the Fatimid
caliphs in Egypt, and eventually allotted a whole poem on the Umayyad
affairs, saying at the prelude:
As such are the Caliphs of Banu Umayyad
Their count is like the count of the Rfiiyyad
Al-Albn, Muhammad Nirul Dn, Sahih Sunan An-Nas', Maktabat al-Maarif for
publishing and distribution, Riyadh, pub.1 of the new edition, 1419 A.H 1998 A.D, vol.2, p.343,
hadith no.3006. This narration is also verified by the writer of At-Taqlqt As-Salafiyyah, vol.1,
p.264.
182

Sunan An-Nas' bi Shar Jallul Dn As-Siyt, annotated by: Nrul Dn As-Sind,

reviewed, indexed, numbered by: Islamic Heritage Investigation Office, Dar al-Marifa, Beirut,
vol.5, p.279.
183

145

Yet, below the scale of hundred years was their period

All of them were Nib save for Umar, the rightly guided
Muwiyah, henceforth his son Yazd
Then his son-child Muwiyah, the unerring.184

184

Ibn Kathr, "Al-Bidyah wal Nihyah", ibid, vol.17, p.375.

146

Chapter III
The First Portrait
Defiling the Immaculate Progeny of the Prophet
(2)
Hating and Swearing at Ali (as)

Preface: Research Topic and Objectives

The Immaculate Itrah for Ahlul Bait School and the Companions
School
Threefold Classification of the Islamic Schools: Reference Quotes
from Prominent Figures
Some Evidences on the First Umayyad Portrait
The Umayyad Policy: Quotes from some Prominent Figures
Percussions of the Umayyad Policy on the Science of Aspersion and
Acclamation
Firstly: Slander and Ill-Speaking on the Loyalists to Ahlul Bait
Secondly: Authentication and Praise of the Grudge-Holding to
Ahlul Bait

147

Preface: Research Topic and Objectives

There can be nothing more complicated than recording the intellectual history
of a certain faction, not only for the deficiency of documentations, and the
nature of these documentations, degree of reliability and disparity between
them, but due to another intricacy, embodied by the relationship of that
historical term with the dominant politics, and the dubuiosities that are likely
to emanate and impact the investigation of the truth and reality of that
particular history and the boundaries of its setting.
To explain these dubuiosities at a greater length and unravel their threads,
the research will take another channel. So in order for the reader to
understand the implication of our remark, he can call to mind the simplest
form of such dubiosity, that is, the conventional relationship between a
particular intellectual trend and the prevailing politics of the historical term to
be recorded, which commonly takes two forms: either fused with the
dominant policy and ruling authority, enslaved to their agenda, icons,
objectives and orientations, or at the other extreme: confronting and
opposing. In both cases politics plays a big part in mystifying and disfiguring
the intellectual scene of the period:
In the first case, the political authorities would act in a manner that
embellishes the intellectual maxims and sentiments of the trend, disguises its
origins and objectives, henceforth patches and merges the trend with another
set of intellectual maxims that are readily accepted by receptors. This way the
whole trend is blurred and its real features are masked under the guise of
some catchy slogan.
In the second case, the political authorities would act conversely to the
former, leading extermination, suppression and libel campaigns against
opponents from the other trend, and making every effort to efface the
scholarly output of compositions and compilations. This is largely what baffles
a historian pursuing the truth, and double his work to such a degree that he
may not be able to dig out the truth and fathom the reality of the contents and
intentions of the trend under study.
In the next few pages of the research, we try to approach a certain issue
undergoing such difficulties. The issue is not a side effect of some agenda
but directly manufactured and schemed by politics (as revealed later). It can be
summed up by the following question: is the archetype of Islam presented by
148

the Umayyad House, whose highest official is Muwiyah Bin Abu Sufin, the
same Islam instituted and imparted by the prophet (sawa), the Islam we
inherited from authentic acclaimed sources, or it varies in methods, objectives
and contours?
The general policy implemented by the Umayyad House takes two steps:
Step One: establish far and wide in the Moslem society a set of rules and
principles on the intellectual and political levels, glaringly contrasting with the
ethos and concepts of Islam, such as spreading tribal sectarianism, distorting
the mission of Islamic conquests and expansions, monopoly of Moslems
wealth, initiating enmity towards the Household of the Messenger (sawa) and
so on.
Step Two: convey a misleading impression that the archetype of Islam they
diseminate is analogical to that of the prophet's companions. Therefore to
preserve the companions' legacy and assign them the due regard, one must
consummate that by similar regard for the icons of the Umayyad House, be
subservient to their policies, trust in them, acknowledge their virtues and have
favourable judgement on their precepts which are ostensibly analogous to the
companions'.
In point of fact, this research at your disposal my dear reader, endeavours to
achieve a binary task at one time while answering that question:
Task One: to provide the prestigious reader with a vivid scientific portrayal on
some features and contours of the Umayyad Islam, supported by evidences
to show how they hardly meet with the tuition of Islam, and to prove that the
Umayyad House, early back from first coming into Islam, were plotting evil for
the prophet (sawa) and his mission on the prospect to undermine and deface
their monumental features.
From the wide range of portraits which highlight this truth, we opted a pivotal
one, that is, the unabating policy implemented all along the Umayyad reign,
namely the attitude towards the Itrah of the prophet (sawa), mirrored by
hostility, denial of virtues, massacre and oppression. In a word, that attitude
rests on the ferocious strenuous effort to obliterate and uproot every vestige
of Imam Ali (as) and Ahlul Bait (as), coupled with the companions who
revered them, recognised their ranking in the Islamic history and stood
against the Umayyad trend.

149

Task Two: to abrogate the Umayyad House allegation that they are
representatives of the companions in ideology and teachings of Islam,
assuming their identity and following in their track, and that the corpus of
concepts, convictions and policies they promote and implement are replica of
the companions'.
It is common knowledge that Ahlul Bait School rejects the theory of 'blanket
uprightness' of the companions, and judge their calibre by the degree of
empathy with the principles of faith, indistinctively from later comers to Islam
of succeeding generations. It also attests for the great majority of companions
their virtuousness, strife and sacrifices in the way to propagate and triumph
for Islam. Accordingly, this research aims to peel off the mantle of legitimacy
that the Umayyad House feigned by claiming to set out from the credentials
of companions as a point of reference, in their practices and intellectual
convictions. Probably, at the present or future research, we identify the
companions who were attired the capacity of Marji by the Umayyad House,
introduce to their statures and statuses, the actual proportion they historically
contributed to the call for Islam, hence prove the prodigious fallacy of the
Umayyads and their partisans that they had the companions on their side and
that they represent them and speak for them.
The danger of the Umayyad proposals in relevance to the Islamic thought
and history does not only lie in the false allegations and counterfeit of
historical facts by which they induce people and win their hearts, but also in
their diligence to construct the Moslem community according to these
proposals and bring them to the point of persuasion. More vexing is the
continuation of some scholars in the footsteps of the Umayyads, theorising
and contriving some intellectual foundations for their formula of Islam in terms
of the companions' and forerunners' Islam who first existed in the Islamic era.
Eventually, what we will be concerned with as much as the study can tolerate
is to subvert this artifice and deceit overshadowing our intellectual history,
hence expose how the Umayyad formula barely relates to the companions'
legacy, and how sinister and anomalous the consequences they levied on
Islam.
We maintained that the primary target of this study is to outline side views of
the Umayyad anti-prophetic Islam, and currently the venue for that is the
immaculate Itrah of the prophet (sawa) and the Umayyad's attitude towards
them. But the reader needs to note here that this chapter will take the
exclusive instance of Imam Ali (as), displaying how the Umayyad House
150

relentlessly tried to wipe out his name, debase him and deny him his laudable
achievements. But before we progress further, we will shed light on the
general conceptions of both Ahlul Bait School and the Companions School
towards the Itrah (as), which demarcates the huge gap between the
Umayyad trend and the Companions School and evinces the difference
between each one's convictions. At the end, I will equip the reader with
excerpts with the view that the Umayyad Islam is independent from the two
Schools of Ahlul Bait and the Companions, having its very own character.

151

The Immaculate Itrah

For Ahlul Bait School and the Companions School
The usage of the term 'Ahlul Bait' in this study is idiosyncratic, unlinked to the
semantic entry of ''one's household'' in the glossary of Arabic lexicons.
According to mutawtir scripts, it is confined to the figures of: "Ali, Fatimah,
Al-Hassan and Al-Hussein", along with the succeeding nine Imams on whom
evidences from the first emblems of Ahlul Bait themselves, were handed
down to indicate their incorporation in this term.
Below are the main pillars of the conception of Ahlul Bait School on their
Imams:
First Pillar: believe from a dogmatic angle in the impeccability of Imam Ali,
Fatimah Al-Zahra' and the nine Imams of their progeny (as), their stand as
the natural extension of the prophet (sawa) in his capacity as the divine Marji
of Islam and the consultative leadership from which statutes, rulings and
values are derived.
Second Pillars: believe from a political angle, as regards the post of
caliphate and allegiance in lieu of the prophet (sawa), they are (as)
conclusively the legitimate caliphs.
As for the Companions School, though the two pillars are disacknowledged,
i.e. the impeccability and exclusive succession after the prophet (sawa), they
conceive of Imam Ali and his household (as) as high-ranked emblems in
Islam, and Imam Ali (as) in particular, as the fourth rightly guided successor
of the prophet (sawa). Incidentally, his love and hatred are embodiment of
faith and hypocrisy alternately, and he is one of ten men promised Paradise,
and anyone who rebels against him is deemed impudent transgressor,
destined for Hellfire unless he repents. A parallel perception of grandeur and
affection is applied to Fatimah Al-Zahra' (as), hence to Al-Hassan and AlHussein (as) acknowledging they are the delight of the Messenger (sawa)
and the Masters of the youth of Paradise; and they and their parents (as) are
the protagonists of the Cloak event who had the honour of utter purification
from filth by the holy Qur'an.
As for the nine Imams of Ahlul Bait, the descendants of Imam Hussein (as),
the Companions School commends them and celebrates their magnificent
merits and exquisite knowledge.
152

The reviewer, Al-Manw (952-1031A.H)185 said at the bottom of his

explanation of hadith no. 2631 in Jallul Dn As-Siys "Al-Jmi As-Saghr
min Ahdith Al-Bashr An-Nadhr" ("I hereby leave among you two
things in my place: the Book of Allah, a line stretched from Heaven to
Earth, and my Itrah and Household. They will not depart each other till
they meet me at the Fount") interpreting the term 'Ahlul Bait':
"This is a detailed description after abbreviation, either in the appositive or
illustrative formxxiii. It is said they are the Cloak members who were cleansed
from filth and purified, and also said: they are the ones who are prohibited
Zakat being too elevated, a view which is outweighed by Al-Qurub, and this
purports: if you stick to what the Book enjoins, refrain from what it prohibits,
be inspired by the guidance of my Itrah and take after their conduct, you will
be guided and will not go astray. Al-Qurub said: this prophetic will and its
emphatic tone make binding on us the respect of his household, obedience,
reverence and love on a par with other strictly stressed religious duties, and
failure to observe that is inexcusable. This is over and above their special
statuses for the prophet (sawa) in that they are integral part of him. They are
the roots from where he grew and the branches that grew from him, just as
he said: "Fatimah is part of me."
Then he proceeds in the same context: "despite that Banu Umayyah have
returned these mighty vested rights by transgression and disobedience, they
shed the blood of Ahlul Bait, enslaved their women and captivated their
children, ruined their homes, renounced their honour and virtues, and
licensed their captivity and curse. So they infringed the Mustafa (sawa) will,
met him with ingratitude, contrary to his aim and wish. What a big shame
awaits them when they stand before him, and what a disgrace in store for
them when they are arrayed before his eyes."186
185

See his biography in: Al-Zarkal, Khairul Dn Bin Mamd Ad-Dimashq, "Al-Alm", Dar El Ilm

Lilmalayin, pub.15, 2002 A.D, vol.6, p.204.

186

Al-Manw, Mohammed, nicknamed as Abdul Ra'f Bin Tj Al-Arifn Bin Ali Al- addd Al-Qhir,

"Fai Al-Qadr Shar Al-Jmi As-Saghr min Ahdth Al-Bashr Al-Nadhr", proofreading and
verification by: Ahmed Abdul Salm, Muhammad Ali Baizun publications: Dar Al-Kotob al-Ilmiyah,
Beirut, 1422 A.H. 2001 A.D, vol.3, pp.19-20, hadith no.2631.

153

What Al-Manw indicates in the last part of his phrase is essentially the core
problem of the Umayyad Islam. No matter how hard they tried to seize the
voice of the Companions School and assume an official capacity in their
name, they are evidently and completely antithetical to the grounds of that
School, particularly in the attitude towards the Itrah of the prophet (sawa).
This fact is clearly announced by a number of Moslem prominent figures (to
elaborate further shortly).

154

Threefold Classification of the Islamic Schools:

Reference Quotes from Prominent Figures
It has been reiterated throughout the study that the approach of Moslems
towards Islam, particularly with respect to Imam Ali (as) has not been
symmetrical. The arena of intellectual history proved to have witnessed a
trend at variance with Ahlul Bait and the Companions Schools. While the last
two have major intersection points, the third has demonstrated all along
history a different profile. In so much as the Companions School varies with
Ahlul Bait's in that the latter identifies Imam Ali (as) as dogmatically infallible
and politically the immediate caliph after the Messenger (sawa), they crisscross on allegiance to Imam Ali (as), his love and disownment of his enemies.
They acknowledge too his virtues, feats and great position in the history of
Islam, which isolates them from the trend of antipathy and defamation, and
singles out a third school unique to itself. Rigidly speaking, we called that
school: the Umayyad Islam, but this is not a novelty from our side or a newly
fashioned term we coined for the specific use of this study, unprecedented by
other scholars over history. To prove that, we present quotes and references
from the writings of some scholars who embraced the term before we did,
and traced that threefold classification in their books or simply made implicit
reference to a third trend:
First Reference: allusions made by Ibn Taimiyyah in "Minhj As-Sunnah"
that a triple division in the stand towards Ahlul Bait (as) is traceable in history.
He said: "it is well-known that when he came to post (i.e. Imam Ali), the
companions and the remainder of Moslems were divided into three
categories; one who fought with him, one who fought him, and others who
were motionless, neither involved with this side nor the other, whereby the
majority of the earliest predecessors were among the motionless."187
Ibn Taimiyyah, "Minhj As-Sunnah An-Nabawiyyah", reviewed by: Muhammad Rshd
Slim, Mussasat Cordoba, pub.1, 1406 A.H-1986 A.D, vol.7, p.55.
187

As for Ibn Taimiyyahs claim that the majority of the predecessors were among the motionless who
involved in no action, it is one of his pieces of truth-evasion and distortion. It will appear on due
time that most of the remaining companions particularly the earliest forerunners were at the side
Imam Ali (as) in his wars. In order not to keep the prestigious reader waiting for our next
investigation, I select this extract from one of the contemporary researchers of Ahlul Sunnah, who
said after exhibiting evidences on the legitimacy of Imam Ali (as) wars in his confrontation with
Muwiyah and describing these evidences as 'huge in number', considering the most outstanding of
which as: "Ammar is to be killed by the transgressing faction": "There was only a negligible
155

Ibn Taimiyyah stated in multiple contexts that a big number of the Umayyads
and their partisans hated him and used to swear at him188, and that the
subjects of Muwiyah are themselves the loyalists of Uthman and the people
who clustered round him, and among them there were the Nib detesters of
Ahlul Bait.189
Second Reference: statements made by Shamsul Dn Ad-Dhahab while
recording the biography of Al-Fa'f' Khlid Bin Salamah Al- Qarash Al-Kufi in
his book "Siyer Alm An-Nubal'", -noting that Al-Fa'f' was an assailer of
Imam Ali (as)- in which he said: "the earliest foregoing people after the battle
of iffn were pulled apart into multi-divisional factions: Ahlul Sunnah who
were people of erudition, lovers of the companions, sober and self-restraining
on disputes among themselves, like Saad, Ibn Umar, Mohammed Bin
Salamah and many others, then the Shia who centre their loyalty around Ali,
assail those who fought him deeming them as oppressive inequitable
Moslems, then the Nb who fought Ali on the battle of iffn; they
acknowledge the Islam of Ali and his predecessors but say: he failed the
caliph Uthman in time of need." 190
This quote from Ad-Dhahab, despite its brevity contains many points that we
disagree with. Irrespective of the historical layout he creates for the three
divisions, the format of beliefs he ascribes for each one, and the Sharia
number with Muwiyah". Then he paraphrases his phrase: "I said only negligible, because he had
at his side only Umru Bin Al-, Al-Mughrah Bin Shubah, An-Numn Bin Al-Bashr,
Muwiyah Bin udaij, Muslim Bin Mukhallad, and a few others, whereas with our master Ali
(may Allah be pleased with him) there were seventy men from the battle of Badr, seven hundred
from the Ar-Riwn Pledge and four hundred from the remainder of the Muhjirs and Anr..."
See: At-Tald, Abu Al-Fit Abdullah Bin Abdul Qdir "Al-Anwr Al-Bahirah, Maktabat alImam al-Shafii and Dar Ibn Hazm, pub.1, 1417 A.H, p.69.
See for example: "Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.7, p.210 & "Majm Fatw wa Maqlt
Mutanawiah", edited and hadiths extracted by: mir Al-Jazzar et al, Dar al-Wafa, pub.5, 1426
A.H-2005 A.D, vol.4, pp.276-298.
188

189

Ibn Taimiyyah, "Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.5, p.466.

Ad-Dhahab, "Siyer Alm An-Nubala'", reviewed by a group of researchers under the

supervision of Shuaib Al-Arna't, Musassat al-Risala, pub.3, 1405 A.H-1985 A.D, vol.5, p.374.
190

156

rulings about them according to Allah's Book and the prophetic Sunnah, we
are ultimately concerned with the fact that Ad-Dhahab admits the existence
of threefold division.
Third Reference: allusions made by Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln in his book "Fat
Al-Br" as he embarks on the biography Ali (as) in a chapter, titled: "The
Feats of Ali Bin Abu lib", saying:
"[...] though people were two factions, the heretics were inconsiderable in
number. But when the affair of Ali followed afterwards, another faction came
into being and fought him. Then the calamity aggravated, so they started to
abase him and made of his curse a fixed Sunnah on the pulpits. The
Kharijites coincided with them on his hatred and heightened it until they
accused him of apostasy, which adds up to Uthmanxxiv. Eventually, people
have ended in respect of Ali into three divisions: Ahlul Sunnah, the heretics of
Kharijites and the combatants against him from Banu Umayyah and their
followers. Under these circumstances, Ahlul Sunnah felt the need to
disseminate his virtues, so transmitters of these virtues proliferated with the
proliferation of those who opposed that action." 191
Fourth Reference: what some contemporary researcher expressed, i.e. Abu
Al-Fit Abdullah Bin Abdul Qdir Al-Tald in his book: "Al-Anwr Al-Bhira
bi Fa'il Ahlul wal Dhuriyyah A-hirah", while explaining the third
reason for writing his book saying: "to rebuff the allegations of the extremists
in general who accused Ahlul Sunnah of Nab, absolute animosity for Ahlul
Bait and deflection from them, and this is wronging Ahlul Sunnah and
overstepping all boundaries, as the non-Shiite Moslems has been and still
are loving Ahlul Bait, respecting and exalting them, and putting them in their
due place. They are even better than the Shia in that respect, as Ahlul
Sunnah do love the purified Ahlul Bait and their descendants in the same way

191

Ibn ajar, Abu Al-Fal Ahmed Bin Ali Al-Asqaln, "Fat Al-Br", reviewed and verified by: Abdul

Aziz Bin Abdullah Bin Bz, hadiths and chapters numbered by: Muhammad Fu'd Abdul Bq, editing and
proofreading: Muhibul Dn Al-Khab, Dar al-Marifa, Beirut, 1379, vol.7, p.71, Ch. The Feats of Ali Bin
Abu lib.

157

they love the prophet's companions whom they respect and seek Allah's
pleasure for them just as it is the case with Ahlul Bait."192

192

"Al-Anwr Al-Bhira bi Fa'il Ahlul wal Dhuriyyah A-hirah", ibid, p.6.

158

Some Evidences on the First Umayyad Portrait

Narratives in this respect are abundant, but as I made an obligation upon
myself not to produce evidences only when they are equally validated by both
Schools, I will solely cite to the effect that substantiates the existence of the
antipathy and degradation policies when Muwiyah was in office. Proving
that does not require great effort when bearing in mind that Muwiyah shed
Amrul Mu'minn blood with impunity, fought and rebelled against him.

Evidences:
Evidence One: What is adduced in "Sahih Muslim", chapter: "Virtues of
Imam Ali", saying: related to us Qutaibah Bin Sad and Muhammad Bin
Abbd -and they were very close in their versions- saying: related to us
tem who is Ibn Ismal from Bukair Bin Musmr from mir Bin Saad Bin
Abu Waqq from his father, he said: Muwiyah Bin Abu Sufin ordered
Saad saying: what stops you from swearing at Abu Turb? Saad said: so
long as I remember three faculties endowed upon him by the Messenger
(saw-a), I will not swear at him; to have any of these faculties is more
desirable for me than the finest camels. I heard the Messenger of Allah (sawa) saying to him when he was heading for some of his incursions and thus
appointing him his successor, in reply to Ali who said: "O Messenger of Allah,
you left me behind with the women and youngster?", so the Messenger (sawa) said: "you are for me like Aaron to Moses, but no prophet will follow
in my wake", and on the Day of Khaiber: "I would give the war-flag to a
man who loves Allah and His Messenger". He added: we aspired for that
and extended our heads, but the prophet (sawa) said: "call Ali for me", and
Ali was summoned, sore-eyed, and he spat into his eye to heal and handed
him the war-flag, hence Allah (Taala) opened wide the gates for him.
When this Qur'anic verse was revealed: {let us call upon our children and
your children} the Messenger (saw-a) called for the presence of Ali,

159

Fatimah, Hassan
household."193

and

Hussein

saying:

"O

Allah

these

are

my

An-Nawaw, the annotator of "Sahih Muslim", tried to defend Muwiyah and

acquit him from his wrongdoings claiming that the hadith does not fully and
clearly articulate the name of Muwiyah as to have ordered Saad to do the
swearing, saying:
"Scholars said: the renderings of hadiths which outwardly open with the
phrase: 'a companion called in on to me', must all be subjected to
interpretation. They amplified: nothing in the texts of the reliable narrators but
not to be interpreted. Accordingly, this saying of Muwiyah does not involve
a declaration ordering Saad to swear at him, but an interrogation on why he
is not doing that, as if though inquiring: 'did you quit that out of religious
dutifulness or for fear or other motives, and if it were dutifulness and
veneration for him in a way you cannot abuse him, you are thus free of error
and a good doer, and if it were something else, there should be another
explanation in this case. Probably Saad was from a faction who were
accustomed to swearing, and while he abstained from that, he fell short of a
means to reprove their act, and in the end he managed to reprove them, and
accordingly he asked him this question. They also said: another interpretation
is possible purporting: what stopped you from disproving the opinion and
juristic inference he made, and rather showing people our discerning opinion
and juristic inference, upon which you make manifest he is at fault."194
This is an abortive fruitless attempt; it can be overruled firstly by the
equivalence made in the narrative between two phrases: 'he ordered' and
'what stops you from swearing', with 'so' mediating between them, in 'so
Saad said'. 'So' contextually indicates clear cohesion and unity between the
subject of abstention from the act 'the swearing at Ali' and the content of the
Al-Qushair, Muslim Bin Al-ajjaj, "Sahih Muslim", edited by: Abu uhaib Al-Karm, Bait alAfkar Adawliya, 1419 A.H 1998 A.D, p.979, Kitab: Fail A-abah Book of The
Virtues of the Companions", Ch. "The Virtues Ali Bin Abu lib", hadith no. 2404.
193

An-Nawaw, Abu Zakariyyah Mul Dn Yaya Bin Sharaf Bin Mar, "Al-Minhj: Sharh
Sahih Muslim Bin Al-ajjj", al-Masriya Press, Al-Azhar, pub.1, 1347 A.H - 1929 A.D, vol.15,
pp.175-176. From him: Al-Mubrakfr, Muhammad Abdul Ramn Bin Abdul Ram, Tufat
Al-Alhwadh bi Shar Jmi At-Tirmidh, proofreading and verification by: Abdul Ramn
Muhammad Uthman, Dar al-Fikr, vol.10, p.228, hadith no. 3808.
194

160

order: 'to swear', or else if the order addresses another issue, its inclusion by
the narrator would be redundant and unnecessarily elaborated. Secondly,
there are other relevant narratives (to come later in the research) explicitly stating
the fact that Muwiyah was the one who ordered the swearing. It should be
noted however that the lord master of this trend, the defender and backer of
the Umayyads, Ibn Taimiyyah has admitted in more than one location in his
book "Minhj As-Sunnah" that Muwiyah had ordered Saad to do the
swearing.195
Evidence Two: what is adduced in "Al-Mustadrak al A-aiain" by Alkim An-Naisbr, whereby he said:
"related to us Abu Bakr Muhammad Bin Dwd Bin Sulaimn, related to us
Abdullah Bin Muhammad Bin Njiyah, related to us Raj' Bin Muhammed AlUdhr, related to us Umru Bin Muhammad Bin Abu Razn, related to us
Shubah from Misar from Ziyd Bin Ilqah from his uncle: that Al-Mughrah
Bin Shubah swore at Ali Bin Abu lib, so Zaid Bin Arqam rose to him
saying: O Mughrah, do not you know that the Messenger of Allah (saw-a)
prohibited the offensive abuse of the dead, so why do you swear at Ali when
he is dead?" 196
Whereby he said: "as for the hadith of Saad, when Muwiyah ordered him to do the swearing,
and the latter rejected etc.", see: "Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.5, p.42. A contemporary annotator
of Sahih Muslim has retorted to that evasive attempt of An-Nawaw saying:
195

"An-Nawaw is trying to absolve Muwiyah from his wrongdoing, saying: ...", he cites AnNawaw paragraph and thereafter comments: this is an interpretation conspicuously unfair and farremoved from the truth. What is established so far is that Muwiyah used to order the abuse of Ali
by swearing. That said, Muwiyah is infallible and is liable to err. Anyhow, we should quit
disparaging any of the companions of the Messenger (saw-a), and the practice of swearing at Ali
during the era of Muwiyah is explicit in our ninth narration", see: Lshn: Ms Shhin, "Fat
Al-Munim Shar Sahih Muslim", Dar al-Shorouk, pub.1, 1423 A.H - 2002 A.D, vol.9, p.332. In
his last phrase, he denotes the final narrative in "Ch.The Virtues of Imam Ali" of "Sahih
Muslim."
Al-kim A-Naisbr, Abu Abdullah Muhammad Bin Abdullah Bin Muhammad, "AlMustadrak ala A-aain", the edition appened by Ad-Dhahab critical notes, at the bottom
"Tatabu Awhm Al-kim for Abdul Ramn Bin Muqbil Bin Hd Al- Wadi, Dar al161
196

This hadith depicts the atmosphere of intellectual intimidation that some of

the companions were undergoing during the reign of one the biggest curators
of the Umayyad policies, especially as it concerns Imam Ali (as). It is striking
that Zaid Bin Al-Arqam was unable to do proper admonishment to AlMughrah or defying that abusive policy, and only faintly makes a gesture
reminding him of the death of Ali (as) and the inhibition in respect of the
dead!! He was too powerless to retaliate with facts on Amrul Mu'minn (as),
reviving his virtues, his precedence in Islam, his strife to spread the mission,
over and above the prophetic tradition that grudge against Ali (as) is a token
of hypocrisy. Even more, he was unable to support his argument with
pertinent hadiths from the Companions School, like Imam Ali being one of the
ten promised Paradise and the fourth caliph of Moslems, lest he should be
indicted with insurgency against the Sultan, his command and policy.
Evidence Three: what is given by Ibn Mjeh in his "Sunnan":
"Related to us Ali Bin Muhammad, related to us Abu Muwiyah, related to us
Ms Bin Muslim from Ibn Sbit who is Abdul Ramn from Saad Bin Abu
Waqq, saying: Muwiyah went on one of his Hajj voyages, and Saad
dropped in. As the name of Ali was mentioned, Muwiyyah assailed him,
which angered Saad and said: you are debasing a man on whom I heard the
Messenger saying: whoever I am his master, Ali is his master too", "you
are for me like Aron to Musa, but no prophet will follow in my wake" and
"I would give the war-flag to a man who loves Allah and His
Messenger."197

Haramain bookshop for publishing and distribution, Cairo, pub.1, 1417 A.H 1997 A.D, vol.1,
p.536, hadith no.1420. This hadith was authenticated by Ad-Dhahab, Al-Wdi (see: ibid) and AlAlbn: "Silsilat Al-Adth A-aah", maktabat al-Maarif, Riyadh, vol.5, p.520, hadith
no.2397. The latter said: Al-kim said: it is sound according to the criteria of Muslim, and AdDhahab coincided with him, and I would say just as they said.
Ibn Mjeh, Abu Abdullah Muhammad Bin Yazd Al-Qazwn, "Sunnan Ibn Mjeh", annotated
by: Muhammed Nirul Dn Al-Albn, edited by: Abu Ubaidah l Salmn, Maktabat al-Maarif,
Riyadh, pub.1, p.37, hadith no.121. This hadith throws light on the preceding hadith of evidence
one, which some exegetists tried to manipulate, as indicated above.
197

162

Evidence Four: what is adduced in "Trkh Al-Umam wal Mulk" for Abu
Jafar Bin Jarr A-abar while recording the injunctions of Muwiyah to AlMughrah Bin Shubah as he appointed him the ruler of Al-Kufa. He cited this
incident along the proceedings of year 51 A.H. on the cause behind ijr Bin
Adiy murder with his companions, and these injunctions represent a
complete charter that comprises the overall policy and tactics of Muwiyah in
dealing with Imam Ali (as), his followers and companions.
A-abar said:
"Hishm Bin Muhammad reported from Abu Mikhnaf from Mujlid Bin Sad
and As-Saqab Bin Zuhair and Fuail Bin Khudaij and Al-Hussein Bin Uqbah
Al-Murd, saying: each one has related to me a glimpse of this hadith, and
these glimpses intersected with the account I cited on ijr Bin Adiy and his
companions: when Muwiyah Bin Abu Sufin assigned the rule of Al-Kufa to
Al-Mughrah Bin Shubah on Jumada, year forty one, he summoned him,
praised Allah and said: having said so hence quoting some poet he
resumed:
"For a person with lenience and forbearance before this day, no stick knocks,
just Al-Mutalammis said:
[For a person with lenience and forbearance before this day, no stick will be
knockedxxv
Humans are but taught what they are nurtured]
A farsighted man with wisdom may suffice without learning. I had the intent to
dictate to you dozens of injunctions, but I will dismiss them relying ultimately
on your insight into how you please me; cause my sovereignty to prosper and
my subjects to change for the better. Yet, I will not refrain from
recommending a certain manner: never let your passion cool off from the
abuse and dispraise of Ali, from seeking mercy and forgiveness for
Uthman, finding faults with the companions of Ali, banishing them, and

163

in no case lending ear to them, while praising the loyalists of Uthman...

bringing them nearer and lending them a good ear."198
Al-Mughrah adhered to the injunctions accurately to the full. On his
biography, Shamsul Dn Ad-Dhahab in "Siyer Alm An-Nubal'" said: from
Abu Bakr Bin Ayysh from uain from Hill Bin Yasf from Abdullah Bin
lim, he said: Al-Mughrah in his speeches used to assail Ali, and he
appointed orators who were similarly assailing him..."199

A-abar, Abu Jafar Muhammad Bin Jarr, "Trkh Ar-Rusul wal Mulk", reviewed by:
Abu Al-Fal Ibrahim, Dar al-Maarif, Egypt, pub.2, vol.5, pp.253-254.
198

199

Ad-Dhahab, "Siyer Alm An-Nubala'", ibid, vol.3, p.31.

164

The Umayyad Policy:

Quotes from some Prominent Figures
We have alluded earlier to some confessional statements made by Ibn
Taimiyyah which confirm the hatred and abuse policy practised by the
Umayyads against Imam Ali (as), though the purpose of these confessions is
chiefly to alleviate the evils of this policy and to conceal the underlying legal
liability. He says elusively as regards Imam Ali (as): "their talk on Ali", not
signifying for the nature and extent of that 'talk', nor explaining how far
compliant this 'talk' with the Islamic principles and ethics, trying by this to
camouflage the fact that it was rather cursing, swearing, abusing and mass
execution of his lovers and companions.
Though Ibn Taimiyyah by tending to circumvent the truth is justified by his
creed towards Ahlul Bait (as), many other Moslem scholars not only have
been plain and transparent on the nature of this 'talk', but they also compiled
books in this vein which are indispensable for the library of the prestigious
reader to know the truth.
I will only mention four of the prominent figures who alluded to the Umayyad
Nib policies against Ahlul Bait (as) and how these policies impacted the
society under their rule; two of them were more prolific and went beyond
mere allusions to use it as a topic for writing. They are as follows:
First Figure: Al-Hafiz Abu Al-Hassan Ali Bin Muhammad Bin Abdullah Bin
Abu Saif Al-Mad'in Al-Ikhbr. In his biography in "Siyer Alm An-Nubala'"
Ad-Dhahab recorded:
"He is the Allama, the memoriser, the truthful, Abu Al-Hassan Ali Bin
Muhammad Bin Abdullah Bin Abu Saif Al-Mad'in Al-Ikhbr. He resided in
Baghdad and compiled books. He was the marvel of his age with expertise
on areas like biographies, battles, archives of Arabs and line-tracing of the
ancestry. Deemed authentic in his transfers, with high chain of transmitters
(see glossary: high Isnad) [...].
Heard and related from: Qurrah Bin Khlid, his preeminent master,
Shubah, Juwairiyyah Bin Asm', Awanah Bin Al-akam, Ibn Abu Dhi'b,
Mubrak Bin Falah, ammad Bin Salamah, Salm Bin Miskn and others
from this layer [...].
165

Related from him: Khalfah Bin Khayy, Az-Zubair Bin Bakkr, Al-rith Bin
Abu Usmah, Ahmed Bin Abu Khaithamah, Al-Hassan Bin Ali Bin AlMutawakkil and others.
Ahmed Bin Abu Khaithamah said: my father, Musab Az-Zubair, and Yaya
Bin Man were clustering at the doorstep of Musab in the evenings, and
once a man with elegant garment passed by on a lavish donkey. He said his
greeting, and turned for his query to Yaya Bin Man from all others.
So Yaya said to him: O Abu Al-Hassan, whereto? He said: to this generous
one who fills my pockets with coins and notes, Isq Bin Ibrahim Al-Mawil,
and as he departed, Yaya said: trustworthy (three times), and I asked my
father: "who is this"? "it is Al-Mad'in" he said."200
Let us preview Al-Mad'in account on the aftermath of the Umayyad
indoctrination of the Syrian society to take a loathing and earn enmity for
Imam Ali and his household (as). It was so overwhelmingly dominant that
when the native Syrians name their children after the names of Ahlul Bait
(as), it is just to have the liberty to abuse and curse them!!
Ad-Dhahab said: "Al-Mad'in related: he was let into Al-Ma'mn, and started
to relate accounts on Ali, and cursed Banu Umayyah saying:
I said: Al-Muthannah Bin Abdullah Al-Anr said:
"I was in Syria and there I neither heard the name of Ali nor Al-Hassan; and
no more than Muwiyah, Yazd and Al-Wald names reached my ears, then I
passed by a man at his door who cried out: water him O Hassan, so I asked:
you named him Hassan?
He said: my children are Hassan, Hussein and Jafar, the Syrian people
name their children by the names of the successors of Allah so that the father
would curse his child and abuse him.

200

Ad-Dhahab, "Siyer A'lm An-Nubal'", ibid, vol.10, pp.400-401.

166

I said: I thought you are the best of the Syrians, when it appeared not even in
Hellfire there is someone more evil than you."201
Second Figure: the jurist Ahmed Bin Muhammad Bin Abd Rabbah AlAndalus (d.328 A.H.) whereby he said in his famous book "Al-Aqd AlFard":
"As Al-Hassan Bin Ali died, Muwiyah went to Hajj. He entered Al-Medina
and wanted to curse Ali on the pulpit of the Messenger (saw-a), so it was said
to him: with Saad Bin Abu Waqqa in this locality, we do not think he would
let this pass, therefore, send him an envoy to see what he says. As he
summoned him and mentioned it to him, Saad said: "if you do that I will
depart from the mosque and never be back."
So Muwiyah ceased to curse Ali until Saad died. After his death he cursed
him on the pulpit and wrote to his appointed rulers to do the same and so
they did.
So Um Salamah, the prophet's wife (saw-a), wrote to him with this content:
you are cursing Allah and His Messenger on your pulpits so long as you
curse Ali Bin Abu lib and whoever loves him, and I bear witness that Allah
and His Messenger do love him.
But he paid no heed to her sayings."202
Third Figure: Sheikh Abdullah Al-Alil, the writer of "Imam Al-Hussein"
book, who before other scholars, discerned the formidable features of the
Umayyad face, their real intentions and attitude towards Islam and Moslems.
He said:
"The Umayyad party plotted for the prophet (sawa) and the call for Islam. We
knew how Abu Sufin, chief of the Umayyad family, entered Islam and how
the Umayyad prestigious standing dissolved in an Islamic setting with the
advent of Islam that triumphed for the Hshim family. So they carried out
201

Ibid: same source, vol.10, p.401.

Ibn Abd Rabbah, Abu Umar Ahmed Bin Muhammad Al-Andalus, "Al-Aqd Al-Fard",
reviewed by: Abdul Aziz At-Tarn, Dar Al-Kotob al-Ilmiya, Beirut, pub.1, 1404 A.H -1983 A.D,
vol.5, p.114.
202

167

their plans under the shade of religion to set the scene for an autocratic
authority, finding in the reign of Muwiyah Bin Abu Sufin and subsequently
Yazd the onset for consolidating their position further onward."203
He also said under the title: "The Umayyad Coup or Revolution against the
Caliphs Government":
"Many may dismiss the possibility that this coup d'tat is led by the Umayyad
squad, and that it was premeditated by them, but we have at hand narratives
and hard evidences that leave no room for opposition or dispute. I would
instruct anyone who is investigating the status quo of that historical term or
period to use as a main source Taqiyul Dn Al-Maqrz book: "An-Niz wa
At-Takhum f ma baina Banu Umayyah and Banu Hshim". The book
unveils some vague points, which no research can be complemented
optimally or minimally without reviewing them. Al-Maqrz after all is the critical
historian from whom nothing may slip, or he is the unique peerless historical
critic in all the heritage of Arabic literature after his tutor Ibn Khaldn [...]
All in all, since the death of the prophet, the first pursuit of this party was the
reign-reach of the Umayyad family and the illegal seizure of the high authority
by every measure."204
Fourth Figure: the Allama and great historian Taqiyl Dn Al-Maqrz who
composed a treatise titled: "The Contention and Wrangle between Banu
Umayyah and Banu Hshim" (for Arabic title see above) in which he delineated
some of the dimensions of the Umayyad policy. Ahead, we introduced him
through the Allama Al-Alil who praised him and directed the reader to the
significance of his book. Despite our reservations on some viewpoints,
analysis and citations, finding them defective and invalid, we concur with AlAlil advice on the worthiness of the book. Anyhow, because it is a small

Al-Alil, Abdullah, "Al-Imam Al-Hussein" (1st episode: The Loftiness of Meaning in a

Lofty Ego, or A Ray from the Life of Al-Hussein", Dar Maktabat al-Tarbiya, Beirut, new edition,
1986 A.D, p.31.
203

204

Ibid: pp.55-56.
168

treatise and its reading will not be time-consuming, we will only select some
relevant excerpts from the introduction and leave the rest for the reader:
Al-Maqrz says in the introduction:
"Henceforward, more often than not it amazes me how they were
encroaching upon the caliphate (reign) despite their non-blood kinship with
the Messenger and the blood ties of Banu Hshim with him, and wonder how
they entertained hopes in that respect? How can the children of Umayyah
and children of Marwan Bin Al-akam fit in that hadith when the latter was
expelled and cursed by the Messenger of Allah (saw-a), and when enmity
prevailed over Banu Umayyah and Banu Hshim in Jhiliyyah time. Hence,
there is the intense antagonism of Banu Umayyah for the Messenger of Allah
(saw-a), the excessive harm they inflicted on him, and relentless stand
in denying what he imparts from the Revelation since he was shouldered the
mission of Guidance and the religion of truth until he conquered Mecca
(honoured be it by Allah Taala), when only then entered Islam of whom did
enter, as it has become quite well-known. I hereby resonate the poetic verse:
How many a distant from the house (outsider) won his pursuit,
and another close-by the house (with affinity) remained distant.
By my life, there can be no distance farthest than that between Banu
Umayyah and this issue. They literally had no excuse of any kind for the
caliphate, no affinity exists between the two..."205
Afterwards, he lists some of the atrocities of Banu Umayyah against the
family of the Messenger (sawa) saying: "we knew how Abu Sufin was
behaving with his enmity towards the prophet (sawa), his fight with him,
invasions and the uproar he provoked. We knew how he came to Islam, and
how his life was saved. He but entered Islam at the hand of Al-Abbas (R.A),
and it was Al-Abbas who restrained people from killing him, brought him to
the prophet (saw-a) convoyed, and asked him to honour, dignify and speak
highly of him, and that was a generous hand, an honourable grace, privileged
Al-Maqrz, Abu Al-Abbas Taqiyl Dn Ahmed Bin Ali Bin Abdul Qdir, "An-Niz wa AtTakhum f ma baina Banu Umayyah and Banu Hshim" (appended by: The Treatise of the
Allama: Muhammed Bin 'Aql Al-'Alaw: Fal Al-kim f An-Niz wa At-Takhum",
compiled and annotated by: li Al-Wardn, al-Hadaf for media and printing press, 1999 A.D,
p.31.
205

169

status whose news is undeniable. Yet, the prize-giving of his children was
that they fought Ali, poisoned Al-Hassan, killed Al-Hussein, led the women on
the cavalcades unveiled, and tried to expose the organ of Ali Bin Al-Hussein
to see if he reached the age of maturity when they were unclear about it, as
they used to do with the progeny of the polytheist when they storm into their
houses..." 206

206

Ibid: same source, p. 32.

