Professional Documents
Culture Documents
brill.nl/mnem
Abstract
This paper examines the treatment of violence in Euripides Bacchae, particularly
in spoken narrative. Bacchae is essentially a drama about violence, and the messenger-speeches establish a dialectic between spectacle and suffering as different
conceptions of, and reactions to, violence. The ironic deployment of imagery and
allusion, particularly concerning Pentheus body and head, presents violence as
ambiguous. The exodos then provides a model of compassion, in which knowledge of guilt does not preclude sympathy, nor does ambivalence towards violence.
Finally, it is concluded that the paradoxical humanitas of this Dionysiac tragedy
is grounded in its presentation of violence as a source first of pleasure, then of
pain, allowing spectators to be both entertained and shocked.
Keywords
Euripides, Bacchae, violence, messenger-speeches
Das Theater mit seinen realen Krpern vor einem ffentlichen Publikum ist
eine Form, fr die die Frage der Darstellung von Gewalt immer von besonderer Bedeutung ist. (~ Simon Goldhill)1)
DOI: 10.1163/156852511X505024
38
39
narrative found, for example, in Helen or Seven Against Thebes, foreshadowing but also occluding Pentheus ultimate demise. He threatens imprisonment (503, 505, 509-14), beheading (239-41), strangling (246-7),
stoning (356-7), ritual sacrifice (796-7), and other punishment (674-6,
793). None of these threats are carried out, at least not by Pentheus himself; Dionysus, , is physically inviolate, while his antagonist,
and resolutely mortal, is not. What is more, Pentheus threatens
military action (780-5, 809). As March has shown, Bacchae alludes to versions of the myth in which Pentheus engages the maenads in armed conflict, so as to elicit the suspenseful expectation of a different sort of
violence before offering its own unexpected, brutal conclusion.6) When
Dionysus claims that he can bring the women back without weapons
(804), Pentheus prevaricating, arguably metatheatrical response questions
whether or not Bacchae will follow the strand of myth in which an armed
Pentheus fights the maenads: Im going: either I will go armed, or I will
follow your advice (845-6). Ultimately, he suffers an inversion of his own
violent threats, decapitated after a kind of stoning (1096-7) presented as
military defeat cum ritual sacrifice.
On the other hand, Bacchae offers two extended treatments of actual
physical violence: the messenger-speeches. Although superficially factual,
Euripidean messenger-speeches are not free from narratorial influence.7)
Given the dramaturgical necessity of messenger-speeches per se,8) the rhetorical colouring of the messenger-speeches in Bacchaeparticularly their
presentation of violenceis crucial. It is in these two balanced narratives
that Dionysus power is manifest: violence evokes first wonder, then
shock. The first contradicts Pentheus false assumptions about maenadism, bearing (eye-)witness to Dionysus power. The second responds with
a more complete account of sparagmos. The spectacle of violence is followed, inevitably, by the pathos of violence.
The first messenger-speech (677-774) negates a series of false assumptions (explicit and implicit) about maenadism, which is evidently not
6)
March 1989, 37-43. Cf. Macleod 2006 on the relationship between Pentheus supposed
military intentions and the messengers narratives.
7)
Di Gregorio 1967; de Jong 1991, 1992; Buxton 1991; Barrett 2002, esp. 102-31 on
Bacchae. Contrast, e.g., Bremer 1976, 46.
8)
Cf. Bremer 1976; Henrichs 2000, 177; de Jong 1992, 583 on the second messengers
narrative.
40
what Pentheus imagines it to be; hence the messengers pointed counterfactual assertions about what Pentheus would have seen had he been present (712-13, 737-40). An extended sequence of counter-assertions
illustrates this agenda: (686); (758);
. . . (761-2); the adjective (736);
(764).9) In a marked example of such negation, Dionysus
remarks to Pentheus that he will find their chastity (surprising, 940). This first messenger-speech reveals the women to be neither
unchaste nor drunk (685-8), impervious to fire (758) and weapons (761);
they dismember cattle without iron (736, foreshadowing 1205-6), inflicting female violence on men with thyrsoi (762-4), thus becoming like male
warriors,10) all with divine approval (764).