170

Percussions of the Umayyad Policy on the Science of

Aspersion and Acclamation
Firstly: Slander and Ill-Speaking on the Loyalists to Ahlul Bait
There might be some opinions which correspond with ours on the ominous
nature of the Umayyad policy towards the progeny of the Messenger (sawa),
seeing it fraught with spite and hostility, with countless crimes and atrocities
perpetrated against them (as) to such a degree that disbands them from
Islam. Yet at the same time they might think that this episode of history is
outdated, and the aftereffects of the Umayyad policy melt away or ceased to
exist in the present world, and therefore it is better not to exhaust time and
effort drifting into these subjects, and still better is to engage in more
purposive pragmatic researches.
To me, this sounds flimsy view, neither envisages the truth nor does it reflect
the magnitude of percussions that afflicted the whole structure of Islamic
thought, especially as regards the second principal source for Islam after the
holy Qur'an, i.e. the honourable prophetic Sunnah, as well as our conception
towards the genuine face of our history, the proceedings and events that date
back to the Mission Society of the prophet era, and the artifice of fakery
perpetrated by then.
We pointed out earlier that the scholars of Aspersion and Acclamation from
the Umayyad trend have founded a highly detrimental rule, that is, a narrator
cannot be rightly placed among Ahlul Sunnah unless he implores Allah's
pleasure for the opponents of Imam Ali, and just to take the side of Imam Ali
and his household is enough to discredit, incriminate and put him under
suspicion. Of those who set the theoretical groundwork of this rule is Ibn
ajar Al-Asqaln in his preface in "Fat Al-Br", entitled: "The Guidance
of the Marcher - Hadiy As-Sr" in the chapter where he marks out the
grounds for aspersion. He says: "Chapter: the grounds for discrediting the
aforesaid reporters, throughout which we know who is eligible or ineligible to
stand as an authoritative source. The chapter is divided into two categories:
Firstly: a reporter weakened on account of his belief. We advanced the ruling
in this respect earlier showing in each one's biography that this is valid to the
exclusion of someone who is not a callerxxvi or he were so hence repented, or
171

his reports were reinforced by a subsequent reporter, and this is an outline of

the charges filed against them.."207
Then he proceeds to illustrate the grounds for aspersion that include among
other things 'embracing Schism' and says in definition:
Schism is ultimately the love Ali and seeing him presiding over the
companions; whosoever rates him above Abu Bakr and Umar, he is a radical
Shiite to be called: Rfi, or else a Shiite. If on top of that, he adds
swearing and open grudge against them, he is extremist in his Raf, while if
he believes in Rajah in this World, he is even a greater extremist.208
In his record on Abu Nuaim Al-Kufi Al-Fal Bin Dukain Bin ammd AlMull' who was discredited for his Schism, it appears that his aspersion was
the charge of swearing at Muwiyah. Ibn ajar says:
"Al-Fal Bin Dukain Abu Nuaim Al-Kufi is one of the veracious characters.
He was associated by Ahmed Bin anbal with Abdul Ramn Bin Mahdi in
terms of veracity, saying: he was more knowledgeable on the Sheikhs from
Wak, and once said: he was less susceptible to mistakes than Wak. Lavish
praise was heaped upon him for his memorisation and veracity, but some
people engaged on a talk over him due to his Schism. Despite that he had a
saying proved to be sound: 'the memorisers have not ever recorded that I
had offensively abused Muwiyah', and this saying was used for argument
by Ahlul Sunnah."209
Along this line, they vilified a big number of scholars, memorisers and clerical
leaders for no reason save for defaming Muwiyah; not even believing in the
precedence of the two Sheikhs over Ali availed them. One of the pioneers
who vigorously implemented this rule in his books and compilations is AlHafiz Shamsul Dn Ad-Dhahab. Yet, to scroll down names of his black list
Ibn ajar Abu Al-Fal Shahbul Dn Ahmed Bin Al-'Asqaln, "Hadiy As-Sr Fat Al-Br",
reviewed and annotated Abdul Qdir Shaibah Al-amd, Riyadh, pub.1, 1421 A.H - 2001 A.D,
p.483.
207

208

Ibid: same source.

209

Ibid: same source, p.456.

172

based on that rule, we will require an independent chapter beyond the

capacity of this research. Therefore, we will only exemplify by names of some
figures who are indisputably deemed to belong to the Sunni doctrine, and
who acknowledge the legitimacy of the caliphate (of caliphs in succession before
Imam Ali) after the prophet, respect the companions, and adhere to their
archetype of religion according to what has been verified from their legacy.
1. Among those personalities: Abu Abdullah Muhammad Bin Abdullah Bin
Muhammad Ibn Al-Bayyi Al-kim An-Naisbr.
We already knew what Ad-Dhahb said about him: "he is one who engaged in
hadith collection and extraction, aspersion and acclimation, authentication
and diagnosis of hadiths with flaws; he was one of the oceans of knowledge",
nevertheless, he vilified him due to "a residue of Schism in him"210. Scanning
Ad-Dhahab words, we locate two grounds for this vilification:
Firstly: authenticating a number of hadiths incorporating the virtues of Imam
Ali (as) that Ad-Dhahab failed to digest, or it hit him hard the fact they revolve
around Imam Ali (as), such as the hadith known as the 'Hadith of the Bird'.211

210

Ad-Dhahab "Siyer Alm An-Nubal'', ibid, vol.17, p.165.

Ad-Dhahab expresses his surprise that Al-kim had extracted it, though the latter announces as transferred by Ad-Dhahab himself here and in "Tadhkirat Al-uff"- that "if this hadith has
been proved sound, it follows that no one should be better than Ali after the Messenger". Strikingly,
Ad-Dhahab by this remark seems to authenticate the hadith himself (see Siyer Alm, vol.17,
pp.168-169), whereas in his book "Tadhkirat Al-Huff" he says: "as for the hadith of the Bird, it
has plenty of routes I had them collected in one compilation, and the total of these routes necessitate
it is genuine" (see: "Tadhkirat Al-uff", Dar Al-Kotob al-Ilmiya, Beirut, pub.1, 1419 A.H 1998 A.D, vol.3, p.164), despite all that he still describes what is said by Al-kim on the hadith as
"a well-knit tale!" (Siyer Alm, vol.17, p.169).
211

Ironically, while Ad-Dhahab reviews the hadiths authenticated by Al-kim on the merits of Ali
(as),and condemns him for that, he turns to hadith: "no one but a believer would love him, and no
one but a hypocrite would bear grudge against you" and says: "this hadith is the most
problematic amongst the three hadiths (the other two: hadith of the Bird and the Master hadith), as
whoever loved Ali are people who have no streak of luck, and whoever loathed him are folk of
Nib, solely out of ignorance of him, Allah is best Knowing" (Siyer Alm, vol.17, p.169)
whereas for a matching hadith on Umar and Abu Bakr with the sand marfu from Jbir Bin
Abdullah Al-Anr (see glossary) stating: "no one can be a believer while loathing Umar and Abu
Bakr, and no one can be a hypocrite while loving them", Ad-Dhahab comments no more than
saying: the matn of the hadith is sound, but being marfu is not verified", not finding its content
173

Secondly: being aberrant from Muwiyah and his household as Ad-Dhahab

transfers from Ibn hir who said:
"Inwardly he was extremely prejudiced to the Shia; he exhibits a Sunni
visage only as far as the two issues of 'caliphate and precedence' are
concerned. He was exceedingly aberrant from Mu`waiyeh, wandering
away from him and his household, displaying that attitude disdainfully and
unregretfully. Then I heard Abu Al-Fat Samkawaih from the province of
Herat, I heard Abdul Wid Al-Mulai, I heard Abu Abdul Ramn As-Salam
saying: I called on Al-kim when he was housebound, being daunted by
Abu Abdullah Bin Kirm escorts and thus unable to go to the mosque. They
knocked down his pulpit and detained him. So I said to him: 'if you walk out
and utter one hadith on that man merits, you would have relieved yourself
from this ordeal', 'I cannot lose my heart to that, I do not have the heart for
this', he said."212
2. Al-Hafiz Imam Abu Abdul Rahmn Ahmed Bin Shuib Bin Ali Bin Sinn Bin
Bar Al-Khurasn An-Nas'.
Ad-Dhahab said about him: "he was one of the oceans of knowledge, with
perception, proficiency, shrewdness and mastery in the critique of reporters
and good writing. He wandered around Khurasan, Hejaz, Egypt, Iraq, the
Arab Peninsula, Syria and the borderline cities, then he resided in Egypt for a
homeland, and the memorisers were journeying to him, for he was peerless
in this domain."213
Ad-Dhahab afterwards transfers the sayings of the memorisers and masters
of Aspersion and Acclamation discipline in respect of An-Nas'. From Al-Hafiz
Abu Ali An-Naisbr, he quoted: "he is uncontested leading figure in
problematic! While we find Akram Al-Bsh, the reviewer of volume one of the book "Siyer
A'lm" commenting on the hadith saying: "the critics have unanimously agreed on the falsehood of
this hadith as purported by Al-Hafiz in "Taqrb" (see: Siyer Alm, vol.16, p.216).
212

Ad-Dhahab, "Siyer Alm An-Nubal'", ibid, vol.17, pp.174-175.

213

Ibid: same source, vol.14, p.127.

174

hadith", and from Al-Hafiz Bin hir From Saad Bin Ali Az-Zinjn: "Abu
Abdul Ramn puts conditions for the reporters more strict than those
of Al-Bukhr and Muslim", and from Abdullah Bin Mandah: "of those who
extracted sound hadiths and distinguished the tenacious hadiths from
the defective, wrong from right are four: Al-Bukhr, Muslim, Abu Dwd
and Abu Andul Ramn An-Nas'". Moreover, Ad-Dhahab himself said
about him: "no one at the top list of year three hundred has been a better
memoriser than An-Nas', he is more competent than Muslim, Abu
Dwd and Abu Is in the field of hadith, the flaws (in hadiths) and
reporters biography. He is on a par with Al-Bukhr and Abu Zurah."
Against all these testimonies, he was still vilified for Schism! While they
meant by Schism, not that he refused acknowledge the first three caliphs as
official successors, or he vilified the caliphs and companions, or preferred
Imam Ali to the two Sheikhs, but simply that he related the merits of Imam Ali
and fended off Muwiyah.
Ad-Dhahab transferred from Al-Wazr Bin inzbah that he heard from
Muhammad Bin Ms Al-Ma'mn, An-Nas' associate, that a folk reproved
him for compiling a book on the "Characteristics of Ali" rather than the two
Sheikhs, and even when he later produced another respective book, it was
said to him: "are you not compiling on the virtues of Muwiyah?", so he said:
"what to extract about him, is it hadith: 'O Allah let not his belly be satisfied
from food", which silenced the inquirer.214
But if the inquirer in this incident fell silent, others have had escalated the
situation and resorted to violence cold-heartedly, and those so-called merits
of Muwiyah were fatal causing An-Nasa' martyrdom, as announced by AlHafiz Muhammad Bin Al-Muaffar, Abu Abdullah Bin Mandah and Ad-Dr
Qutn, etc.

214

Ibid: same source, vol.14, p.129.

175

Ad-Dhahab said: "narrated Abu Abdullah Bin Mandah from amza Al-Uqb
Al-Mar and others that An-Nasa', at the final stage of his life, left Egypt
heading towards Damascus where he was asked about Muwiyah and what
has been narrated on his merits. He said: so he (Muwiyah) does not
accept to be head-to-head with him (Imam Ali), and rather he wants to
preside over him. He added (the narrator): they started to prick him on his
testis, until he was evacuated from the Mosque and was carried to Ar-Ramlah
province where he died."215
As a consequence, Ad-Dhahab said in respect of An-Nas: "surely he has a
residue of Schism and a deflection from the opponents of Imam Ali, such as
Muwiyeh and Umru, may Allah condone him for that."
3. Al-Hafiz Imam Abu Ubaidullah Bin Ms Bin Abu Mukhtr Al-Abs, their
Kufi servant.
Ad-Dhahab

216

described him saying: "he was the first in Kufa who compiled

Al-Musnadxxvii based on index of the companions", "he was a worshiping

man, wakeful through night", "he was hadith memoriser and Qur'an reciter, he
used to be in the lead of tutoring and hadith propagation."
Then he transferred some quotes from the Aspersion and Acclamation
scholars regarding his reliability, such as Ibn Man, Abu tem, Abu Nuaim
and others, and said: "Ahmed Bin Abdullah Al-Ajal said: he is trustworthy,
reached the pinnacle of Qur'an, well-versed with it; and I have not sighted him
with his head held high, he also was never sighted laughing."
Though Al-Hafiz Al-Abs had narrated on the authority of An-Nas from Ali
(as): "the best of us after the prophet are Abu Bakr and Umar", a narrative
which indicates -just as Ad-Dhahab proclaimed and he was certainly rightthat he gives precedence to the two Sheikhs over Ali, yet that did not save
him from the stigma of being Rfi. The Raf in the sense that he rejects
215

Ibid: same source, vol.14, p.132. Ad-Dhahab had corrected the place of death saying: "he headed

towards Ar-Ramlah.
216

Ibid: same source, vol.9, p.553-557, biography no.215.

176

Muwiyah and the opponents of Imam Ali (as), and not in the least the
caliphs who preceded Ali (as)!
Ibn Mandah reports: he was not letting anyone called Muwiyah into his
house. It is said: once Muwiyah Bin li Al-Ash'ar had called in on him,
and as he asked him: "what is your name?", "Muwiyah", he answered. "By
Allah, I would not pass hadith to you neither to a folk you are among them.'
he said.
That said, we find Ad-Dhahab saying: "he kept the company of Hamza Bin
abb Abu Imrah At-Taim Al-Kufi Az-Zayyat (80-156), and acquired his
goodly manners apart from the sinister Schism, which he assumed from his
native people who dwell on heresy", "he used to assail the opponents of
Ali."217

Secondly: Authentication and Praise

Of the Grudge-Holding to Ahlul Bait

What is equipped of samples from Ad-Dhahab renowned book "Siyer Alm

An-Nubal'" is a swift and preliminary demonstration of the first portrait of the
Umayyad Islam, that is, the aspersion of reporters who love Ali (as), not
engage in his abuse, and assail his antagonists. There is a big host of other
demonstration samples from a wide range of historical biographical
compilations of other scholars, which we overlooked at this point. We do not
seek to exhaustively comprise these samples as much as to acquaint the
reader with an elementary side-view about critical junctures in the history of
Islamic thought, which embody from our perspective vital clues for the
appraisal and analytical reading of this history. The reader can find more
samples if he decides to navigate this crucial phenomenon in our intellectual
history.
It is noteworthy that the abovementioned rule has a counterpole, i.e. in the
same way that agents of the Umayyad Islam tend to vilify the pro-Ali and anti-

217

Ibid: same source, vol.9, pp.555-556.

177

Muwiyah reporters and stigmatise their accounts and narrations or what

they display of attitudes and orientations, they at the other side of the coin,
authenticate the pro-Muwiyah and anti-Ali reporters, taking no offence in a
accepting what they narrate or propagate of reports and attitudes.
Furthermore, they put them in advantageous position compared to the ones
who love and circle around Ali (as), seeing them more reliable and extra
vigilant to the ethos of religion than the latter!
It is explicitly implemented all over the famous book of Ibn Taimiyyah: "The
Pathway of the Prophetic Sunnah" which is designed in pattern with the
precepts of the Umayyad Islam. Ibn Taimiyyah maintains in one context:
"politics was subjugated to Muwiyah unlike the way it failed for Ali, and thus
the public subjects of Muwiyah should be deemed better than those of Ali.
As a matter of fact, the subjects of Muwiyah are themselves the loyalists of
Uthman among whom there are the Nib who loathe Ali, which entails that
the loyalists of Uthman and the Nib are by corollary better than the
loyalists of Ali."218
He said too: "the Shiite are more daring in lying than the Nib."219
Reviewing the book-introduction, one can see how studded with bargaining
phrases and explanations to win legitimacy for this rule, along with views of
spiritual leaders and knowledgeable people from various Islamic sects, all
paraphrased and construed in terms of this rule.
The names involved with this artifice are great in number220, but we are not
after a display list of specimens, thus we refer the reader to some
218

"Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.5, p.466.

219

Ibid: same source, vol.7, p.442.

220

We cite examples but not exhaustively: Umar Bin Saad Bin Abu Waqqa, Urwah Bin Az-Zubair and

his son Hishm Bin Urwah, Awnah Bin Al-akam Al-Kalb, uraiz Bin Uthman Ar-Rab Al-im,
Azhar Bin Abdullah Bin Jam Al-arz, Lamzah Bin Zabr Al-Asad Al-Jaham, mir Bin Qais AlAshar, Qais Bin Abu zim Al-Bajal Al-Kufi, Imrn Bin an As-Sids, Abdullah Bin Shaqq AlUqail, Mughrah Bin Miqsam A-ab and many others. The reader can check the biography books to see
how these personalities are praised and authenticated.

178

contemporary reviewers who compiled weighty books in this regard teeming

with many specimens, e.g. "Al-Atab Al-Jaml al Ahlul Jar wa Tadl" for
the Allama Muhammad Bin Aql Bin Abdullah Al-Alaw (d.1350 A.H) &
"AlIfh An Awl Ruwt A-i" for the Allama Muhammad Hassan AlMuaffar (d.1375 A.H) who also wrote "Rijl As-Sunnah f Al-Mizn".
It delights me to conclude this study with an excerpt from Al-Alaw preface of
"Al-Atab - A Friendly Reproach" in which he gives a briefing on the
motives for writing his book, and effectively illustrates the dilemma into which
the Umayyad Islam agents were tangled, he says:
"I have read a fragment from the people of Aspersion and Acclamation, and
sighted that which evokes severe reproach [...] Even worse I sighted some
people who impassively disparage the pure Imams in a way that no just man
of Aspersion would warrant it, or make speculations against them far more
drastic than what can be attributed to the Kharijites and banished Nib
groups. I witnessed that when they deal with the biographies of Ahlul Bait
masters or whoever relates to them, they often downsize and shorten, and
when they deal with biographies of their adversaries or the inferior servants
from their enemies, they elaborate, furnish excuses for them and foreground
their rationale. We are certainly aware what sense this shortening may
suggest, and what the elaboration and digression may convey. I witnessed
them authenticating the Nib more often than not while attenuating the
Shiite altogether, I witnessed more and more.
He but beholds my forsakers with contented eye
He ostensibly counsels me and feigns himself affectionate.
Yet with my envious ones he fraternised
I would that this affection and counselling not existing,
and he were openly a foe and antagonistic.

179

This so-called favour filled me with a foreboding sense of dread; and these
verdicts terrified me, I found them totally bizarre and this will certainly cause
our disintegration."221

221

Al-Alaw, Muhammad Bin Aql Al-Hussain Al-aram, "Al-Atab Al-Jaml al Ahlul Jar wa

Tadl", compiled and annotated by: lih Al-Wardn, Al-Hadaf for Media and publication, pp.13-14.

180

Chapter IV
The First Portrait
Defiling the Immaculate Progeny of the Prophet
(3)
The Chief Lady of the Worlds: Az-Zahra Al-Batul
Ibn Taimiyyah Debasement of her Character

Preface

The First Axis: The Grade of Siddiqah Az-Zahra in the

Prophetic Accounts
The First Cluster: Best of all the Women of the people of Paradise
The Second Cluster: Sufficing for you: the Mistresses of the
Worlds
Precedence of Az-Zahra over Others
The Significance of the Mastery Ascribed to Fatimah Az-Zahra
(as)

Axis Two: The Attitude of Ibn Taimiyyah from the Mistress of

the Women of the Worlds (as)
Vilifying Ahlul Bait a Systematic Step by Ibn Taimiyyah
Fatimah (as): A Seeker of Worldly Matters
Fatimah (as) Action Resembles the Hypocrites' Actions
Fatimah Desertion and Breaking off with the First Caliph A
Slander to her
The Will of Fatimah to Bury her at Night and not to do her Funeral
Prayer an Act to be censured for
Fatimah Split Asunder the Federation of Moslems, Declined Allah
Command and Incurred His Wrath for this Transgression
Her Desperation (as) for the Elapsing Lower World and Grief for a
Fleeting Matter
What is Narrated on Fatimah of Slanderous Acts Abundant

181

Preface
We evinced every now and then that the topic of this study: "A Portrait of the
Umayyad Islam" in its first side view is to shed light on the low profile given to
Ahlul Bait (as) by this morbid formula of Islam, notably in the way its
theoreticians dealt with the Itrah of the prophet (sawa), and the practices of
abasement, degradation, profaning, torture and slaughter they were
subjected to by the representatives, thinkers and political leaders of the trend.
We also clarified that we meant by Ahlul Bait exclusively the five members of
the Cloak: the prophet (sawa), Imam Ali, Siddiqah Az-Zahra Imam Al-Hassan
and Al-Hussein (as), who were endowed high stations by the Qur'anic verse:
"Allah only wishes to remove abomination from you, O members of the
prophet's household, and to purify you completely"222, and also the object
of the mutawtir prophetic hadith, renowned as the two weighs hadith: I
leave behind the two weighty things: the Book of Allah and my Itrah;
verily they will not part until they happen to meet me on the Fount,
considering that a slight variation is deciphered in the wording of the hadith
among narrators.
Apparently, Moslems' views concur on the exclusiveness of the above
honourable Qur'anic verse and prophetic hadith to the five protagonists of the
Cloak, with the exclusion of the prophet's wives or cousins. It is also
consensual that the latter -the wives and cousins- have not been subjugated
to any barbaric treatment by the Umayyad trend e.g. abasement, libel and
massacre. Over here, Az-Zahra topic protrudes as an indispensable part of
this axis whose bases are too distinct to explain, but before that it is essential
to illustrate two items:
Item One: outline the plan of this part of the study.
Item Two: show some essential grounds that underpin the research, which
the reader must fully comprehend and bear in mind before he starts reading
this joint of the research.
Item One: the Plan:
Our discussion of this part of the study relies on two axes:

222

Al-Azb (33)

182

First Axis: includes the most salient texts on the virtues, merits and grades
of Az-Zahra Al-Batl (as) according to the most authentic and sound sources
of the Companion School.
Second Axis: includes the attitude of Ibn Taimiyyah Al-arrn, the big
theoretician and pioneer of the Umayyad Islam, from Az-Zahra (as), how he
approaches her character, and treats her merits and virtues; weather he
received them with approval or he opted to treat her on equal terms with
Amrul Mu'minn (as), expressly by rejection, repudiation and delusive
interpretation?
Item Two: the Grounds and Premises:
Before running deeper into the research, the prestigious reader must bring to
mind two crucial points without which the research will be scientifically
inadequate. They underpin the main grounds on which these researches and
their methods are based, and though they were sparsely highlighted
throughout the study, by repetition, we put special emphasis on their
significance:
First Ground: It is a Qur'anic premise pertaining to the inner character of the
Messenger (sawa), the basis on which it rests and revolves, in relevance to
the truth or the celestial sphere of Heaven. In this premise lies the whole
Islamic faith, legislation and the entire prophetic legacy, whether it were in the
form of (utterances, acts or tacit approval or disapproval on someone's act).
As a matter of fact, Qur'an has been decisive in this regard portraying the
prophet's character as: "nor does he speak out of his desire, this is
nothing but a revelation that is conveyed to him"223, and this very
Qur'anic verse along with other respective ones have decided precisely and
firmly the root from which the prophetic Sunnah derives its authority, and
pinpointed the joint which connects it to the stronghold of Heaven. Without
faith in this premise, the hadiths in respect of Az-Zahra (as) or the rest of
companions and other holy personalities, will be valueless and insignificant,
and the interpretation of all what the prophet (sawa) has introduced would be
governed by the logic of passion, desires and subjective views, in isolation
from the logic of Heaven and the Divine Revelation.

223

An-Najm (3-4)

183

Second Ground: it is a premise related to the method with which we conduct

our researches, and what we convey of narratives and use of references in
authenticating the concepts we propose, noting that we committed ourselves
to solely use references from the Companion School on two conditions:
First Condition: these hadiths and narratives are sound or good or simply
accepted by the scholars of Aspersion and Acclamation belonging to this
school.
Second Condition: these hadiths and narratives are approved by our
school, that is, they are deemed sound by Ahlul Bait School. This leaves no
room for any protest that the sources we use from Ahlul Sunnah School of
thought to convey the merits of Ahlul Bait (as) do simultaneously contain
merits of other characters, so by the same token we accept one set of virtues,
we must accept the other set invariably, or else if these books are not
recognised for their greater part as authoritative by us, and segmented into
sections, then the total content should rather be rejected and not to be
altogether utilised as a tool for authority.
We say, this objection is unsustainable, as what we use for testimony from
these sources is compatible with our own heritage from the Itrah (as).
Equally true, we are but utilising the others' heritage just to be consistent with
the binding rule: 'bind them with what you bound yourselves', and this never
indicates that we may admit the authenticity of the overall heritage
irrespective of these two considerations.

184

The First Axis

The Grade of Siddiqah Az-Zahra in the Prophetic Accounts
With the abundance of prophetic accounts on the laudable traits of Az-Zahra
(as) and due to our intention that these researches be geared at
corroborating the lofty eminence of this great lady, and reveal facts on the
libel campaigns launched against her (as) by the Umayyad House, we will
simply cite a particular number of accounts in two clusters with a broad title
for each cluster which can be concentric, rather than conducting a whole
collection of respective reports,.
Important Notification: The Diversity of the Transmission Routes
Denotes the Multiplicity of the Hadith
A reader who is unspecialised in this research-area may have noticed that
narratives with similar import are recurrently repeated, and thus he might
reckon that all these narratives are at heart 'one and the same', and
wonder: what is the point of rewinding the story when a single narrative
speaks for the rest?
In the Science of Hadith, a relevant rule states that the diversity of the hadith
routes results from the multiplicity of the hadith itself. More plainly, if the chain
of transmitters for the body of the hadith matn is diversified and multiplied in
each layer of the network of transmitters, it entails the hadith (i.e. matn) is not
one and the same per each, no matter how close the contents might be, but it
should be mutawtir, mustafi or other categories of hadith.
In other words, the term 'one report' has 'a special lexical meaning', for the
researchers of the Sciences of Transmission and Text-Hadith and the
Fundamentals of Jurisprudence, which is irrelevant to 'the content of the
report', but linked to the routes of relaying the content. In fact, to have
multiple transmitters for a single report from all layers in such a way as they
cannot rationally intrigue to lie or congregate on falsehood, the report is
labelled as 'mutawtir', otherwise with the possibility for a communal lie, it is
labelled as 'd'.
It is true the 'mutawtir report' takes two divisions according to the unity or
disunity of the content in the form it is written with. If the content and matn of
the report are united in their form, it is called formally mutawtir 'in the
wording', but if the content and matn are disunited in the form, it is called:
185

semantically mutawtir 'in the meaning', which means that the

message and import of the report are mutawtir despite the difference in the
form.
To label a specific report as 'd' is not simply a matter of singularity in
number. That is to say, it is not only the 'score' of hadith transmitters in every
layer which can be functional to render the report as mutawtir, but there are
extra factors more 'qualitative', pertinent to the character of the transmitter,
the level of accuracy or the essence of the message, besides all the factors
which have hampered its propagation such as the political or social stands
etc. Consequently, the bigger the number of transmitters from a background
of inhibitions, the stronger is the credibility, soundness and rigidity of the
report.
What is advanced here on the correlation between the number of
transmitters, their characters and surrounding circumstances with the way we
interpret the report as d or mutawtir is the latest and most recent theory
in this respect in the Imami Science of Fundamentals of Jurisprudence, which
relies on the 'calculation of probability'. This theory has been established
by the great fundamentalist school of the martyred Imam Muhammad Bqir
A-adr (May Allah be pleased with him) (more details are due on coming researches
within the Science of Fundamentals of Jurisprudence).

Accordingly, the prestigious reader should realise that the transfer of a cluster
of reports with matching content but from different routes does not constitute
'd report', as the scholars of Transmission and Text-Hadith science
would determine on whether the report is d or mutawtir according to the
routes of the rendition, rather than the literal content in isolation from these
routes.
However, the sanad of reports will be indexed in full at the end part, no matter
how prolonged they can be. By this, we help the reader explore how
multifarious and varied these routes are, and figure out that what may sound
unified import at first glance is not truly so.

The First Cluster: Best of all the Women of the people of Paradise
186

Under this title, several reports have been delivered on the person of
Siddiqah Fatimah Az-Zahra (as) stating that she among other women
(explicitly specified in number and name) is the best of all women of the
people of Paradise.
Herein some of these reports and narratives:
1. What is adduced in Musnad Imam Ahmed Bin anbal (d.241 A.H)
whereby he said: "related to us Ynus, related to us Dwd Bin Abu Al-Furt,
from Alb', from Ikrimah from Ibn Abbas who said: the Messenger (saw-a)
drew four lines on the ground and said: "do you know you what this is?",
"Allah and His Messenger only know", they said, "the best women of the
people of Paradise are Khadjah Bint Khuwailid, Fatimah Bint
Muhammad, sia Bint Muzim and Maryam Bint Imrn", the Messenger
(saw-a) said.224
Commented on this hadith the two reviewers of this part of the book: Shuaib
Al-Arn and dil Murshid saying: "its chain of transmission is authentic; its
reporters are reliable and among those authenticated by the Sahih"225
2. What is given likewise in Musnad Ahmed, whereby he said: "related to us
Abu Abdul Ramn, related to us Dwd, from Alb', from Ikrimah, from Ibn
Abbas who said: the Messenger (saw-a) drew four lines on the ground and
said: "do you know you what this is?" "Allah and His Messenger only know",
they said, "the best women of the people of Paradise are Khadjah Bint
Khuwailid, Fatimah Bint Muhammad, Maryam Bint Imrn and sia Bint
Muzim, the wife of Pharaoh", the Messenger (saw-a) said.226

Ibn anbal, Abu Abdullah Ahmed Bin Muhammad, "Musnad Al-Imam Ahmed Bin anbal"
(d.241 A.H), Mussasat al-Risala, Beirut, pub.1, 1416 A.H - 1995 A.D, CL. 4. This volume
reviewed, commented and its hadiths extracted by: Shuaib Al-Atn' and dil Murshid, p.409,
hadith no.2668.
224

225

Ibid: same source.

226

Ibid, CL.5, p.77, hadith no. 2901.

187

Likewise, Shuaib Al-Arnt and dil Murshid commented saying: "its chain
of transmission is authentic; its reporters are reliable and among those
authenticated by the Sahih."227
3. What is given in Musnad Ahmed, whereby he said: "related to us Abdul
amad, related to us Dwd who said: related to us Alb' Bin Amer from
Ikrimah, from Ibn Abbas: the Messenger (saw-a) drew four lines and said:
"know you why I drew these lines?", "no" they said, "the best of the
women of Paradise are four: Maryam Bint Imrn, Khadjah Bint
Khuwailid, Fatimah Bint Muhammad and sia Bin Muzim", he said. 228
Again, Shuaib Al-Arnt and dil Murshid commented on this saying: "its
chain of transmission is authentic; its reporters are reliable and among those
authenticated by the Sahih."229
4. What is adduced in "Musnad" Ab Yal Al-Mawil (d.307 A.H), who said:
"related to us Zuhair, related to us Ynus Bin Muhammad, related to us
Dwd Bin Abu Al- Furt from Alb', from Ikrimah from Ibn Abbas who said:
the Messenger (saw-a) drew four lines on the ground and said: "do you
know you what this is?" "Allah and His Messenger only know", they said,
"best women of the people of Paradise are Khadjah Bint Khuwailid,
Fatimah Bint Muhammed, Maryam Bint Imrn and sia Bint Muzim,
the wife of Pharaoh."230
Hussein Salm Asad, the book reviewer, commented on this narrative saying:
its chain of transmission is authentic [...]. Extracted by Ahmed from the route
of Ynus Bin Muhammad Al-Mu'addab with this chain of transmission, and
227

Ibid: same source

228

Ibid: p.113, hadith no.2957.

229

Ibid: same source.

Abu Yal Al-Mawil, Ahmed Bin Ali Bin Al-Muthanna Al-Timim, "Musnad Abu Yal AlMul", reviewed and hadith extracted by: Hussein Salm Asad, Dar al-Thaqafa P. Press alArabia, Damascus, vol.5, p.110, hadith no.2722.
230

188

authenticated by Al-kim while endorsed by Ad-Dhahab. Similarly,

extracted by Ahmed from the route of Dwd Bin Abu Al-Furt in itself with no
other corroborating hadiths, and mentioned by Al- Haitham in "Majma AzZaw'id" and "Al-Manqib" in "chapter: the Grace of Khadjah Bint
Khuwailid", saying: it was narrated by Ahmed, Abu Yala, A-abarn, and
their reporters are among those authenticated by the Sahih."231
5. What is adduced in "Shar Mushkil Al-thr" for Abu Jafar Ahmed Bin
Muhammad At-Taw (d.321 A.H) who said: "what may be related to us by
Ibrahim Bin Abu Dwd, related to us Ali Bin Uthman Al-Liq Al-Bar,
related to us by Dwd Bin Abu Al-Furt, from Alb' Bin Amer, from
Ikrimah, from Ibn Abbas who said: the prophet (PBUH) drew four lines on the
ground then he said: "do you know what this is?", "Allah and His
Messenger only know", they said, "the best women of the people of
Paradise are Khadjah Bint Khuwailid, Fatimah Bint Muhammad, Maryam
Bint Imrn and sia Bint Muzim, the wife of Pharaoh."232
The book reviewer, Shuaib Al-Arn't said: "its chain of transmission is
authentic. Ali Bin Uthman Al-Liq has been verified by Abu tem, as
transferred by his son in the literature of 'Aspersion and Acclamation', and
been mentioned by Ibn abbn in "At-Thuqqat", who has the remainder of his
reporters among those authenticated by the Sahih. The hadith is narrated as
well by Ahmed, A-abarn and Al-kim from the route of Dwd with this

231

Ibid: same source

A-aw, Abu Jafar Bin Salmah, "Shar Mushkil Al-thr", reviewed, annotated and
hadith extracted by: Shuaib Al-Atn't, Mussassat al-Risala, Beirut, pub.1, 1415 A.H- 1994 A.D,
vol.1, pp.140-141, hadith no.148.
232

189

chain of transmission. Al-kim said: its chain of transmission is authentic,

and Ad-Dhahab coincided with him."233

The Second Cluster: Sufficing for you: the Mistresses of the Worlds
The second attribute we detect in the prophetic accounts and narratives in
respect of Siddiqah Az-Zahra comes under the title: "Sufficing: the Mistresses
of the Worlds", from which we cite the following:
1. What is adduced in "Fail A-aabah by Ahmed Bin anbal who said:
related to us Abdul Razzq saying: reported to us by Mamar, from Qatdah
from Anas that the prophet (saw-a) said:
"Sufficing for you: the Mistresses of the Worlds are Maryam Bint Imrn,
Khadjah Khuwailid, Fatimah Bint Muhammad and sia, the wife of
Pharaoh."234
The book reviewer, Waiyullah Bin Muhammad Abbas said: "its chain of
transmission is authentic [...] but otherwise via other corroborating reports/
hadiths [...]"
2. Adduced in "Sahih Sunan At-Tirmidh" for Muhammad Nirul Dn AlAlbn (d.1999 A.D): related to us Abu Bkr Bin Zanjawaih, related to us Abdul
Razzq, reported to us Mamer from Qatdah from Anas (R.A): the prophet
(saw-a) said:
"Sufficing for you: the Mistresses of the Worlds are Maryam Bint Imrn,
Khadjah Khuwailid, Fatimah Bint Muhammad and sia, the wife of
Pharaoh."235
233

Ibid: same source

Ibn anbal, Abu Abdullah Ahmed Bin Muhammad, "Fail A-abah", reviewed and
hadith extracted by: Waiyllah Abbass, Dar Al-Jawzi, pub.2, 1420 A.H - 1999 A.D, vol.1, pp.196197, hadith no. 1325.
234

Al-Albn, Muhammad Nirul Dn, "Sahih wa af Sunan At-Tirmdh", Maktabat al-Maarif

for publishing and distribution, Riyadh, 2nd edition of the new impression, 1422 A.H - 2002 A.D,
190
235

Al-Albn said: "it is authentic, and Abu s At-Tirmidh said too: this is an
authentic hadith."
3. What is adduced in "Musnad Abu Yal Al- Mawil" (d.307 A.H) who
said: related to us Muhammad Bin Mahd, related to us Abdul Razzq,
reported to us Mamer from Qatdah from Anas: the prophet (saw-a) said:
"Sufficing for you: the Mistresses of the Worlds are Maryam Bint Imrn,
Khadjah Bint Khuwailid, Fatimah Bint Muhammad, sia, the wife of
Pharaoh."236
This hadith has been authenticated by the book reviewer, Muhammad Slim
Asad.237
4. What is adduced in "Shar Mushkil Al-thr" for A-aw (d.321 A.H),
whereby he said: "related to us Ali Bin Abdul Ramn Bin Al-Mughrah Abu
Al-Hassan who said, related to us Yay Bin Man, related to us Abdul
Razzq, reported to us Mamer from Qatdah from Anas: the prophet (saw-a)
said: "Sufficing for you: the Mistress of the two Worlds are Maryam Bint
Imrn, Khadjah Khuwailid, Fatimah Bint Muhammad, sia, the wife of
Pharaoh."238
The book reviewer Suaib Al-Arnt said: "its chain of transmission is
authentic in line with the two Sheikhs provisions. It is included in Alvol.3, p.573, hadith no.3878. It must be noted that the authentication here is not via other
corroborating hadiths to lend it strength but in itself, unlike the case with the route of the "Fail
A-abah" as above.
236

Abu Yal Al- Mawil, "Al-Musnad", ibid, vol.5, p.380, hadith no.2722

237

The reviewer did not declare its authentication explicitly, but this can be figured out from his
statement. After his hesitance in verifying Muhammad Bin Mahd who appeared in this chain of
transmission, he authenticated the hadith by recourse to other routes (e.g. his route in Muannaf
Abdul Razzq), and he cited another hadith with the same import from sanad of another narrator,
taken from the two Sahih books. Accordingly, this very hadith may be authentic for him otherwise
by corroboration of another hadith.
238

A-aw, "Shar Mushkil Al-thr", ibid, vol.1, p.140, hadith no.147.

191

Muannaf. It is also narrated by At-Tirmidh, Ibn abbn, Ahmed and Alkim from the routes of Abdul Razzq with this very chain of transmission,
whereby At-Tirmdh said: this is an authentic hadith."239
5. What is adduced in "Musnad" Ahmed who said: "related to us Abdul
Razzq saying: reported to us Mamer from Qatdah from Anas: the prophet
(saw-a) said: "Sufficing for you: the Mistress of the Worlds are Maryam
Bint Imrn, Khadjah Bint Khuwailid, Fatimah Bint Muhammad, sia, the
wife of Pharaoh."240
Shuaib Al-Arnt, the book reviewer, has made an important commentary
note on this hadith, from which we quote a big portion for extra benefit:
"Its chain of transmission is authentic in line with the two Sheikhs provisions.
It is included in the "Muannaf" and "Tafsr " of Abdul Razzq, and from his
route, it has been extracted by Al-Muannaf in Fail A-abah, and
also by At-Tirmidh, Ibn Ab Aim in "Al-d wal Al-Mathn", Abu Yal,
A-aw in "Shr Mushkil Al-thr", Ibn abbn, As-Sirj in his "Musnad"
as well as in "Al-Istb", A-abarn in "Al-Mujam Al-Kabr", Al-kim, Abu
Nam in "Al-iliah", Al-Baghw in "Shar As-Sunnah" and in "At-Tafsr".
Extracted by Al-Muannaf in Fail A-abah, and from his route
extracted by Al-kim from Abdul Razzq from Mamer from Az-Zuhr from
Anas.
Extracted by Ibn Ab im in "Al-d", A-abar, Ibn Adiy, A-abarn in
"Al-Kabr", Al-Khab in "Trkh Baghdad", Ibn Abdul Bir in "Al-Istb", Ibn
Al-Athr in "Usdul Ghbah" from the route of Abu Jafar Ar-Rz, from Thbit,
from Anas, noting that Abu Jafar is an incompetent memoriser, yet his
239

Ibid: same source.

240

Ibn anbal "Al-Musnad", ibid, CL.19, p.383, hadith no.12391.

192

narration is deemed good in the Mutbt which applies to this particular

narrative [...]241.

The Difference between the two Clusters

Regarding Precedence
Apparently, the prophetic expression differs from the first cluster to the
second, but does this variation in the wording constitute a difference between
the two feats in every cluster?
In fact, the determinant factors of individuals precedence over others vary
according to their whereabouts. The factors of this Earthly World have long
been subject to certain rational considerations, which are conventionalised by
the societies and approved by the collective consciousness. More often than
not, these considerations spring from what people attach upon them of areas
of interests and social benefits. People can have hierarchal differentiation
according to wealth, authority, beauty and social position etc. and obviously,
the criteria for these differentiations are purely secular deriving their merit
from this worldly existence.
As for the Hereafter, the criteria of hierarchal differentiation hinge on the
degree of nearness from Allah (Taala): {verily the most honoured in the
sight of Allah is the most God-fearing of you}242, and this celestial honour
and bond with Allah (Taala) represents the core vision of religion towards the
human value and the individuals precedence over others. The social secular
dimension is completely ruled out in this equation, and one's value lies wholly
in pure faith, unblemished soul, sound belief and good deeds directed right
up at Allah (Taala).
In point of fact, the difference in expression between the two clusters
originates from varying altitudes of divinity, dignity and esteem that these four
women possess in relation to Heaven. The text in the first cluster 'the best of
the women of Paradise' which is linked to the Hereafter throws light on the
import of the second cluster 'Sufficing: the Mistress of the Worlds' which is
linked to this World, and this means that this precedence 'being best' is
241

Ibid: same source

242

Al-ujurt (13)
193

subservient to this particular provision, that is, to mount the scales of

perfection in this World.
In other words, the first cluster indicates superiority in the Hereafter, while at
the same time it exposes another shade of superiority in this worldly life,
portrayed by the second cluster. And while the latter superiority is bound to
our physical existence on earth, it is still governed by the criterion of Heaven,
throughout proximity to Allah (Taala) and what He endows of graces to
humans, thus it is completely irrelevant to the secular criterion that people
standardise and embrace. From this perspective, these women have been
identified as the best of all women of Paradise.

Precedence of Az-Zahra over Others

As for the differentiation between the four women, we need to delineate two
vital points:
Point One: the list order of the women names has nothing to do with the
supremacy of each one over the other243 due to the apparent disparity
between the names order from one hadith to another. This becomes clear to
sight once reviewing the samples above.
Point Two: the four women do not possess the same rank of precedence.
They have natural differentiation and disparity, and this is a matter of faith,
prescribed by the holy Qur'an and narrations, which has become 'in itself' a
subject of controversy among Moslem scholars. By 'in itself' I mean it is
running aside from the doctrinal conventional attack against Ahlul Bait
School, for it has been a heated dispute inside the milieus of the Companion
Contrary to what Nrul Dn Ali Bin Suln Al-Haraw Al-Qrr (d.1014 A.H) opined to. He
elicited this view from the narrative of Anas. Then he stopped discussing each one's superiority and
redressed the matter conjoining Aisha with them and justifying that: "there is no conclusive
evidence on the issue, and as assumptions are normally inconsistent, they are pointless for firm
beliefs which are based on certainties". The invalidity of this reasoning will be revealed shortly (see
his book: "Murqt Al-Mafth Shar Mishkt Al- Mabh", Dar al-Fikr, Beirut, pub.1, 1422
A.H- 2002 A.D, vol.9, p.3994. Also see the attitude of Ibn ajar who is anti this order: in Ibn ajar
Ahmed Bin Ali Al-Asqaln "Fat Al-Br bi Shar a Al-Bukhr", reviewed,
authenticated and compared the printed copy with manuscript by: Abdul Azz Bin Bz, books,
chapters and hadiths numbered by: Muhammad Fu'd Abdul Bq, extracted and authenticated by:
Muibul Dn Al-Khab, Dar al-Marifa, Beirut, 1379, vol.7, p.136.
243

194

School by first-level scholars, regardless of the attitude towards Ahlul Bait

School. In conclusion, after they concurred on these names as the elite of
the entire women of the worlds244, and the fact that other than them no
women can be better, they differed on whom to recognise as the best among
them.245

Evidencing Texts on the Superiority of Az-Zahra (as)

According to the prophetic legacy handed down in respect of Az-Zahra (as),
we believe she presides over others. There are several accounts from which
we can deduce this notion, and from which we select the following:
1. What is adduced in Sahih Al-Bukhr in the chapter dedicated to the
commendable traits of Fatimah Az-Zahra (as), his saying: "Fatimah is the
mistress of all women of Paradise."246
I note hereby that this unconditional statement he makes on her status
entails that she is unrivalled in her position as the mistress of all women of
Paradise.
2. What is adduced in "Sahih Sunan At-Tirmidh" (vol.3, hadith no.3781)
saying: related to us Abdullah Bin Abdul Ramn and Isq Bin Manr,
whereby they said: reported to us Muhammad Bin Ysuf from Isr'l from
Maysarah Bin abb from Al-Minhl Bin Amr from Zir Bin ubaish, from
244

This runs counter to the groundless presumption which confines the generalisation of these
particular accounts and others* by restricting them to women who reached maturity at their own
eras -the presumption was imparted by Ibn ajar from Ibn At-Tn, but he labelled it as weak
afterwards (see "Fat Al-Br", vol.7, p.135), or restricting them to a stage prior to Aishah
reaching perfection, and attaining the Honour of communion*" as stated by Mulla Ali Al-Qr (see
for the author: "Murqt Al-Mabh", ibid, vol.9, p.3994).
* Confine a generalisation: shed light on an unspecified aspect by a generalised statement, e.g.
some detail marked out by the Sunnah specifying a general import in a Quranic verse.
* The honour of communion: becoming the spouse of the prophet (sawa) in virtue of which
towering to the scale of moral and spiritual perfection.
245

See Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, "Fat Al-Br", ibid, vol.9, p.109.

Al-Bukhr, "Sahih Al-Bukhr", edited by: Abu uhaib Al-Karm, Bayt al-Afkr al-Dawliya
publishing house, Beirut, 1419 A.H - 1998 A.D, p.717.
246

195

udhaifah, saying: my mother had asked me once: 'since when you have
seen him?' -referring to the prophet (saw-a) - 'I have not seen him since
up to..' I said. She censured me and I said: 'well, let me go to the prophet
(saw-a), perform Al-Maghrib prayer with him and beseech him to ask
Allah's forgiveness for me and you. Then I called on the prophet (saw-a),
performed Al-Maghrib prayer, and he carried on until he did Al-Isha,
hence left, and I followed him. He heard my voice and said: 'who is this?
udhaifah?', 'yes' I said, 'what is your urgent want? May Allah forgive your
and your mother's sins! Then he said: 'this is an angel that had never
treaded earth before this night, he asked the permission of his Lord to
salute me and bring me glad tidings that Fatimah is the mistress of all
women of Paradise, and that Al-Hassan and Al-Hussein are the masters
of the youth in Paradise."247
He said (i.e. At-Tirmidh): "this hadith is asan but gharb (see glossary)
from this facet; unknown to us only from the narration of Isr'l, while Al-Albn
said: it is authentic."248
3. What is adduced in "Musnad Ahmed" his saying: related to us Hussein
Bin Muhammad, related to us Isr'l from Maysarah Bin abb from AlMinhl Bin Amr from Zir Bin ubaish, from udhaifah, saying: my
mother had asked me once: 'since when you have seen him?' -denoting
the prophet (saw-a)- I said: 'I have not seen him since up to..'. She
censured me with offensive words. He said: I said to her 'let me go, I will
call on the prophet (saw-a), perform Al-Maghrib prayer with him, then I will
not depart from him until otherwise he asks Allah forgiveness for me and
you. He said: then I went to the whereabouts of the prophet (saw-a),
performed Al-Maghrib prayer, and he carried on until he did Al-Isha,
hence left. So I followed him, then a seizure induced him and he was
absorbed in a confidential talk. And as he started to move forward, he
heard my voice and said: 'who is this?', 'udhaifah', I said, 'what is the
matter with you?', so I told him the matter, and he said: 'may Allah forgive
your sins and your mother's'. Then he said: 'have you not seen the seizure
247

Al-Albn, "Sahih wa af Sunan At-Tirmidh", ibid, vol.3, p.541, hadith no.3781.

248

Ibid: same source, pp.541-542.

196

that induced me a short while ago?' I said: 'yes', 'this is an angel that had
never treaded earth before this night, he asked the permission of his Lord
to salute me and bring me glad tidings that Al-Hassan and Al-Hussein are
the masters of the youth of Paradise, and that Fatimah is the mistress of
all women of Paradise.", he said.249
I note here that this hadith is rendered every so often with a variable form;
either prolonged as seen above, or abridged and reduced to the names of AlHassan and Al-Hussein (as)250, or at other times containing no names
altogether.251
4. What is adduced in "Sahih Al-Jmi A-aghr and Ziydtih": "an angel
came to me and greeted me; he descended from Heaven and he has
never been to earth before. He brought me glad tidings that Al-Hassan
and Al-Hussein are the masters of the youth of Paradise, and that
Fatimah is the mistress of all women of Paradise."252
5. In "Siyer Alm An-Nubal": Maysarah Bin abib: from Al-Minhl Bin
Amr from Zir, from udhaifah: "he heard the prophet (saw-a) saying:
'this is an angel that had never treaded earth before this night, he asked
the permission of his Lord to salute me and bring me glad tidings that AlHassan and Al-Hussein are the masters of the youth of Paradise, and that
Fatimah is the mistress of all women of Paradise.' At-Tirmidh found it
asan."253

Ibn anbal, "Al-Musnad", Mussassat al-Risala, Beirut, pub.1, 1421 A.H - 2001 A.D, vol. 38,
volume reviewed, annotated and hadiths extracted by: Shuaib Al-Arn't et al, pp.353-354, hadith
no. 23329. Note: the book reviewers enlisted several sources for this hadith, the reader can review
himself.
249

250

Ibid, vol.38, p.355, hadith no.23333.

251

Ibid, vol.38, p.429, hadith no.23436.

Al-Albn, "Sahih Al-Jmi A-aghr wa Ziydtih", al-Maktab al-Islami, Beirut, pub.3,

1408 A.H- 1988 A.D, vol.1, p.77&69, hadiths no.79, 1382, 2257.
252

Ad-Dhahab, "Siyer Alm An-Nubal", supervised the book review and hadith extraction:
Shuaib Al-Arn't, Mussassat al-Risala, Beirut, pub.3, 1405 A.H - 1985 A.D, vol.3, volume
reviewed by: Muhammad Nam Al-Arqass et al, p.252.
253

197

The book reviewer, Shuaib Al-Arn't commented on Ad-Dhahab

statement: "it is so, just as he said (i.e. At-Tirmidh seeing the hadith as
asan]" [...]. The hadith is extracted by Ahmed and Al-Khab; its chain of
transmission is authentic. Also authenticated by Al-kim and AdDhahab coincided with him, and Ibn abbn had it authenticated but in
the short form."
6. A statement of Abu Than' Shahbul Dn Al-ussein Al-ls (d.1270 A.H
- 1854 A.D) in his book "R Al-Man f Tafsr Al-Quran wal Sab AlMathn" at the end of verse 42, Surah l Imrn: "behold! The angels
said: "O Mary! Allah has chosen you, and made you pure and exalted
you above all the women in the worlds", he said:
"As for what is meant by the women of the worlds, it is said: they are all the
women across ages, and it is inferred duly that she has supremacy over
Fatimah, Khadjah and Aisha [...]. It is also said: they are the women of her
contemporary world, from which it follows she cannot hold precedence over
Fatima (as). Abu Jafar Imam Al-Bqir (as) headed towards this opinion; and
this is what the other Imams of Ahlul Bait (as) became reputed for. What I am
prone to accept is that Fatimah Al-Batl is the best of the foregoing and
succeeding women, for being a fraction from the Messenger (saw-a), and for
other grounds. This notion cannot be deranged by past reports owing to the
possibility that others precedence over her is only in some respects or from a
certain angle, and this way we can accept the reports conjointly. This is also
plausible in relation to saying Maryam being a prophet, as Fatima compared
to her, is a fraction from the one who is the soul of the entire existence, and
the master of every entity. To me, she cannot thus have an equivalent
anywhere. How do we compare the star to a hand stretching out to reach
it?"254

Al-ls, Abu At-Than' Al-Hussein Al-Baghdad, "R Al-Man f Tafsr Al-Qur'an Al'Am wa Sab Al-Mathn", Dar Ihia al-Turath al-Arabi, vol.3, p.155.
254

198

The Significance of the Mastery Ascribed to Fatima Az-Zahra (as)

It matters greatly that the prestigious reader takes notice of especially vital
point, that is, the hadiths of the Messenger of Allah (sawa) attributing
precedence to Az-Zahra (as) are not the outcome of personal or emotional
attachment.255 The Messenger (sawa) is far greater than to let his verdicts
and sayings be tainted by passion and subjective tendency, as the holy
Qur'an defines him: "nor does he speak out of his desire. This is nothing
but a revelation that is conveyed to him"256. They simply engender from
objective motives contingent on ones traits and character, nearness to Allah
(Taala), firmness of bond with Allah (Taala), purity of intentions and inward
thoughts, and this is the Qur'anic criteria in assessing humans and their
deeds: {every soul will be held in pledge for its deeds}257, {that man can
have nothing but what he strives for, that the fruit of his striving will
soon come in sight, then he will be rewarded with a reward complete}258,
{And all are assigned degrees according to the deeds which they have
done.}259
It is a 'mastery' that varies from the standards of everyday life and the
conventional relationships of people in this worldly existence according to
which they call each other: 'master' and 'mistress', i.e. upon some passing
fads and social measures taken for granted, like wealth, authority etc. It is a
mastery that arises from the momentum of a spiritual disposition possessed
by the human, and embodied by the gradations and scales of nearness from
Allah (Taala).
In point of fact, the scales of a human in the Hereafter are linked to his scales
in this World, while the former is subsidiary to the latter and a disclosure
stage for it. Moreover, should Az-Zahra be the mistress of the women of
Paradise, she will be subsequently the mistress of the worlds on earth. This is
255

This is the thesis that some endeavour to enforce when dealing with these hadiths justifying AzZahr eminence on account to her natural extension from the prophet (sawa), covering it up under
the title: "The Honourable Descent". See the Exegesis of Ibn Al-Qayyim as transferred by Ibn
ajar in "Fat Al-Br", vol.7, p.109.
256

An-Najm (3-4)

257

Al-Muddathir (38)

258

An-Najm (39-41)

259

Al-Aqf (19)
199

however, a sense which has been announced overtly and directly by reports
under different titles, such as his saying (sawa): "she is the mistress of the
women of this Ummah", also: "the mistress of the women of the
believers...." and so forth.260

Axis Two
The Attitude of Ibn Taimiyyah from the Mistress of the Women
of the Worlds (as)
Prelude: Vilifying Ahlul Bait a Systematic Step by Ibn Taimiyyah
The exposition of Ibn Taimiyyah attitude towards Az-Zahra Al-Batl (as) will
be as follows:
Firstly: index every attitude he exhibits with an appropriate keyword to
denote his view.
Secondly: quote from his texts fully-fledged statements, clear enough to
highlight his views.
Thirdly: make comments proportionally to the volume of this study in a way
that elucidates his views and discloses the spectrums of contradictions and
equivocation in his attitude towards Az-Zahra (as). However in most cases,
his views are straightly understood due to his outspoken manner and clear
meaning.
At the beginning of this study, we traced the systematic steps carried out by
Sheikh Ibn Taimiyyah in dealing with the merits and virtues of Ahlul Bait (as),
while here, we delineate one of the frequent methods he uses in discussing
Ahlul Bait prerogatives, roles and positions as ranked by the prophet (sawa)
or as history bears witness to.
It is axiomatic that to have two debating parties, each party needs to start
from common grounds and shared points on which both would base their
argument and reflect their own spectacles. With the absence of this principle,
chances for proper discussion will be nil, so it turns into vicious circle.

For details of the hadith extraction, see in: Al-Albn, Silsilat Al-Adth A-aah,
Maktabat al-Maarif for publication and distribution, Riyadh, pub.1, 1416 A.H - 1996 A.D, vol.6,
p.1085, hadith no.2948.
260

200

This holds true for discussions with Islamic spectacle. No two dialoguers can
initiate a debate unless they define beforehand the School they belong to, the
trend they embrace or simply the principles and attitudes they personally
believe in. If the other party agrees on these premises, they both take the
debate forward to the next step, that is, what precipitates of outcomes from
such premises or what diversifies of the queries and complexities. However, if
the other party disagrees, he should underline his point of reservation before
progressing into the discussion, and from that point onward they can carry
on.
As for Sheikh Ibn Taimiyyah, he is supposed to set out from the premises of
Ahlul hadith School 'the people of hadith', whom he describes as Ahlul
Sunnah

and

Jamaah

and

presents

them

as

the

sole

legitimate

representatives of Islam among other existing schools of thought. But we do

not find him faithful to these outsets in his polemics, and most of the time he
binds his adversaries with proofs and findings from other Islamic schools, in
which he himself has no belief (according to his own precept) neither do his
adversaries who debate their soundness.
Let us throw more light on this paradox by this mock scene:
A Mutazil versus an Ashar dialoguer: Debate running, and the latter started
to flout and refute the former views exploiting for that the conceptual assets
and convictions of a third party who is Shiite Imami. At this point, the
Mutazil will have the right to object: "O you Ashar, you deflected from the
right course of debate, if I were in a front with a Shiite, my discussion would
have taken another venue from the start, and my grounds would have
differed from those I forwarded for you. You cannot thus base your argument
on these sub-principles in so far as I have no faith in their foundational
principles, and their soundness has not been established to me prior to this
discussion.
This paradoxical conduct, into which the Ashar lapsed as above, is precisely
what Ibn Taimiyyah exercises in his discussions on Ahlul Bait thought, but
how does he do that? It is not concealed for the reader that Ibn Taimiyyah
instead of bearing responsibility for the content of his discussions, hence
taking upon himself the outcomes that follow, we find him utilising these
discussions in his favour on the one hand and renouncing responsibility for
the findings on the other hand. We find him attaching his own views to others
201

saying for example: "should someone opposes this", "this is opposing

someones saying", "that is against what someone says", "if someone would
say" or "the Nib may say", and so forth in a way he would utilise others'
sayings to oppose and argue against his adversaries, and yet tries at the
same time to suggest to the reader that he does not accept their notions and
proposals.
It may ostensibly sound that this method is the same tactic that the Islamic
compilations replete with based on hypotheticals made by authors and
compilers for some potential challenge or objection, with phrases like: "if it
were said so .... I would say so" or "it should not be said ... as we already
said", therefore this is not an innovative method individually applied by Ibn
Taimiyyah.
But the matter is not so, as Ibn Taimiyyah does not presume there is some
potential objection against which he needs to give a counter response. He but
makes these interjections and objections so as to use them as pretexts to
subvert opportunities for the adversaries' counter-views. He would let pass
his own views on the matter leading them through the argument and not
wanting in the meantime to be bound by the findings that transpire thereby,
under the pretense that they are not his own convictions in the first place, but
made by some controversialist or somebody here and there. This is a
counterfeit he relies on even though he is aware that the vast majority of
Moslems barely believe in what he says, seeing it as a void idle talk that no
one ventures to utter but an intruder into religion, with mistrusted faith. This is
especially true when realising -as the reader will come to- that the sole
reservoir from which Ibn Taimiyyah would back his controversy in these
contexts is the Nib or hate-based logic for Ahlul Bait (as) and so forth.
Moreover, the reader will observe that not only does Ibn Taimiyyah exploit
certain sayings and views to raise objections and challenges, but clings to
them in every sinew to use as testament for his argument, continually
elaborating and elucidating their contents, rendering them more lucid and
cohesive, hence reinforcing them with Qur'anic evidences. This way, he
becomes more than simply argumentative, forwarding objections and
challenges, but someone who must have reached the frontier of conviction
with these views.
This feedback is ultimately what we elicit from Ibn Taimiyyah's manners of
discussion, but the question is: are we vis-a-vis a situation where we need to
202

meet Ibn Taimiyyah's assumptions and speculations with counter ones?

Actually, the forthcoming texts from Ibn Taimiyyah can mirror how profound
the matter is and that it is far beyond counter responses, and that our
proposals are not unsupported by evidences that make them solid facts.
Presently, I would like to lay down at the hand of the prestigious reader this
excerpt which resolves the dispute on the accuracy of our proposal. This is a
text of extreme importance owing to the unequivocal declaration made by Ibn
Taimiyyah that one of his premises in retaliating for the Rfi thought (i.e. the
loyalists of Ahlul Bait) is to encounter the vilification of the three caliphs
before Ali (as) with an equivalent vilification of Ali (as) or even with a "greater
one"!!
This text is part of his book "Al-Jawb A-a Liman Baddalah Dn AlMas within the explanation for the reason why Christians made no
recourse to the tradition of our prophet Muhammad (sawa) or of any other
prophet (as) for protesting against points from Islam disparate with their
religion. After a prolific account, he cites the objective provisions to comply
with so as to render any argument based on the prophets tradition sound and
acceptable. Then he says that the manner we should use to respond for a
Christian or a Jew who protests with an intellectual authoritative proof in
defense for matters in his religion contradicted by what is established by the
prophet of Islam, rests in three steps:
1. To show that this authoritative proof would bind the rest of prophets, as
they all came up with the same testament or even greater.
2. To show that this authoritative proof is inappropriate for contradicting and
protesting against what the prophets have come up with.
3. To show the ineffectiveness of that intellectual authoritative proof.
We do not differ with Ibn Taimiyyah as regards the three systematic steps,
which have been implemented by Moslems at length in twofold type of
discussion: the internal between two Moslem parties or the external with the
second party non-Moslem. But we only remind that the famous formula of the
'binding' rule states: "bind them with what they bound themselves with' rather
than: "bind them with what associates with their statements". The difference
between the two formulas is that the discussion with an opponent in the
former directly hits upon what the he obligates himself with, which makes it
fully geared at exposing the inner contradictions in his discourse, whereas the
203

second hits upon the prerequisites of what he adheres to, so the discourse
will be vehemently geared at obligational points which have resulted from
other contexts with matching topics, and all what breeds of contradictory
points in the opponents discourse. This deviation from the centre to the outer
in the discussion may engender void obligations, especially with respect to
religious subjects. What we are truly concerned with here is how Ibn
Taimiyyah interprets the first step, particularly in its application to the first type
of discussion: the 'internal' between Moslems.
Ibn Taimiyyah says on that:
"No one would vilify Muhammad (saw-a) leaning on some intellectual
authoritative proof without having other prophets initially engulfed with all the
more so. This is a like case of what we outlined in retaliation for the Rfi
groups: that no one would vilify the three caliphs: Abu Bakr, Umar and
Uthman, but would not lead to vilify Ali in like manner or even greater, to the
degree that it becomes hardly possible for Ali to be neat from any libel during
his spiritual leadership, all but the other three are neater than him in the libel
they received during their spiritual leadership."261
In point of fact, when Ibn Taimiyyah answers back for his Shiite opponent as
he did in his book "Minhj As-Sunnah An-Nabawiyyah f Naq Kalm AsShia Al-Qadariyyah", in which he retorted to Abu Manr Al-Hassan Bin
Ysuf Ibn Al-Muahar Al-Asad Al-ill, the author of "Minhj Al-Karamah f
Marifat Al-Imamah", the very book which became the centre of Ibn
Taimiyyah polemic, he uses a tactic and method based on analogy (as he
states himself) by meeting the criticism of Ibn Al-Muahar for the caliphs with
analogous criticism to Imam Ali (as) or with greater one, and extensively to
the other Imams of Ahlul Bait (as). Even more, (as it will come soon) he
meets the virtues by denial, the feats by disbelief, commendation by
aspersion, mindless of the fact that these virtues, feats and commendations
of Ahlul Bait are unanimously admitted by Moslems. Then he intensifies his
slander, defilement and defamation, as if he is trying to say: "hereby I am
Ibn Taimiyyah Al-arrn, "Al-Jawb As-Sahih Liman Baddalah Dn Al-Mas", reviewed
by: Ali Bin Hassan Bin Nir et al, Dar al-Asima, Saudi Arabia, pub.2, 1419 A.H- 1999 A.D, vol.5,
p.128. See also: Minhj As-Sunnah An-Nabawiyyah, vol.2, p.55 (the Fourth Facet: To Say:
Ahlul Sunnah with the Rfiah is A Case like the Moslems with the Christians).
261

204

returning back one measure by its double, a tit for a double tat", ignoring the
fact that he by this action disrupts the unity of Moslems and untie their
stronghold, causing to cast doubts on the first axioms and maxims which
underpin the Islamic intellect, whereby he tangled himself into a fatal
predicament.
Attitude One: Fatimah (as): A Seeker of Worldly Matters
Ibn Taimiyyah says: "after all, it is recognised by every sane discerning
person that if a woman demands a sum of money from a guardian who,
seeing her ineligible, denied her the sum, and simultaneously he neither took
it for his own use, nor he gave it to a family member or friends, but merited it
to the Moslems' welfare, and yet it is said, the claimant got indignant against
the ruler, it means that her anger was sheerly because the latter held back
the money, and said to her: 'it is not yours; it is someone's else', so where
from do we draw praise in the claimants anger? Even if she were truly
wronged, her anger will be no more than fretting for this World. How can this
be, when the charge against the ruler who does not take for his own use is
less likely than the charge against the claimant who takes for her own use?
Incidentally, how can a charge be placed against the one who does not claim
the money for himself, rather than the one who lays the claim for himself?
Although, that ruler was saying: I am banning it for Allah sake, as I do not
have the right to take the money from the one who falls due to payment to
give it to a person with no right, the claimant was saying: I am but expressing
displeasure for my little share of money."262
He said too: they transfer likewise that Ali and Fatimah exposed scenes of
despair and sorrow for the loss of Fadak and other assets of inheritance
which implicates they were grieving for elapsed matters of this World, while
Allah (Taala) says: {so that you may not grieve over the loss you suffer,
nor exult over what He gave you. Allah does not love the vainglorious,
the boastful}263, where people are urged not to pine for losses of this World.
Undeniably, grief for this worldly existence must be prioritised in the
Ibn Taimiyyah, "Minhj As-Sunnah" reviewed by: Muhammad Rashd Slim, the Islamic
university of Imam Muhammad Bin Saud, Saudi Arabia, pub.1, 1406 A.H - 1986 A.D, vol.4,
pp.244-245.
262

263

Al-add (23)
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prohibition than the grief for religion. If it were ordained that a human grieves
for this World, his fear from the threat of killing should be more deservingly
excusable than grief for riches he failed to attain."264
According to the above text, the Mistress of the worlds women appears in the
scene concerned with an earthly pursuit that is unwarranted to her, grieving
for what she missed in the lower World, whereas the first caliph act denying
her right is addressed for Allah sake.
Ibn Taimiyyah in this specific context abandons the logic of faulty inference
he commonly applies to similar contexts. The least to expect of him is to
interpret the attitude of Az-Zahra (as) in pattern with his theories, according to
which he must say: "Az-Zahra (as) was at fault, but her fault is upon doing
juristic inference and interpretation, for which she should be recompensed".
This very logic has been readily implemented for Muwiyah Bin Abu Sufin
and other insurgents against Imam Ali (as) to lessen the blame and justify
their actions. So what made him fail to treat the First Lady of the worlds with
the same logic he treated Muwiyah?! And strikingly, why would he refrain
from topics revolving around conflicts among the companions, reckoning the
exposure to these issues like a taboo for Moslems, while at the same time he
has not shown the slightest hesitation in considering the chief women of the
worlds (as) as to demand what is undue to her, and grieve for petty gains in
this World?!

Attitude Two: Fatimah (as) Action Resembles the Hypocrites' Actions

Ibn Taimiyyah says: "has not Allah censured the hypocrites in His saying: {O
prophet, there are some among them who slander you concerning the
distribution of the alms; if something is given to them thereof, they are
well pleased and if they are not given anything thereof they become
angry. If only they were content with what Allah and His Messenger had
given them and would say, "Allah suffices us: He will provide for us in
abundance out of His own bounty, and His Messenger will also be
264

Ibid: same source, vol.8, pp.260-261. He is saying this in the way of comparison between the
grief of Siddiqah Az-Zahra (as) for her father departure (sawa) and the grief of the first caliph as
narrated in the holy Qur'an through a spokesman who is the person of the prophet (sawa): {when he
was saying to his companion, "be not distressed, indeed Allah is with us"} (At-Tawbah: 40).
206

kindly disposed towards us. Indeed we look to Allah alone."265, whereby

Allah makes reference to the folk who are pleased when given, angered
when not given, and thus they were censured. So whoever praises Fatimah
on points in common with theirs, would he not cause to slander her by
that?"266
It is obvious that to compare the act of Siddiqah Az-Zahra (as) simply for
claiming Fadak and expressing displeasure for denying her right, with the
hypocrites acts who are not pacified only by having subsidies and without
which they remain outraged against the prophet (sawa), is something that no
Moslem would dare to utter, a Moslem who is aware of the prophet's saying
in respect of Az-Zahra (as):"the mistress of the women of the worlds";
and he is the prophet on whom Quran said: {nor does he bespeak out of
his desire. This is nothing but a revelation that is conveyed to him.}267
Some might grip to the segment that states "So whoever praises Fatimah on
points in common with theirs, would not he cause to slander her by that?" to
conjure that Ibn Taimiyyah meant to negate she was indignant with the first
caliph, and the real motive for his phrase is his concern lest he should ascribe
to her (as) what might defame her, hence it can be concluded that it is an
affectionate gesture to Az-Zahra (as), and vigilance to keep her taintless.
But the reality is not so:

Ibn Taimiyyah is not illiterate of what is reported in "Sahih Al-

Bukhr", and other sources on the authority of Aisha that Az-Zahra (as)
"had grievance"268 against the first caliph, (to have grievance against
someone is to be angry with him, to have the heart hardened against
him hence to detest him).
265

At-Tawbah (58-59)

266

Ibid: same source, vol.4, pp.245-246.

267

An-Najm (3-4)

268

See "Sahih Al-Bukhr", ibid: p.803, hadith no.4240. He said: "...Abu Bakr refused to allocate
to Fatimah any slice of it (Fadak), and thus Fatimah had grievance against him for that, broke off
with him, and stopped talking to him until she died". Also p.591, hadith no.3093: "so Fatimah,
daughter of the Messenger of Allah, got indignant and parted company with Abu Bakr, and went on
that until she died". See also: Al-Qushair, Muslim Bin ajjj An-Naisbr, "Sahih Muslim",
edited by: Abu uhaib Al-Karm, Bait al-Afkar Adawliya, 1419 A.H - 1998 A.D, p.729, Kitab AlJihad wal Siyer - The Book of Jihad and Biographies", Ch. The Prophet Saying: "We do not
bequeath what we left behind as it is Sadaqah", hadith no.1759.
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Furthermore, the reference to Az-Zahra attitudes, as regards her
claim for Fadak, her indignation and boycott for the first caliph, her will
to bury her in the dark, not to have mourners attending her funeral and
other events respectively, is made with the intention to discredit the first
caliph, triumph for her (as) and prove her right in her claim and acts;
and it is completely irrelevant to praise and compliment. In other words,
there is a difference between saying "your anger is a righteous cause"
and "your anger is appreciable"; the last phrase falls into the category
of praise whereas the above one is a sheer assertion.
In point of fact, Ibn Taimiyyah in the above excerpt did two things with which
his opponent the Allama Ibn Al-Muhar Al-ill contends:
Firstly: he interpreted the discourse of Al-ill269 as praise for Az-Zahra (as),
though it was no more than an affirmation statement on her right to take this
action.
Secondly: he interpreted her act in terms of the hypocrites' acts, while
Al-ill sees the matter differently in that the hypocrites were demanding what
is not their right, and it is for this they were censured by Allah (Taala), not for
the 'demand initiative' itself, even if their demand was righteous one.
Therefore the ayah introduces firstly the reason why their act is deemed
erroneous: {there are some among them who slander you concerning the
distribution of the alms}, that is, they blemish and defame 'you', and
afterwards against that they were invited to submit to Allah and His
Messenger and stop the offence they make against him (sawa), saying: {If
only they were content with what Allah and His Messenger had given
them}.
It appears that it is exclusively Ibn Taimiyyah who deserves the epithet of a
"slanderer" for the mistress of the women of the worlds (as), not any other
one who is aware that her anger is directed to Allah and for Allah alone, and
believes in the Messenger's saying: "Fatimah is a fraction from of me;

See his original statement and the associated context in "Minhj Al-Karamah f Marifat AlImamah", Ibn Al-Muahr, Abu Manr Jamalul Dn Al-Asad Al-ill, reviewed by: Abdul Ram
Mubarak, Tasua publisher, Mashhad, Iran, pub.1, 1379 SH (Solar Hijri), pp.71-72.
269

208

whoever angers her would anger me", while to anger the Messenger of
Allah (sawa) would incur Allah (Taala) anger.270
Ibn Taimiyyah commented on Al-ill assertion that Ahlul Sunnah narrated the prophetic hadith:
"O Fatimah indeed Allah is angered for your anger, and is satisfied for your satisfaction"
saying: it is a lie on his part; they have not narrated that from the prophet (saw-a), and not in the
least there is something of this in the renowned hadith books, nor it has a renowned chain of
transmitters traceable to the prophet (saw-a) that can be sound or good."
270

On my part, I would say: what Ibn Taimiyyah states is false, as it has been reported by a number of
the Sunni hadith books, and it was authenticated and deemed good by some Sunni prominent
figures, and hereby some names:
1. Narrated by Al-Hafiz Nrul Dn Ali Bin Abu Bakr Al-Haitham As-Shfi (d.807 A.H) in
"Majma Az-Zaw'id", reviewed by: Abdullah Muhammad Ad-Darwsh, Dar al-Fikr, Beirut,
1414 A.H - 1994 A.D, vol.9, p.328, hadith no.15204, in which he said: it was narrated by A-abar
and its chain of transmission is good.
2. Abu Al-Qsim Bin Ahmed A-abarn in "Al-Mujam Al-Kabr", reviewed by: amd Bin
Abdul Majd As-Salafi, Maktabat Ibn Taimiyyah, Cairo, vol.1, p.108, hadith no.182 & vol.22,
p.401, hadith no.1001. The book reviewer annotated in respect of the first hadith that the following
phrase was found in the footnote of the original manuscript: "this is hadith which has authentic
chain of transmission, and it is narrated from several routes from Ali (as). Narrated by Al-rith
from Ali, and narrated mursal as well, and this hadith is the best I ever saw and it has the soundest
chain of transmission I ever read."
3. Also mentioned by the Hafiz Jamalul Dn Al-Maz (d.742 A.H) in "Tahdhb Al-Kaml f
Asm' Al-Rijl", reviewed by: Dr. Bashr Awd, Muassasat al-Risala, Beirut, pub.4, 1406 A.H 1985 A.D, vol.35, p.250. It was neither weakened by the author nor by the reviewer, noting that the
latter has announced in the prelude of the book that his main concern is to cite the supplements of
scholars who deal with the authentication and aspersion in "Tahdhb Al-Kaml.
4. Also authenticated by Al-kim in his "Mustadrak", Dar al-Kotob al-Ilmiya, reviewed by:
Mustafa Abdul Qdir Aa, pub.1, 1411A.H - 1990 A.D, vol.3, p.167, hadith no.4730. But AdDhahab weakened it from the narration of Al-Hussein Bin Zaid Bin Ali saying: "his hadith is
munkar (GG see glossary: munkar is denounced being reported by weak narrator), and he is not
referred to as authoritative source", but during revision it appeared to us that his categorisation as
weak is not totally agreed on and only disputed. Ibn Abu tem Ar-Rz (d.327 A.H) said: "I said
to my father: what do you say about him? He moved his hand and turned it upside down, hinting:
renowned but denounced, (Al-Jar wa Tadl, Dar Ihia al-Turath al-Arabi, Beirut, pub.1, 1952
A.D, vol.3, p.53, bio.237). Al-Hafiz Ibn Adiy Al-Jurjn (d.365) said after transferring some
hadiths on his authority: I hope he is sensible, yet I found some of his hadiths denounced) (AlKmil f uaf Ar-Rijl, reviewed by dil Ahmed et al, Dar al-Kotob al-Ilmiya, pub.1, 1997
A.D, vol.3, p.218). This is what is transferred from him by Ad-Dhahab in "Al-Kshif f Marifat
man lah Riwyah f Al-Kutub As-Sittah" (Dar Al-Qiblah for Islamic culture & Muassasat Ilum
Al-Qur'an, Jeddah, reviewed by: Muhammad Awwamah et al, pub.1, 1413 AH - 1992 AD, vol.1,
p.333, hadith no.1088). Ad-Dhahab classified it in compliance with Abu tem, whereby the
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Attitude Three: Fatimah Desertion and Breaking off with the First Caliph
A Slander to her
He said: "whoever wanted to be issued a ruling other than the ruling of Allah
and His Messenger, hence he expressed anger and swore not to talk to the
ruler or the ruler's companion, he is not to be praised for this, neither the ruler
to be censured; or rather his act is more libelous than commendable."271
Upon this statement, the mistress of the worlds women (as) ends up, from
the perspective of Ibn Taimiyyah as one of the libeled companions, and the
hadith involving her grievance against Abu Bakr, as reported by Al-Bukhr,
ends up as calumny against her. At this point we recollect the fact that Ibn
Taimiyyah himself states in his book "A-rim Al-Masll al Shtim ArRasl" that anyone who speaks insultingly against the companions of the
Messenger (sawa) without inflicting slander on their rightfulness or
religiousness, it surely serves him right to have disciplinary penalty and a
rebuke notice! He declares: "whoever speaks insultingly against them without
inflicting slander on their rightfulness or religiousness in descriptions such as
miserliness, cowardice, humble knowledge, lack of austerity and so forth, he
certainly must be forfeited by disciplinary action and a rebuke notice. But as
for the one who curses, condemns and reproves them on the total, he is in a
position subject to dispute. As for the one who goes over to allege that they
apostatised after the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) save for a small faction
reviewer of "Al-Kshif" said in the study of Ad-Dhahab glossary in the Aspersion and
Acclamation that compliance for Ad-Dhahab in his assessment of Ibn Adiy indicates mostly
"slight authentication" and noted: an instance of that is what he said on Al-Hussein Bin Zaid. Also
authenticated by Ad-Dr Qun Mawsat Aqwl Ad-Dr Qun, complied and collated by:
Muhammad Mahdi Al-Muslim et al, Alam al-Kotob for publishing, Beirut, pub.1, 1422 A.H
2001 A.D, vol.1, p.213, no.1006). Ibn ajar said about him: unfailingly reliable but he might have
miscalculated (Taqrb At-Tahdhb, study and review by: Mustafa Abdul Qdir A, Dar AlKotob al-Ilmiya, Beirut, pub.2, 1415 A.H 1995 A.D, vol.1, p.215, no.1326).
In accordance with that we realise that categorising al-Hussein Bin zaid as a weak narrator is a
matter of dispute, and he has been authenticated by some, which makes the narration from him
sound as Al-kim An-Naisbr propounded.
This equally shows that what Ibn Taimiyyah said that this hadith is not included in the first degree
books of Ahlul Sunnah and its chain of narrators is false and unfounded.
271

"Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.4, p.243.

210

below fourteen, or that they went astray altogether, he is one whose infidelity
is certain and undoubted."272
Eventually, upon Ibn Taimiyyah criteria, the minimal forfeit he should receive
for his above statement and for other sectarian notions in respect of Az-Zahra
(as) (see attitude one and three) is "discipline and rebuke". Alternatively, he
could have been a silent spectator not engaging in vain talk over such
matters, outweighing one party over the other, just as he habitually does
when the antagonists and enemies of Ahlul Bait (as) are concerned.