The messengers successful aim here is to prove Dionysus power and
thereby prove Pentheus wrong; hence the injunction
(770), and the chorus fearful assertion,
(777). Afraid of Pentheus reaction to such contradiction (670-1), the
messenger begins in oblique, obsequious fashion, unlike the second messengers prosaic address to the chorus at 1043. Pentheus, then, acts as
sceptical interlocutor, first asking,
; (Youve come to tell me something. Why so eager?, 663).11) The
messenger responds by accounting for his . That is, by narrating
what he has witnessed in such a way as to prove that
(they are performing miracles beyond wonder,
667).
9)
Macleod 2006, 578: in negating Pentheus assumptions, this speech argues that Pentheus should accept the god.
10)
Note the emphatic juxtaposition (764). Cf. Seaford 1996, ad 762-4
on the motif of maenads becoming like male warriors.
11)
Roux 1970-1972, ad loc.: Pentheus , sur un ton sarcastique, relates also to the
very fact of the messengers arrival, as servants can only leave their post en cas de force
majeure. Compare the guard at S. Ant. 223-44. Citing Hecuba 130 ( ,
earnest discussions), Dodds (1960, ad loc.), followed verbatim by Kovacs (2002), translates And what weighty message do you bring? William Arrowsmith translates Get to the
point. / What is your message, man? Roux 1970-1972, ad loc.: littralement tu viens
nous prsentant quel empressement de discours?. Compare (speed of
foot) at E. Hec. 216.
41
42
supernatural event in the episodethe spontaneous appearance of a freshwater springas essential to the speakers discursive strategy. After the
cattle-sparagmos, (748) inaugurates the attack proper, punctuating the narrative by indicating the beginning of the Complication section. This is an essential narrative element inasmuch as it marks the
moment at which the women initiate battle, which is precisely what the
men (and Pentheus himself ) fail to do. Moreover, the narrative concerns
the spectacle of physical violence. In the first instance, the cattlesparagmos foreshadows, in some detail, Pentheus gruesome demise. In the
second instance, at a moment marked as a turning point, the narrator
denotes miraculous violence, and miraculous invulnerability, as a sight to
see ( , 760). Yet this spectacle of women wounding men is itself
of little import, for at 765-6, immediately after committing violence on
members of their erstwhile community, the Theban women return to the
thiasos. Only when Agaue is directly confronted with the face ( prospon)
of tragic violence does she fully understand its nature.
In the second messenger-speech (1043-152), then, the violence already
inflicted on livestock and villagers is inflicted on Pentheus himself, with
the narrative constructed in such a way as to argue that the manner of
deathsparagmosdeserves sadness rather than celebration. In that
respect, violent spectacle in the first messengers narrative is answered by
violent suffering in the second messengers narrative,17) in which once
again hostile males concealing themselves on the mountainside will cause
peaceful maenads to inflict sparagmos . . . The change (to violence) occurs
because they are attacked.18)
This masterly narrative is preceded by a key passage in which the impatient eastern Bacchants request a narration of Pentheus death from the
newly-arrived messenger.19) The messenger, aptly described by one critic
17)
Taplin 1978, 57: lines 657-9 indicate Dionysus foreknowledge in arranging the messengers narrative, and the first messenger-speech as a whole foreshadows Pentheus own
ambush and destruction fairly precisely. de Jong 1992, 574: this first messenger-speech is
one of Dionysus indirect hints to Pentheus to change his mind.
18)
Seaford 1996, ad 677-774. Macleod (2006) argues that the first messenger offers Pentheus two possible outcomes in miniature: sparagmos or battle. Cf. 845-6. de Jong (1992,
574) characterises the townsmens defeat as sparagmos.
19)
Goldhill (2006, 157) and Verdegem (2001, 12) identify this speech as a masterpiece
of tragic narrative.