Attitude Four: The Will of Fatimah to Bury her at Night and not to do her
Funeral Prayer an Act to be censured for
He said: "besides, as for what he mentioned273 on her request in her deathwill to be buried at night and not to have any of them doing her funeral prayer,
if proved to be true274, it would have been an act closer to a forgiven sin than
being an appreciable effort. A Moslem prayer on others is a bonus and
increase in grace that is carried through to him, and it does not do harm for
the best of creatures to receive prayers from the worst of creatures. Over
here, we have the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) receiving prayers from the
pious and sinful as well as the hypocrite, and if this were of no avail for him it
will still not harm him. Despite knowing that among the Moslem Ummah,
there exist some hypocrites, he never forbade anyone from praying for him,
and rather commanded all people, from the blend of believers and hypocrites
to do that and also to salute him. So how can he refer to this matter in the
sense of commendation and advocacy for her debating with such things that
no one but extravagantly ignorant would say or debate with. If however, a
Moslem makes a request in a will not to pray for him, his will shall not be
executed, as their prayers will be to his advantage at any rate.
It is well-known if someone had received injustice, and he made a will not to
let his wrongdoer perform funeral prayer on him, his act will not be
Ibn Taimiyyah, "A-rim Al-Masll Al Shtim Ar-Rasl", reviewed by: Muhammad Mul
Dn, Al-Haras Al-Watan Publisher, Saudi Arabia, p.586.
272

The pronoun here signifies the Allama Al-ill, writer of Minhj Al-Karmah against whom
Ibn Taimiyyah retaliated in his book dedicated for this purpose.
273

274

This should be true indeed according to Ibn Taimiyyah doctrine, because as indicated above, it is
reported by Al-Bukhr. Actually, Ibn Taimiyyah is well-versed with this fact but negligently he
sets it aside in order to cast doubtfulness on the matter and shake its foundation in the readers mind.
211

meritorious nor worthy of praise, and moreover it is not something enjoined

by Allah and His Messenger. So how can he who sought to praise and glorify
Fatimah mention such a thing far from praisable, and rather the praise lies in
the opposite extreme, as demonstrated by the Book, Sunnah and Moslem
consensus!?" 275
As a matter of fact, Ibn Taimiyyah conjectural point that the Allama Ibn AlMuahar Al-ill "refers to this matter in the sense of commendation and
advocacy for her debating .." is totally incorrect, as his debate has not been
intended to this effect, and this is a subject on which the Shia have been
prolific in their writing in the past and present days, producing many
respective abridged and bulky compilations. Al-ill was addressing the
debate that 'the Imami doctrine is enjoined upon us to follow', and that
unlike the case with others, the Shia have not been zealous for anything
other than the truth; they neither altered the Sharia rulings nor invented
heresies just to be opinionated stubbornly against others, whereas these
actions have been typical of their adversaries. Al-ill's debate is no more
sheer depiction of such truths, and the distortion of Ibn Taimiyyah for his
message diverting the context into an exotic subject, then describing him as
"no one but extravagantly ignorant would say or debate with" is but a
contemptible attempt to enforce fallacy and forgery. This is firstly.
And secondly, the implication of anger and fury in Az-Zahra's death-will
needs not be evidenced, and so is the fact that a Moslem's prayer for another
Moslem is a bonus for him, not solely the dead. It is true that "it does not do
harm for the best of creatures to receive prayers from the worst of creatures"
as Ibn Taimiyyah said, but it is equally true "the severest loss from Allah's
bounties and prizes is to be dispossessed of the right to pray for the best of
creatures as a particularised individual"276. Such loss and misfortune would
aggravate once we realise that the deprivation from this right was made by
the best creature himself on whom our prayer should be due, as a form of
protest and indignation. This is precisely the case at issue for the Allama Alill in his debate, i.e. the banning from prayer and its indications, which Ibn
Taimiyyah tried to twist and wind.
275

"Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.4, pp.247-248.

276

According to reports already exhibited with explicit content: "the mistress of the women of
Paradise" and "the mistress of the women of this Ummah"...
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Thirdly: regardless of our belief in the high stations of Az-Zahra (as), her
infallibility and conversance with religious rules and principles, she by no
means needs the like of Ibn Taimiyyah to dictate on her behalf what is
permissible and impermissible of acts in Islam. Oddly enough, Ibn Taimiyyah
takes the liberty to record that Az-Zahras will is a 'sin' simply for excluding
specific group from praying on her, though he lacks even a single evidence
for deeming this kind of will as sinful! More oddly, he conjured by sheer
speculation that such a sin is a 'forgiven' one!!

Attitude Five: Fatimah Split Asunder the Federation of Moslems,

Declined Allah Command and Incurred His Wrath for this Transgression
Ibn Taimiyyah said: "then if someone objects saying: Umar and Abu Bakr are
both guardians, and Allah commanded to obey the guardians, it will ensue
that to obey them Allah is obeyed, and to rebel against them Allah is repelled.
So whoever transgressed their command and cultivated their anger, he
certainly transgressed Allah's command and incurred His wrath". Then he
starts to revile Ali and Fatimah (as) in that they "declined Allah's command,
and loathed what pleases Him, for Allah is but pleased at His obedience
akin to obedience to the guardians, so he who is averse to the obedience of
guardians, he surely rejects Allah good pleasure. Indeed Allah is angered for
His disobedience, while rebellion against the guardian is by the same token
rebellion against Him. So whoever opted the disobedience of the guardian in
charge, he surely opted what incurs Allah's wrath and dismisses His
gratification. This revilement of Ali and Fatimah (as) is but more plausible
than the Rfiah revilement of Abu Bakr and Umar, as the traditions handed
down from the prophet (saw-a) which dictate obeying the guardians,
fortification of the community oneness and perseverance on that are fairly
widespread and famous, so much so that we cannot dispense with what
might someone say that it is the prophet (saw-a) who enjoined obedience to
the ones in authority even if they were totalitarians, and meet their injustice
with patience, saying: 'you will be faced after me with totalitarianism, so
take that patiently until you happen to meet me at the Fount', also saying:
'give them their due right and ask Allah for your right' along with other
examples, which eventuates that if Abu Bakr and Umar were ordained to be
oppressive and wealth-monopolisers, it is nonetheless dutiful to obey them
and accept with patience their unfairness.
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Henceforth if this very person proceeds vilifying Ali and Fatimah (R.A.) that
they were impatient and they have not maintained Moslems' unity; rather
they despaired and dispersed Moslems, and this is a great offence, this
atrocity he makes would have been more plausible than the Rfiah
revilement of Abu Bakr and Umar. There is absolutely no evidence that Abu
Bakr and Umar had dropped a duty or perpetrated an impermissible act,
unlike the case with others on whom there might exist evidences of some sort
of sins perpetrated, that neither Abu Bakr nor Umar made their similitudes. To
exalt Ali and Fatimah above such acts as quitting a duty or committing the
impermissible cannot hold unless counting that the exalting of Abu Bakr and
Umar above such acts is much more prioritised. There can be no dubiosity
they dropped a duty or violated a boundary but that dubiosity is stronger and
bigger with respect to Ali and Fatimah. So for someone to seek praise to Ali
and Fatimah for purity from sins or Allah's forgiveness for them, while vilifying
Abu Bakr and Umar for misdeeds and deprivation of forgiveness, he lapse
into the greatest ignorance and injustice, greater than trying to cultivate that
in respect of Ali and Muwiyah... if he seeks to praise Muwiyah and vilify Ali
(R.A.).277
This excerpt figures prominently and conspicuously the tactical method,
exercised by Ibn Taimiyyah in these contexts (see: preface of axis two). Although
lengthy, I had it conveyed in full to help the reader perceive a robust image of
the resentment and antagonism Ibn Taimiyyah harbours for the Itrah of the
prophet of Islam (sawa), and how a paragraph not exceeding a few lines
swarm with slanders, lies and violations of Allah sanctities that no one socalled Moslem would venture into: Ali and Fatimah according to the
perception of Ibn Taimiyyah have declined the ruling of Allah, incurred His
wrath, detested what pleases Him, disrupted the unity of Moslems, infringed
the obedience of the guardians, despaired and exhibited no patience, quit
duties and obligations, committed impermissible acts and moreover they did
the most outrageous offence and the dubiosity that they dropped a duty and
transgressed a boundary is stronger and bigger in their respect.
In fact, this series of Nib satirical pronouncements launched by Ibn
Taimiyyah in which he consciously exploits the Qur'anic text for twisted
tactical applications, poses a question for the reader to reflect on: who are
277

Minhj As-Sunnah", vol.4, pp.256-258.

214

those who {followed what angered Allah and have been averse to His
good pleasure}?278 They are the hypocrites no doubt; otherwise a good
believer is disposed to love belief and hate disbelief, wickedness and
rebellion, as the Qur'anic verse illustrates:
{Allah has endeared faith to you and has embellished it in your hearts,
and has made unbelief and evil-doing and disobedience abhorrent to
you. Such are those who are rightly guided.}279
Ibn Taimiyyah says elsewhere in his book "Minhj As-Sunnah" identifying
those, who hated what Allah sent down saying: "the forerunners interpreted
those who {hated what Allah sent down} and led to the revelation of this
verse, as the hypocrites and Jews."
The reader can figure out this very conclusion himself by recourse to the
context of these Qur'anic verses: {indeed those who reverted back (to
disbelief) after guidance had become clear to them- Stan enticed them
and prolonged hope for them. That is because they say to thjose who
hate that which Allah has revealed: we will obey you in some
respects. And Allah knows their secret talks. So, how (wretched) they
will be when the angels will demand their souls, smite their faces and
their backs? That is because they followed that which has angered
Allah, and they disliked His His plkeadure; therefore He has nullified
their deeds. Do thjose having malady in their hearts think that Allah will
never expose their grudges (against Islam). Had we willed, We would
have shown them to you (by identifying each one of them) so as you
would definitely recognise them by their features. However, you will
recognise them by the tone of (their) speech. And Allah knows all your
deeds.}280
Consequently, by applying these attributes to Amrul Mu'minn, Ali, and the
chief woman of the worlds, Az-Zahra (as), does Ibn Taimiyyah try to say: they
were hypocrites? The paragraph replete with this sense, and there is nothing
that can otherwise expel this notion. The reader becomes in a critical juncture
to either trust in Ibn Taimiyyah or the prophet of Islam (sawa) with the
278

Muhammad (28)

279

Al-ujurt (7)

280

Muhammad (25-30)
215

mutawtir hadith he rendered in respect to them that furnish the entire

heritage of Moslems (part of which indicated above)! 281
As for Az-Zahra (as) having disrupted the Moslem community, (though Imam
Ali (as) is coupled with her in this action, we suspend his part to focus on AzZahra (as) as the topic), the injunction given by the prophet (sawa) for this
misdeed: "there will be vile evils, so whoever wants to break the unity of
this Ummah when it is united, strike him with the sword no matter who
he were" 282, and in another hadith: "he who does not yield to obedience,
and breaks up from uniformity hence died, he dies like the deaths of AlJhiliyyah".

283

It follows the penalty of Az-Zahra (as), the mistress of the

worlds women, according to Ibn Taimiyyah, is to strike her with a sword! And
it was in virtue of the clemency and mercifulness of the first caliph she was
spared the sentence she earned to herself!! Not knowing what paradise is
that whose mistress would die in terms of the Jahiliyyah conventions! This is
a question that Ibn Taimiyyah had to account for and tell us the answer.
The relationship between the ruled and the ruler will be researched
elsewhere in our series "A Portrait of the Umayyad Islam", across which
we will witness that a principal pillar in this model of Islam is blind obedience
to authority and total submission to any form of politics it sustains regardless
of whether or not it can be immoral and unprincipled. What Ibn Taimiyyah
281

Al-Hafiz Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln said in "Fat Al-Br", ibid, vol.8, p.477: "What is bizarre is

what A-abar extracted with a good sanad, from the route of Sad Bin Jubair from Ibn Abbas
whereby he said: when this Qur'anic verse was revealed {but you are truly a warner and to every
folk a guide} (Ar-Raad:7), the Messenger of Allah put his hand on his chest and said: 'I am the
admonisher', and signalled to Ali and said: 'you are the guider; throughout you the guided will
reach the right destination after me". This is how Ali is ranked by the Messenger of Allah
(sawa), whereas for Ibn Taimiyyah, the master of the Umayyad Islam, Ali is one of the hypocrites.
282

Sahih Muslim, ibid, p.773, Kitab Al-Imrah The Book of Rulership", Ch."The Ruling

on Whoever Disperse Moslems when they are United", hadith no.1852.

283

Al-Buair, Ahmed Bin Abu Bakr Bin Isml, "Itf Al-Khiyerah Al-Maharah bi Zaw'id

Al-Masnd Al-Asharah", reviewed by: Abu Abdul Ramn dil Bin Sad et al, Maktabat alRushd, Riyadh, pub.1, 1419 A.H -1998 A.D, vol.6, Kitab: Al-Imrah The Book onfRulership",
Chapter: "He Who Quit Obedience and Dissociated with the Community", p.220, hadith
no.5793.
216

recorded here configures one of the fundamental columns of the Umayyad

Islam utilised as a legal cover.

Attitude Six: Her Desperation (as) for the Elapsing Lower World and
Grief for a Fleeting Matter
Ibn Taimiyyah said: "his grief (Abu Bakr) for the prophet (saw-a)
demonstrates the peak of love and loyalty, good counselling, concern to keep
him safe, afford protection and fend off harm for him, and this is the greatest
manifestation of faith, albeit with grief he becomes susceptible to sort of
weakness, which substantiates that to possess those traits and
simultaneously not to grieve is what has been enjoined on us. Sheer
sorrow is of no avail, but it does not signify a sin that invokes censure, as it is
common knowledge that grief for the Messenger is apt to be greater than
grief for one's child owing to the fact that loving him is more obligatory than
loving one's child.
[...]
Furthermore, those Shia and others narrate on Fatimah episodes of
indescribable sorrow for the prophet (saw-a) so much so that she built the
house of sorrow, but they do not reckon that censurable, even though it is
fretting for a matter that lapsed and expelled, whereas Abu Bakr grief was an
expression of wariness for him lest he should be killed. Therefore he did not
react to his death beyond a sensible measure to indulge into bitter grief,
being fruitless and unavailing. Duly Abu Bakr grief is undeniably more
flawless than Fatimah's, so if he were in any event blameworthy, Fatimah is
more worthy of that blame, or else Abu Bakr is more rightfully not to be
censured for his grief for the prophet (saw-a) than others who grieved for him
after his death.
[...]
They transfer likewise that Ali and Fatimah exposed scenes of despair and
sorrow for the loss of Fadak and other assets of inheritance which implicates
they were grieving for elapsed matters of this World, while Allah (Taala)
says: {so that you may not grieve over the loss you suffer, nor exult over
what He gave you. Allah does not love the vainglorious, the boastful}284,
284

Al-add (23)
217

where people are urged not to pine for losses of this World. Undeniably, grief
for this worldly existence must be prioritised in the prohibition than the grief
for religion. If it were ordained that a human grieves for this World, his fear
from the threat of killing should be more deservingly excusable than grief for
riches he failed to attain."285
According to the Shia on this matter and upon authentic reports with
unanimous consent, Az-Zahra mourning and grief for her father (sawa) was
under his sight during his lifetime soon as he (sawa) disclosed to her news of
his departure, and yet she received no formal censure for this exposure of
grief, nor he said to her: "this is weakness and it is grief for a fleeting and
futile matter" as Ibn Taimiyyah maintains, but he instead consoled her and
revealed to her glad tidings.
However, an impermissible sorrow, commonly called 'despondency', is a level
that is unattainable by simply displaying grief, but by concomitant heinous
conducts or repulsive language, e.g. despairing of Allah recompense or
unmindfulness of His covenants and so forth. Equally true, sorrow in itself is
not inconsistent with 'fair patience' enjoined on us. We find prophet Yaqb
(Jacob) (as) saying to his children: {Nay! Your evil souls have made this
heinous act easy for you. I will however bear this patiently with god
grace. It is Allah alone Whose help can be sought}286, but despite his 'fair
patience' he withdrew and turned away from them: {then he turned his face
from them and cried: "Alas for Joseph!" He was sorely oppressed with
suppressed sorrow and his eyes have become white with grief}287,
oblivious to his loss of sight and the long stretch of time he persisted on that
position. The holy Qur'an depicts the scene: {the people of the house
answered: "by Allah, you are still suffering from your old illusion}288,
and he replied: {Then he said: "didn't I say to you that I know from Allah
what you do not know?}289, that is, he learnt: Ysuf (Josef) is alive and
285

Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.8, pp.459-461.

286

Ysuf (18)

287

Ysuf (84)

288

Ysuf (95)

289

Ysuf (96)
218

Allah (Taala) will re-unite them and still he grieves and laments, by which he
seems to contradict his fair patience. Hence, Qur'an narrates utterances from
the mouth of his children which are in the same vein of Ibn Taimiyyah's
interjection statements made on Az-Zahra (as) i.e. "unprofitability of bygone
lost matters and futility of tears" saying to their father: {"by Allah! You have
not ceased to think of Joseph and now things have come to such a pass
that you will ruin your health or kill yourself with grief for him"}290, that
is, you will be at the verge of death or be dead. Yet we find him hastening to
say: {"I complain to Allah alone of my sorrow and grief"}291, and this is
typically what every Moslem should do; to address his grievances to no one
but Allah (Taala). Moreover, we still need to take into account that no
analogy can be made between prophet Ysuf (as) and the prophet of Islam
(sawa) neither in virtuousness nor significance, nor as concerns the severity
of affliction caused by their loss to their aggrieved people. So how can the
chief woman of the worlds be censured, as Ibn Taimiyyah expects the Shia
to do, for actions much less fretful than the actions of that rightful prophet?
Besides, what afflicted her personally is the dire calamity of Moslems across
history because it marks out the end of Revelation and loss of their great
leader!?
As for what Ibn Taimiyyah said that the Shia "they They transfer likewise that
Ali and Fatimah exposed scenes of despair and sorrow for the loss of Fadak
and other assets of inheritance which implicates they were grieving for
elapsed matters of this World.", it is part of his falsities. It has never been
reported that any of them (as) had once exhibited despondency or sorrow for
evanescent matters of our World, save for bemoaning the prophet death
(sawa). It is true that reports from both the Shia and Sunnah conjointly292
indicate they believed in their right to the ownership of Fadak and other
290

Ysuf (85)

291

Ysuf (86)

292

As for Az-Zahra own belief (as) in this respect, it has been conveyed earlier in the research from

Sahih Al-Bukhr and Muslim. As for Imam Alis, it is adduced in these two sources that during the
rule of Umar he was demanding the inheritance of Az-Zahra; and he was making his intention clear
on this matter (see: "Sahih Al-Bukhr", p.592, hadith no.3094 & "Sahih Muslim", pp.728-729,
hadith no.1757).
219

assets of inheritance and expressed grievance for inequity, but to claim one's
right cannot be calculated as "grief for elapsing matters of this World". A
preview of what Imam Ali (as) declares with regard to Fadak can help the
prestigious reader decide if any vestige of grief in the sense Ibn Taimiyyah
describes is traceable in his words. Amrul Mu'minn says (as):
"By Allah, I have hoarded not even a grain of gold and
silver from your lower World, neither amassed from its
prizes any riches, nor had prepared an extra rag for my
tattered clothes. Aye! We had at our custody Fadak, the
only possession from all what the sky shaded. But there
were fellows of some folk who had a grip on it tightwad,
whilst others were lavish about it and open-handed, how
Supreme is the Judge Allah. What would I do with Fadak
and other than Fadak when the soul's abode tomorrow is
the entombment, its trails severed in its darkness,
tidings about it cease to exist, and the hole-area if
stretched; and its gravedigger expanded it, stone and
clay would strain it, and heaped-up sand would fill its
crevices! It is but my soul I tame with piety to pass
secured the Day of Greatest Fear, stay firm on the
sideways of the abyss.
If I willed l would have procured this honey extract and
this finest whole wheat and these fabrics of silkworm.
Far be it that my lust would prevail over, and my avarice
lead me to pick out from favoured foods, when there might
be someone in Al-Hejaz and Al-Yamama (east of Najd) who
is not coveting this piece of bread, or he may be
unaccustomed to fullness (from hunger) or I may sleep the
night bellyful, while around me empty covetous bellies
and burning feverish livers, or I would be as the reciter
says:
Sufficing ailment for you to pass the night voracious
Whilst around you livers craving for codfish."293
293

Ar-Ra, As-Sharf Abu Al-Hassan Al-Msaw Al-Baghdd, "Nahj Al-Balaghah", reviewed

by: Fris Al-assn, Centre for Dogmatic Researches, pub.1, 1419 A.H, pp. 677-679.
220

Would anyone who reflects such sentiments deplore and pine for the loss of
evanescent matters?! No way, it is but Ibn Taimiyyah self-deceit by which
continues his stormy lowly onslaught.
However, we find it necessary to indicate to the descriptive words of Ibn
Taimiyyah portraying sorrow as a "sort of weakness", wondering if this sorrow
for the prophet's death (sawa) which is said to be conducive to weakness
pertains solely to the mistress of the woman of the worlds (as), which typifies
it as a daughter's mourning for her father, as Ibn Taimiyyah hints at? Or was
it exhibited by other elite companions as well, whose conduct (acts and
sayings) are reckoned by Ibn Taimiyyah as an authoritative source for
knowing the Islamic laws?
It is reported in "Sunan Ibn Mjeh" from Anas: "Abu Bakr said after the
demise of the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) to Umar: make our way towards
Um Ayman as the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) used to do', he said: 'as we
settled there, she bursts into tears, and they said to her: 'what makes you cry!
What Allah holds for His Messenger is better indeed, she said: 'I do know
what Allah holds is better for His Messenger, but I am crying for the end of
the divine Revelation. Then he said: she moved them to tears and they
started to cry with her."294
This hadith faultlessly states that three of the prophet companions were
engrossed in a cry scene for his death (sawa), justifying that for the end of
the divine Revelation. Moreover these exposures were not exclusive to this
bunch of companions, but involved the Messenger of Allah (sawa) in person
when he cried for the death of his son Ibrahim, and thereby he must have
yielded to weakness, upon Ibn Taimiyyah perception. It is reported in
"Musnad Ahmed":
"From Anas, he said: the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) said: tonight, I had a
newborn baby boy, and named him after my father: Ibrahim. Then he handed
in the baby to Um Saif, a wife of a bondsman called Abu Saif in Al-Madinah.
He said further: henceforth the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) set out towards
him and I headed with him until he reached Abu Saif who was pumping his
bellow filling the house with smoke, then I made quicker paces before the
294

Al-Albn, "Sahih Sunan Ibn Mjeh", Makatabat al-Maarif for publishing and distribution,

Riyadh, 1st edition of the new imprint, 1417 A.H - 1997 A.D, vol.2, p.55, hadith no.1334.
221

Messenger of Allah (saw-a) and said: O Abu Saif the Messenger of Allah
(saw-a) has come, so he stopped. Afterwards the Messenger of Allah (saw-a)
came, called for the boy and hugged him. Anas said: I have seen him in the
arms of the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) undergoing throes of death, so tears
went down from the Messengers eyes and he said: 'the eye shed tears, the
heart saddens, but we do not say only that pleases our Lord, by Allah
we are indeed sorrowful for you Ibrahim."295
With the objection Ibn Taimiyyah lodges regarding the absurdity of grief and
its embodiment of weakness, and according to the above hadiths and
analogous ones, his thesis becomes conflicting with the prophets acts as well
as disparaging. Does he accept that the one who is most perfected among
mankind and who embraced faith to the full be described in terms of
weakness? Will he be saying to the Messenger of Allah (sawa): "crying for a
son is useless, a token of weakness, and it would have been better to
assume perfection in a manner that you would not lapse into sorrow?!"

295

Musnad Ahmed", ibid, vol.20, p.316, hadith no.13014. This hadith is reported by several

references, listed by Shuaib Al-Arn'ut whereby he said: its chain of transmission is authentic
according to the provisions of Muslim, its reporters are trustworthy; included by the two Sheikhs
apart from Sulaimn Bin Al-Mughrah who is from the personalities of Muslim [...], and it was
extracted by Abu Awnah in Al-Manqib as well as in "Al-Itf" from the route of Affn and
Hshim Bin Al-Qsim with this chain of transmission. Extracted by Ibn Saad from the route of
Affn Bin Muslim exclusively in itself without other corroborating hadiths (see glossary) [...].
Extracted as well by Al-Baihaq in "As-Sunan" from the route of Abu An-Nar Hshim Bin AlQsim exclusively in itself without other corroborating hadiths (see glossary). Extracted as well by
Ibn Abu Shaibah, Abd Bin amd, Muslim, Abu Dwd, Abu Yal, Abu Awnah, Ibn abbn,
Al-Baihaq in "Ad-Dal'il" and Ibn ajar in "Taghlq At-Talq" from routes from Sulaimn Ibn
Al-Mughrah in itself without other corroborating hadiths, and Al-Bukhr attached it immediately
after hadith no. 1303. He said: narrated by Ms from Sulaimn Bin Al-Mughrah, from Thbit
from Anas by its example (binawihi) i.e. with a new addition in the matn or sanad but the wording
unchanged (see glossary). Extracted by its example (binawihi) by Al-Bukhr, Al-Baihaq in "AsShuab", Al-Baghaw from the route of Quraish Bin ayyn, from Thbit from Anas. [...]"
222

Attitude Seven: What is Narrated on Fatimah of Slanderous Acts

Abundant
Ibn Taimiyyah says: "what is narrated on Fatimah and other companions of
slanderous acts is abundant, part of which is lying and the other part is their
recourse to interpretation. However if some of these doings were sinning, it is
because that folk of people are not impeccable; they are indeed devotees of
God and among the residents of Paradise, nonetheless they have sins which
are readily forgiven by Allah."296
This is especially menacing text recorded by Ibn Taimiyyah and most
problematic of all. Its harm lurks in the attribution of major wrongdoings to the
mistress of the women of the worlds, and its complexity stems from the great
diversity of proposals and explanations it can sustain. It can be said
according to this text, that Ibn Taimiyyah makes outright deviation from the
symmetry of the standard beliefs of Moslems, which leads inevitably to
revoke his faith and religion. At this juncture, we recommend that anyone who
shares us the view regarding Ibn Taimiyyah's stance towards Ahlul Bait to
make analytical reading for this very paragraph but differently from the
reading of his partisans and adherents. The scientific obligation that readers
of Ibn Taimiyyah or rather readers of every author need to observe is to
exhaustively and fully read the writings of the concerned author and to take
into account the spectrum of tactics and backgrounds dominating his
literature and distinguishing him from others.
The root of controversy in that paragraph originates from the word 'lies', on
whether it is associated in the context with: 'narrated on' to denote that what
have been recorded of libels are false narratives, or associated with
'slanderous acts' to denote that among what have been narrated of libels is
'lies-telling'?
There are two ways of analytical reading to be underlined here:
First Reading: the way of the adherents and partisans of Ibn Taimiyyah,
throughout which he is cleared of any libelous act himself, and alternatively
the libel of lying is ascribed to Az-Zahra (as) and other companions.
Second Reading: the way of the cognisant of Ibn Taimiyyah double-cross
strategy based on camouflage and cover-up, which he applies to every
context where Ahlul Bait merits, feats and attitudes are celebrated. As a
296

"Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.4, pp.243-244.

223

matter of fact, the previous host of evidences and other forthcoming ones
justify this analytical reading, two of which are selected below:
First Evidence: Ibn Taimiyyah says: "should someone utter: it is unheard of
that the prophet (saw-a) somehow reprimanded Uthman, whereas he
reprimanded Ali on more than one occasion, that utterer is surely not farfetched", then he starts to quote incidences for that, such as: "in the domain
of fatwa, he gave a juristic verdict (i.e. Imam Ali) that a woman whose
husband died during her pregnancy should stick for the period of waiting to
the farthest of the two terms. This fatwa was given during the lifetime of the
prophet by Abu As-Sanbul Bin Bikek against which the prophet (saw-a)
said: Abu As-Sanbul lied."297
By quoting this tale, Ibn Taimiyyah relays the message that the prophet's act,
giving the lie to Abu As-Sanbul and abolishing his fatwa, applies by analogy
to Imam Ali298, and if Ibn Taimiyyah cherished the ascription of lies to Imam
Ali on account of Abu As-Sanbul story and the prophet's verdict, it will be
less strenuous for him to ascribe it to the mistress of the women of the
worlds.
Second Evidence: he said: "should someone say: Fatimah is but seeking
her right, that will not be more prioritised than to say: Abu Bakr does not hold
neither a Jew's nor a Christian's right, so how can he hold the right of the
chief woman of the worlds?! [...] And Fatimah (R.A.) has asked the prophet
(saw-a) money but he did not give her any. [...] So if it were possible that she
297

Ibid: same source, vol.4, pp.242-243.

298

This is clearly declared by Ibn Taimiyyah in his book "Al-Fatw Al-Kubr", during his

discussion of the non-impeccability of any companion other than the prophet (sawa). After indicting
Ali (as) of doing fatwa against the prophetic Na, acquitting the two Sheikhs from that, and giving
them precedence over him, he cites the tale of Abu As-Sanbul and the prophet (sawa) giving the
lie to him. Afterwards, he does not keep this 'lie-giving' to Abu As-Sanbul for his fatwa to this
particular incidence, but takes it farther to say: "the prophet gave the lie to whoever says this
fatwa" to hint to Imam Ali (as) as to be inferred from the contextual associations. See: "Al-Fatw
Al-Kubr", reviewed by Abdul Ramn Bin Qsim, King Fahad Complex for printing the Holy
Qur'an, Al-Madinah Al-Munawarah, 1416 A.H 1995 A.D, vol.35, p.125.
224

asks the prophet (saw-a) what he forbade her and was not obliged to give
her, it is equally possible she asks that again from Abu Bakr, the successor of
the Messenger of Allah (saw-a), and knowing that she is not impeccable, she
can thus request what must not be given to her. So if he is not obliged to give
her, he cannot be censured for dropping that which is not a duty even though
it were admissible. Consequently, if we reckon that giving is an inadmissible
act, it entails he is praiseworthy for that forbiddance."299
To rephrase what Ibn Taimiyyah said with new order, we would say: 'so long
as Az-Zahra (as) is not impeccable, she is likely to request what is not hers
and that which is forbidden for her. So it becomes dutiful for Abu Bakr not to
concede to her, otherwise he will do the 'impermissible' and cause himself to
be censured'. It is obvious that to generalise the imputation that she sought a
forbidden matter, without applying to her one of his ample justifications that
he usually equips the enemies of Ahlul Bait (as) with, (a fact which we have
frequently noted earlier) i.e. saying her quest was dictated by a faulty
interpretational process, it means it is not improbable that the mistress of
women of the worlds can ask unrightfully what she does not merit and what is
forbidden for her.
Another element, that makes the second reading overriding, is the ambiguity
of Ibn Taimiyyah phrases as he shapes his structures with respect to a highly
critical matter without forethought or caution, subsuming the lying of Az-Zahra
(as). All such inklings induce the idea that this portion of liberty he takes from
his usual circumspection is intentional. He could have framed his words as
follows: "we are aware that what is narrated on Fatimah and some other
companions of slanderous acts is abundant, part of which is lying on their
behalf", so that he instantly resolves the dispute on what he tries to say, and
spells out his intentions. But as he is not doing that and making broad
generalised statements which remain floating like "part of which is lying", he
renders his phrases open to multiple interpretations and probabilities.
Part of those who leaned to the second reading is Dr. Mamd As-Sayid
ab in his book: "Akh' Ibn Taimiyyah f aq Rasl Allah wa Ahlu
Baitih". After he selects a gravitating heading in retaliation to Ibn Taimiyyah
earlier statement: "Ibn Taimiyyah appeases the hearts of hypocrites and
the covert infidels by proving what none of the hypocrites would
299

Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.4, pp.246-247.

225

conceive of or dare say, that is, the daughter of the prophet (sawa) has
numerous slanderous acts", he says in comment:
"I do not know what are the numerous slanderous acts narrated on Lady
Fatimah Az-Zahra (R.A.), as weather they were the lying or the practice of
interpretation, would they mean that she made recourse to interpretation or
that she fell in guilt? Which wicked person would mention that? Does not Ibn
Taimiyyah perceive that Allah would cover up for the prophet (sawa) with
respect to his daughter (R.A.) so that she will not perpetrate libelous acts from
the start? I wonder, according to Ibn Taimiyyah tenet, how will Allah take
reckoning as far as what he ascribes to Lady Fatimah of libels is concerned?
His testimony will be recorded and he will be interrogated by the Almighty, the
Omnipotent."300
Now it is due time to put under the spotlight that anonymous tale of Ibn
Taimiyyah, and use our right to enquire: do the biographical accounts on AzZahra (as) attribute to her lie-telling as he alleges, or contrary to that there
are vigorous unanimous testimonials by Moslems from the soundest reports
and accounts which tell otherwise? This question by no means includes the
tenet of Ahlul Bait School who besides the integrity of the chief woman of the
worlds, they recognise her impeccability and purification, and these are basic
axioms for them. But the challenge is addressed to the Companions School,
to the most authenticated hadith books which we are investigating below, not
forgetting to keep our pledge to adhere to that school for evidences.
I lay at the hand of the prestigious reader these accounts for clarification:
1. Reported in "Al-Mustadrak al A-aain" from Aisha: "that if she
would ever make mention of Fatimah, daughter of the prophet (saw-a) she
says: "I have not seen someone with more integrity than her except for he
who brought her into being". Al-kim said: "this is an authentic hadith
according to the provision of Muslim, but not extracted by the two of them",
and Ad-Dhahab coincided with him.301
300

ab, Mamd As-Sayid, "Akh' Ibn Taimiyyah f aq Rasl Allah wa Ahlu Baitih",

Dar Zainul-bidn, 1431 A.H - 2010 A.D, p.63. What increases the value of Dr. ab views and
confirms his objectivity is that he had not embarked on the commentary only when exceeded forty
thousand pages from of Ibn Taimiyyah works as he announces in the book introduction!!
301

"Al-Mustadrak al A-aain", ibid, vol.3, p.175, hadith no.4756.

226

2. From Aisha too in "Itf Al-Khiyerah Al-Maharah bi Zaw'id Al-Masnd

Al-Asharah" she said: "I have not seen someone more honest than Fatimah
save for her father", then the narrative adds: "there was something between
the two of them" i.e. dispute and wrangle and so forth, "so she said: 'O
Messenger of Allah, ask her, as she does not lie."302
3. From her too in "Sahih Al-Adab Al-Mufrad" she said: "I have not seen
someone amid people who bears more resemblance to the prophet (saw-a)
either in speech or colloquy or the sitting posture than Fatimah. She said:
when the prophet (saw-a) sees her coming towards him, he welcomes her,
then rises to her to kiss her, then he holds her hand to lead and seat her in
his place. She on her part welcomes the prophet (saw-a) when he comes to
her, then she rises to him, holds his hand and kisses him." 303 The report has
been authenticated by the Allama Al-Albn.
4. From her too in "Sunan Abu Dwd", she says: "I have not seen
someone whose deportment bears more resemblance to the Messenger of
Allah (saw-a) than Fatimah (may Allah ennoble her face) by modesty, solemnity,
tenderness (noting that Al-Hassan mentioned: 'speech and colloquy', but not
the former features). If she calls on him, he would rise to her, grab her hand,
kiss it and seat her in his place, and if he calls on her, she would rise to him,
grab his hand, kiss it and seat him in her place."304

302

Al-Buair, "Itf Al-Khiyerah Al-Maharah bi Zaw'id Al-Masnd Al-Asharah", vol.9,

p.314, hadith no. 9045.

303

Al-Albn, "Sahih Al-Adab Al-Mufrad & annexed by: af Al-Adab Al-Mufrad" (the book:

"Al-Adab Al-Mufrad" is originally by Al-Bukhr), Mussasat al-Rayyan & Dar al-Dalil ElAthariya , Saudi Arabia, pub.4, 1428 A.H, p.256, hadith no.947.
304

As-Sjistn, Abu Dwd Ibn Al-Ashath Al-Azd, "Sunan Abu Dwd", edited by the team

of Bait al-Afkar al-Dawliya, (no date), p.560, hadith no.5217. The review team annotated: "AlMundhir said: it has been extracted by At-Tirmidh and An-Nas', and At-Tirmidh said: asan but
gharb from this respect."
227

It has been authenticated by Al-Albn as well.305

Anyhow, weather to adhere to the first inferential reading or the second,
which is a matter of choice for the reader upon what he perceives of Ibn
Taimiyyahs styles, strategies and attitudes towards Ahlul Bait (as), the
ascription of numerous major wrongdoings -upon Ibn Taimiyyah words- to the
chief woman of the worlds is in itself a grave matter and a blatant lie that
every Moslem condemns, and that is what inspired some of his critics this
satire: "which wicked person would say that?"
I conclude this research with a note made by one of the most proficient
memorisers of hadith and the flaws of hadith, from the Companions School.
The note delimits the status of those who debase the prophet's companions,
and throughout which, we hope that the reader is helped to judge on Ibn
Taimiyyah attitudes, especially with pertinence to the mistress of the world
women, Az-Zahra (as), who must in the least be recognised consensually as
a companion with grandeur and high rank. Ibn ajar Al-Haitham (d.974 A.H)
said in his famous book " A-aw'iq Al-Muriqah":

305

Arabic grammatical rules dictate that the 'kissing' in her saying: "grab her hand and kiss ..."
refers to her hand, and the pronoun denotes the latter not the former, i.e. the hand. This sense has
been admitted by Al-Albn as contextually commanding and the first to occur to ones mind, but he
overlooked it leaning to the sense that Fatimah was kissed by the Messenger of Allah (sawa) herself
not her hand specifically, conjuring this from the fact that the equivalence at the end of the effect
clause "she grabbed his hand hence kissed him", and by what is given in " Sahih Ibn abbn "
(see: "Sahih Ibn abbn bi Tartb Ibn Balbn", reviewed by: Shuaib Al-Arn't, Mussasat alRisala, pub.2, 1414 A.H - 1993 A.D, vol. 15, p.403, hadith no.6953), then he said: "Al-kim was
at odd with the circle of reporters from Ahlul Sunnah saying: 'she kissed his hand', and this could be
a slip from the scribe or the typist."
I say on my part, we can rule out the inconsistency between the two reports through several
suggestions, partly by saying: he (sawa) used to kiss her sometimes and kiss her hand at others. This
is strengthened when considering that in all the printed copies of "Al-Mustadrak" of Al-kim
with their different reviewers, it is established as "she kissed his hand" in the effect clause. This is
wholly concerning the heritage of the Companion School, whereas the heritage of Ahlul Bait
School (as) has narratives which are all sound and crystal-clear that each time the prophet (sawa)
accesses her, he would kiss her hand, and whenever she accesses him, he rises to her, kisses her
hand and seats her in his place.
228

"Abu Zara Ar-Rz, imam of his age, and one of the most imposing reporters
in Sahih Muslim said: if you see a man debasing one of the companions of
the Messenger of Allah, just know he is Zindqxxviii." 306
And that is virtually what has been imputed to Ibn Taimiyyah, from someone
almost contemporary to his age, Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln (d.852 A.H) in his book
"Ad-Durar", whereby he said:
"People diverged about him into factions; some had ascribed to him
anthropomorphism, as cited by the amawiyyah, Waiiyyah tenets and
others, while others ascribed to him Zandaqah (abstract noun from Zindq)
[...]."307

306

Ibn ajar Al-Haitam, Abu Al-Abbas Ahmed, "A-awiq Al-Muriqah", reviewed by:

Abdul Ramn Bin Abdullah At-Turk et al, Mussasat al-Risala, Beirut, pub.1, 1997 A.D, vol.2,
p.608.
307

Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, Ahmed, "Ad-Durar Al-Kminah f Ayn Al-Mi'ah At-Thminah",

proofreading and authentication: Abdul Writh Muhammad Ali, Publisher: Muhammad Ali Bain
publications & Dar Al-Kotob al-Ilmiya, Beirut, vol.1, p.63.
229

Chapter V
The Second Portrait
Desecrating the Immaculate Itrah of the Prophet
The Martyrdom of Imam Hussain: An Instance

Preface

First Axis: Legitimacy of the Umayyad Rule and Legitimacy

of the Murder of Imam Hussein (as)
Attitude of the Umayyad Islam Theorists from Yazd
Second Sub-research: The Legitimacy of Slaying Al-Hussein (as)
and Acquitting Yazd of Liability

Axis Two: Yazd and the Sacredness of Al-Hussein Blood for

the Companions School

Yazd Character for the Companions School

The Sanctity of Al-Hussein Blood and the Soil of Karbala for the
Scholars of Ahlul Sunnah

230

Preface
It is largely known that those concerned with the study of Islamic history
during the Umayyad period (a period of seven decades extended from the
fierce intense rivalry launched by the Umayyad House to hold the reins of
government, across the climax of power to the very end of downfall and
disintegration) disagree among themselves on the evaluation of that period
and the repercussions it had on Moslems reality. Undeniably, it is not seldom
event to have advocates from the preceding or succeeding historians who
reflect high-profile of that period, yet all the eulogies they declaim and
trumpet for are part of a discipline which deals with the description of some
life-aspects of a certain human-community in the field of architectural
construction, arts and patterns of production and what has come to be known
today as "cultural anthropology". Plainly speaking, the study of the
relationship of the Umayyad era with the matrix of the Islamic intellectual
thought, that they allege to represent and rule in its name, as well as the
degree of affiliation with that matrix on the dogmatic and legislative levels, is
irrelevant to this discipline, while it is at the heart of our research.
To reproduce all the aspects of corruption and aberration of that 'despotic
dominion' -as named by the prophetic tradition- our research will be
overloaded beyond its capacity. However, the reader knows that the crux of
our research is to deal with the general policy of that regime, and delineate
the main intellectual contours of this model of Islam, focusing at this stage on
a principal aspect which is the vilification of the immaculate prophetic
Itrah and banishing them from the arena of Islamic life weather
dogmatically, intellectually or physically by imprisonment, torture and
manslaughter. A full panorama which best depicts this policy is the event of
Karbala and what has befallen the grandchild of the Messenger of Allah
(sawa), the martyred Imam Hussein Bin Ali (as).
As a matter of fact, the Umayyad entity and the hatred mode for the prophet's
Itrah have become one organic whole that it cannot be denied or revoked. It
has been brought into daylight and discussed by numerous researchers and
prominent historians, including the theoretician of the Umayyad Islam, Ibn
Taimiyyah Al-arrn himself, weather this animosity was on the personal
level by the icons of the Umayyad House, as envisaged in his statement: "the

231

biggest grudge that people had against Banu Umayyah is their talk on Ali"308,
or on the public level of the loyal subjects and masses, whose aid and
support helped the Umayyads to reach the state. For the public level, Ibn
Taimiyyah announced that from the range of heresies, the one that induced
the biggest grudge against the loyalists of Uthman was their aberration from
Imam Ali (as), while simultaneously he states elsewhere that the subjects of
Muwiyah were themselves the loyalists of Uthman. 309
However, there are historians, disassociated with the Umayyad House, who
made clear declarations of this fact, from which two are selected below:
First declaration: what is said by Al-Hafiz Ibn Rajab Al-Baghdd Al-anbal
(d.795 A.H) in his book Al-Farq baina An-Nahaha wat Tayr" in the
chapter titled: "Exhibit Evilness and Broadcast it in the Name of a Counsel":
"Whoever exhibits a taunting attitude towards either a general or a specific
group, then he alleges he was propelled by the defects they have, while
inwardly he intends to taunt and assault, he certainly becomes brotherly with
the hypocrites."
Then he exemplifies for the one brotherly with the hypocrites saying:
"For instance, he openly defames someone in the form of counselling with the
intent to satisfy his whimsical fantasy and his crooked desire, e.g. what Bnu
Umayyah did seeking revenge for Uthman blood while tacitly they were after
demeaning Ali. And in like manner Banu Marwan and their followers plotted
and perpetrated gross injustice in that they induced people to love them and
detest Ali Bin Abu lib, Al-Hassan, Al- Hussein and their progeny [...], and
the fact is that when Uthman was killed, the Ummah found no one more
meriting to rule than Ali, and thereby pledged him allegiance. So those who
succeeded to drive people away from him, they did that by aggravating the
issue of Uthman bloodshed [...]; yet some of them were confiding to their
confidential ones privately things that imply: 'no one has been more suited to
Uthman succession than Ali', against which it would be said to them: 'why do
you swear at him then?', so they say: 'because the dominion cannot hold out
only by that', that is to say: without plucking out the love of Ali and his children
308

Ibn Taimiyyah, "Minhj As-Sunnah", vol.8, p.239.