43
as distressed,20) predictably expresses mourning for the house of Cadmus, whereupon the chorus break out in triumphant, excited, lyric (dochmiac) celebration.21) This echoes the recently-concluded stasimon, sung
almost entirely in dochmiacs, in which the chorus proleptically envisioned
the sparagmos, dehumanising Pentheus as both autochthonous and monstrous (that is, as the child of a lioness or Gorgon). Note the change from
iambics at 1029 to dochmiacs at 1031 after Pentheus death is announced,
and note also forms of at 1033 and 1040: having excitedly called
for vengeance on their inhuman foe, the chorus excitedly celebrate the
demise of this foe. In turn, the messenger (still in iambics) twice criticises
their response, indicating his own rhetorical position: /
, (1032-3);
, / , ,
(1039-40). At this point, the chorus (still in dochmiacs) react with
increased eagerness for an account of Pentheus death: ,
/ (1041-2).22) This is
not unique, of course. Medea, for example, responds in similar fashion
(Med. 1127-35); the messenger questions her positive reaction; and her
response is to claim that she will be twice as happy if her antagonists are
horribly () dead. As these messengers point out, Schadenfreude
is out of the question for a servant whose masters fare badly.23)
20)
44
45
46
47
Buxton (1991, 45) notes the first-person plurals. Note also denominative use of
36)
48
stop her attack. Finally, his moving account of the death of Pentheus is all
the more powerful since the audience is aware that it is his own demise
he is describing.37) Considering the opportunity for mimetic display provided by messenger-speeches, particularly involving oratio recta, this suggests a vivid dramatisation of Pentheus death, in which the mother-son
interaction, crucial to the pathos of the scene, is depicted by the self-same
actor playing Agaue and Pentheus.
The messengers stated concern with personal loyalty to ones masters
necessitates concentration on Pentheus and Agaue,
(1033). Consider the narrative present verb (1063), and
also the climactic grouping of three within five lines:38) (he fell,
1112); (she fell upon him, 1115); (he said, 1117). As
in the first messenger-speech, the historic present is used very sparingly
and thus with great effect.39) One might interpret the force of these
moments as follows: First we went up the mountain, but then I actually
saw something unbelievable () . . . the maenads were trying to get at Pentheus, they were making little progress, and then he fell out of the tree
(), and his mother fell upon him (); he even begged for mercy
(), touching her cheek. But to no avail . . .40) (1112) marks the
climax of the narrative, in which Pentheus physical and metaphorical
downfall encapsulates both his physical demise and his metatheatrical
37)
49
failure as a spectator.41) Whereas the first messenger-speech allows the possibility of figuring violence as a source of fascination, no such fascination
is allowed here. With (1115, rare in Euripides as attack or
strike), Agaueechoing the womens earlier attack on the villagersattacks first, falling on Pentheus in a violent embrace which mocks his own
supplication and ironically prefigures her own lamentatory embrace of his
corpse in the exodos.42) Such is the tragedy of Pentheus death, and of
Bacchae more generally, as Dionysus breaks even the bonds of philia to
encourage filicide. Narrative present verbs of speech (which in all but one
Euripidean instance introduce direct discourse) draw attention to what a
speaker has said;43) draws attention to the final mother-and-son conversation. Pentheus ignores Dionysus at the last,44) ineffectually invoking
philia ( , 1121), begging for mercy ( , 1120),
and acknowledging personal error ( / , 1120-1).
Even after her own anagnrisis, Agaue thinks first of Pentheus:
, (1298).45)
Nevertheless, Bacchae is the tragedy of divine mania par excellence (more
so even than Heracles), and this narratorno less than his predecessorat
41)
Barrett 2002, 117; Bierl 1991, 213. in Euripidean messenger-speeches: e.g. Or.
871, 879; Ph. 1165; Supp. 653. Segal 1997, 204-5 suggests that Pentheus fall from a phallic tree is symbolic castration.
42)
LSJ, s.v. I.4: fall upon, embrace. March 1989, 57: v is very
often used of an affectionate embrace. Most Euripidean instances refer either to affectionate, familiar action, or respectful, supplicatory action, neither of which occurs in the Bacchae passage: of twenty Euripidean uses of v and twenty-two of v
(42 in total), I count twenty referring to supplication or prostration; twelve as embrace;
one as fall; five as encounter or befall; and four as fall upon, attack, assault. Alc. 350
and HF 1379 similarly juxtapose death and affection.
43)
Sicking and Stork 1997, 145. (The exception is Ion 1191-3.) Note that emphasising
Pentheus words also emphasises the pathos of the attendant circumstances, as he literally
supplicates his mother, (1117-8). According to Allan (fc.), narrative
presents and direct speech efface the messengers presence as perceivable intermediary in
the representation of the narrated world. Indeed, deployment of such linguistic phenomena is part of a narrators focalisation, even when introducing the embedded character-text
of an internal narrator-focaliser.
44)
March 1989, 57.
45)
Murray 1921, 78; Dodds 1960, ad loc. Roux 1970-1972, ad loc.: Agaue directs audience attention to the corpse. Seaford 1996, ad loc.: psychologically inhibited from seeing
the corpse, Agaue asks its whereabouts.
50
some point realises Dionysus supernatural power. From 1079 he specifically eschews the denotation (earlier used at 1047, 1063, 1068,
1077), preferring , , or .46) Yet despite the double
determination implied by Dionysiac enthousiasmos, violence in Bacchae
tends to be a human affair, with mythological innovations emphasising
human tragedy over divine agency.47) The messengers focalisation indicates sympathy for Pentheus and Agaue, and a regard for their motherson relationship. Each is (1058, 1102, 1117).48) Agaue is
when focalised in relation to Pentheus at 1114-15 (
/ ) and 1139-40 ( , /
).49) However, she is named Agaue when
first mentioned (1106, assuming deletion of 1092), and when focalised in
relation to the messenger himself at 1117 and 1149. As Macintosh asserts,
tragic descriptions of the point of death concentrate on the violence of
the living, and this narrative of murder most assuredly
(Arist. Poetics 53b19-22) outlines a subjective conception of filicide, verbally reperforming a tragedy of mother and son.50) So de Jong (1992,
583): Mme si nous ne savons pas quelle tait lopinion dEuripide sur le
conflit entre Penthe et Dionysos, il est clair que le meurtre de Penthe
par sa mre doit tre vu comme un fait extrmement tragique. This is
above all a narrative of pathos.
Let us not forget, moreover, that Bacchae ironically incorporates physical violence in . At 877-81, for example, the chorus claim that
violent revenge is the best reward known to man. The fifth stasimon
immediately follows the narrative of Pentheus death with an explicit,
46)
51
Regardless of how one construes these verses, the result must surely be an ironic collocation of violence and , with a in some proximity to spilled in
violence.
52)
Cf. 677-9, 723-7.
53)
Also 1051-3. Dodds (1960, ad loc.) and Seaford (1996, ad loc.) note the trope of
silence before epiphany. de Jong (1992, 579) argues for silence before sacrifice.
54)
Noted by Sandys (1880, ad loc.). Seaford (1996, ad loc.) considers a possible allusion
to Odyssey 6.99-17: playing ball evokes a scene such as Nausikaa and her young female
companions playing ball by the river. Compare Oilean Ajax hurling Imbrius head like a
ball () at Iliad 13.202-5.
52
when Pentheus uncovers his own head and touches Agaues, the artful
omission of any Homeric-style description of decapitation, the bitter
irony of the ball-playing, and the exodos. One is encouraged to think of
the prospon, even in advance of its arrival onstage in Agaues hands, as a
thing of pleasure and as a thing of pain. The point of all this business
with Pentheus head is that it is an ambivalent object which sums up a
central ambivalence in the play. It may beand isviewed in two ways.55
When Agaue at last sees Pentheus head, what she sees is utter agony
( , 1282). The prospon, both bloody memorial and object
of play, is a physical reification of violence, a constant reminder of the
violent actions, and sufferings, of individuals within the community.