309

Ibid: vol.5, p.236 & vol.5, p.466

232

from people's hearts, and ascribing injustice to them in respect of Uthman,

people's hearts would have been captured by them, due to what they
witnessed of their delightful and imposing traits, so they naturally hasten
towards them."310
Second Declaration: what is given in the book: "Imam A-diq: aytuh
wa Aruh- rauh wa Fiqhuh" by the Allama Sheikh Muhammad Abu Zahra
who said while trying to find reasons for the rarity of narratives for Imam Ali
(as), compared to the long accompaniment he had with the prophet (sawa):
"If we were to identify the reason why some of the jurisprudence and
narratives of Ali have been screened from the Moslems of Ahlul Sunna, we
say: the Umayyad rule must have had a hand in the disappearance of a big
amount of Ali's relics in adjudication (judge office) and fatwa, as it is
insensible that Ali is cursed on the pulpits while the scholars are licensed to
propagate his sentiments and convey his fatwas and sayings to people,
particularly with relevance to the foundations of Islamic government." 311
However, the very fact that the Umayyad rule had nested on animosity and
antipathy towards the Itrah of the prophet, has been first and foremost
highlighted by the senior of the prophets household and the dignitary of the
Itrah, Amrul Mu'minn Ali in his talk on Mu'wiyah -as the majority of
researchers conceive he refers to him- whereby he said: "there will come
after me a man, with a gorging gluttonous throat and morbidly obese
belly, feasts upon what he finds and seeks what he cannot find, so kill
him , and in reality you will not kill him. Verily he shall command you to
swear at me and disown me, as for the swearing, you are licensed to; it
is cleansing for me and safekeeping for you, but as for disowning, do

310

Ibn Rajab, Abdul Al-Baghdd, "Al-Farq baina An-Naa wal Tayr". Reviewed, annotated,

and hadith extracted by: Najm Abdul Ramn Khalq, Dar al-Mamun for heritage, p.3, 1405 A.H,
p.42.
311

Abu Zahra Muhammad, "Al-Imam A-diq: aytuh wa Aruh- rauh wa Fiqhuh", Dar

al-Fikr al-Arabi, pp.126-127.

233

not do that as I was born on faith with natural disposition, and I was
antecedent in belief and migration."312
In former researches, we sketched out some of the procedures of intellectual
annihilation for the immaculate Itrah of the prophet, and in this part of
research we try to investigate another aspect of these procedures dwelling on
physical extermination, banishment, harassment, torture, massacre,
exemplifying for that by the event of Karbala and its protagonist Imam
Hussein (as), the grandchild and delight of the prophet (sawa), the master of
the youth of Paradise, and his household and companions (R.A. them) to stand
out a model for the this profile. For all this, the research diversifies into two
axes:
First Axis: to shed light on the Umayyad efforts to present themselves as the
rightfully legitimate caliphs, in which case the rebels against the usurpers will
be deemed as aggressors, hence simulate the deaths of Jhiliyyah people
as they die. To recapitulate, we will divide this axis into two sub-researches
surveying the physical annihilation for the immaculate Itrah under the rule of
Yazd Bin Muwiyah.
First Sub-research: explore the theoreticians appraisal on Yazd, typically
from the Umayyad trend, regarding his status, character and role in the reality
of Moslems at that point in time.
Second Sub-research: touch upon the Umayyad endeavours to lend
legitimacy for the massacre of Imam Hussein (as) as well as to acquit
themselves of that atrocity, and the later traumas fell upon his ladies,
household, children and companions (R.A. them all).

312

Ar-Ra, Abu Al-Hasan Al-Msaw Al-Baghdd, "Nahj Al-Balaghah", reviewed by: Fris Al-

asn, Centre for Dogmatic Researches, Qum, pub.1, 1419 A.H, p.118. We have but quoted from
Nahj Al-Balaghah because some parties in the argument with the Shia would use the whole content
inadvertently to what they deem sound and what they put under scrutiny. We demand that whoever
argues with us referring to Nahj Al-Balaghah to either take it wholly in which case he accepts the
majority of Shiite convictions such as the Na, infallibility and the outlook towards history, or he
believes in one part not the other in which case he needs to listen to what we accept or what is
subject to scrutiny.
234

Second Axis: contemplate the attitude of Ahlul Sunnah scholars towards the
character of Yazd and the bloodshed of Imam Hussein (as) on the one hand
and point out the sanctity of the blood spilt in Karbala and the soil saturated
with that blood -as dictated by prophetic accounts- on the other hand. Two
sub-researches are diversified from this axis:
First Sub-research: appraisal of Yazd according to Ahlul Sunnah Scholars.
Second Sub-research: sanctity of Imam Hussein blood and Karbala soil
according to Ahlul Sunnah Scholars.

235

First Axis
Legitimacy of the Umayyad Rule and Legitimacy
Of the Murder of Imam Hussein (as)
First Sub-researcher: Attitude of the Umayyad Islam Theorists from
Yazd:
There is a collective agreement among the theorists and masters of the
Umayyad Islam on Yazd Bin Muwiyah as to possess moral rectitude and to
deserve recognition and praise, being a devout Moslem, observing the
religious obligations, enjoining goodness and forbidding evil and fighting in
the way of Allah. The theory of this trend is explained in key points as follows:
Point one: Ibn Taimiyyah thinks Yazd being a Moslem, who prays, fasts and
does a holy war against disbelievers, is established by tawtir (narrations with
complete authenticity). Amid his critique on the Shia incapacity to
substantiate the faith and fairness of Ali unless they convert to Ahlul Sunnah
precept -allegedly by him- he says: "should they protest with mutawtir
narrations on his Islam, hijra (migration) and jihad, there are likewise
corresponding ones in favour of those [three caliphs], and further
mutawtir ones on the Islam of Muwiyah, Yazd, the Umayyad and the
Abbasid caliphs, their daily prayer, fasting and jihad against the
disbelievers."313
Point Two: Sheikh Ibn Taimiyyah thinks that Yazd is one of the twelfth
vicegerents reported by the prophet (sawa), and a man with grandeur on
whom glad tidings revealed to Ismail (Ishmael) (as) in Torah, and by virtue of
whom Islam was dignified and solidified.
During his review of the Umayyads laudable deeds; the prominence of Islam
and creed when they were in power, the might and splendour of Moslems, he
says:

313

Ibn Taimiyyah, "Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.2, p.62.

236

"This bears testament to what the prophet (saw-a) disclosed saying: 'this
religion will still be mighty so long as the twelfth vicegerents, all from
Quraish, take command'. Those twelve vicegerents are verily the ones
adduced in the Torah when revealing the glad tidings of Ismail: "there will be
born twelfth grand ones", and whoever presumes that those twelve grand
ones are the ones envisioned by Ar-Rfia as Imams, he must be far out
ignorant."314
The hadith that Ibn Taimiyyah alludes to is given in "Sahih Muslim" from the
authority of Jbir Bin Samarah from the Messenger of Allah (sawa), on which
he comments:
"It was in such a manner; there were the caliphs: Abu Bakr, Umar, Uthman,
Ali and next reigned he whom the public unanimously conceded on, and
who gained might and fortitude: Muwiyeh, his son Yazd, hence Abdul
Melik and his four sons including Umar Bin Abdul Azz. Subsequently, the
state of Islam had encountered a flaw that is still extant to date, whereas
Banu Umayyah had ruled all over the Islamic ground, and had the state wellfounded during their era." 315
Point Three: this point and the following are elaboration of the abbreviated
preceding points. Due to their grave content, and the urgency that the reader
lends them bigger attention, we set them apart. This is especially important
as Ibn Taimiyyah makes frequent returns to these points and tries continually
to throw light on their content.
Part of what Ibn Taimiyyah perceives on Yazd is his belief in the legitimacy
and authenticity of the tribute paid to him, which makes his rule authoritative
through the medium of Islam. Not long ago, we witnessed how he enlists
Yazd among the "caliphs" of Moslems and emblems of Islam, considering
him to have reached office by Moslems "unanimity". He eventually ventures
to say that it has been a granted matter deeming him the legitimate king and
caliph of Moslems at his age, and anyone who disputes that is unreasonably
obstinate, saying: "Yazd has been pledged allegiance after the death of
314

Ibid: same source, vol.8, pp.240-241.

315

Ibid: same source, vol.8, p.238.

237

his father Muwiyah, and he assumed power over Syria, Egypt, Iraq,
Khorasan and other Moslem's land."316
Point Four: Ibn Taimiyyah believes even with hypothesising that Yazd is
oppressor and transgressor, such hypothesis cannot vilify him neither justify
cursing or disowning him. For him, there is always a probability of having a
potential outweighing counteragent, which is indisputable and which preclude
this outcome, such as repentance or reward for doing good, or expatriation
for sins throughout calamities. Moreover he goes far-fetched to determine
that Yazd is "already forgiven" throughout the Messenger's (sawa)
supplication, saying:
"The prophetic Sunnah copiously related that a folk would be released from
Hellfire by intercession, alongside he who has a single particle of faith. In
point of fact, anyone who warrants the curse on Yazd will need to establish
two premises: firstly he is one of the wicked oppressors on whom curse is
warranted, and secondly if cursing an assigned individual is permissible,
while the prospective contender (against Yazd curse) will overrule the two
premises especially the first as follows: as for Allah saying: {lo! Allah curse
be upon the wrongdoers}, it is a general verse like other admonishing
verses on a par with His saying: {behold, those who wrongfully devour the
properties of orphans only fill their bellies with fire. Soon they will burn
in the Blazing Flame}, and this ordains that this guilt invokes curse and
chastisement, - but its cause might be lifted in effect to some outweighing
counteragent: either by repentance or reward for good deeds that wipe one's
iniquities, if not undergoing calamities to atone for his sin, so how may Allah
still not forgive him despite His saying Taala: {Allah does not forgive that a
partner be ascribed to Him, although He forgives any other sin for
whomever He wills}. Moreover, it has been proved in "Sahih Al-Bukhr from
Ibn Umar from the prophet (saw-a) saying: 'forgiven are the sins of the first
army that invade Constantinople", whereby that first invading army was
316

Ibid, vol.4, p.522. It is striking that Ibn Taimiyyah make such a statement in respect of Yazd,

while he winks maliciously at the rule of Imam Ali (as) stating that it was a period of commotion
and dissension among people, whereby the Ummah neither settled on him (Imam Ali) nor on
another!? (See: "Minhj As-Sunnah", vol.2, p.62).
238

headed by the commander Yazd. So knowing that the army count is fixed
and not open-ended, and the forgiveness to engulf every single one of them
is a stronger probability than the curse to engulf each and every wrongdoer, it
will ensue this state can be individualised to one person, since the army are
already specified in number."317

Second Sub-research: The Legitimacy of Slaying Al-Hussein (as)

And Acquitting Yazd of Liability
Upon what has unraveled, the reader can predict the nature of the Umayyad
stand from the murder of Imam Hussein (as). The logical outcome of
legitimising Yazd rule by the theorists of this School entails that any action of
defiance against him is interpreted in terms of insurgency, stripped of
legitimacy and fuelled by an aggressor who disrupts Moslems unity, wreaks
havoc and incites riot, and thereby to strike him back and shed his blood is
warranted by way of fighting perversion and uniting the Ummah.
Such forthright opinion and outspoken way in stating facts may be shocking
for the Moslem's conscience, yet we will substantiate for the reader that this
is not what we deduced through speculation but an existing truth. More
importantly, we believe that the keen preoccupation of the Umayyad Islam
theorists with advocating and rendering the Umayyads portrait totally
unblemished has made them carry the burden not only to theorise for the
legitimacy of their rulership and incumbency, but to lay the intellectual
foundation for an umbrella legitimacy for every despotic tyrannical regime
across centuries. As a result, they indoctrinate members of the Moslem
society to be domesticated, submissive and yielding to rulers regardless of
whether they were righteous or transgressors, and this is the theory that led
to a great extent to the deterioration and decomposition of the Islamic
civilisation.
Ibn Taimiyyah said: "tradition descending from the prophet (saw-a) enjoining
obedience of guardians, maintaining unity and exhibiting patience in that way
are abundant and renowned. Rather, it may be the case that someone can
say the prophet (saw-a) enjoined obedience of the guardians and patience in

317

"Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.4, pp.571-572.

239

the face of their injustice even if they were totalitarians, and said: 'you will be
faced after me with totalitarianism, so take that patiently until you
happen to meet me at the Fount', also said: 'give them their due right and
ask Allah for your right' along with other examples."318
To provide evidence for Ibn Taimiyyah above notion, we take an example
from his legacy before we forward his statement on Imam Hussein (as)
uprising against Yazd. He said commenting on Al-arrah battle in retaliation
to the Allama Al-ill who deduced the momentousness of the Imamate
throughout the prophetic hadith "whoever dies not knowing the Imam of
his time, he dies the death of Jhiliyyah", the following:
"Verily the renowned hadith in the way that Muslim narrated in his "Sahih" on
the authority of Nfi who said: Abdullah Bin Umar came to Abdullah Bin Mu
when earlier on the event of Al-arrah took place during the age of Yazd Bin
Muwiyah, and said: 'lay a pillow for Abu Abdul Ramn' who said: 'I have
not been to you to be seated, I came to recount to you some hadith which I
heard the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) saying: "whoever renounces
obedience, he will meet Allah on the Doomsday with no covenant, and
whoever dies while he does not have on his neck a pledge of allegiance,
he dies the death of Jhiliyyah."
This was recounted by Abdullah Bin Umar to Abdullah Bin Mut Bin Al-Aswad
during the time when they renounced obedience of the commander of their
age, Yazd. But it turned out, despite what he had exposed of inequity as well
as the fight he entered with them and the enormities he perpetrated against
the people of Al-arrah, that this hadith and the rest of forthcoming hadiths
substantiate the illicitness of leading a mutiny through the medium of the
sword against the guardians of Moslems, and whoever has been disobedient
to the guardians, he would die the death of Jhiliyyah."319

318

"Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.4, p.257.

319

Ibid: same source, vol.1, p.111.

240

The key question that precipitates in this respect: what is the ruling
pronounced on the uprising of Imam Hussein (as) against the office of Yazd?
Let us review the stands of prominent figures from the Umayyad legacy in
answer to this question, and it is up to the reader to work out what desired
conclusion those people are after, :

1. Ibn Taimiyyah Stand (d.726 A.H):

The logic with which Ibn Taimiyyah addresses the event of Al-arrah is
applied by the same token to Imam Hussein uprising against Yazd. He
terminates his account on Al-arrah without revealing directly and clearly the
conclusion he is fishing for, that is, those who were slain by Yazd have died
in the way of the Jhiliyyah. But this wordless conclusion cannot go unnoticed
by anyone least acquainted with the rules and styles of Arabic, and it is
straightly inferable. Yet, what really matters here is to brood over the reason
which instigates Ibn Taimiyyah to adopt this view; the view that deems simply
renouncing obedience of the commander of the age conducive to Jhiliyyah
death. For him, this is solely one good reason to justify what Yazd did to
them, though he admits in a previous text that injustice has been inflicted by
Yazd on them and enormities perpetrated against the people of Al-arrah.
The prestigious reader can detect this logic as applied to Imam Hussein
uprising in this excerpt. Ibn Taimiyyah says: "should he have [Ibn AlMuahar Al-ill] intended to denote their belief [Ahlul Sunnah] in the
Imamate of Yazd, they certainly think he is the Moslems' king, caliph of
his time and the sword-bearerxxix just as his examples of caliphs from
the Umayyads and the Abbasids were. This is a common knowledge for
everyone, and whoever contends that is unreasonably obstinate, as
Yazd has been sworn the featly after his father Muwiyah and reigned
over Syria, Egypt, Iraq, Khorasan and other Moslem provinces, while AlHussein (R.A.) was martyred on Ashura Day, year sixty one, which was

241

the first year in Yazd rule, and Al-Hussein had been martyred before he
had reined over any part of the country."320
What the reader needs to particularly scrutinise is the last sentence in which
he says: "and Al-Hussein had been martyred before he had reined over
any part of the country", which can be put differently as: the one who had
reign over all the Moslems provinces when Al-Hussein had been
martyred was Yazd, from which it transpires: Al-Hussein had rebelled
against his guardian and the legitimate caliph of his time. As for the Sharia
ruling for committing that, it can be inferred from all his preceding contexts in
which he tried to implant the concept that any rebel against the guardian is
someone who wreaks havoc, disunites Moslems and rends them asunder,
and thereby he dies in the Jhiliyyah terms.
Truly, Ibn Taimiyyah confesses that Al-Hussein (as) died a martyr and a
victim of injustice, but that does not purport his uprising was legitimate. He
conspicuously proclaims it brought no good in any proportion, neither for
religion nor for life of this World. Moreover, by rebellion he caused mischief
that could have been fended off if he stayed put and did not set in motion at
the start, henceforth could have spared Moslems the aftermath of boon
losses and advent of massive evil, "but judgment may hit the target at
times and mishit at others" as Ibn Taimiyyah states. So Imam Hussein (as),
upon Ibn Taimiyyah, made miscalculated judgment and failed to take counsel
with dignitaries from the people of virtue and knowledge who advised him not
to carry out his mission, like Ibn Umar, Ibn Abbas and others. Consequently,
his murder gave rise to commotion, and he has neither been exemplary in
fulfilling what the prophet ordered of endurance towards oppressive leaders,
and keeping the peace with them, which are more advantageous for people
in their livelihood and "the Afterworld", nor did he simulate his brother Imam
Al-Hassan (as) in what the prophet (sawa) commended him for i.e. affiliating
with the bigger community and not disassociating himself.
Hereunder, we present for the reader a well-supplied text with this data; it is
given in whole for its importance:
He said: "the chapter concerned with fighting the people of tyranny, enjoining
good and forbidding evil is confused for a turbulent fight [...]. And whoever
320

Ibid: same source, vol.4, p.522.

242

contemplates the sound rigid hadiths from the prophet (saw-a) under this
section and learns morals in line with the insightful people, he would realise
that what the prophetic tradition have rendered is the best in every respect.
Therefore, when Al-Hussein chose to head towards the people of Iraq for
uprising, after they wrote to him a plethora of letters, those high in knowledge
and virtue like Ibn Umar, Ibn Abbas, Abu Bakr Bin Abu Abdul Ramn Ibn Alrith advised him otherwise not to rise, as they reckoned he will most
probably be killed 321 to the extent that some of them had said to him: 'I bid
you farewell O you slain', and some others said: 'if it were not for intercession
(contextual meaning explained in footnote below by the author), I would have held and
stopped you'. By that, they intended to advise him and seek his own good
and the Moslems' own good. Anyhow, Allah and His Messenger command
righteousness, not otherwise mischievousness, but judgment may hit the
target at times and mishit at others.
Afterwards, it appeared the course of events went just as those have said322,
and there has been no good whether for religion or life in this World. Rather
those tyrannical oppressors323 vanquished the grandson of the Messenger of
Allah (saw-a) until they killed him, wronged and martyred. And in his rising
there was mischief that would not have happened if he abided in his territory,
for what he sought of attaining goodness and fending evil had not come to
pass, whilst evil increased with his rise and murder, and boons decreased

321

The prophetic accounts on his murder (as) are mutawtir, and they have been transferred by

numerous companions whose names partially appeared in Ibn Taimiyyah above excerpt, such as Ibn
Abbas. Others will be given later. All those did not merely have a strong assumption that he will be
killed (as); they knew about it as assured fact.
322

It is noticeable that part of "what is said" by the ones who were referred to by Ibn Taimiyyah as
'those' (as he transfers from some of them) is: "if it were not for intercession, I would have held and
stopped you". In other words, there will result a great sin from the rebellion of Imam Hussein, and
if those 'some' let him continue his movement without holding him, it is because they know about
the intercession of the prophet (sawa) for him, and on this Ibn Taimiyyah says: "Afterwards, it
appeared the course of events went just as those have said".
It is noticeable here that Ibn Taimiyyah keeps discreet the name of Yazd in this context, unlike
the case when he comes upon Al-arrah battle, he makes clear reference to him, as seen earlier in:
"he fought with them afterwards and perpetrated enormities against the people of Al-arrah". Still
he does not content himself with this discretion over Yazd, but goes far-fetched to deny the
atrocious acts he perpetrated after Al-Hussein (as) murder.
323

243

thereby, and that has become a cause for a greater evil. So with the killing of
Al-Hussein, turmoil erupted just as it did with the killing of Uthman.
And all this shows forth that what the prophet (saw-a) had commanded of
patience towards the injustice of leaders is for the best of mankind in
livelihood and the Afterworld324 and whoever stands against that intentionally
or mistakenly, there will be no advantage out of his move; no more than
mischief. Therefore the prophet (saw-a) applauded Al-Hassan 325 saying:
"this son of mine is a master throughout whom Allah will have two
grand Moslem factions reconciled' whereas no other one earned his
commendation neither for a turbulent fight nor for rebellion against leaders,
nor renouncement of obedience and detachment from the community."326
The abstention of Ibn Taimiyyah from naming Imam Al-Hussein (as) here
compared to the quick forwarding of Imam Al-Hassan (as) name does not
hinder a smart reader from realising that the successive pronouncements he
is setting a float are but allusions to Imam Hussein (as) no other. He is for him
a saboteur who led tumultuous action, rebelled against his legitimate leaders
and so on.
Yet does Ibn Taimiyyah bring to a halt this calumny to the grandson of the
Messenger of Allah (sawa), Imam Hussein (as), and his unabating attempts
to acquit Yazd from his misdeeds? He carries on despite his impassioned
rhetorical declarations on the companions calibre, precedence and credibility
in every conduct, bearing in mind that Imam Hussein has not solely been a
companion, but from the elite of companions, and more importantly a
member of Ahlul Bait, the master of the youth of Paradise and the delight of
the prophet's (sawa) heart?
The Allama Ibn Al-Jawz describes those who place Yazd on the right track in
the equation and Al-Hussein (as) on the wrong track by his uprising as
324

It is worth noting that Ibn Taimiyyah implicates that Imam Hussein (as) uprising was not the
thing which would be most advantageous for him in his "Afterworld"!! This implication is in a way
tantamount to his other phrase: "Afterwards, it appeared the course of events went just as those
have said." (See our comment on the phrase above).
325

This is according to Ibn Taimiyyah: for him Imam Al-Hassan handed over the reign of power to
Muwiyah, which put him in a position of praise by the prophet (sawa), whilst Imam Al-Hussein
was banned from praise for his rebellion against Yazd.
326

"Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.4, pp.530-531.

244

factions who pose themselves as affiliate" with Ahlul Sunnah327. We

wonder therefore what he might have said if he came across Ibn Taimiyyah
assertions in this regard which are made officially in the name of Ahlul
Sunnah as a whole entity!?
Ibn Taimiyyah does not put a stop to his advocacy for Yazd, but goes as far
as to deny what dozens of historical references ascribed to him of disesteem
to the divine sanctities of Allah and His Messenger by his atrocities against
Al-Hussein (as), his family and progeny.
Ibn Taimiyyah views are sketched in points:
Point one: Ibn Taimiyyah believes that Yazd made no order towards the
killing of Imam Hussein (as), and his original intent was to honour him!
Therefore the news of his murder (as) distressed him and caused him to cry.
On that he reports: "what has been transferred from more than one
reference328 is that Yazd has not ordered the killing of Al-Hussein and he had
no incentive for that. Rather he was more in favour of honouring and exalting
him just as he was ordered to do so by Muwiyah, while the latter opted to
withhold his pledge to the reign and rebel against him. So, as Al-Hussein
reached his destination and realised that the people of Iraq will fail him and
hand him over, he asked to either return to Yazd, or return to his homeland
or go to a bordering territory. But they deterred him in order to take him
captive, hence fought him until he was killed wronged and martyred (R.A.).
When news of his murder flied to Yazd and his family, they were distressed
and cried for him, and Yazd said: 'curse of Allah be on Ibn Marjanah' -

Transferred by Al-ls in his exegesis book: "R Al-Man" from Ibn Al-Jawz book: "AsSir Al-Man". See Al -ls, Abu Al-Fal Abdullah Al-Hussein Al-Baghdd, "R AlMan", Dar Ihia al-Turath al-Arabi, Beirut, vol.26, p.73.
327

328

This is one of Ibn Taimiyyah tactical artifice, whereby he renders dubious statements without
identifying the utterers or the statuses of these utterers. It is repeatedly practiced and located in
many contexts, as in: 'stated by more than one source', 'headed towards that more than one', 'said
this more than one source', 'narrated by more than one', 'the saying of more than one', 'admitted that
more than one', 'discredited by more than one', 'used to protest with by more than one', 'expressed
by more than one', 'announced by more than', 'received attention of more than one', 'verdict given by
more than one', 'adduced by more than' and so on.
245

meaning Ubaidullah Bin Ziyd- 'indeed by Allah, if he had a kinship with AlHussein, he would not have killed him', and also said: 'I would have assented
to this much of willing obedience from the people of Iraq, without having to kill
Al-Hussein'. Eventually, he equipped his family with the best provision and
sent them to Al-Madinah."329
Point two: he believes that Yazd had not brought to his court Imam Hussein
head (as) nor did he hit his lips with the sceptre or rod, and that is a lie!
He said: "it is narrated with unanimous chain of transmission that this action
happened ahead of Yazd in his attendance [i.e. lifting Imam Hussein head
and hitting his lips]. Nonetheless, beside the fact that it has not been
corroborated, there is something in the hadith 330 purporting it is a lie, and
those companions who were in the scene when he hit with the rod, were
physically not in Syria but in Iraq."331
Point Three: Ibn Taimiyyah believes that the captivity of his women and
progeny is a lie and totally unfounded.
He says: "as for what he mentioned [Ibn Al-Muahar Al-ill] of bringing his
women and progeny into captivity, taking them around territories while
boarded on camels without saddlebacks, this is all a lie and falsity. Moslems
have never had in captivity any Hshim lady, neither have the Ummah of
Muhammad warranted themselves to take captive the descendants of
Hshim."332
To discuss in detail the content of the above three points, we need to
undertake a wider research which is beyond the size and objectives of this

329

"Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.4, pp.557-558.

Indicates a certain hadith from "Sahih Al-Bukhr", which says: "from Anas Bin Mlik (R.A.)
narrated: 'head of Al-Hussein (as) was brought to Ubaidullah Bin Ziyd. It was put in a washbowl,
so Ibn Ziyd started to hit on it, and said a word on its grace. Anas proceeds: 'he was most
resembling to the Messenger of Allah (saw-a). And it was then dyed with Indigo Powder
Wasmah". See "Sahih Al-Bukhr", edited by: Abu uhaib Al-Karm, Bayt al-Afkar Adawliya
for publishing, 1419 A.H -1998 A.D, p.715, hadith no.3748.
330

331

"Minhj As-Sunnah", ibid, vol.4, p.557.

332

Ibid: same source, vol.4, p.558.

246

briefing. Yet, I find myself compelled to remind of some essential facts,

shaped as swift comments:
First Comment: the reader will shortly fathom how far sustainable are Ibn
Taimiyyah endeavours to absolve Yazd from liability of the bloodshed of
Imam Hussein (as) under the pretext that he made no order for the action,
soon as he finds out that his thesis is a breach of what conclusively
deemed by the Moslem investigators and researchers as the most grievous
offence committed by Yazd, a testimony which is inexplicable only in the
sense that they acknowledge Yazds full and direct liability for this action.
This fact is also confirmed by collateral renditions of other Moslems historical
books which narrate that Yazd's main preoccupation after his father death
and headship of the state was to obtain with all his vigour the tribute from
those who had renounced it to Muwiyah in his lifetime, and Yazd himself
wrote to Al-Wald Bin Utbah Bin Abu Sufin who was the governor of AlMadinah by the time Muwiyah died saying: "coercively take the tribute
from Al-Hussein, Abdullah Bin Umar and Abdullah Bin Az-Zubair with
no exemption until they yield to it"333. The phrase: "coercively take the
tribute from Al-Hussein" is tantamount to licensing Imam Hussein blood
shedding, and that was precisely what Marwan Bin Al-akam gathered from
his words and thereby insisted on Al-Wald to seize Imam Hussein pledge on
the spot and not to let him (as) depart Al-Madinah or else kill him, an act that
Al-Wald abstained from, and most probably his later removal from the rule of
Al-Madinah by Yazd was in effect to that attitude. This is also what made
Sirjn, the bond-servant of Yazd, nominate a bloody character in his place,

See for instance: A-abar, "Trikh Ar-Rusul wal Mulk", reviewed by: Muhammad
Ibrahim, Dar al-Maarif , Egypt, no date, pub.2, vol.5, p.338 & Ibn Kathr, "Al-Bidyah wal
Nihyah", reviewed by: Abdullah Abul Musin At-Turk, al-Hijr for publishing, distribution,
advertising, vol.1, 1418 A.H - 1997 A.H, vol.11, p.467 & Ibn Al-Athr "Al-Kmil f At-Trikh",
reviewed by Abdullah Al-Qdh, Dar al-Kotob al-Ilimiya, Beirut, pub.1, 1407 A.H- 1987 A.D,
vol.3, p.377.
333

247

who never shuns from any atrocious act, Ubaidullah Bin Ziyd to assume the
rule of Al-Kufa, henceforth to stifle Imam Hussein uprising.
We can sense the seriousness of the situation throughout his order to
Ubaidullah Bin Ziyd to kill Muslim Bin Aql

334

, and even worse to "fight Al-

Hussein", as Ibn Askir adduced in his book "Trkh Dimashq"335. Also the
ascertainment of Abdullah Bin Mut and Abdullah Bin Abbas that he is
doomed die if he journeys to Iraq evinces that his death was at the hand of
Yazd himself not any other.336
Second Comment: the claim that Imam Hussein (as) asked to either let him
proceed to Yazd or be extradited to a bordering territory can be annulled by
the fact that he renounced allegiance to Yazd in the first place before the
death of Muwiyah. A-abar narrated from Uqbah Bin Samn saying: "I
have accompanied Al-Hussein, starting with him from Al-Madinah to
Mecca and from Mecca to Iraq and have not parted from him until he
was murdered, and there had been no speech he delivered neither in AlMadinah nor in Mecca, neither along the way nor in Iraq nor in Askar
See for instance: A-abar "History", ibid, vol.5, p.348 & Ibn Al-Athr "History", ibid, vol.3,
p.348 & Ibn Kathr "History", ibid, vol.11, p.481 & Ibn Al-Jawz "Al-Muntaam f Trikh AlMilk wal Umam", reviewed by Muhammad Aa et al, reviewed and verified by: Nam Zarzr,
Dar al-Kotob al-Ilimiya, Beirut, pub.1, 1412 A.H - 1993 A.D, vol.5, p.325.
334

Ibn Askir, Abu Al-Qsim Ali Bin Al-Hassan,"Trikh Dimashq", reviewed by: Umar AlUmraw, Dar al-Fikr, Beirut, 1415 A.H - 1995 A.D, vol.14, p.213. However, Yazd letter to
Ubaidullah Bin Ziyd (in another account), in which he notifies him that he will be enslaved upon
Al-Hussein advent to Kufa, indicates that he instigates him to kill the Imam (as). Therefore the
narrator of this account added: 'and so Ibn Ziyd killed him and sent him his head', (ibid: p.214).
335

Abdullah Bin Mut said: "may my parents be sacrificed for you, we want to be gratified by your
presence, do not march to Iraq. By Allah if this folk will kill you, they will take us bondservants
and slaves", and Ibn Abbas said: "by Allah, I believe you will be killed in the midst of your women
and daughters just as Uthman was killed"; taken from references comprising the two sayings. See
Ad-Dhahab, "Siyer Alm An-Nubal", reviewed by: a number of researchers, supervised by:
Shuaib Al-Arn', Mussasat al-Risala, pub.3, 1405 A.H - 1985 A.D, vol.3, reviewed by: Ma'mn
A-gherj, pp.296-297 & Ibn Kathr "Al-Bidyah wal Nihyah, ibid, vol.11, pp.502-506. For
more details on Yazd accountability for the murder of Imam Hussein (as), see the letter of Ibn
Abbas to him (Yazd) which states this: Ibn Al-Athr "Al-Kmil f At-Trikh", ibid, vol.3, p.466.
336

248

until the day of his murder but I had heard. Indeed by Allah, he had
never bestowed them what the people have been promulgating and
alleging that he put his hand in the hand of Yazd Bin Muwiyah, neither
he pleaded to be marched to one of the bordering territories; he only
said: let go off me so as to voyage across this vast land till we see what
the people turn into." 337
Third Comment: as regards transporting the honourable head of Imam
Hussein (as), hitting him with a rod on the lips (as) and taking captive his
children, it is said in one of the most salient sources: "Al-Mujam Al-Kabr"
by A-abrn:
"Related to us Abu Az-Zinb Rh Bin Al-Faraj Al-Mar, related to us Yahya
Bin Bakr, related to us Allaith saying: Al-Hussein Bin Ali has not willed to be
captured, so they fought him hence killed him and killed his two sons and
companions who fought with him in a spot named "A-af". Then hexxx set out
by Ali Bin Hussein, Fatimah Bint Hussein and Sukainah Bint Hussein to
Ubaidullah Bin Ziyd -and Ali at that time just youthful at his adolescence.
And the latter sent them to Yazd who ordered to have Sukainah at the back
of his bed so that she cannot see her father's head, while her related ones
and Ali Bin Al-Hussein (R.A.) were in chains. Hence he placed his head before
him and started to hit on the two lips of Al-Hussein (R.A) saying:
We cut open the forehead of men dearly loveable,
for they were more ungrateful and inequitable.338
This account has been transferred by Al-Hafiz Al-Haitham in his book
"Majma Az-Zaw'id", on which he annotated: "it is narrated by A-abarn,
and its reporters are trustworthy."339
337

A-abar "Trikh Ar-Rusul wal Mulk", ibid, vol.5, pp.413-414.

A-abarn, Abu Al-Qsim Bin Ahmed, "Al-Mujam Al-Kabr, reviewed by amd AsSalaf, Maktabat al-Iloom wal Hikam, Mosul, pub.2, 1404 A.H - 1983 A.D, vol.3, p.104, hadith
no.2806.
338

Al-Haitham, Nrul Al-Dn Ali Abu Bakr, "Majma Az-Zaw'id", Dar al-Fikr, Beirut, 1412
A.H, vol.9, p.312, hadith no.15148
339

249

In "Shadhrt Ad-Dhahab" by Ibn Al-Imd Al-anbal Al-Dimashq (1089

A.H) he said: "when he was killed, his head and harem of his family and
Zainul bidn were carried over to Damascus as captives. May Allah
confound the perpetrator and disgrace him along with those who ordered it
and consented to it."340
As for Ad-Dhahab who is one of the signposts of this School, he transferred
in his two famous books: "Siyer Alm An-Nubal" and "Trikh Al-Islam"
more than one account that the head of Imam Hussein (as) and his progeny
were carried over to Yazd and the latter hit the head at his lips or teeth (as)
by a sceptre he had at hand.341
What we advanced ahead is but a number of swift glimpses that can be
abridged into this study; we skipped the details so as not to amplify and
prolong the research. Therefore we refer the prestigious reader to a book
entitled "Ar-Rad al Al-Mutaib Al-And" for the Allama Ibn Al-Jawz
(d.597), reviewed by Dr. Haitham Abdul Salm Muhammad, which abounds
with hadiths and sayings of Moslem scholars evincing these very facts that
were denied by Ibn Taimiyyah.

2. Al-Q Ibn Al-Arab Stand (d.543 A.H):

If we followed a reverse chronological order in the presentation of the
theoreticians stands from the Umayyad trend, we would have placed Al-Q
Abu Bakr Ibn Al-Arab Al-Mlik ahead of Ibn Taimiyyah. But we skipped this
order because we believe Ibn Taimiyyah personifies the chieftain of this trend
and its shining beacon, and what has been recorded before him does not fully
circumscribe its format and contours. On the other hand, Ibn Taimiyyah
Ibn Al-Imd, Abu Al-Fal Al-Ikrim Ad-Dimashq, "Shadhrt Ad-Dhahab", supervised the
review and hadith extraction: Abdul Qdir Al-Arn', reviewed and annotated: Muhammad AlArn't, Dar Ibn Kathr, Damascus, Beirut, pub.1, 1046 A.H -1986 A.D, vol.1, p.275.
340

See: "Siyer Alm An-Nubal", ibid, vol.3, pp.309-314-320 & "Trikh Al-Islam wa Wafit
Al-Mashhr wal Al-Alm", reviewed by: Abdul Salm Tadmur, Dar Al-Kitab al-Arabi, Beirut,
pub.1, 1410 A.H - 1990 A.D, vol.5, pp. 18-19-20.
341

250

products and compilations have reached us in majority and they almost

provide a comprehensive view of this intellectual trend. In fairness, it can be
said that Ibn Al-Arab is no less influential than Ibn Taimiyyah owing to his
laborious unprecedented effort in compiling the jumble of views which pertain
to Yazd and Imam Hussein (as) in a product unsurpassed by his
predecessors or successors in volume, audacity, meticulousness and method
of theorisation. Nonetheless the ministry of the trend is kept entirely to Ibn
Taimiyyah, and all the successive attitudes remain ultimately indebted to him
and inspired by his writings.
Eventually, Ibn Al-Arab concerted effort towards the acquittal of Yazd and
calumny of Imam Hussein (as) was culminated in his book: "Al-Awim min
Al-Qawim f Taqq Mawqif A-ahbah bada Waft An-Nab". After a
prolific memoir on Muwiyah merits, good conduct, shrewd juristic
knowledge and eligibility of caliphate342, he turns to Yazd to advocate the
legitimacy of allegiance paid to him, and how he is not less proficient for the
political and spiritual leadership in terms of age, rightfulness and knowledge.
Then he progresses to advise the body of Moslems to embrace that which
is most favourable for them in pursuit of security and salvation, abiding
by the companions and successors, and not to be like someone who

Ibn Al-Arab says that 'wilayat Al-Amr' (guardianship and authority of Moslems) is composed
of levels, either graded by succession or by possession. The wilayah by possession was inaugurated
firstly with Muwiyah whereas the wilayah by succession was characteristic of his predecessors.
Then he adds to set right what the reader may deem a defilement of Muwiyah: "Allah said in
respect of Dwd (David) -who is better than Muwiyah-: "Allah endowed him with kingship
and wisdom", whereby prophethood is turned into monarchy. Therefore, do not pay heed to
hadiths whose matn and sanad are deemed weak". By this he is saying: to describe Muwiyah rule
simply as monarchy rather than caliphate does not taint him, as prophethood is identified in that
context with monarchy and thus what might appear to be a flaw is actually a merit. As for the
hadiths which were deemed weak, he refers to the following: "caliphate extends for thirty years, and
subsequent to that it is monarchy", and this is admitted by the book reviewer, Muyul Dn AlKhab.
342

See: Ibn Al-Arab, Muhammad Bin Abdullah Al-Mufir Al-Mlik, "Al-Awim min AlQawim", introduced and annotated by: Muyul Dn Al-Khab, Ministry of Islamic Affairs,
Endowment and Guidance, Saudi Arabia, pub.1, 1419 A.H, pp.207-210.
251

tucked his tongue into their blood to lick like a dog the residues
squirted on earth after the removal of the prey.343
He says: "Muwiyah dropped out the more favourable, which is to convene
Shuraxxxi, and not to allocate it to some of his kin, let alone to a son, as well
as to take after what Abdullah Bin Az-Zubair had counselled with pertinence
to dropping or taking a certain act. So he made amendment inducting his son
into office and giving him an official capacity by oath of allegiance, hence the
people paid tribute on their part. And there were those who fell behind, yet
the oath of allegiance was concluded irrespective of them, as it can be
concluded with one person or two alternatively.
If it is said: it has to be pledged to one who satisfies the requisites of
Imamatexxxii, we say: age is not included, and it has not been corroborated
that Yazd is underage.
If it is said: part of the requisites is rightfulness and knowledge, and Yazd
was neither rightful nor scholarly, we say: by what means we determine he
was unknowledgeable and unrightful? If he were truly stripped of both, the
three praiseworthy ones344, who advised him not to do it (not to consign office to
343

"Al-Awim min Al-Qawim", ibid, p.225.