With this in mind, I would like to suggest that Bacchae well illustrates
Eagletons (2003) notion of tragedy as sweet violence. If the Dionysian
is ecstasy and jouissance, it is also the obscene enjoyment of playing ball
with bits of Pentheus mangled body.56) The first messenger presents violence as spectacle, manipulating Pentheus (and our own) voyeuristic pleasure, so as to warn against that violence which the second messenger
presents as suffering. So Buxton (1991, 46): By the end of the Cowherds
[sic] tale it had become clear that Dionysiac ecstasy is dangerous but at
the same time beautiful . . . By the end of the Newsbringers account, the
inflexion has changed. Dionysiac ecstasy may be beautiful, but it is also
very, very dangerous.
Beautiful and dangerous, violence in Bacchae is not unproblematically
victorious, nor is it wholly undeserved. None of the various perspectives
on violence in the play takes precedence prima facie;57) except, perhaps,
that offered by the second messenger, whose focalised narration reperforms a tragedy in miniature so as to elicit not so much pity and fear, as
fear and shock. Moreover, his rhetorical strategy is effective: the partisan
chorus consider Agaue (1184) and (1200), eventually
remarking to Cadmus, , /
, (1327-8). Although Pentheus suffers fit
55)
53
54
Bacchae mobilises just such a commonality of feeling, in pursuit of a public autopsy of violence. Despite an excess of optimism, Radke (2003, viiviii) is thus correct to emphasise the plays humanitas:
[D]ie Bakchen [sind] als ganzes Werk nicht ein Schaubild von Brutalitt und
grausamer Hrte, sondern sie sind ein Schulbeispeil einer klassischen
Mitleidtragdie. Sie erziehen den Zuschauer (oder den Leser) dazu, Humanitt zu entwickeln, sie frdern, so knnte man heute vielleicht sagen, seine
emotionale Intelligenz und soziale Kompetenz.65)
I would suggest, moreover, that the humanity of Bacchae does in fact consist in aesthetic experience of such brutality and hardness within the
confines of a Mitleidtragdie. So Taplin (2005, 251): It might be argued
that one of the fundamental ways in which tragedy gives some meaning
to human suffering (or, if you insist, seems to give some meaning to suffering) is by turning it into poetry and music. Essentially, Bacchae effects a
muso-poetic reification of violence, centred on Pentheus ,
which leads to a discovery of compassion.
This is not to say that Euripides allows us to exonerate Pentheus. Arguing that both Pentheus and Dionysus are violent figures (), Fisher
(1992, 451) concludes that violence in Bacchae engenders not pity but
shock at the disproportionate ruthlessness of the revenge inflicted:
[W]hat is involved is the scale of the human suffering and horror seen in a
mothers sparagmos of her son, the recognition, by the son, his mother and
her father of their errors, and their, and our, awareness that this has been
deliberately and carefully engineered by the powers in charge of our world.
55
und nicht zuletzt ein Jahrhundert der Gewalt.66) Nor is the present era
unfamiliar with dangerous, charismatic leaders inciting violence: ethnic
cleansing, honour killings, and so on. Bacchae resonates with anyone
well-versed in violence, and it is here that I should like to locate the moral
compass of the text: in its humanitas, its capacity to encourage emotional
intelligence and social competence by allowing its characters, readers, and
audience to be shocked by violence. Consider Puccis (1980, 21-58)
assessment of Euripidean drama as a therapeutic exploration of violence,
a song aiming at the paradoxical kerdos (gain) of tears as a medicine for
grief .67) Bacchae engages in just such therapy, first juxtaposing the messenger-speeches, then dissolving the resulting dialectic with funerary
lament. Such is the progressive discourse of the play, in which delight at
spectacle prefaces shock at suffering, and compassion follows. As a narration of violence committed and suffered by human individuals within a
community of ,68) Bacchae offers a twenty-first century interpretive
community, and a twenty-first century audience, more than ritual and/or
metatheatre.
Bibliography
Allan, R.J. 2007. Sense and Sentence Complexity: Sentence Structure, Sentence Connection,
and Tense-Aspect as Indicators of Narrative Mode in Thucydides Histories, in: Allan,
R.J., Buijs, M. (eds.) The Language of Literature: Linguistic Approaches to Classical
Texts (Leiden), 93-121
fc. Towards a Typology of the Narrative Modes in Ancient Greek: Text Types and Narrative Structure in Euripidean Messenger Speeches, in: Bakker, S.J., Wakker, G.C. (eds.)
Discourse Cohesion in Greek (Leiden/Boston)
Bakker, W.F. 1966. The Greek Imperative (Amsterdam)
Barrett, J. 2002. Staged Narrative: Poetics and the Messenger in Greek Tragedy (Berkeley/
London)
Belfiore, E. 2000. Murder Among Friends: Violation of Philia in Greek Tragedy (New York/
Oxford)
Bierl, A. 1991. Dionysos und die griechische Tragdie: politische und metatheatralische
Aspekte im Text (Tbingen)
66)
56
Bremer, J.M. 1976. Why Messenger-Speeches?, in: Bremer, J.M., Radt, S.L., Ruijgh, C.J.
(eds.) Miscellanea tragica in honorem J.C. Kamerbeek (Amsterdam), 29-48
Burkert, W. 1974. Die Absurditt der Gewalt und das Ende der Tragdie, A&A 20, 97-109
Buxton, R. 1991. News from Cithaeron: Narrators and Narratives in the Bacchae, Pallas 37,
39-48
Conacher, D.J. (ed., tr.) 1988. Euripides: Alcestis (Warminster)
Dale, A.M. 1948. The Lyric Metres of Greek Drama (Cambridge)
Diggle, J. (ed.) 1994. Euripidis fabulae, III (Oxford)
Di Gregorio, L. 1967. Le scene dannuncio nella tragedia greca (Milan)
Dickin, M. 2009. A Vehicle for Performance: Acting the Messenger in Greek Tragedy (Lanham, MD)
Dodds, E.R. (ed.) 1960. Euripides: Bacchae (Oxford)
Eagleton, T. 2003. Sweet Violence: The Idea of the Tragic (Oxford)
Easterling, P. 2006. Putting Together the Pieces: A Passage in the Bacchae, in: Shasha, T.,
Stuttard, D. (eds.) Essays on Bacchae (Brighton), 50-7
Fisher, N.R.E. 1992. Hybris. A Study in the Values of Honour and Shame in Ancient Greece
(Warminster)
Fleischman, S. 1990. Tense and Narrativity: From Medieval Performance to Modern Fiction
(Austin)
Foley, H. 1985. Ritual Irony: Poetry and Sacrifice in Euripides (Cornell)
2001. Female Acts in Greek Tragedy (Princeton, NJ)
Goldhill, S. 2006. Der Ort der Gewalt: Was sehen wir auf der Bhne?, tr. by A. Wessels,
B. Seidensticker, in: Seidensticker, B., Vhler, M. (eds.) Gewalt und sthetik (Berlin/
New York), 149-68
Grene, D., Lattimore, R. (eds.) The Complete Greek Tragedies: Euripides, V (Chicago)
Henrichs, A. 2000. Drama and dromena: Bloodshed, Violence, and Sacrificial Metaphor in
Euripides, HSPh 100, 173-88
Jong, I.J.F. de 1991. Narrative in Drama: The Art of the Euripidean Messenger-Speech
(Leiden)
1992. Rcit et drame: Le deuxime rcit de messager dans les Bacchantes, REG 105,
572-83
Kovacs, D. (ed., tr.) 2002. Euripides, VI (Cambridge, MA)
Khner, R., Gerth, B. 1890-1904. Ausfhrliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache
(Hanover)
Labov, W. 1972. Language in the Inner City (Philadelphia)
Lejnieks, V. 1967. Interpolations in the Bacchae, AJPh 88, 332-9
Macintosh, F. 1994. Dying Acts: Death in Ancient Greek and Modern Irish Tragic Drama
(Cork)
Macleod, L. 2006. Marauding Maenads: The First Messenger Speech in the Bacchae,
Mnemosyne 59, 578-84
Mahon, D. (tr.) 1991. The Bacchae: after Euripides (Oldcastle, Co. Meath)
March, J.R. 1989. Euripides Bakchai: A Reconsideration in the Light of Vase-Paintings, BICS
36, 33-65
57