344

In view of what he said earlier, he denotes: Abdullah Bin Umar, Abdullah Bin Az-Zubair and
Abdul Ramn Bin Abu Bakr. At this point, the prestigious reader is required to contemplate this
sort of the deduction he makes, and assess the baseless hazy proposition that says: Imam Hussein
could have condoned Yazd altogether, or else halt until he is well-equipped with the means of
power and only then he sets foot to revolt. The gravest aspect in that notion is how his condonation
will be understood as to confer legitimacy and endorse Yazd office, for as we noticed even the
abstention of the above three characters from paying tribute has been interpreted as simply
objecting to the 'way' of passing the rule, and that they were in favour of Shura not 'heirship', so
their objection was not directed to Yazd as a person himself or his inadequacy!?
Such notions were echoed by the successors of Ibn Al-Arab and extended to the latest generation
of successors from this School. Ibn Khaldn said in his book in the chapter he designates for
"Heirship", while previewing how Muwiyah passed rule to Yazd:
"What Muwiyah did with the aggregate of people with their varied inclinations has a justified end
and a logical argument in this regard, and what made him set Yazd above others was but to observe
the public good when they are fused and their fancies are harmonised, as correspondingly acceded
by the lobbying public officials of the Umayyads at that time, who were not letting others infiltrate
them, and they were the league of Quraish and the main religious body, and the ones who exert
influence over others. So he set him above others; the others who reckon themselves more eligible
for the office, moving it from the more privileged to the less in order to be able to preserve the
252

Yazd), would have alluded to that, but all they did was just imputing deficiency

to the arbitration, as they were in favour of the Shura.

If it is said: there are ones who are more eligible in terms of rightfulness and
knowledge; and their number mounts to one hundred and probably one
thousand, we say: the Imamate of the less privileged -as we advanced
earlier- is a controversial matter among scholars..."345
In point of fact, if that is how Ibn Al-Arab presents Yazd: eligible of the
Imamate and rule by means of age, rectitude and knowledge, and strongly
defends his virtue, adeptness and the tribute paid to him, what he is
anticipated to say in respect of Imam Hussein uprising (as) will not be
unheard by the reader who can also foresee the content of his next
statement: an act of insurgency which ignites turmoil against the legitimate
leader. And this is truly what Ibn Al-Arab said, and moreover he went so far
as to depict the one who attempts to overthrow Yazd and enters fight with
him as an embodiment of some hadith ascribed to the prophet (sawa): "there
will be installed for every betrayer a banner on the Doomsday", but as he
could not overtly declare that "a betrayer banner" will be installed for Imam
Hussein (as) on the Doomsday, he curbed himself, and left it for the reader to
withdraw the desired conclusion from the context! The farthest he went was
describing him and his revolt as to have sought something whose course of
action been concluded (i.e. featly already sworn to someone else), and
sought uprightness in a winding way, for he were prompted by levity and
impulsiveness of youth prime, notwithstanding that Imam Hussein (as) was
an old man by that time.
harmony and consistency of fancies, which are more weighty for the legislator. If something other
than this were thought of Muwiyah, his rectitude and companionship should forbid anything
thought otherwise. The presence of the eminent companions in the scene and their attitude of
condonation is an evidence that makes him untainted beyond any shadow of doubt, for they are by
no means lenient about the truth, and it is unlike Muwiyah to be seized by vanity when the truth is
concerned; they are all too elevated to do this and their rectitude makes them immune to that"
("Trikh Ibn Khaldn", vol.1, pp.210-211), and this is what the contemporary figures of this
School have echoed, as will be shown later.
The question here: how would it have been with Imam Hussein (as) if he truly acted in the way
those have proposed: the way of 'condonation'?! Would not his act be interpreted as to confer
legitimacy and endorse the validity of the whole Umayyad policy and pathway?
345

"Al-Awim min Al-Qawim", ibid, pp. 222-223.

253

Ibn Al-Arab says that Al-Hussein (as) had not listened to the "the biggest
erudite" of the era: Abdullah Bin Abbas, and had not called to mind what his
grandfather (sawa) "warned about" as not to venture into clamour, and what
he (sawa) said in respect of his brother Imam Al-Hassan (as) of: "praise and
glad tidings"346 for his deed handing over the reins of power to others and
quit fighting. Hence, he expresses his surprise enquiring: has not Al-Hussein,
seeing that the caliphate slipped from the hand of his brother who was aided
by the "armies of the entire earth and the elite of creatures", recognised
that it will not be restored with the aid of the "inferiors of Kufa", and
especially when "the eminent companions forbid others from him and
distance themselves remotely from him."
As for those who fought Imam Hussein (as), declared his bloodshed lawful
and violated the sanctity of his family and companions, they have not fought
him at the outset but upon an interpretation of some verdict, and they have
not flocked to his fight only to comply with what his grandfather enjoined
(sawa): "there will be vile evils, so whoever wants to break the unity of
this Ummah when it is united, strike him with the sword347 no matter
who he were". Even when the "masters and dignitaries of the Ummah"
withdrew their support from Imam Hussein, their act was justified by some
rationale in that they knew Allah (SWT) ousted the wilayah and rule from
Ahlul Bait (as) and believed that no one should venture into "clamour".
Below Ibn Al-Arab in his own words:
"But he (R.A.) rejected the wise counsel of the most learned character of his
age, Abdullah Bin Abbas, and swayed away from the opinion of the master of
companions, Ibn Umar. He sought a beginning at a time of ending,
uprightness amid crookedness, the prime of youth in the wreckage of
agedness [...]. No one set in motion against him but pursuant to some
interpretational verdict, and no one set foot to fight him but upon what they
heard from his grandfather, the supreme lord of apostles, the foreteller of a
future state of disintegration, the warner against venture into clamour.
Actually, his sayings (saw-a) in this regard are multifold; part of which: "there
346

"Al-Awim min Al-Qawim", ibid, p.201.

What Ibn Al-Arab said and the hadith he quoted is probably the root for the saying ascribed to
him: "Al-Hussein has been killed by his grandfather sword". This sense is underpinned in his
debate, but as for the literal phrasing of that saying, I could not locate it in the collection of his
books I had at hand.
347

254

will be vile evils, so whoever wants to break the unity of this Ummah
when it is united, strike him with the sword no matter whom he were",
and people have not set in motion only upon this and the like of it. Should AlHussein have contented himself with his house, manor and camels, and have
not paid heed to people -who made recourse to him to administer right, even
though included Ibn Umar and Ibn Abbas-, and recalled what the prophet
(saw-a) had admonished as well as what he said in favour of his brother, that
would have been more befitting. Should he have understood it slipped from
the hand of his brother no matter how the armies of the entire earth and the
elite of creatures stood up for him, so how can it be restored to him with the
aid of the inferiors of Kufa, in so far as the eminent companions forbid others
from him and distance themselves remotely from him? And if it were not that
the masters and dignitaries of the Ummah knew by then it is a thing that has
been ousted by Allah from Ahlul Bait, and that his act is conducive to clamour
which is condemned for everyone, they would have never surrendered him at
all."348
The Contemporary Developments of the Umayyad Islam Stand
If we cast a look on the stand of Umayyad Islam from the murder of Imam
Hussein (as) and the sequence of events during and after that, hence a wider
look on the stand from the overall issues of the Umayyad despotic dominion,
the Umayyad iconic figures, policies and actions, we realise that these stands
are still extant up-to-date. They are also escalating day by day, such that
what the most adamant Nib extremists were struggling to articulate of
thoughts one day in the past have become nowadays known facts that some
parties make every effort to implant, support with evidences, canonise in the
Moslems minds and circulate in their milieus.
Muwiyah in his lifetime was vilified, defied and fought by the companions
from the Muhjirs

and Al-Anr, whereas

according to nowadays

measurements of this School, he poses as the "venerable" companion, the

"righteous caliph" of Moslems, their "imam", the scholar, the just349, the

348

"Al-Awim min Al-Qawim", ibid, p.231-232.

"Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar, reviewed, extracted and annotated by: Muhammad Bin
hir Al-Barjanj, supervised by: Muhammad ub allq, Dar Ibn Kathir, Beirut, pub.1, 1428
A.H 2007 A.D, vol.4, pp.41, 44, 55. All what we will transfer from the host of views and opinions
255
349

warrior in Allah way, the "well-versed" on religious juristic knowledge and

principles of Islamic politics 350, the fervent on enforcing jurisprudence in
Moslems life351, the one vested with powers by Allah for administrating the
Ummah affairs in an unparalleled manner352, the prophesied by the prophet
(sawa) in the hadith of the "twelfth vicegerents"353, and the jurisprudent
whose inferences can scarcely mishit.354
For inducting Yazd into office, he was opposed and slandered by the most
prominent companions and successors, while nowadays this act is identified
as a token of fervency for keeping the Ummah unity and common good.355
The most exquisite aspect which obtruded from this outlook is the portrayal of
the companions and successors opposition for Yazd induction as
"discussion" and "long dialogue" between factions anti-and-pro the
"inauguration of office by heirship", from which a "clear proof" is yielded
that Yazd takeover was conducted in line with the legitimate principles of
"Shura", in an atmosphere of "respect of others-opinion" and honour of
the oppositionists.356
is little to be said compared to the bundle of products by these 'researchers'. For more details see the
reviewer's notes, pp.41-77.
350

"Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar, vol.4, p.60.

351

"Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar, vol.4, pp.47-48-49.

352

"Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar, vol.4, p.56.

353

"Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar", vol.4, p.53.

354

"Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar", vol.4, p.41.

355

"Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar", vol.4, p.60.

"Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar", vol.4, p.63. Within this utopian atmosphere, their senior
Ibn Kathr conveyed from the route of As-Shib some proceedings from year fifty six: "it was the
year when Muwiyah set about to arrange for the pledge of loyalty to Yazd, invite people for that,
and take the public oath of allegiance to his son. He wrote to remote areas thereupon, and people
gave pledge duly all over the territories, save for Abdul Ramn Bin Abu Bakr, Abdullah Bin
Umar, Al-Hussein Bin Ali, Abdullah Bin Az-Zubair and Ibn Abbas. Upon that Muwiyah rode to
Mecca for Umrah, and as he passed through Al-Madinah back from Mecca, he summoned each of
these five in person, warned and threatened each individually. The fiercest response and firmest
language was from the side of Abdul Ramn Bin Abu Bakr A-idq, and the softest language was
from the side of Abdullah Bin Umar Bin Al- Khab. Afterwards Muwiyah started to give a
speech while those three were attendant around his pulpit, and they were seated when people started
to pay homage to Yazd. They neither showed approval nor disapproval for his threats and blusters,
256
356

The School attitude have developed still further

357

putting final touches on

Yazd portrait, producing him as the best prospect among his contemporary
peers to this position, and his nomination was the most politically expedient
solution by then, even though no Shraaaaaaa was convened in the first
place!!358 Moreover, the alteration made by his father from the Shura cannon
was in effect to his "apprehension" of imminent turbulences and bloodbaths,
and in honour of the public good359, whereby "he perceived that power,
obedience, order and stability were at the side where his son stood"360,
for his son shares with every other one what they possess of favours and
features and surpasses them with a prerogative that is most needed by the
state then i.e. "the military force to uphold him if he comes to power
which would vest Islam with sovereignty"361!! Still more, Yazd has
become sagacious, multitalented362, observant of religious duties, toiling for
goodness, jurisprudent, well-informed of the Sunnah, the object of others
gratification or rather above their sheer gratification on account of what he
possesses of knowledge which makes his example well-suited and a good
prospect to the position of caliphate.363
Should the yardstick for rule eligibility be a matter of: "upright conduct all
through life-history, preserve the inviolability of religion, enforce its rulings,
administer justice among people, deliberate over their well-being needs,
combat their enemies, broaden horizons for their call (to Islam), exhibit
kindness towards them, individuals and groups , should that be the case it will

so the pledge of loyalty was co-ordinately obtained across the country, and delegations were
proceeding from all over the territories to Yazd". See: Ibn Kathr: "Al-Bidayah wal Nihyah",
ibid, vol.11, p.307.
See annotations of Muyul Dn Al-Khab on the above-mentioned book: "Al-Awim min
Al-Qawim", with special focus on pages from 201 up to 232.
357

358

"Al-Awim min Al-Qawim", p.215 (the annotation).

11 "Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar", vol.4, p.45.

"Al-Awim min Al-Qawim", ibid, p.222 & "Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar", vol.4,
p.42.
360

361

"Al-Awim min Al-Qawim", ibid, p.215 (the annotation).

362

"Al-Awim min Al-Qawim", ibid, p.227 (the annotation).

363

"Al-Awim min Al-Qawim", ibid, p.223 (first annotation).

257

appear from the uncovering of Yazd news when being thoroughly filtered and
when his innermost reality during life being fathomed by people, that he was
not a bit below many figures whose honourable traits were eulogised by
history, and who were heaped with praise."364
However, tracking Imam Hussein (as) whereabouts in the literature of the
contemporary sprouts of this School, we find that the least said about him:
realising the soundness of the "the multitude of companions", he (as)
backed out of his intention but only when he was behind time365, which is far
less gruesome than some lavish misrepresenting epithets, such as: "sinister
uprising" to describe his revolt against Yazd. Ibn Kathr says:
"As for those who were tender-hearted, feeling fear for Al-Hussein from this
sinister uprising, they were all his loving ones, next of kin, counsellors, ones
who toil for the Sunna of Islam in a situation of this kind. All those had
discouraged him from embarking on his procession, and warned him of its
consequences [...], but no pleading had availed for distracting Al-Hussein
from this journey which was ominous for him, for Islam, for the Ummah of
Moslems up to date till the Day of the Hour."366
From where do these people derive their opinions? Who is the inspirational
source?
No researcher neither a spectator doubts that the sum of such opinions stem
from the three principal books of the three landmarks of this trend, of whom
two were dealt with: Ibn Taimiyyah in his book "Minhj As-Sunnah", and Ibn
Al-Arab in his book "Al-Awim". We are dispensing with Ibn Kathr in his
"Al-Awim min Al-Qawim", ibid, p.214 (second annotations). It is obvious that they
created an allegory in this context, comparing the attitude of Muwiyah from Imam Ali (as) with
the attitude of Imam Hussein (as) from Yazd. What they said on the first two that Imam Ali holds
the legitimacy while Muwiyah is one who 'made juristic inference but mishit', they had it replayed
in respect of the second two, that is, Yazd holds the legitimacy and guardianship of Moslems and
Imam Hussein is someone who 'made juristic inference but mishit', so although he is rewarded for
his practice of inference, he remains someone who made a faulty judgement. This allegory is visible
all over the above contexts.
364

365

"Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar", pp.69-70 (footnote)

"Al-Awim min Al-Qawim", ibid, p.229 (the annotation). What he said is true; it was a
sinister uprising indeed, but its bad omen afflicts no more than the Umayyad State and every other
autocrat oppressive mischievous despotic totalitarian rulers worldwide "up to date till the Day of the
Hour".
366

258

history book "Al-Bidyah wal Nihyah" because what the covering

paragraphs from the above two references relay does equally traverse over
his views and attitudes and lead per se to one and the same conclusion,
which makes any browsing of his works unnecessary. In other words, what
he exhibits of thoughts is by and large a repercussion of Ibn Taimiyyah's own
words and views and a derivative from his books in general and the above
book: " Minhj " in particular.367
Therefore, we will come to a standstill and conclude this draft on the
Umayyad Islam attitudes so as to shift to Ahlul Sunnah attitude from Yazd
character, his incumbency, liability for Imam Hussein (as) slaughter and the
concomitant and consequent tragedies and offences.

Axis Two
Yazd and the Sacredness of Al-Hussein Blood
For the Companions School

Below are some of his opinions and attitudes from his book "Al_Bidyah wal Nihyah" (ibid).
He construed the two hadiths: "this living soul from Quraish will bring my Ummah to
perdition" & "the disintegration of my Ummah will be at the hand of youngsters from the
fouls of Quraish" as some youngster lads from Banu Hshim. This is understood from the title of
the chapter based on these accounts (p.230). As for the hadith that says: "the first who alters my
Sunnah will be a man from Banu Umayyah", he labels it as munqati (see glossary), pp.233-234.
He restates what Ibn Taimiyyah said on the schism that happened over Yazd in (p.234). Yazd
presented by him as one of the twelfth vicegerents who were foretold by the prophet (sawa) and
who can in no way be the ones that the Rfiah claim to be (the idea derived from Ibn Taimiyyah as
seen above) (pp.283-288). Yazd is one of the twelfth grand ones from the progeny of Ismail on
whom the Torah gave the glad tidings (another idea borrowed from Ibn Taimiyyah) (p.289). Yazd
led the army where everyone serving is said to be condoned forgiven they are upon the prophets
(sawa) saying (again an idea taken from Ibn Taimiyyah) (217 and in vol.11, p.180). As for AlHussein, he made three demands, part of which is either to let him go free or he consolidates with
Yazd (p.242). Moreover, what made Yazd perpetrate reprehensible acts which are "condemned by
others" is in effect to some hadith ascribed to the prophet (sawa): "if you were not sinning, Allah
would have created some folk who sin hence forgiven them" (vol.11, p.253). Revising vol.9 &
vol.11 of his book, the reader will find many such views all over.
367

259

First Sub-research: Yazd Character for the Companions School

We witnessed earlier how Ibn Taimiyyah attempted to monopolise the voice
of "Ahlul Sunnah" and assume a formal capacity under their cover as he
offers his appraisal of Yazd Bin Muwiyah. The question here: is it true that
the entirety of Ahlul Sunnah accord with Ibn Taimiyyah in opinion, or is it his
very own opinion and that of the trend he represents?
I will deal the second part of the question only as much as to demonstrate the
absurdity of Ibn Taimiyyah claim and make perfectly clear that it is solely an
aberrant incongruent group who align with the School of the Umayyad Islam
and embrace its views. For this, we will not need full coverage of every
available view and saying.
A selection of four excerpts is made from the most esteemed scholars of
Ahlul Sunnah. Presently only three are furnished for the reader, and the
fourth, being a good example of Ahlul Sunnah attitude, reflecting their whole
field of vision and clearly reproducing their sentiments, shall be kept for the
concluding part.
First Utterance: made by the Sheikh, the imam, the Allama, the Hafiz, the
exegete, the master of Islam, the pride of Iraq, the compiler of famous works
on diverse scientific disciplines, i.e. exegesis, Hadith, Jurisprudence,
sermons, asceticism, history, medicine and others368, Abu Al-Faraj Jamalul
Dn Bin Ali Ibn Al-Jawz Al-Baghdad (d.597 A.H), to whom we alluded that he
wrote a whole book revolving around Yazd, titled "Ar-Rad al Al-Mutib AlAnd Al-Mni min Thamm Yazd, whereby he says:
"Part of the general convictions that predominate a faction who affiliate
themselves with the Ahlul Sunnah is to say that Yazd was right and AlHussein (R.A) was erroneous in his rebellion against him. Should they have
looked into the biographies, they would have known how the pledge of loyalty
was obtained in the backdrop scene, and how they had people bound over
that pledge, and left no abominable act undone for its own sake. However, if
we deem such a pledge of loyalty appropriate, we need to bear in mind that
there has been some conducts exhibited by him which inevitably lead to

368

Ad-Dhahab, "Siyer Alm An-Nubal'", ibid, vol.21, pp.365-366.

260

annul that pledge. Anyhow, no one inclines to accept this conviction save for
a lay ignorant person who assumes he can make the Rfiah offended."369
Second Utterance: the most outstanding saying made by Ahlul Sunnah
scholars with respect to Yazd, by an illustrious intellectual personality, highly
distinct in the science of theology 'ilm Al-Kalm'xxxiii, Saadul Dn At-Taftazn
(d.793 A.H) who said in his book: "Shar Al-Aq'id An-Nasfiyyah" the
following:
"As a matter of fact, the approval of Yazd of Imam Hussein murder seeing it
as auspicious omen as well as mortifying the household of the prophet (as)
are accounts whose import reached tawtir (complete authenticity), though
the particular details are d (see glossary). Verily, we are not quizzical about
the inner reality of Yazd but quizzical about his faith, may Allah's curse be
upon him, upon his supporters and assistants."370
Third Utterance: recorded by the Allama, the Hafiz Jallul Dn A-Siy
(d.911 A.H) within the biography of Yazd in his book "Trikh Al-Khulaf as
follows:
"When Al-Hussein and the sons of his father were murdered, Ibn Ziyd
dispatched their heads to Yazd who was delighted at their death, and only
later felt regretful when Moslems abhorred him for it, and when people
developed aversion against him; and indeed they had the right for this
aversion [...]. And in year sixty three, news reached him that the people of AlMadinah rebelled and dethroned him there, so he sent an enormous army
with orders to fight them and afterwards to march to Mecca and fight Ibn AzZubair. So the battle of Al-arrah took place at the gate of bah, and what

Transferred by Al-ls from Ibn Al-Jawz book: "As-Sir Al-Man". See Al-ls, Abu AlFal Shahabul Dn Al-Hussei Al-Baghdd, "Rh Al-Man", Dar Iia al-Turath al-Arabi, (no
date), vol.26, p73.
369

At-Taftazn, Saadul Dn Bin Umar, "Shar Al-Aqid An-Nasfiyysh", reviewed by: Ahmed
Hijz As-Saq, Maktabat Al-Kulliat Al-Azhariya, pub.1, 1407 A.H - 1987 A.D, p.103.
370

261

do you know about Al-arrah?! Al-Hassan mentioned it once saying: almost

no one was saved from it. Myriads were killed from the companions (R.A with
them) and other Moslems, the city were looted, and a thousand virgins were
deflowered. To Allah we belong and to Allah is our return. The prophet (sawa) said: "whoever frightens the people of Al-Madinah, Allah will fill him
with fear, and on him be the curse of Allah, the angels, and people
around the globe", narrated by Muslim."371
He said too explaining some hadith in his book "Ad-Dbj": "no one can
mean harm to the people of Al-Madinah and not be melted by Allah in fire just
as the lead dissolves or salt dissolves in water":
"Al-Q said: this supplement, i.e. his saying: 'in fire' clears away the
equivocality of other hadiths where it has not been mentioned, and he
clarified that it is decreed for the Afterlife. He said: what may also be
implicated by it: "whoever has the intent to do it (harm Al-Madinah) in the
lifetime of the prophet (saw-a), Moslems will be saved from his pursuit, while
his schemes will fade away just as lead fades in fire. Or it may be implicated
that someone may have the intent to do it in this World, so Allah will not
reprieve him, neither vest sovereignty in him, but no sooner does he do that
than Allah would make him die, just as how those who fought it (Al-Madinah)
had been terminated, like Muslim Bin Uqbah, who perished promptly at his
departure from it, then Yazd Bin Muwiyah, his dispatcher, perished upon
that and others who did their same doings."372

Yazd: Commander of the Forgiven Army

A highly vital issue aroused by Ibn Taimiyyah in concern with Yazd is his
saying: Yazd headed the army that invaded Constantinople, and on that very
army the prophet (saw-a) said: "forgiven is the first army that invades
As-Siy, Jallul Dn Bin Abu Bakr "Trikh Al-Khulaf", Dar Ibn Hazm, Beirut, pub.1, 1324
A.H - 2003 A.D, pp.166-167.
371

As-Siy, Jallul Dn Bin Abu Bakr, "Ad-Dbj al Sahih Muslim Bin Al-ajjj", reviewed
and annotated by: Abu Isq Al-uwain Al-Athar, Dar Ibn Affan, Saudi Arabia, pub.1, 1416 A.H
- 1996 A.D, vol.3, p.407, hadith no. 1364.
372

262

Constantinople"373. He followed his saying by several grave conclusions,

part of which respectively: firstly: Yazd is forgiven of sins, and to curse him is
thus impermissible, secondly: the companions serving in that army approved
of his leadership and fought under it, thirdly: Yazd has embarked on invasion
only because he was prompted by this hadith.
Ibn Taimiyyah postulated all that unhesitantly as axiomatic facts with no
possibilities to exist otherwise. So, is the matter truly so plainly spoken and
agreed on by each and every one as he suggests? Do the celebrated
explainers from the range of imams and memorisers equally postulate it as
the naked truth, particularly those of "Sahih Al-Bukhr" where this hadith
was adduced?
From this hadith, what we take interest in is the segment concerning Yazd so
as to consider whether or not some virtue and feat are put to our sight inside
the hadith, as Ibn Taimiyyah tries to convince us?
What appears from the versions of the first layer of explainers of "Sahih AlBukhr" is the reverse, and more significantly the whole story is studded
with loopholes due to conflicting visions, which can be spotted in:
Firstly: the time of occurrence374: there are variable estimates of the year,
i.e. 48375 or 49376 or 50377 or 52378 A.H.
Ibn Taimiyyah, "Minhj As-Sunnah An-Nabawiyyah", ibid, vol.4, p.544 & p.572. This hadith
is not adduced originally with this phrasing, and this proves that Ibn Taimiyyah counts on his
memory in transferring his material, and therefore his judgment on the hadiths lack precision. The
original phrasing: "forgiven is the first army from my Ummah who invade the city of Caesar". See
Al-Bukhr, "Sahih Al-Bukhr", edited by: Abu uhaib Al-Karm, Bayt al-Fkar Adawliya, 1419
A.H - 1998 A.D, Kitab: The Holy War and Biographies The Book of Aj-Jihd and AsSiyer", Ch. "What is said on the Romans", hadith no. 2924, p.561.
373

374

It must be pointed out there is not even a slim chance that we cast doubt on the occurrence of the
Constantinople battle. But we only aim to say that this issue with all its contents including the time
of occurrence is a subject of dispute and contention, unlike what Ibn Taimiyyah words seem to
suggest that every minute detail of the proceedings has been granted and concurred on.
Abu Al-Fid', Imdul Dn Bin Ali, "Al-Mukhtaar f Trikh Al-Bashar", reviewed by:
Muhammad Zeinhum et al. Dar al-Maarif, Cairo, vol.1, hadith no. [Dropped], vol.1, p.231.
375

376

A-abar "Trkh Ar-Rusul wal Mulk, ibid, vol.5, p.232.

377

Ibn Al-Athr, "Al-Kmil f At-Trikh", ibid, vol.3, p.314.

263

Secondly: army headship by Yazd: Ibn Al-Athr in "Al-Kmil"379 and Abu

Al-Fid' in "Al-Mukhtaar"380 both opine that the army leader was Sufin Bin
Awf. Yet "Al-Mir't" writer, who chained the narration to a passive link, i.e. "it
was said", corrected them saying: the army headship was by Yazd. This
opinion was reported by Al-Ain in his book "Umdat Al-Qri'", yet, Al-Ain in
the same book retorted to him ("Al-Mir't" writer) from the record of his
memory saying: "the masters of companions" were not with Yazd because
he is not qualified to have those masters in his service.381
On the proceedings of year 49 A.H. Ibn Al-Athr says: "on this year or as said
elsewhere year 50 A.H, Muwiyah sent an enormous army to the Romans
land for invasion, and appointed Sufan Bin Awf as the army commander. In
the meantime, he ordered his son Yazd to join the army, but the latter,
finding it too burdensome, fell ill, so his father withheld his order. During the
invasion, starvation and severe illness afflicted the people there, and by then
Yazd started to chant poetic verses cheering that he is not amid these
tribulations and he cares not for what befallen them so long as he has Um
Kulthum nearby (Um Kulthum: his wife and daughter of Abdullah Bin mir).
His verses flied to Muwiyah, so he bound him by an oath to join Sufin to
the Romans land to undergo what befallen people there, hence he marched
with huge supplementary troops mobilised by his father, and among them
was Ibn Abbas, Ibn Umar, Ibn Az-Zubair and Abu Ayb Al-Anr, Abdul Azz

378

Ibn ajar "Fat Al-Br", vol.6, p.103.

379

Ibn Al-Athr, "Al-Kmil f At-Trikh", ibid, vol.3, p.314.

380

Abu Al-Fid', "Al-Mukhtaar f Trikh Al-Bashar", ibid, vol.1, p.231.

Al-Ain, Abu Muhammad Bin Ahmed,"Umdat Al-Qr'", verified by: Abdullah Umar, Dar
Al-Kotob al-Ilmiya, Beirut, pub.1, 1421 A.H - 2001 A.D, vol.14, pp.277-278.
381

264

Bin Zurrah Al-Kilb and others. The troops infiltrated into the Romans land
until they reached Constantinople."382
Furthermore, Ibn ajar himself transferred from Ibn At-Tn his saying : "he
(Yazd) possibly made no presence in the army at all", and Ibn ajar
turned back this possibility saying it is "abolished" and added: "unless he
might mean that he had not engaged in a forefront fight, as he was the
army leader as correspondingly agreed"383. Strangely enough, after what
has been unraveled, he is saying: "correspondingly agreed".

Thirdly: on him being engrossed by forgiveness.

Any prospective investigator for the origin of this concept will find it traceable
to Abu Al-Qsim Al-Muhallab Bin Abu ufrah Al-Asad Al-Andulus (d.435
A.H)384 who opined in his explanation of "Sahih Al-Bukhr" that the hadith
subsumes a "laudable deed" for Muwiyah and his son Yazd. Yet, his
contemporaneous native Ibn Bal Al-Qurub (d.449 A.H) transferred this
very phrase of Al-Muhalab Al-Andulus differently from the way Ibn ajar did.
Both transfers are cited below for view:

Ibn Al-Athr, "Al-Kmil f At-Trikh", ibid, vol.3, p.314 & Ibn Khaldn, Waliyul Dn Bin
Muhammad, "Diwn Al-Mubtada' wal Khabar", reviewed by: Khall Shadah, Dar al-Fikr,
Beirut, pub.2, 1408 A.H. - 1988 A.D, vol.3, p.12. In the book, it is said: "he (Muwiyah) deputed
Yazd to go with them, but as the latter found it too burdensome, he withheld his order. Then the
public heard news of hunger and illness stricken the invaders, and simultaneously news reached
Muwiyah that Yazd was chanting with regard to that ....."
382

383

Ibn ajar "Fat Al-Br", ibid, vol.6, pp.102-103.

384

See his biography in Ad-Dhahb, "Siyer Alm An-Nubal'", ibid, vol.17, p.579.
265

Ibn Bal: "Al-Muhallab said: "from this hadith, it is surmised there is a

laudable deed for Muwiyah, as he was the first to invade the Romans. And
his son Yazd had invaded the city of Caesar."385
Ibn ajar: "Al-Muhallab said: in this hadith, there is a laudable deed for
Muwiyah as he invaded the sea; and a laudable deed for his son Yazd as
he was the first to invade the city of Caesar."386
The difference between the two phrases lies in the usage of 'and' in 'and his
son'. In Ibn Bal version, it could be construed as a mere digression,
whereas Ibn ajar version had the phrase 'and his son' coupled with the
previous clause.
This leads us to question the import of the hadith on whether this forgiveness
is 'sheer entitlement' or 'actual engrossment. Even those who grant the
'engrossment' for the sake of argument, they exclude Yazd from this
forgiveness because he is 'dismissed by specific evidence'. That is
basically what the masters from hadith explainers, especially those of "Sahih
Al-Bukhr" have been opining, i.e. Ibn At-Tn, Ibn Al-Munr, Al-Ain, and AlManw, and that is what even Ibn ajar seems to have opined when he
conveyed the forerunners' view without raising any objection or criticism.
Ibn ajar said after quoting Al-Muhallab: "Ibn At-Tn and Ibn Al-Munr followed
up with what can be summed as follows: for him (Yazd) to be included in that
'total', it does not entail he is unexcluded by 'specific evidence', as the people
of knowledge are not at variance on his saying (saw-a) that "forgiven, i.e. to
be ultimately from the people of forgiveness is only on merit alone, in which
case should someone who partook in the invasion apostatise in later stages,
he will not be included among the 'total' randomly, which indicates that: a

Ibn Bal, Abu Al-Hassan Bin Abdul Melik, "Shar Sahih Al-Bukhr", proofreading and
annotation: Abu Tamm Bin Ibrahim, Maktabat al-Rashid, Riyadh, [dropped from record], vol.5,
p.107.
385

386

Ibn ajar, "Fat Al-Br", ibid, p.102.

266

'forgiven' one is only he who possesses the requisite of forgiveness among

them."387
Al-Ain (d.855 A.H) said: "Al-Mir't" writer said: more accurately, Yazd Bin
Muwiyah invaded Constantinople on year fifty two, on which it is said:
Muwiyah sent away an enormous army with Sufin Bin Awf to
Constantinople which infiltrated the Romans land. Among the army, there
were Ibn Abbas, Ibn Umar, Ibn Az-Zubair and Abu Ayb Al-Anr, and the
latter passed away during the siege period. I said: a higher probability is that
those masters of the companions were with Sufin, not with Yazd Bin
Muwiyah as the latter was not qualified to have those masters in his
service. Al-Muhallab said: "in this hadith, there is a laudable deed for
Muwiyah as he was the first to invade the sea, and a laudable deed for his
son as he was the first to invade the city of Caesar", and I say on my part:
what laudable deed Yazd ever had, whose reality is already put in the public
eye?! If you say: but he had said in respect of this army [the pronoun 'he'
signifies the prophet (sawa)]: "forgiven they are", I would say: for him (Yazd)
to be included in the 'total', it does not entail he is unexcluded by 'specific
evidence', as the people of knowledge are not at variance on his saying (sawa) that "forgiven" is only on merit alone to be ultimately from the people of
forgiveness, in which case should someone who partook in the invasion
apostatise in later stages, he will not be included among the 'total', which
indicates that: a 'forgiven' one is only he who possesses the requisite of
forgiveness among them."388
Al- Manw (d.1031 A. H) said commenting on the fragment from the hadith
'forgiven they are':
"It does not constitute that Yazd Bin Muwiyah is forgiven, as condonation is
conditional on one's being from the people of forgiveness, while Yazd is not
so, owing to his exclusion by a specific evidence. To stagnate on the concept
387

Ibn ajar, "Fat Al-Br", ibid, vol.6, pp.102-103.

388

Al-Ain, Abu Muhammad Bin Ahmed,"Umdat Al-Qr", ibid, vol.14, pp.277-278

267

of the 'total', it will follow that the one who engaged in the invasion then
apostatised is still condoned, while we find a group of investigators who have
authorised the curse of Yazd without reservation to the extent that AtTaftazn has said: "As a matter of fact, the approval of Yazd on the murder
of Imam Hussein as well as mortifying the household of the prophet (as) are
all accounts whose import reached tawtir (complete authenticity), though the
particular details are d (see glossary). Verily we are not questioning Yazd
inner reality as much as his faith, may Allah's curse be upon him, upon his
supporters and assistants."389
As a result, it appears that Ibn Taimiyyah's perspective into this hadith
granting it as a self-evident truth is out of place. Apparently, the supreme and
majority of hadith explainers hold a reverse view altogether, to the degree
that some have raised the possibility (which can be deemed the fourth point
of contention about this hadith) that the city of Caesar indicated by the hadith
is but the one that Caesar dwelt in by the time that hadith was released, that
is, ams in Syria, the main dwelling of his kingdom by then, rather than
Constantinople.390
We went through the above discussion postulating the soundness of what is
adduced in Al-Bukhr, while literally there are no such notions in the legacy
of Ahlul Bait School. They are totally rejected by our School of thought.

Al-ls Sums up Ahlul Sunnah Attitude towards Yazd

In the course of this sub-research, the fourth promised utterance has been
suspended with a view to keep it as a dramatic finale for our study, due to the
abridgement of important attitudes of Ahlul Sunnah towards the character of
Yazd, and other key issues which were featured from the mind-frame of the
Umayyad Islam. The utterance embodies a full-scale unique illustration of
Ahlul Sunnah perspective, and reflects simultaneously the author's close
Al-Manw, Abdul Ra'f, "Fay Al-Qadr", Dar al-Marifa, Beirut, pub.2, 1391 A.H - 1972
A.D, vol.3, p.84.
389

390

This was transferred by Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln. See: "Fat Al-Br", ibid, vol.6, p.103.
268

acquaintance with the subject and his impressive objectivity, due to which I
would rather quote it as one whole despite its lengthiness. Additionally, some
readers may not have at hand the exegesis book of Al-ls "R Al-Man"
and will miss the opportunity to read it to the core.
Al-ls at the closing lines of his explanation of Surat Muhammad (sawa),
ayah (23): {it is upon whom Allah has laid His curse; so He made them
deaf and deprived them of their sight}, said the following:
"It is also deduced from it (the ayah with the curse) that it is licensed to curse
Yazd (may Allah Taala inflict upon him what he deserves). Al-Barazanji in "AlIshah" and Al-Haitham in "A-awiq" both transferred this narrative:
"when Imam Ahmed was asked by his son Abdullah on cursing Yazd, he
said: how can he not be cursed whom Allah Taala cursed in His Book! So
Abdullah said: I read all through the Book of Allah (AZW) but found nothing
about the curse of Yazd, so the imam replied that Allah Taala says: {then, is
it to be expected of you if you were put in authority that you will do
mischief in the land and break your ties of kith and kin}, where on earth
there could be a bigger mischief and severance of ties than what Yazd did."
(Quotation from imam Ahmed is over)
This is based on licensing the curse of a certain designated transgressor
under a generic curse embodying a broader group cursed for their attributes.
On this, there is still a dispute which has been long-running, as the Jimhr
(majority of scholars) disallow the curse of a designated one, whether an
immoral rebellious one or a non-Muslim citizen, alive or dead, so long as it
has not been divulged whether he died in disbelief or not, just for the
possibility that he may be ordained to conclude his life with Islam or he might
have concluded it with Islam, unlike the case with the one whose death in
disbelief is conclusively established like Abu Jahal.
Sheikhul Islam As-Sirj A-Balqn inclines to accept licensing the curse of a
particular designated transgressor, according to hadith from the two Sahih
books [...].

269

And in "Az-Zawjir" it is stated: "if that (the licensing) were to be deduced

upon an account related by Muslim saying: 'he (saw-a) passed by a donkey,
branded on the face, so he said: may Allah curse he who did this', it would
have been more sustainable [...].
Accordingly, there can be no indecision or uncertainty about cursing Yazd for
his manifold vicious traits, for grievous sins he perpetrated all through the
period of his service in power. Enough what he did when conquered AlMadinah and Mecca [...], and the big calamity is what he did to Ahlul Bait
and his approval of the murder of Imam Hussein (peace and prayer be upon
his grandfather and him), welcoming it as auspicious omen as well as
mortifying his household are all accounts whose import reached tawtir
(complete authenticity), though their particular details are hd [].
A group of scholars affirmed his state of disbelief and openly execrated
him, such as the Hafiz Ibn Al-Jawz (nicknamed: supporter of the Sunnah),
and preceded him Al-Q Abu Yal, and the Allama At-Taftazn said:
[...]391
Moreover of those, who openly execrated him, is Al-Jall As-Siyt (mercy be
upon him).392

Also adduced in "Trikh Ibn Al-Ward" and "Al-Wf bil Wafit": when the
captives reached from Iraq to Yazd, he came out to meet the children and
women from the progeny of Ali and Al-Hussein (R.A. them), and the heads
were sticking out of the spears tips, until they arrived at the verge of mound
Jairn, and soon as they were in his sight, a crow cawed, so he chanted
these verses:

When these freights showed up,

and those heads at the verge of Jairn loomed up
391

His statement given earlier under the "second utterance", revise to avoid repetition.

392

His viewpoint and certain phrases transferred under the "third utterance", revise.
270

A craw cawed, so I said: heedless of whether you say or say not,

I have but redeemed my debts from the apostle, far out.

In other words: he killed in return to whom the Messenger (saw-a) had killed
on the Day of Badr, such as his grandfather Utbah, his uncle and son of
Utbah and others, and this is practically an outright disbelief. If this proves to
be true, he certainly must have disbelieved altogether, which can be
pinpointed in his mimicry of Abdullah Az-Zabar lines who said them before
entering Islam, as in:
I would that my bygone ancestry masters etc. ... 393

(See footnote)

Al-Ghazl (may Allah grant him His pardon) gave a juristic verdict prohibiting the
practice of curse-laying on him. Al-Safrn, the anbal, followed up the two
preceding transfers of Al-Barazanj and Al-Haitham from Ahmed (may mercy of
Allah be upon him) by his saying: 'what is memorised from imam Ahmed is the

reverse of what they both transferred', as it is stated in "Al-Fir: from our

393

The poem of Abdullah Az-Zibaray Bin Qais As-Sahm Al-Qarash is so famous that it can be

located in almost every reference of Islamic heritage. He said it on the Day of Uud when he was
still polytheist. The lines are cited below, reminding that different versions have minor variations in
the rendering and sequence:
I would that, back from Badr, my ancestry masters
witnessed Al-Khazraj anguish from the strike of lancets
They would've hailed and elated with delightment.
Then they said: felicitous, ask not,
for we had killed a double of their noble ones
and we equilibrated the slope in the scale pan
and indeed it counterbalanced
Part of the references which cited the mimicry of Yazd to these lines are:
"Trikh A-abar", ibid, vol.8, p.96 & "Al-Muntaim" of Ibn Al-Jawz, ibid, vol.5, p.343 &
"Trikh Ibn Kathr", ibid, vol.11, p.557, 581, 631.
271

co-fellows, there were some who deemed Al-ajjj as dissident from Islam,
and thereby address this by the same token to Yazd and the like of him.
Against that, Ahmed gave a reverse statement, and so did his co-fellows. He
did not license designating a particular one for cursing, on the contrary to Abu
Al-Hussein, Ibn Al-Jawz and others, while Sheikhul Islam said (signalling to Ibn
Taimiyyah -Allah is the most Knowing of what he signals to): from the outward it

seems Ahmed suggests it is disfavoured. I say on my part: that which is

outweighing is what Ibn Al-Jawz and Abu Al-Hussein Al-Q, and those
concurring with them, have opined", Al-Safrn text is over.
And Abu Bakr Ibn Al-Arab Al-Mlik (may he inflict upon himself what he
deserves from Allah Taala), for the greatest defamatory statement he made394;

whereby he alleged that Al-Hussein was killed by the sword of his grandfather
(saw-a), and strikingly there have been ignorant ones who concurred with
that, {it is a monstrous word that comes out of their mouths; they utter a
sheer lie} (Al-Kahaf: 5)
Ibn Al-Jawz (mercy be upon him) said in his book "As-Sir Al-Man": [...]395
Moreover, it turns up from all what is advanced that there is a dissension
among people about him. Some are saying he is Moslem but a disobedient
one for what he did with the immaculate Itrah, and yet his curse is
impermissible. Others are saying: he is truly so (disobedient Moslem), and to
curse him is permissible whether it can be disfavoured or not. Others are
saying: he is an accursed atheist, and some say: he has not turned into a
transgressor by this act and to curse him is impermissible, and surely
whoever says this, he must be pigeonholed with Yazd partisans.396

394

His attitude explained earlier, revise.

395

His phrase conveyed under "first utterance", revise to avoid repetition

396

Manufacturers of this saying and the like of it, together with their intellectual backgrounds,
dogmatic religious guides and the grounds from which they construct their concepts and views are
referred to by us as "the Umayyad Islam trend", and this study is but an attempt to delineate the
contours of this trend.
272

And I say: the most likely assumption for me is that he, the vicious, had not
had a particle of belief in the Message of the prophet (saw-a) from the start,
and the totality of his doings with the residents of the sanctuary of Allah
Taala (Mecca) and the residents of the sanctuary of his prophet (saw-a) (alMadinah), and his immaculate virtuous progeny, during their lifetime and after
death, and all the disgraceful acts he committed, are not less strong in their
signification for us to believe than an act whereby he flung a page from
Qur'an into filth as not to believe. And by that time, I do not think his inner
reality was veiled from the high-calibre Moslems, but that they were
powerless and defenseless; had no choice but to endure pain until Allah
causes what has been destined to happen. If we assumed he, the vicious,
were truly Moslem, he is then a Moslem who piled up heaps from every
grievous sin that are incalculable and beyond words, and I personally incline
towards the permissibility of cursing the like of him by way of designating an
individual from a generic group, even if it were inconceivable he may have a
match for him somewhere among the immoral. And it looks like he had not
repented, and the possibility of his repentance is weaker than entering faith in
the first place. Akin to him in that are Ibn Ziyd, Ibn Saad and another squad,
may the curse of Allah be upon them all, on their partisans, supporters,
loyalists and whoever have liking for them to the Day of Religion so long as
any teardrops shed from any eye for Abu Abdullah Al-Hussein.
I am moved by the lines of the poet of the age, who is surely praiseworthy,
Abdul Bq A-Mawil, when he was asked about articulating curse on the
confounded Yazd:
Despite my curse, Yazd stamina is still expansive
I will evermore move onward laying curse above curse

Whoever fears declaring his curse on that misguiding one, lest he should be
an object of others tittle-tattle, let him say: "may Allah (AZW) curse he who
approved on the murder of Al-Hussein, he who harmed the progeny of the
prophet (saw-a) unrightfully and he who usurped and violated their rights".
This way, his curse will be articulated in view of the total, i.e. enrolment under
the body of a 'total' who are conjoined primarily in the same misdeed,
whereby no one has opposed a curse with this wording and similar ones,
273

save for the above-mentioned Ibn Al-Arab and his advocates, as it sounds
from renderings about them, they do not license cursing those who approved
on the killing of Al-Hussein (RA), and that is by my life a far-fetched
aberrance that almost outweighs Yazd aberrance."397
I say on my part: what would Al-ls say today if he witnesses what goes on
nowadays, the day when dozens of Ibn Al-Arab School fans exceeded what
their grand master has reached of a "far-fetched aberrance" as he phrased
his words? The onset is prohibiting the curse of Yazd and the endpoint is
celebrating his adeptness, superb flawless talents, his integrity,
administrating Sharia, implementing its ruling, establishing justice among
people, deliberating on their public good, leading holy war against their
enemies, broadening the horizon of their call to Islam, leniency with their
individuals and groups, etc.

397

Al-ls, Abu Al-Fal Al-Baghdd, "R Al-Man", reviewed by: Ali Aiyah, Dar al-

Kotob al-Ilmiya, Beirut, pub.1, 1415 A.H, vol.3, pp.227-229.

274

The Second Sub-Research:

The Sanctity of Al-Hussein Blood and the Soil of Karbala for the
Scholars of Ahlul Sunnah

Preface
Reviewing the literature written by the iconic figures of the Umayyad Islam on
the event of Karbala, we would be mesmerised by the rigorous efforts put to
underrate its pride and worth since the day of eruption up to date, due to
which we decided to stop over this subject. They do this by treating it as
insignificant and peripheral subject, stripping any value attached to the blood
of the grandchild of Allahs Messenger, which was shed in the battle.
Accordingly, this would impinge on certain aspects: (firstly) on their
perception of the enormity of the affliction (secondly) the indictment of
perpetrators, and (thirdly) the legitimacy of the commemorators act for his
death anniversary.
Ibn Taimiyyah says:
"It is a well-known fact that Umar Bin Saad, commander of the army brigade
which undertook the killing of Imam Hussein, despite his inequity and his
prime concern with this World above religion, has not reached the climax of
grave sin that Al-Mukhtr Bin Abu Ubaidullah, who openly triumphed for
Imam Hussein and killed his killers, has reached. Moreover his sin is graver
and more pretentious than Umar's Bin Saad, and this Shiite individual is
more evil than that Nib. Evenmore Al-ajjj Bin Ysuf is better than AlMukhtr Bin Ab Ubaid, since Al-ajjj was an annihilator who spills blood
needlessly and unrightfully, while Al-Mukhtr was a liar who alleged
prophethood and the receipt of Revelation from Jibr'l (Gabriel), and this guilt
is greater than ending lives, as it involves atheism. And if he had not repented
from that guilt, he surely became apostate, and to cause turmoil is severer
than murder."398
398

"Minhj As-Sunnah An-Nabawiyyah", vol.2, pp.70-71.

275

In reply I would say: we will know later the outcomes of minimising the
grimness of Umar Bin Saad crime. As for the ones who fought Imam Hussein
(as), they were not merely a single "brigade" as it pleases Ibn Taimiyyah to
say. They were a big army exceeding four thousand, added to the number of
people who joined from Al-Kufa as related by history399, and not to mention
the numerous sound prophetic hadiths which tell: "verily your Ummah will
kill him", (to come later).
He said too: "people were divided upon this: the Day of Ashura when AlHussein was killed- into two parts: the Shiites who assumed it as a mourning
and grief day during which they perform outrageous acts of utmost ignorance
and erroneousness, and a folk who assumed it as a festive day during which
they do bountiful offerings: expenses, food and clothing, and they would
narrate on the Day some forged hadiths [...]. More heinous and graver than
what the Rfiah do in making a memorial gathering of the day is how they
recite a plaintive elegiac narrative on the murder, chant doleful eulogy poems,
willingly remain thirsty, slap in the face, tear clothes, take after the Jhiliyyah
way in their modes of life."400
Ibn Kathr said in this respect: "since the Shiites make out of the Day of
Ashura a commemorative memorial to demonstrate sorrow for Al-Hussein Bin
Ali, opposite to them there emerged another faction from the ignorant of Ahlul
399

Ibn Jarr A-abar said: "when it was the day after, Umar Bin Saad Bin Abu Waqq came

from Al-Kufa with four thousand. He said too: the reason why Ibn Saad headed to Al-Hussein (as)
was that Ubaidullah Bin Ziyd had sent him with four thousand from the people of Al-Kufa to
march to Dastab, towards which the Daylam (a folk) had embarked hence conquered. So Ibn Ziyd
wrote to him about his covenant to govern Ray territory and ordered him to set in motion, and the
latter started his march and encamped with the people in Hammam Ayun. But as what Al-Hussein
came for already passed, and he arrived in Al-Kufa, Ibn Ziyd summoned Umar Bin Saad saying:
March to Al-Hussein, soon as we put an end to that is between us and him; you proceed with your
original pursuit.
See: "Trikh At-Tabar", vol.5, p.409 & "Trikh Ibn Al-Athr", vol.3, p.412 & "Trikh Ibn
Kathr", vol.9, p.242, and extra historical references.
400

Minhj As-Sunnah", vol.8, pp.148-149, 151.

276

Sunnah, who claimed that on the eighteenth of Muharram, Muab Bin AzZubair was killed, hence conducted a memorial ceremony just as the Shiites
do for Al-Hussein. They visit his grave simulating the way Al-Hussein is
visited in his grave, and this is by way of meeting a heresy by a parallel
heresy, and nothing can abolish a heresy but the sound Sunnah."401
He also said: "every Moslem must grieve for that which occurred to him (R.A)
of killing, as he is one of the masters of Moslems and scholars of the
companions, son of the daughter of the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) who is
the best of his daughters, and he has been a worshiper, brave and generous.
Nonetheless, what the Shiites do by manifesting grief and dejection, which is
perhaps in its greater part just pretense and feigning, is disagreeable.
However, his father was better than him, yet they do not turn his murder day
into a memorial gathering like the murder day of Al-Hussein."402
The forthcoming texts will shed light on several matters which we presumed
to be highly vital for a discreet Moslem seeking to gain immunity from the
aforesaid three devious ways. They outline the manner with which the
prophet (sawa) dealt firstly with the blood of Al-Hussein (as), secondly with
the soil that his noble blood was spilled on; the soil that became a destination
and veneration area for the followers of Ahlul Bait School.
Throughout these texts, the reader will come to know that the issue of Imam
Al-Hussein (as), his revolution, noble blood, the soil where it was spilled is not
a patchwork designed by the lovers of Ahlul Bait (as), but a central issue
which has been given prominence by the Divine Revelation, by the prophet
(sawa) and by the Imams of Ahlul Bait (as), and for it the glorious teardrops of
the prophet of Islam were shed. He will realise too that what has been
rendered by the prophet (saw-a) with regard to the blood of Imam Hussein
(as) is unprecedented by any prophet in respect of another prophet's blood,
let alone a certain legatee, vicegerent of God, or a rightly guided person, and
rather it is personal idiosyncrasy for the blood of Imam Hussein (as).

401

"Al-Bidyah wan Nihyah", vol.15, p.483.

402

Ibid, vol.11, p.569.

277

A Point for Contemplation:

Can we Rely on "Dream-Vision" in such Researches
At this point of the research, the prestigious reader will be faced with what
sounds like a dramatic change, such that his inner thoughts may entice him
to think we abandoned what we vowed to take of methodical obligations from
the outset, or that they are no more binding. This change is simply a new
gateway to the accounts we transfer, envisaged by dream-visions.
We reply to this confirming that there is no dramatic change in our method,
and we still adhere to the systematic norms which have been governing our
study. More importantly, the new accounts are treated on equal terms with
previous ones, and cited from the same references already in use. However, I
still feel obliged to answer the heading question of the title, bringing to the
attention of the reader these two remarks:
First Remark: it has been established in the domain of the Fundamentals of
Jurisprudence that to see the person of the Messenger of Allah (sawa) in
dream cannot be an authoritative source in elucidating the Sharia rulings and
laws for the Mukallafxxxiv, and that these rulings and laws cannot be sustained
only within the matrix of its own methodology which excludes 'dream-vision'.
(Details are due in upcoming researches)

Second Remark: apart from the aforementioned areas, 'dream-vision can be

deemed an authoritative source and proof within the Islamic methodology, but
only within strict boundaries that must be taken into account. The most
outstanding boundary is that the visionary person must have physically seen
the prophet (sawa) and recognised his noble person from a reality-based
knowledge, whereas to claim seeing him (sawa) in dream after his departure
by someone who at no time met with him -a fact which applies to everyone
late in time upon his demise (sawa)- this vision cannot be treated on equal
terms with the former in the eventual outcome that ensues thereby. It would
be just like any other vision, either true or false or merely some confused
dream.
Other boundaries of sound vision are: the precision of transfer or the integrity
of the visionary person, which are equally important for each and every type
of vision, and there is hardly any disagreement about that.
This whole thesis about dream-visions is presented by Al-Hafiz Ibn ajar at
the bottom line of his explanation of the prophetic hadith: "whoever sees me
278

in a dream; it is as if he saw me in a state of wakefulness; for the

Shaitn cannot simulate me". He starts displaying the ongoing dispute
between scholars on this matter, hence says: "to reconcile between all what
is said on the matter, it appears to me that anyone who saw him with one
feature or more that characterise him, it means he truly saw him even if the
rest of features were inconsistent. Therefore the visions of people seeing him
may vary: some would see him with his whole physique, which is a truthful
vision requiring no oneiromancy, and which accords with his saying: "he
certainly must have seen the truth" [ EEEendnote: prophet's hadith:
] . So, whatever can be missing of his features, interpretation will put it
together as needed, and this way it becomes feasible to generalise a
statement that anyone who sees him in any form, he must have truly seen
him."403
A relevant question was raised to Ibn Bz for which he answered: whoever
sees him (sawa) with his common form known to many; it means he truly has
seen him, and this is part of Moslems beliefs. Below are the question and
answer quoted from the origin:
"Question: many of our scholars admit the possibility that we can see the
Messenger of Allah (saw-a) in our slumber, and it is his true self in the dream,
as devils cannot simulate the character of the Messenger (saw-a), is such a
belief polytheistic?
Answer: this saying is true, it is part of Moslems faith and it contains no
vestige of polytheism, because it has been verified that the prophet (saw-a)
said: "he who saw me in a dream, then surely he has seen me; for the
Shaitn cannot assume my physical likeness", (the hadith generally
accepted). This sound hadith demonstrates that he (saw-a) can be seen
during sleep, and whoever saw him with his common form, then no doubt he
has seen him, as the devil cannot assume his physical likeness. But that
does not necessarily entail he, the visionary, must be one of the rightly
guided, and it remains impermissible to count on his vision when it
403

Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln "Fat Al-Br", verified and reviewed by: Abdul Azz Bin Bz, books,

chapters and hadiths numbered by: Muhammad Fu'd Abdul Bq, Dar al-Marifa, Beirut, 1379,
vol.12, 387.

279

contradicts what has been established of Sharia. Rather that which the
visionary have heard from the prophet (saw-a) of commands, prohibitions or
accounts and so forth of what might be heard or witnessed from the
Messenger (saw-a), should be put to the test by the Book and sound Sunnah,
so that what conforms to both or one of them would be accepted and what
clashes would be discarded."404
In point of fact, the accounts we will deliver which are vision-based opening
with the prophet (sawa) seen in a dream -majorly from Ibn Abbas who is
acquainted with the prophet's image- are generally acknowledged by the
different factions of Islam, whose contents comply with the above stated
conditions. This is best evidenced by the fact that they can be located in the
most important hadith books for Ahlul Sunnah faction. (To be elaborated
further)

Firstly: the Sanctity of Imam Hussein Blood

For Ahlul Sunnah Scholars
Many accounts illuminate this aspect, from which samples are selected
below:
1. What is given in "Musnad Imam Ahmed": "related to us Abdul Ramn,
related to us ammd Bin Salamah from Ammar Bin Abu Ammar from Ibn
Abbas who said: I saw the prophet (saw-a) in a dream amid daytime, roughhaired and coated in dust with a flask containing blood which he was
gathering in or tracking something inside it, I said: O Messenger of Allah,
what is this? He said: this is the blood of Al-Hussein and his companions
that I will continually track its trail from this day onward. Ammar said:
we memorised the day to find out in the end he was killed on that day."405
404

Ibn Bz, Bin Abdul Azz, "Majm Fatw wa Maqlt Mutanawiah", compiled and

supervised by: Muhammad Bin Sad As-Shuwair, Dar al-Qasim, pub.1, 1420 A.H, vol.2, p.385.
405

Ibn anbal, Abu Abdullah Ahmed As-Shaibn, "Musnad Al-Imam Ahmed Bin anbal",

supervised its review: Shuaib Al-Arn't. Reviewed this volume, extracted its hadiths and
annotated: Shuaib Al-Arn't et al, Mussasat al-Risala, pub.1, 1416 A.H - 1995 A.D, vol.4, p.59,
hadith no.2165, and p.336, hadith no.2553. What we cited above is the first hadith. As for the
second hadith, they both said about it: its chain of transmission is rigorous upon the condition of
280

The book reviewer said: "its chain of transmission is rigorous according to the
conditions of Muslim. A-abarn and Al-kim extracted it from routes
traced to ammd Bin Salamah with this chain of transmission. Al-kim
verified it upon the condition of Muslim, and Ad-Dhahab coincided with
him."406
2. What is given in "Fa'l A-abah" for him too: "related to us Abdullah
who said: related to me my father: related to us Abdul Ramn, related to us
ammd Bin Salamah, from Ammar who is Ibn Abu Ammr, from Ibn
Abbas who said: I saw the prophet (saw-a) in a dream amid daytime, roughhaired and coated in dust with a flask containing blood which he was
gathering in or tracking something inside it, I said: O Messenger of Allah,
what is this? He said: this is the blood of Al-Hussein and his companions
that I will continually track its trail from this day onward. Ammar said:
we memorised the day to find out in the end he was killed on that day (as)."407
The book reviewer, Waiyullah Muhammad Abbas, annotated: "its chain of
transmission is authentic."
3. What is given in "Itf Al-Khiyerah": "from Ammar Bin Abu Ammr, from
Ibn Abbas (p.b.u.them) who said: whilst asleep I saw in the course of dreams
the prophet (saw-a) standing upright amid daytime, rough-haired and coated
in dust with a flask containing blood. I said: O Messenger of Allah may my
parents be sacrificed for you, what is this? He said: this is the blood of AlHussein and his companions that I will keep gathering from this day

Muslim. Let us consider this hadith and similar ones to compare with what we cited from Ibn AlArab in his book "Al-Awim" which casts slurs on the companions of Imam Hussein (as).
406

Ibid: same source, p.60.

407

Ibn anbal, Abu Abdullah As-Shaibn,"Fa'l A-abah", reviewed and hadith extracted

by: Waiyullah Muhammad Abbas, Dar Ibn al-Jawzi, Saudi Arabia, pub.2, 1420 A.H -1999 A.D,
vol.2, p.977, hadith no.1380 & p.978, hadith no.1381, p.981, hadith no.1389, p.985, hadith no.1396.
281

onward. Ammar said: we memorised that (day) to find out it was preceding
to that."408
Then Al-Buair, the author, annotated: "it is narrated by Abu Bakr Bin Abu
Shaibah, Ahmed Bin anbal, Ahmed Bin Man, Abd Bin amd with an
authentic chain of transmission."
4. What is given in "Al-Bidyah wan Nihyah", whereby he said: "and
imam Ahmed said: ..." conveying the hadith we cited at first, then comments:
"its chain of transmission is rigorous."409
5. What is given in "Siyer Alm An-Nubalah": "ammd Bin Salamah, from
Ammar Ibn Abu Ammr, from Ibn Abbs who said: I saw the prophet (sawa) during sleep amid daytime rough-haired and coated in dust with a flask
containing blood, I said: O Messenger of Allah, what is this? He said: this is
the blood of Al-Hussein and his companions that I will keep gathering
from this day onward. When that day was calculated, they found out he was
killed on that exact day."410
Shuaib Al-Arn't who extracted the book hadiths said: "extracted by Ahmed
and A-abarn. Its chain of transmission is rigorous, as said by Al-Hafiz Ibn
Kathr in "Al-Bidyah", and it is so in "Tahdhb" of Ibn Askir."

Secondly: The Sanctity of the Soil of Imam Hussein

For the Scholars of Ahlul Sunnah
This is equally elucidated by numerous accounts, from which we made these
selections:

Al-Buair, "Itf Al-Khiyerah", reviewed by: Abu Abdul Ramn Bin Saad et al, Maktabat
al-Rashid, Riyadh, pub.1, 1419 A.H - 1998 A.D, p.318, hadith no.9054.
408

409

Ibn Kathr, "Al-Bidyah wan Nihyah", ibid, vol.11, p.573.

Ad-Dhahab, "Siyer Alm An-Nubalah", supervised its review and hadith extracted by:
Shuaib Al-Arn't, reviewed this volume: Muhammad Nam Al-Arqass et al. Mussasat alRisala, pub.3, 1405 A.H - 1985 A.D, vol.3, p.315.
410

282

1. What is given in "Musnad Imam Ahmed": related to us by Wak: related

to me Abdullah Bin Sad from his father, from Aisha or Um Salamah, that
Wak said: he doubted -referring to Abdullah Bin Sad-xxxv that the prophet
(saw-a) said to either one: "entered unto my house an angel that had not
walked in here before, and said: 'this son of yours Hussein will be slain,
if you would like to, I will show you a specimen from the soil where he is
slain', he said: he took out a red soil."411
The book reviewers said: the hadith is asan in its routes and its supporting
evidences."412
2. What is given in "Fa'l A-abah" for him too: "related to us Abdullah
saying: related to me my father saying: related to us Wak saying: related to
said:

he doubted that the prophet (saw-a) said to either one: "entered unto
my house an angel that had not walked in here before, and said: this
son of yours Hussein will be slain, if would like to, I will show you a
specimen from the soil where he is slain', he said: he took out for me a red
soil."413
The book reviewer, Waiyullah Muhammad Abbas, annotated: "its chain of
transmission is authentic."
3. What is given in "Musnad Abu Yal Al-Mawl": related to us Abu
Khathmah, related to us Muhammad Bin Ubaid, reported to us Sharabl Bin
Mudrik from Abdullah Bin Nujayy from his father: he was voyaging with Ali in
their destination to iffn and he was in charge of the sanitary service. By the
time he (Imam Ali) was in near vicinity of Nineveh, he called: 'be patient O
Abu Abdullah, be patient O Abu Abdullah at the river of the Euphrates,
I said: 'what is this call for: O Abu Abdullah'? He said: I called on the prophet
411

Ibn anbal, "Musnad Imam Ahmed", reviewed this volume, annotated and extracted its

hadiths: Shuaib Al-Arn't et al. Mussasat al-Risala, pub.1, 1412 A.H - 2001 A.D, vol.44, p.143,
hadith no.26524.
412

Ibid: same source, p.144. The book reviewers tend to reckon its chain of transmission as weak
because it is munqai. Its reality will be unveiled in future researches.
413

Ibn anbal, "Fa'l A-abah", ibid, vol.2, pp.965-966, hadith no.1357.

283

(saw-a) one day and found his eyes overflowing with tears. I said: O prophet
of Allah, has anyone vexed you? What is the matter with your eyes to be filled
with tears? He said: 'no, but I have just been with Jibr'l before you
come, and he recounted to me that Al-Hussein will be slain at the
Euphrates river', and said: "would you rather I get you a portion from his
soil to smell?' I said: Aye. Then added: hence he stretched his hand and
grabbed a fistful of sand and gave it to me, so I could not help it, and my eyes
were filled with tears."414
The book reviewer, Hussein Salm Asad, said: "its chain of transmission is
asan [...] and it is extracted by Ahmed from the route of Muhammad Bin
Ubaid with this chain of transmission. It is also cited by Al-Haitham in
"Majma Az-Zaw'id". Equally, he said: "it is related by Ahmed, Abu Yal
and Al-Bazzar; and its reporters are trustworthy."415
4. What is given in "Musnad Abu Yal Al-Mawil" as well: "related to us
Shaibn, related to us Imarah Bin Zadhn, related to us Thbit Al-Bann,
from Anas Bin Mlik who said:
"The angel of rain asked the permission of his Lord to visit the prophet (sawa), which he was granted, and that was on the day of Um Salamahxxxvi. So the
prophet (saw-a) said to her: 'guard the door for us so that no one can make a
sudden entry'. He said: while she was at the door, Al-Hussein Bin Ali came
and forced his way opening the door and getting in, so the prophet began to
cuddle and kiss him. Hence the angel asked him: 'do you love him'? He said:
'aye'. He said: 'your Ummah will murder him, if you would like to, I will show
you the spot where they will have him slain. He said: 'aye'. So he grabbed a
fistful from there, showed it to him and it struck him immediately as granular

414

Abu Yal Al-Mawil, "Musnad Abu Yal", reviewed and hadith extracted by: Hussein

Salm Asad, Dar al-Mamun for heritage, vol.1, p.298, hadith no.363.
415

Ibid: same source, vol.1, pp.298-299.

284

moist sand or as a red soil. Um Salamah took it to tuck into her dress. Thbit
said: we used to call it: Karbala."416
The book reviewer annotated: "its chain of transmission is good, as we
pointed out in hadith no.3398. Ibn abbn verified it under hadith number
2241, from the route of Al- Hassan Bin Sufin, and Shaibn Bin Farrkh
related it with this chain of transmission [...]"417
5. What is given in "Sahih Ibn abbn":
"Al-Hassan Bin Sufin recounted to us saying: related to us Shaibn Bin
Farrkh saying: related to us Imarah Bin Zadhn saying: related to us Thbit
from Anas Bin Mlik who said:
"The angel of rain asked the permission of his Lord to visit the prophet (sawa), which he was granted, and it was on the day of Um Salamah. So the
prophet (saw-a) said to her: 'guard the door for us so that no one can
make a sudden entry'. He said: while she was at the door, Al-Hussein Bin
Ali came and broke free from her outpacing and forcing his way. He opened
the door and entered, then he started to prance around the prophet's back,
and the prophet began to shower him with kisses. Hence, the angel asked
him: 'do you love him'? He said: 'aye'. He said: 'verily your Ummah will
murder him, if you would like to, I will show the spot where he is slain. He
said: 'aye'. So he grabbed a fistful from there, showed it to him and handed it
over as granular moist sand or a red soil. Um Salamah took it to tuck into her
dress. Thbit said: we used to call it: Karbala."418

416

Ibid: same source. Damascus: Dar al-Thaqafa al-Arabia press, pub.2, 1412 A.H - 1992 A.D,
vol.6, p.129, hadith no.3402.
417

Ibid: same source, vol.6, p.130.

418

Ibn Balbn, Al' Al-Dn Al-Fris, "ahih Ibn abbn", reviewed, annotated and hadith

extracted: Shuaib Al-Rn't. Mussasat al-Risala, pub.2, 1414 A.H - 1993 A.D, vol.15, p.142,
hadith no.6742.
285

Shuaib Al-Arn't, the book reviewer said: "it is a good hadith, its chain of
transmission is weak [...]", then he cited the sources and routes throughout
which he deemed it asan.
6. What is given in "Majma Az-Zaw'id":
"From Anas Bin Mlik who said: the angel of rain asked the permission of [his
Lord] to come to the prophet (saw-a), which he was granted, so he said to
Um Salamah: 'watch over the door for us so that no one can make a
sudden entry'. He said: Al-Hussein Bin Ali came and she forbade him entry,
but he leapt through and made his way inside and started to mount on the
prophet's back, shoulders and neck (saw-a). Hence, the angel asked him: 'do
you love him'? He said: 'aye'. He said: verily your Ummah will murder him, if
you want I will show you where he is slain'. He said: 'aye'. So he made a blow
with his hand to bring about a red lump of mud. Um Salamah took it to knot it
into her veil. Thbit said: we were informed it is Karbala."419
Al-Hafiz Al-Haitham said: "it is narrated by Ahmed, Abu Yal, Al-Bazzz and
A-abarn with certain chains of transmission, which include Imrah Bin
Zadhn who is classified as reliable by some but deemed to have weakness
in some respects. And the rest of Abu Yal reporters [the fourth hadith in the
sequence we followed] are simultaneously the Sahih reporters."
Then he cites the third hadith in the sequence we followed under number
15112, saying: "narrated by Ahmed, Abu Yal, Al-Bazzz and A-abarn;
and its reporters are trustworthy. It has not been narrated by Najiyy alone."420
He also cites the first hadith in the sequence we followed under number
15113, then annotates: "narrated by Ahmed, and its reporters are
simultaneously those of the Sahih."421
7. What is given in "Trikh Al-Islam and Wafit Al-Mashhr wal Alm":
Al-Haitham, Nrul Dn Bin Abu Bakr, "Majma Az-Zaw'id", reviewed by: Abdullah AdDarwsh, Dar al-Fikr, 1414 A.H - 1994 A.D, vol.9, p.300, hadith no.15111.
419

420

Ibid: same source, vol.9, p.301.

421

Ibid: same source, vol.9, p.301.

286

"Wak said: related to us Abdullah Bin Sad from his father from Aisha or Um
Salamah, Abdullah doubted that the prophet (saw-a) said to her: "an angel
that had not set a foot here before called on me, and said: this son of
yours Hussein will be slain, if you would like to, I will show you
specimen from the soil where he is slain."422
Then he said: "narrated like it (see glossary: Mithlihi) by Abdul Razzq, from
Abdullah Bin Sad Bin Abu Hind, but he said: it was narrated by Um
Salamah, with no doubt about her identity. Its chain of transmission is
authentic; narrated by Ahmed and the people."423
He cited it as well in his book "Siyer Alm An-Nubal'"424
8. What is given in "Sahih Aj-Jmi A-aghir" this hadith: "Jibr'l came
and reported to me that my Ummah will kill this son of mine, denoting
Al-Hussein, and he brought me a red lump from his soil"425, and
commented: "it is authentic."
9. What is given in "Silsilat Al -Ahdth" this hadith: "Jibr'l (as) came and
reported to me that my Ummah will kill this son of mine, denoting AlHussein. I said: this one? He said: yes, and brought me a red lump from
his soil."
Then he said: "extracted by Al-kim, and from him extracted by Al-Baihaq
in "Ad-Dal'lil", from Muhammad Bin Muab. Related to us by Al-Awz,
from Abu Ammar Shaddd Bin Abullah, from Um Al-Fal Bint Al-rith who
said: she called on the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) and said: O Messenger of
Allah, I saw a nuisance dream tonight", he said: what is it? She said: it is a
hard-hitting dream. He said: and what is it? She said: I saw as if part of your
Ad-Dhahab, "Trikh Al-Islam and Wafit Al-Mashhr wal Alm", reviewed by: Umar
Abdul Salm Tadmur, Dar al-Kitab al-Arabi, Beirut, pub.1, 1410 A.H - 1990 A.D, vol.5, pp.103104.
422

423

Ibid: same source, as above, p.104.

424

Ad-Dhahab, "Siyer Alm An-Nubal", ibid, vol.3, p.290.

Al-Albn, "Sahih Al-Jmi' A-aghr", al-Maktab al-Islami, pub.3, 1408 A.H - 1998 A.D,
vol.1, p.73, hadith no.61.
425

287

body was sliced and put into my lap. He said: what you saw is a good omen.
God Willing Fatimah will give birth for a baby boy and he will be in your lap,
hence truly Fatimah gave birth to Al-Hussein, and thereafter he ended into
my lap just as the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) said. One day I called on the
Messenger of Allah (saw-a) and put him on his lap, then suddenly turning my
face towards him, I saw his eyes flowing with tears. She said that I said: O
prophet of Allah, may my parents be sacrificed for you, what is the matter
with you?... 'then he cites it", that is, Al-kim cites the rest of the hadith at
issue.
Then he transfers what Ad-Dhahab said that this hadith is munqai and af,
hence comments: "I say: but it has several supporting evidences which
corroborate its soundness [...]."426
10. What is given in "Silsilat Al-Adth" as well, whereby he cited the
hadith: "Jibr'l has just risen from my side before you came, and he
recounted to me that Al-Hussein will be slain at the Euphrates river."427
This is the third hadith in the sequence we followed, then he said commenting
on its sanad: "I say: this is a weak chain of transmission. Najiyy, the father of
Abdullah, is unknown in identity as Ad-Dhahab said, and no one verified him
except Ibn abbn, and his son is more well-known than him, so whosoever
authenticates this chain of transmitters, he must be illusioned."428
But he comments on what Al-Haitham said -given above- in respect of that
hadith and his statement: "its reporters are trustworthy" saying: I say: "it
means it has supporting evidences that enhance it, and it is truly so"429. Then
he began to show forth the routes until he took it up to six and said: "I said:
in sum the hadith given above whose transmitters biography included,
is sound from the side of these routes, even though certain parts of

426

Al-Albn, "Silsilat Al -Adth", Maktabat al-Maarif, Riyadh, 1415 A.H - 1995 A.D, vol.2,
pp.464-465, hadith no.821.
427

Ibid: same source, as above, vol.3, p.159, hadith no.1171.

428

Ibid: same source.

429

Ibid: same source, p.160.

288

their contents have weakness; for it is a slight weakness, especially that

some of them were deemed good by Al-Haitham."430

430

Ibid: same source, p.162.

289

Secondly: The Sanctity of the Soil of Imam Hussein

For the Scholars of Ahlul Sunnah
This is equally elucidated by numerous accounts, from which we made these
selections:
1. What is given in "Musnad Imam Ahmed": related to us by Wak: related
to me Abdullah Bin Sad from his father, from Aisha or Um Salamah, that
Wak said: he doubted -referring to Abdullah Bin Sad- (EEEEDEendnote:
meaning he was uncertain whether it were Aisha or Um Salamah), that the prophet

(saw-a) said to either one: "entered unto my house an angel that had not
walked in here before, and said: 'this son of yours Hussein will be slain,
if you would like to, I will show you a specimen from the soil where he is
slain', he said: he took out a red soil."431
The book reviewers said: the hadith is asan in its routes and its supporting
evidences."432
2. What is given in "Fa'l A-abah" for him too: "related to us Abdullah
saying: related to me my father saying: related to us Wak saying: related to
me Abdullah Bin Sad from his father, from Aisha or Um Salamah, that Wak
said: he doubted that the prophet (saw-a) said to either one: "entered unto
my house an angel that had not walked in here before, and said: this
son of yours Hussein will be slain, if would like to, I will show you a
specimen from the soil where he is slain', he said: he took out for me a red
soil."433
The book reviewer, Waiyullah Muhammad Abbas, annotated: "its chain of
transmission is authentic."

Ibn anbal, "Musnad Imam Ahmed", reviewed this volume, annotated and extracted its
hadiths: Shuaib Al-Arn't et al. Mussasat al-Risala, pub.1, 1412 A.H - 2001 A.D, vol.44, p.143,
hadith no.26524.
431

432

Ibid: same source, p.144. The book reviewers tend to reckon its chain of transmission as weak
because it is munqai. Its reality will be unveiled in future researches.
433

Ibn anbal, "Fa'l A-abah", ibid, vol.2, pp.965-966, hadith no.1357.

290

3. What is given in "Musnad Abu Yal Al-Mawl": related to us Abu

Khathmah, related to us Muhammad Bin Ubaid, reported to us Sharabl Bin
Mudrik from Abdullah Bin Nujayy from his father: he was voyaging with Ali in
their destination to iffn and he was in charge of the sanitary service. By the
time he (Imam Ali) was in near vicinity of Nineveh, he called: 'be patient O
Abu Abdullah, be patient O Abu Abdullah at the river of the Euphrates,
I said: 'what is this call for: O Abu Abdullah'? He said: I called on the prophet
(saw-a) one day and found his eyes overflowing with tears. I said: O prophet
of Allah, has anyone vexed you? What is the matter with your eyes to be filled
with tears? He said: 'no, but I have just been with Jibr'l before you
come, and he recounted to me that Al-Hussein will be slain at the
Euphrates river', and said: "would you rather I get you a portion from his
soil to smell?' I said: Aye. Then added: hence he stretched his hand and
grabbed a fistful of sand and gave it to me, so I could not help it, and my eyes
were filled with tears."434
The book reviewer, Hussein Salm Asad, said: "its chain of transmission is
asan [...] and it is extracted by Ahmed from the route of Muhammad Bin
Ubaid with this chain of transmission. It is also cited by Al-Haitham in
"Majma Az-Zaw'id". Equally, he said: "it is related by Ahmed, Abu Yal
and Al-Bazzar; and its reporters are trustworthy."435
4. What is given in "Musnad Abu Yal Al-Mawl" as well: "related to us
Shaibn, related to us Imarah Bin Zadhn, related to us Thbit Al-Bann,
from Anas Bin Mlik who said:
"The angel of rain asked the permission of his Lord to visit the prophet (sawa), which he was granted, and that was on the day of Um Salamah (endnote:
her turn to have the prophet (saw-a) at her house). So the prophet (saw-a) said to her:
'guard the door for us so that no one can make a sudden entry'. He said:
while she was at the door, Al-Hussein Bin Ali came and forced his way
Abu Yal Al-Mawil, "Musnad Abu Yal", reviewed and hadith extracted by: Hussein
Salm Asad, Dar al-Mamun for heritage, vol.1, p.298, hadith no.363.
434

435

Ibid: same source, vol.1, pp.298-299.

291

opening the door and getting in, so the prophet began to cuddle and kiss him.
Hence the angel asked him: 'do you love him'? He said: 'aye'. He said: 'your
Ummah will murder him, if you would like to, I will show you the spot where
they will have him slain. He said: 'aye'. So he grabbed a fistful from there,
showed it to him and it struck him immediately as granular moist sand or as a
red soil. Um Salamah took it to tuck into her dress. Thbit said: we used to
call it: Karbala."436
The book reviewer annotated: "its chain of transmission is good, as we
pointed out in hadith no.3398. Ibn abbn verified it under hadith number
2241 from the route of Al- Hassan Bin Sufin, and Shaibn Bin Farrkh
related it with this chain of transmission [...]"437
5. What is given in "Sahih Ibn abbn":
"Al-Hassan Bin Sufin recounted to us saying: related to us Shaibn Bin
Farrkh saying: related to us Imarah Bin Zadhn saying: related to us Thbit
from Anas Bin Mlik who said:
"The angel of rain asked the permission of his Lord to visit the prophet (sawa), which he was granted, and it was on the day of Um Salamah. So the
prophet (saw-a) said to her: 'guard the door for us so that no one can
make a sudden entry'. He said: while she was at the door, Al-Hussein Bin
Ali came and broke free from her outpacing and forcing his way. He opened
the door and entered, then he started to prance around the prophet's back,
and the prophet began to shower him with kisses. Hence, the angel asked
him: 'do you love him'? He said: 'aye'. He said: 'verily your Ummah will
murder him, if you would like to, I will show the spot where he is slain. He
said: 'aye'. So he grabbed a fistful from there, showed it to him and handed it

436

Ibid: same source, Dar al-Thaqafa al-Arabia press, pub.2, 1412 A.H - 1992 A.D, Vol.6, p.129,
hadith no.3402.
437

Ibid: same source, vol.6, p.130.

292

over as granular moist sand or a red soil. Um Salamah took it to tuck into her
dress. Thbit said: we used to call it: Karbala."438
Shuaib Al-Arn't, the book reviewer said: "it is a good hadith, its chain of
transmission is weak [...]", then he cited the sources and routes throughout
which he deemed it asan.
6. What is given in "Majma Az-Zaw'id":
"From Anas Bin Mlik who said: the angel of rain asked the permission of [his
Lord] to come to the prophet (saw-a), which he was granted, so he said to
Um Salamah: 'watch over the door for us so that no one can make a
sudden entry'. He said: Al-Hussein Bin Ali came and she forbade him entry,
but he leapt through and made his way inside and started to mount on the
prophet's back, shoulders and neck (saw-a). Hence, the angel asked him: 'do
you love him'? He said: 'aye'. He said: verily your Ummah will murder him, if
you want I will show you where he is slain'. He said: 'aye'. So he made a blow
with his hand to bring about a red lump of mud. Um Salamah took it to knot it
into her veil. Thbit said: we were informed it is Karbala."439
Al-Hafiz Al-Haitham said: "it is narrated by Ahmed, Abu Yal, Al-Bazzz and
A-abarn with certain chains of transmission, which include Imrah Bin
Zadhn who is classified as reliable by some but deemed to have weakness
in some respects. And the rest of Abu Yal reporters [the fourth hadith in the
sequence we followed] are simultaneously the Sahih reporters."
Then he cites the third hadith in the sequence we followed under number
15112, saying: "narrated by Ahmed, Abu Yal, Al-Bazzz and A-abarn;
and its reporters are trustworthy. It has not been narrated by Najiyy alone."440
Ibn Balbn, Al' Al-Dn Al-Fris, "ahih Ibn abbn", reviewed, annotated and hadith
extracted: Shuaib Al-Rn't. Mussasat al-Risala, pub.2, 1414 A.H - 1993 A.D, vol.15, p.142,
hadith no.6742.
438

Al-Haitham, Nrul Dn Bin Abu Bakr, "Majma Az-Zaw'id", reviewed by: Abdullah AdDarwsh, Dar al-Fikr, 1414 A.H - 1994 A.D, vol.9, p.300, hadith no.15111.
439

440

Ibid: same source, vol.9, p.301.

293

He also cites the first hadith in the sequence we followed under number
15113, then annotates: "narrated by Ahmed, and its reporters are
simultaneously those of the Sahih."441
7. What is given in "Trikh Al-Islam and Wafit Al-Mashhr wal Alm":
"Wak said: related to us Abdullah Bin Sad from his father from Aisha or Um
Salamah, Abdullah doubted that the prophet (saw-a) said to her: "an angel
that had not set a foot here before called on me, and said: this son of
yours Hussein will be slain, if you would like to, I will show you
specimen from the soil where he is slain."442
Then he said: "narrated like it (see glossary) by Abdul Razzq, from Abdullah
Bin Sad Bin Abu Hind, but he said: it was narrated by Um Salamah, with no
doubt about her identity. Its chain of transmission is authentic; narrated by
Ahmed and the people."443
He cited it as well in his book "Siyer Alm An-Nubal.'"444
8. What is given in "Sahih Aj-Jmi A-aghir" this hadith: "Jibr'l came
and reported to me that my Ummah will kill this son of mine, denoting
Al-Hussein, and he brought me a red lump from his soil"445, and
commented: "it is authentic."
9. What is given in "Silsilat Al -Ahdth" this hadith: "Jibr'l (as) came and
reported to me that my Ummah will kill this son of mine, denoting AlHussein. I said: this one? He said: yes, and brought me a red lump from
his soil."

441

Ibid: same source, vol.9, p.301.

Ad-Dhahab, "Trikh Al-Islam and Wafit Al-Mashhr wal Alm", reviewed by: Umar
Abdul Salm Tadmur, Dar al-Kitab al-Arabi, Beirut, pub.1, 1410 A.H - 1990 A.D, vol.5, pp.103104.
442

443

Ibid: same source, as above, p.104.

444

Ad-Dhahab, "Siyer Alm An-Nubal", ibid, vol.3, p.290.

Al-Albn, "Sahih Al-Jmi' A-aghr", al-Maktab al-Islami, pub.3, 1408 A.H - 1998 A.D,
vol.1, p.73, hadith no.61.
445

294

Then he said: "extracted by Al-kim, and from him extracted by Al-Baihaq

in "Ad-Dal'lil", from Muhammad Bin Muab. Related to us by Al-Awz,
from Abu Ammar Shaddd Bin Abullah, from Um Al-Fal Bint Al-rith who
said: she called on the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) and said: O Messenger of
Allah, I saw a nuisance dream tonight", he said: what is it? She said: it is a
hard-hitting dream. He said: and what is it? She said: I saw as if part of your
body was sliced and put into my lap. He said: what you saw is a good omen.
God Willing Fatimah will give birth for a baby boy and he will be in your lap,
hence truly Fatimah gave birth to Al-Hussein, and thereafter he ended into
my lap just as the Messenger of Allah (saw-a) said. One day I called on the
Messenger of Allah (saw-a) and put him on his lap, then suddenly turning my
face towards him, I saw his eyes flowing with tears. She said that I said: O
prophet of Allah, may my parents be sacrificed for you, what is the matter
with you?... 'then he cites it", that is, Al-kim cites the rest of the hadith at
issue.
Then he transfers what Ad-Dhahab said that this hadith is broken and weak,
hence comments: "I say: but it has several supporting evidences which
corroborate its soundness [...]."446
10. What is given in "Silsilat Al-Adth" as well, whereby he cited the
hadith: "Jibr'l has just risen from my side before you came, and he
recounted to me that Al-Hussein will be slain at the Euphrates river."447
This is the third hadith in the sequence we followed, then he said commenting
on its sanad: "I say: this is a weak chain of transmission. Najiyy, the father of
Abdullah, is unknown in identity as Ad-Dhahab said, and no one verified him
except Ibn abbn, and his son is more well-known than him, so whosoever
authenticates this chain of transmitters, he must be illusioned."448

446

Al-Albn, "Silsilat Al -Adth", Maktabat al-Maarif, Riyadh, 1415 A.H - 1995 A.D, vol.2,
pp.464-465, hadith no.821.
447

Ibid: same source, as above, vol.3, p.159, hadith no.1171.

448

Ibid: same source.

295

But he comments on what Al-Haitham said -given above- in respect of that

hadith and his statement: "its reporters are trustworthy" saying: I say: "it
means it has supporting evidences that enhance it, and it is truly so"449. Then
he began to show forth the routes until he took it up to six and said: "I said:
in sum the hadith given above whose transmitters biography included,
is sound from the side of these routes, even though certain parts of
their contents have weakness; for it is a slight weakness, especially that
some of them were deemed good by Al-Haitham."450

Summary
We have not cited all the references that mark out the sanctity of Karbala soil
on purpose, that is, to put some excerpts for viewing to evince this truth
rather than doing a comprehensive survey of the respective references. From
the sum of these excerpts, it appears that the accounts certifying the sanctity
of the soil, where the grandchild of the Messenger of Allah is slain, have
reached a level of complete authenticity and they are widely circulated.
Ibn azm in his book "Al-Mualla" opined that it is not made obligatory upon
us to buy water for utilities like ablution or wash, such that it is impermissible
to use this water when purchased, inferring this conclusion from an injunction
by the prophet (sawa) which forbids water selling. After citing four narrations
in this respect from four companions, he says: "there we have four
companions, entailing that it is hadith with tawtir (reached complete
authenticity), and thus we cannot contravene it."451
I say on my part, if what Ibn azm propounds that with four transfers from
four companions, the hadith is rendered mutawtir, (which I disagree with: details
coming on due time in our researches in the Fundamentals of Jurisprudence), so how

about the narrations handed down on our topic, mostly from Imam Ali, Imam
Hussein, Ibn Abbas, Anas Bin Mlik, Um Salamah, Aisha, Um Al-Fal, and
449

Ibid: same source, p.160.

450

Ibid: same source, p.162.

Ibn azm, Abu Muhammed Bin Sad, Al-Muall, reviewed by: Ahmed Shkir, proofreading
and publishing: al-Muniriya Press administered by Munr Ad-Dimishq, 1348 A.H, vol.2, p.135,
problem: 241.
451

296

others, to the degree that Ad-Dhahab said describing some of the hadith
routes: "it was narrated by Ahmed and the people." (See the seventh hadith
above)

Anyhow, we should rather focus on the import of these narrations and the
particularities subsumed for the blood soil of the grandchild of the prophet
(as), which we put in points:
Point One: the blood soil was brought by Jibr'l (as)
Point Two: the Messenger of Allah (sawa) cried bitterly (his eyes overflew
with tears or were all tearful or he could not help not to cry) when he was
brought the soil (a practical Sunnah which legitimises crying).
Point Three: the soil was transformed red upon his murder.
Point Four: the prophet (sawa) expressed his willingness to see that soil
and smelled it, and this is an authentic Sunnah practice.
Point Five: Um Salamah had that piece of soil in her possession and tucked
it into her dress or veil, doing that before the eyes of the Messenger of Allah
(sawa), so this is an explicit approval from his side (sawa).452

452

Narrated by a sound prophetic hadith:

Related to us Ibrahim Bin Al-Mundhir, related to us Anas Bin Iy, from Ubaidullah from Nfi
that Abdullah Bin Umar told him: people boarded the land of Thamd, Al-ajar Valley, with the
company of Messenger of Allah (sawa). They had water drawn from its well, with which they
kneaded their flour, but the prophet (sawa) ordered them to spill that water and feed the dough to
their cattle, whereas he directed them to draw water from the well devoted to the camel (Sahih
Al-Bukhr, ibid, Book: Adth Al-Anbi, Chapter: Allahs saying: {and to the people
Thamd (We sent) their brother li}, p.648, hadith no. 3379).
It is obvious that the forbiddance of the Messenger from exploiting the first well water, and the
order to feed the dough to their cattle, and instead use the water of the second well, devoted to the
camel (the camel being the proof of Allah and his sighted sign according to the Quranic
expression) indicates clearly to the special value of the camel water, despite the distant past it dates
back to, and the desperate need of Moslems to this water, who were in the Battle of Tabk which
was called the Battle of Difficulty for the hardships experienced by Moslems, {and those who
followed him in the hour of hardship} (At-Tawbah: 117).
In comment: if this were the state of a well-water from which a camel drank, how about a soil
saturated with Al-Hussein blood, the master of the youth of Paradise? Will the act of drawing
blessings form this soil and seeing it as sanctified be uncommon eccentric?
297

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49. Ibn Bbawaih Al-Qumm, Abu Jaafar Mohammed Bin Ali Bin Al-Hussein, "Uyn
Akhbr Ar-Ri" Sources of Ar-Ria Traditions, authenticated, introduced and
annotated by: Hussein Al-Alam, Mussasat Al-Alam for publication, Beirut, pub.1, 1404
A.H -1984 A.D.

50. Ibn Bal, Abu Al-Hassan Bin Abdul Melik, "Shar Sahih Al-Bukhr"
Explanation of Sahih Al-Bukhr, proofreading and annotation: Abu Tamm Bin
Ibrahim, Maktabat al-Rashid, Riyadh, [dropped from record]

303

51. Ibn Bz, Abdul Azz Bin Abdul Azz, "Majm Fatw wa Maqlt Mutanawiah"
Collection of Juristic verdicts and Miscellaneous Essays -, compiled and supervised
by: Muhammad Bin Sad As-Shuwair, Dar al-Qasim, pub.1, 1420 A.H.

52. Ibn Bz, Abdul Azz Bin Abdul Azz,"Majm Fatw wa Maqlt Mutanawiah" Collection of Juristic verdicts and Miscellaneous Essays, edited and hadiths
extracted by: mir Al-Jazzar et al, Dar al-Wafa, pub.5, 1426 A.H-2005 A.D.

53. Ibn abbn Muhammed Bin abbn Bin Ahmed At-Timm, Sahih Ibn abbn: Tartb
Ibn Balbn bi Tartb Ibn Balbn - "Sahih Ibn abbn: according to Ibn Balbn
Order, reviewed by: Shuaib Al-Arn't, Mussasat al-Risala, pub.2, 1414 A.H - 1993 A.D.

54. Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, Abu Al-Fal Ahmed Bin Ali, Taqrb At-Tahdhb
Approximate Approach for the Book of Rectification (a bridgement of the biographical
Book Tahdhb: The Rectification, review, annotation, illustration and additions: Abu AlAshbl Saghr Ahmed Shghif Al-Pakistani, introduced by: Bakr Bin Abdullah Abu Zaid,
Dar al-Asima for publishing and distribution, 2nd edition, 1423 A.H.

55. Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, Abu Al-Fal Ahmed Bin Ali, Taqrb At-Tahdhb
Approximate Approach for the Rectification (a bridgement of the biographical Book
Tahdhb: The Rectification, study and review by: Mustafa Abdul Qdir A, Dar AlKotob al-Ilmiyya, Beirut, pub.2, 1415 A.H 1995 A.D.

56. Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, "Tahdhb At-Tahdhb" Rectification for the Rectified,
edited by: Ibrahim Az-Zaibaq et al, Mu'ssasat al-Risala, Damascus, pub.1, 2008 A.D.

57. Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, Ahmed, "Ad-Durar Al-Kminah f Ayn Al-Mi'ah AtThminah" The Hidden Pearls, proofreading and authentication: Abdul Writh
Muhammad Ali, Publisher: Muhammad Ali Bain publications & Dar Al-Kotob al-Ilmiya,
Beirut.

58. Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, Ahmed Bin Ali, Fat Al-Br Shar Sai Al-Bukhr
The Creator Victory: Explanation of Sahih Al-Bukhr (commentary book) "Fat AlBr", verified and reviewed by: Abdul Azz Bin Bz, books, sections and hadiths
numbered by: Muhammad Fu'd Abdul Bq, Dar al-Marifa, Beirut, 1379 A.H.

304

59. Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, Ahmed Bin Ali, Fat Al-Br Shar Sai Al-Bukhr The
Creator Victory: Explanation of Sahih Al-Bukhr (commentary book), reviewed by:
Abdul Aziz Bin Abdullah Ibn Bz et al. Dar al-Salam: Riyadh, pub.1, 1421 A.H- 2001 A.D

60. Ibn ajar Al-Asqaln, "Lisn Al-Mizn" The Tongue of the Scale, edited by:
Abdul Fatt Abu Ghuddah, Maktab Al-Islamis Published Books, Beirut, pub.1, 1423 A.H 2002 A.D.

61. Ibn ajar Al-'Asqaln, Abu Al-Fal Shahbul Dn Ahmed Bin Ali, "Hadiy As-Sr Fat
Al-Br: Muqadimat Fat Al-Br: Shar Sahih Al-Bukhr " Guidance of the
Marcher: An Introduction to Fat Al-Br, reviewed and annotated Abdul Qdir
Shaibah Al-md, Riyadh, pub.1, 1421 A.H 2001 A.D.
62. Ibn ajar Al-Asqalani, Shahbul Dn Abu Al-Fal Ahmed Bin Ali Bin Mohammed,
Hadyi As-Sr f Muqaddamat Fat Al-Br: Shar Sahih Al-Bukhr Guidance of
the Marcher: An Introduction to Fat Al-Br, annotated by: Abdul Ramn Al-Barrk,
reviewed by: Abu Qutaibah Naar Al-Farib, Dar aibah, Riyadh, pub.1, 1426 A.H-2005
A.D.

63. Ibn ajar Al-Haitam, Ahmed bin Mohammed Bin Ali As-Sadi, A-awaiq AlMuhriqah The Thunderbolts, reviewed by: Abdul Ramn At-Turk et al, Mussassat
al-Risala, pub.1, 1997 A.D.

64. Ibn anbal, Abu Abdullah Ahmed As-Shaibn,"Fa'l A-abah" The Virtues
of the Companions, reviewed and hadith extracted by: Waiyullah Muhammad Abbas,
Dar Ibn al-Jawzi, Saudi Arabia, pub.2, 1420 A.H -1999 A.D, new revised edition.

65. Ibn anbal, Abu Abdullah Ahmed Bin Muhammad, "Musnad Al-Imam Ahmed Bin
anbal", reviewed, annotated and hadiths extracted by: Shuaib Al-Atn' et al Mussasat
al-Risala, Beirut, pub.1, 1416 A.H - 1995 A.D.

66. Ibn azm, Abu Muhammed Bin Sad, Al-Muall The Adorned / The
Sweatened, reviewed by: Ahmed Shkir, proofreading and publishing: al-Muniriya Press
administered by Munr Ad-Dimishq, 1348 A.H.

67. Ibn Al-Imd, Abu Al-Fal Al-Ikrim Ad-Dimashq, "Shadhrt Ad-Dhahab"

Nuggets of Gold, supervised the review and hadith extraction: Abdul Qdir Al-Arn',
reviewed and annotated: Muhammad Al-Arn't, Dar Ibn Kathr, Damascus, Beirut, pub.1,
1046 A.H -1986 A.D.
305

68. Ibn Al-Jawz, Abu Al-Faraj Abdul Ramn Bin Ali, "Al-Muntaam f Trikh Al-Milk
wal Umam" Consistent Composite of the History of Kings and Nations, reviewed
by Muhammad Aa et al, reviewed and verified by: Nam Zarzr, Dar al-Kotob al-Ilimiya,
Beirut, pub.1, 1412 A.H - 1993 A.D.

69. Ibn Kathr, "Al-Bidyah wal Nihyah" The Beginning and the End, reviewed by:
Abdullah Abul Musin At-Turk, al-Hijr for publishing, distribution, advertising, vol.1, 1418
A.H - 1997 A.H.
70. Ibn Kathr, Imdul Dn Abu Al-Fid Ismail Bin Umar Ad-Dimashq, Al-Bidyah wal
Nihyah The Beginning and the End, reviewed by: Abdullah bin Abdul Musin AtTurk in collaboration with The Centre for Research and Arabic Islamic Studies, al-Hijr for
publishing, distribution, advertising, pub.1, 1419 A.H - 1998 A.D.
71. Ibn Khaldn, Waliyul Dn Abu Zaid Bin Muhammad, "Diwn Al-Mubtada' wal Khabar
f Trkh Al-Maghrib wal Bartbar wa man arahum" A Record of the Subject and
the Predicate of the History of Morocow, the Barbar and those Contemporaneous
with them, reviewed by: Khall Shadah, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, pub.2, 1408 A.H. - 1988
A.D.
72. Ibn Mjeh, Abu Abdullah Muhammad Bin Yazd Al-Qazwn, "Sunnan Ibn Mjeh",
annotated by: Muhammed Nirul Dn Al-Albn, edited by: Abu Ubaidah l Salmn,
Maktabat Al-Maarif, Riyadh, pub.1

73. Ibn Mjeh Al-Qazwn, Abu Abdullah Muhammad Bin Yazd, "As-Sunnan", reviewed,
annotated and hadith extracted by: Shuaib Al- Arn et al, Risala Al-Alamiya publisher,
Damascus, pub.1, 1430 A.H.

74. Ibn Al-Muahar, Abu Manr Al-Hassan Jamalul Dn Bin Ysuf Al-Asad Al-ill
"Minhj Al-Karamah f Marifat Al-Imamah" - The Pathway of Honour in the
Cognition of the Imamate, reviewed by: Abdul Ram Mubarak, Tasua publisher,
Mashhad, Iran, pub.1, 1379 SH (Solar Hijri) 2000 A.D.

75. Ibn Rajab, Abdul Ramn Al-Baghdd Al-anbal, "Al-Farq baina An-Naa wal
Tayr" - "The Difference between the Counsel and Taunt, reviewed, annotated, and
hadith extracted by: Najm Abdul Ramn Khalq, Dar al-Mamun for heritage, p.3, 1405
A.H.
306

76. Ibn Taimiyyah Al-arrn, Abu Al-Abbas Ahmed Bin Abdul alm, "Al-Jawb AsSahih Liman Baddalah Dn Al-Mas" The Right Answer to he who Changed the
Religion of the Messiah", reviewed by: Ali Bin Hassan Bin Nir et al, Dar al-Asima,
Saudi Arabia, pub.2, 1419 A.H- 1999 A.D.

77. Ibn Taimiyyah Al-arrn, "A-rim Al-Masll Al Shtim Ar-Rasl" The

Unsheathed Sword against Verbal Abusers of the Apostle, reviewed by: Muhammad
Mul Dn, Al-Haras Al-Watan Publisher, Saudi Arabia.

78. Ibn Taimiyyah Al-arrn,"Al-Fatw Al-Kubr" - "The Major Juristic Verdicts,

reviewed by Abdul Ramn Bin Qsim, King Fahad Complex for printing the Holy Qur'an,
Al-Madinah Al-Munawarah, 1416 A.H 1995 A.D.
79. Ibn Taimiyyah, "Minhj As-Sunnah An-Nabawiyyah f Naq Kalm As-Sha wal
Qadariyyah f Naq Kalm As-Sha wal Qadariyyah" The Pathway of the
Prophetic Sunnah in Abolishing the Discourse of the Shia and the Qadariyyah,
reviewed by: Muhammad Rshd Slim, Mussasat Cordoba, pub.1, 1406 A.H-1986 A.D.

80. Ibn Taimiyyah, Abu Al-Abbas Taqiyyul Dn Ahmed Bin Abdul alm Al-arran Alanbal, Minhj As-Sunnah An-Nabawiyyah f Naq Kalm As-Sha wal
Qadariyyah The Pathway of the Prophets Sunnah in Abolishing the Discourse
of the Shia and the Qadariyyah, reviewed by: Mohammed Rashd Slim, The Islamic
University of Imam Muhammad Bin Saud, Saudi Arabia, pub.1, 1406 A.H - 1986 A.D.
81. Al-Jurjn, Al-Hafiz Ibn Adiy, Al-Kmil f uaf Ar-Rijl The Complete on the
Weak Hadith Reporters, reviewed by dil Ahmed et al, Dar al-Kotob al-Ilmiya, pub.1,
1997 A.D.

82. Al-Khab Al-Baghdd, Abu Bakr Bin Ahmed Bin Ali Bin Thbit, Al-Faqh wal
Mutafaqqih The Jurist and the Studier of Jurisprudence, reviewed by: dil Bin
Ysuf Al-Azzz: Dar Ibn Al-Jawzi, Saudi Arabia, pub. 1, 1417-1996 A.D.

83. Al-Khab al-Baghdd, Abu Ahmed Bin Ali, Taqyd Al-Ilm Circumscribe the
Limits of Knowledge, reviewed by: Sad Abdul Ghaffr Ali, Dar al-Istaqamah, Cairo,
pub.1, 1429 A.H 2008 A.D.
307

84. Al-Kittn, Al-Hussein Al-Idris, Abu Al-Fai Jafar, Num Al-Mutanthir min AlHadith Al-Mutawtir Gather the Scattered from the Mutawtir Hadith, Dar alKotob al-Ilmiya, Beirut, 1400 A.H -1980 A.D.

85. Al-Kulain, Abu Jafar Bin Muhammad Bin Yaqb Bin Isq, "Al-Ul min Al-Kf"
Adequate Fundamental Concepts (hadith collection book, verified and annotated by: Ali
Akbar Al-Ghafr, Dar al-Kutub al-Islamiyya, Tehran, pub.3, 1388 A.H.
86. Lshn: Ms Shhin, "Fat Al-Munim Shar Sahih Muslim" Victory of the
Giver-Allah: Explanation of a Muslim, Dar al-Shuruq, pub.1, 1423 A.H - 2002 A.D.
87. Al-Manw, Mohammed, nicknamed as Abdul Ra'f Bin Tj Al-Arifn Bin Ali Aladdd Al-Qhir, "Fai Al-Qadr Shar Al-Jmi As-Saghr min Ahdth Al-Bashr AlNadhr" The Bounty of the Omnipotent :Explanation of Al-Jmi As-Saghr (The
Minor Hadith Compiler of the Bearer of Glad Tidings and the Admonisher),
proofreading and verification by: Ahmed Abdul Salm, Muhammad Ali Baizun publications:
Dar Al-Kotob al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, 1422 A.H. 2001 A.D.

88. Al-Manw, Abdul Ra'f Bin Tj Al-Arifn Bin Ali Al- addd Al-Qhir, "Fai Al-Qadr
Shar Al-Jmi As-Saghr min Ahdth Al-Bashr Al-Nadhr" The Bounty of the
Omnipotent :Explanation of Al-Jmi As-Saghr (The Minor Hadith Compiler of the
Bearer of Glad Tidings and the Admonisher), Dar al-Marifa, Beirut, pub.2, 1391 A.H 1972 A.D.

89. Al-Maqrz, Abu Al-Abbas Taqiyl Dn Ahmed Bin Ali Bin Abdul Qdir, "An-Niz wa
At-Takhum f ma baina Banu Umayyah and Banu Hshim" - The Contention and
Wrangle between Ban Umayyah and Banu Hshim" (appended by: The Treatise of the
Allama: Muhammed Bin 'Aql Al-'Alaw: Fal Al-kim f An-Niz wa At-Takhum",
compiled and annotated by: li Al-Wardn, al-Hadaf for media and printing press, 1999
A.D.

90. Al-Maz, Hafiz Jamalul Dn "Tahdhb Al-Kaml f Asm' Al-Rijl" Rectification of

the book of The Perfect Biographical evaluation of Hadith Reporters, reviewed by:
Dr. Bashr Awd, Muassasat al-Risala, Beirut, pub.4, 1406 A.H - 1985 A.D.

91. Al-Mubkafr, Abu Alla Muhammad Abdul Ramn Bin Abdul Ram, Tufat AlAwadh bi Shar Jmi At-Tirmidh The Robust Masterpiece: Explanation of AtTirmidh Compiler, Dar al-Kotob al-Ilimiyah, Beirut, pub.1, 1410 A.H 1990 A.D.
308

92. Al-Mubrakfr, Muhammad Abdul Ramn Bin Abdul Ram, Tufat Al-Alhwadh bi
Shar Jmi At-Tirmidh - The Robust Masterpiece in the Explanation of AtTirmidh Compiler, proofreading and verification by: Abdul Ramn Muhammad
Uthman, Dar al-Fikr.
93. Najm, Muhammad diq, Aw al A-aain: Dirsat wat Tall Lights
on the Two Sahih Books: A Critique of Sahih Al-Bukhr and Muslim, arabicized by:
Yay Kaml Al-Barn, Mussasat al-Maarif al-Islamiya, Qum, pub.1, 1419 A.H.

94. An-Nas, Abu Abdul Ramn Ahmed Bin Shuaib, Khai Amrl Al-Muminn
Ali Bin Abu lib The Characteristics of the Commander of the Faithful,
reviewed by: Ad-Dn Munr l Zahaw, al-Maktaba al-Asriyya, Saida- Beirut.

95. An-Nas, Abu Abdul Ramn Ahmed Bin Shuaib, Khai Amrl Al-Muminn
Ali Bin Abu lib The Characteristics of the Commander of the Faithful, reviewed
by Sheikhs Muhammad Hd Al-Amn, Najaf 1969 A.D.

96. An-Nas, Abu Abdul Ramn Ahmed Bin Shuaib, Sunan An-Nas' bi Shar
Jallul Dn As-Siyt Sunan An-Nas' as Explained by Jallul Dn As-Siyt,
annotated by: Nrul Dn As-Sind, reviewed, indexed, numbered by: Islamic Heritage
Investigation Office, Dar al-Marifa, Beirut.

97. An-Nas, Abu Abdul Ramn Ahmed Bin Shuaib, Sunnan An-Nas, reviewed
by: Mashhr Bin Hassan l Salmn, commentary: Muhammad Nirul Dn Al-Albni,
Makatabat al-Maarif for publishing and distribution, Riyadh, pub.1.
98. An-Nawaw, Abu Zakariyyah Mul Dn Yaya Bin Sharaf Bin Mar, "Al-Minhj Sharh
Sahih Muslim Bin Al-ajjj" The Pathway in the Explanation of Sahih Muslim, AlMasriya Press, Al-Azhar, pub.1, 1347 A.H - 1929 A.D.

100. Nrul Dn Ali Bin Suln Al-Haraw Al-Qrr, "Murqt Al-Mafth Shar Mishkt AlMabh" Escalating to the Keys of the Explanation (of the book) of the Lamp
Niche, Dar al-Fikr, Beirut, pub.1, 1422 A.H- 2002 A.D.

309

101. Al-Qaaln, Ahmed Bin Mohammed, Irshd As-Sr Shar Sahih Al-Bukhr Guiding the Stroller towards the Explanation of Sahih Al-Bukhari, Al-Amriyyah AlKubra publishing house, Egypt, pub.7.
102. Al-Qushair An-Naisbr, Abu Al-Husain Muslim Bin Al-ajjj, Sahih Muslim Sahih Muslim: The Canonical Hadith Collection of Muslim (one of the canonical hadith
books), reviewed and hadiths extracted by: Muslim Bin Mohammed Uthman As-Salaf AlAthar, introduced and assessed: Mohammed Mustafa Al-Zuail, Dar al-Khair.

103. Al-Qushair An-Naisabur, Muslim Ibn Al-ajjj, Sahih Muslim - Sahih Muslim:
The Canonical Hadith Collection of Muslim (one of the six canonical hadith books),
elaborated by: Abu uhaib Al-Karm, Directed and executed by: the team of Bait al-Afkar
Adawliah for publishing and distribution, Riyadh, 1419 A.H 1998 A.D.

104. Al-Qushair An-Naisbr, Abu al-Hussein Muslim Bin Al-ajjj, Sahih Muslim Sahih Muslim: The Canonical Hadith Collection of Muslim (one of the canonical hadith
books), Dar Ihia al-Turath al-Arabi, Beirut, reviewed by Muhammad Fud Abdul Bq.

105. Ar-Ra, As-Sharf Abu Al-Hassan Al-Msaw Al-Baghdd, "Nahj Al-Balaghah" The Path of Eloquence, reviewed by: Fris Al-assn, Centre for Dogmatic
Researches, pub.1, 1419 A.H.

106. Ar-Ra, As-Sharf Abu Al-Hassan Al-Msaw Al-Baghdd, Nahj Al-Balaghah,

Shar Mohammed Abdha - The Path of Eloquence as Explained by Mohammed
Abdha, Majma al-Dakhair al-Islamiyya for research and printing, Qum, pub.1, 1412
A.H.

107. ab, Mamd As-Sayid, "Akh' Ibn Taimiyyah f aq Rasl Allah wa Ahlu
Baitih" Faults of Ibn Taimiyyah in Respect of Allahs Apostle and his Household
Dar Zainul-bidn, 1431 A.H - 2010 A.D.

108. As-Sjistn, Abu Dwd Ibn Al-Ashath Al-Azd, "Sunan Abu Dwd", edited by the
team of Bait al-Afkar al-Dawliya, (no date).
109. As-Sind, Abu Al-Hasan Bin Abdul Hd Al-Tataw, "Shar Sunan Ibn Mjeh
Explanation of Sunan Ibn Mjeh & in the margins of the book: "Talqt Mubh AzZujjeh fi Zaw'id Ibn Mjeh"- "Commentary on (the book of) the Flask Lamp in the
Appendices of Ibn Mjeh", Imam Al-Buair, reviewed the origins according to the six
Canonical Hadith Collections, hadiths extracted, book numbered by: Khall Ma'mn
Shai, Dar al-Marifa, Beirut, pub.3, 1420 A.H.
310

110. As-Shib, Ibrahim Bin Musa Bin Mohammed Allakhm Al-Ghurn, Al-Muwfiqt
f Ul Al-Fiqh - The Conformities in the Foundations of Jurisprudence, reviewed
by Mashhr Bin Hassan l Salmn, Dar Ibn Affan - Saudi, pub.1, 1417 A.H-1997 A.D.

111. As-Shib, Abu Isq Ibrahim Bin Ms Bin Muhammad Allakhm Al-Andalus, AlItim Taking Refuge, reviewed by: Mashhr l Salmn, Maktabat At-Tawd,
Manama, pub.1, 1421 A.H 2000 A.D.

112. As-Siyt, Imam Hafiz Jalalul Dn Abdul Ramn Bin Abu Bakr: Tarkh Al-Khulaf
- The History of the Caliphs, al-Maktaba al-Asriya, Saida, Beirut.
113. As-Siy, Jallul Dn Abdul Ramn Bin Abu Bakr, Trkh Al-Khulaf - The
History of the Caliphs, reviewed by: Ibrahim li, Dar Sadir, Beirut.

114. As-Siy, Jallul Dn Bin Abu Bakr "Trikh Al-Khulaf" - The History of the
Caliphs, Dar Ibn Hazm, Beirut, pub.1, 1324 A.H - 2003 A.D.
115. As-Siy, Al-Jmi A-aghr min Hadth Al-Bashr wal Al-Nadhr - The Minor
Hadith Compiler of the Bearer of Good Tidings and the Admonisher, reviewed by:
Mahdi Ad-Damirdsh Muhammad, Maktabat Nazr Mustafa Al-Bz.

116. As-Siy, Jallul Dn Bin Abu Bakr, "Ad-Dbj al Sahih Muslim Bin Al-ajjj"
The Silk Garment from Sahih Muslim, reviewed and annotated by: Abu Isq Aluwain Al-Athar, Dar Ibn Affan, Saudi Arabia, pub.1, 1416 A.H - 1996 A.D.

117. A-abb, Sayed Mohammed Hussein, Al-Mzn f Tafsr Al-Qurn The

Scale in the Exegesis of Quran, Jamaat Al-Mudarisn f Al-Hawaza Al-Ilmiyyah
Publications, Qum.
118. A-abarn, Abu Al-Qsim Bin Ahmed, "Al-Mujam Al-Kabr" The Major
Lexicon, reviewed by: amd Bin Abdul Majd As-Salafi, Maktabat Ibn Taimiyyah, Cairo.

311

119. A-abarn, Abu Al-Qsim Bin Ahmed, "Al-Mujam Al-Kabr The Major
Lexicon, reviewed by amd As-Salaf, Maktabat al-Iloom wal Hikam, Mosul, pub.2,
1404 A.H - 1983 A.D.

120. A-abaran, Abu Al-Qsim Sulaimn Bin Ahmed Al-Lakhm, Musnad As-Shmiyn
Collectioin of Authentic Hadith and its Sanad of the People of Syria- , reviewed by:
amdi Abdul Majd As-Salafi, Mussasat al-Risala, pub.1, 1409 A.H- 1989 A.D.
121. A-abar, Abu Jafar Muhammad Bin Jarr,"Trkh Ar-Rusul wal Mulk" The
History of Apostles and Kings, reviewed by: Muhammad Ibrahim, Dar al-Maarif , Egypt,
no date, pub.2.
122. A-abar, Abu Jafar Muhammad Bin Jarr, "Sahih wa af Trikh A-abar
The Authentic and Weak in the History Book of A-abatr, reviewed, extracted and
annotated by: Muhammad Bin hir Al-Barjanj, supervised by: Muhammad ub allq,
Dar Ibn Kathir, Beirut, pub.1, 1428 A.H 2007 A.D.

123. At-Taftazn, Saadul Dn Bin Umar, "Shar Al-Aqid An-Nasfiyysh"

Explanation of the Beliefs of Imam An-Nasfi reviewed by: Ahmed ijz As-Saq,
Maktabat Al-Kulliat Al-Azhariya, vol.1, 1407 A.H - 1987 A.D.

124. A-aw, Abu Jafar Bin Salmah, "Shar Mushkil Al-thr" Explanation of
the Complications of the Classics, reviewed, annotated and hadith extracted by:
Shuaib Al-Atn't, Mussassat al-Risala, Beirut, pub.1, 1415 A.H- 1994 A.D.

125. At-Tald, Abu Al-Fit Abdullah Bin Abdul Qdir "Al-Anwr Al-Bahirah bi Fa'il
Ahlul Bait wal Dhuriyyah A-hirah The Glaring Lights of the Virtues of Ahlul
Bait and the Purified Progeny , Maktabat al-Imam al-Shafii and Dar Ibn Hazm, pub.1,
1417 A.H.

126. At-Tirmidh, Abu sa Mohammed Bin Isa, Al-Jmi Al-Mukhtaar min As-Sunan
Concise Compiler of the Sunnan [he enlisted Al-Albns Book Al-Akm,
edited by: Fariq Bait al-Afkar Adawlia for publishing and distribution.

127. Al-Wdi, "As-Sahih Al-Musnad Mimma Laisa f A-aain" Authentic

Hadith with the Sanad not Included in the Two Canonical Hadith Collections, Dar alAthar, Sanaa.

312

128. Al-Wdiiyyah, Um Shuaib, As-Sahih Al-Musnad f Fail Ahlul Bait AnNubuwwah The Authentic Hadith Collectin with the Sanad of the Virtues of Ahlul
Bait of the Prophet, supervised and introduced by: Abdul Ramn Muqbil Bin Hd AlWadi, Dar al-Athar for publishing and distribution, pub.12, 1421 A.H -2000 A.D.

313

awza Ilmiyyah: a seminary academia referring to the Shia Moslems traditional school for
clerics.
ii
Takfr: accusation for a Muslim of infidelity and apostasy.
iii
Rfi & Rfiah & Raf: literally rejectors or rejection; a defiling epithet used for the Shia.
iv
Rationalities & transferals: refer to two scientific disciplines: the former based on reason, e.g.
philosophy and natural sciences, whereas the latter denotes the legacy of religious knowledge as
handed down from ancestors e.g. hadith.
v
Taqld: to follow and imitate a specific cleric on his verdicts on religious laws.
vi
Allegories for false idols and Satan, evil and falsehood.
vii
The Egyptian Vulture known for its opportunistic nature and as a carrion feeding bird. It also
uses pebbles for breaking the ostrich egg shell)
viii
Had a sword: a great warrior who entered battles and achieved victories.
ix
Caliphate: rulership by succession for the prophet.
x
Na: text either from revealed Quran or the prophetic hadith.
xi
Pouch: original word which has two readings phonetically: ks & kayyis, successively:
pouch, quick-witted. Therefore some traditionists take it as from his pouch, and others as from his
i

314

intelligence and competence whereby he readily invents hadith on the spot. Both make no
essential difference.
xii
Mutashayi: the one who embraced Shiism as a precept. In this context it is used as a
derogatory nickname to any traditionist who rightfully records merits of Ahlul Bait as to have turned
into a Shiite affiliate.
xiii
Ummah and Moslem Nation and community are used alternatively.
xiv
Ounce of silver equal to 40 dirham granted at the prophet's age to certain recipients.
xvxv
Kharijites: the faction of Khawrij who revolted against Imam Ali.
xvi
Caliphate: strictly succession to the prophet (sawa).
xvii
Ar-Rajah is similar to Al-Maad in terms of resurrection, but it is not the awaited one on the
Judgement Day. It is the resurrection of individuals or groups for reward or retribution. They have
to be on one extreme, either of the upright or the perverts, e.g the Rajah of the Imams of Ahlul
Bait. There are indications in Quran for Rajah, and the Shia have evidences for this belief, such
as the Quranic verse: They will say: Our Lord, twice You have caused us to die and twice
You have given us life. We have now confessed our sins. Is there, then, any way out
(Ghafir: 11).
Circumspection denotes Taqiyyah: a practice and concept for the Shia)
Dissimulation denotes Taqiyyah: a practice and concept for the Shia based on concealment
of ones faith while at risk of persecution.
xx
Tadls: indirect transfer. i.e. a mediating source exists between the narrator and the original
source.
xviii
xix

Analogy: Qiyas in the Islamic Jurisprudence Ilm Al-Mantiq: contains a premise, i.e some
example or point subject for analogy: it has twofold premise: minor and major, all figured out by
analogical reasoning.
xxii
It might be a common knowledge that the Muhjirn stand as a term for the immigrants to AlMadinah. Therefore this note only intends to pinpoint that they are referred to elsewhere as
immigrants when dealing with the concept of immigration
xxi

Grammatical terms for appositive forms.

The phrase means to add Imam Ali (as) to the list of atheists with Uthman according to the
Kharijites.
xxv
A verse, quoted from the poet al-Mutalammis, said in respect of Amru Ad-Dus to describe him
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xxiv

as a man of forbearance, lenience and wisdom. The nocking stick is allegory derived from his lifestory. He was highly reputed judge in his tribe and had long longevity. As his folk people were not
willing to remove him from his post, they appointed his seventh son to knock a stick every moment
he may have oversight or lapse of memory.
Calling for Schism
Al-Musnad: the collection of authentic hadiths with their sanad.
xxviii
Zindq: can be an apostate, heretic, or covertly an infidel. In general it is to hold views
inconsistent with the main Islamic dogmas.
xxix
Sword-bearer: highest military rank - commander in chief.
xxx
There is a shift of pronoun in the origin.
xxxi
Shura: a consultative Council; shr: Lit.consultation.
xxxii
Alternatively used as spiritualand political leadership.
xxvi

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Ilm Al-kalm: the discipline that seeks the theological knowledge through debate and
argument.
xxxiv
Mukallaf: one reached maturity and inducted into religious duty.
xxxv
Meaning he was uncertain whether it were Aisha or Um Salamah.
xxxvi
Her turn to have the prophet (saw-a) in her house.
xxxvii
Sab Al-Mathn: Surat Al-Ftiah according to some narrations or the first seven long Suras
according to others.
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