Third World Quarterly

Haiti: The Rise and Fall of Duvalierism

Author(s): David Nicholls
Source: Third World Quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 4 (Oct., 1986), pp. 1239-1252
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
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DAVID NICHOLLS
Hai til:
rise
the
Duvalierism

and

f a

of

Referring to the period between the death of Pope Leo XIII and the
election of his successor, the Irish Jesuit George Tyrrell wrote to a
friend, 'The ten days interim, when there was no infallible authority on
earth, were the happiest of my life'. 1Haitians are today enjoying one of
those rare springtimes of freedom between the departure of one
president and the election of another. After almost thirty years of
ruthless repression in this country of roughly six million people, all things
seem possible. New parties are forming, newspapers of all kinds are
appearing and the situation is highly volatile. In this article I wish to
consider why the Duvalier dynasty rose and fell, then to look at some of
the forces now at work in the republic. I shall suggest that the main
reason for the political demise of Jean-Claude ('Baby Doc') Duvalier
was a shift in the basis of his support from one class to another. This
made him susceptible to pressure from several directions: from
movements of mass protest, from the church, and finally from the US
Embassy and the army.

The regime of 'Papa Doc' (1957-71)

Franqois Duvalier was elected President in September 1957 after a
turbulent campaign of many months. He proclaimed himself the
spokesman of the masses and of the black middle class. His principal
opponent was seen as the candidate of the bourgeoisie, generally
favoured by the Roman Catholic hierarchy and by the US Embassy.
While the army clearly played an important role during the election
campaign, and effectively eliminated some of the candidates, it is likely
that the victory of Duvalier reflected popular sentiment at the time. In
particular he had secured support from key groups of middle-class
blacks, in the capital and in the countryside. Duvalier strongly
emphasised the colour issue, exploiting the fact that in Haiti as in other
parts of the Caribbean there has been, since colonial times, a general
' M D Petre (ed), George Tyrrell's Letters, London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1920, p 160.
TWO 8(4) October 1986/ISSN 0143-6597/86. $1.25

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1239

THIRD WORLD QUARTERLY

coincidence between colour and class, so that most of the rich are
mulatto and most of the poor are black. There has hardly been an
important issue in Haiti where colour has not played a part; it is never
the sole factor, and is not always the dominant factor, but colour is
rarely absent.2
Having temporarily reassured the US and the bishops that he was
sympathetic to their interests, Franqois Duvalier ruthlessly repressed all
attempts by his opponents to challenge his position and skilfully
eliminated the most dangerous elements in the army. In the course of
the following years he dealt severe blows to all potential centres of
political opposition, including the intellectuals (school teachers,
students, professors and journalists), the church hierarchy, the US
Embassy, critics within his own party and trade union leaders. By 1964
he was able to have himself declared President-for-Life, to write a new
autocratic Constitution and to change the Haitian flag to black and red
(a symbolic aim he had cherished for many years). This flag-the flag of
Dessalines and Christophe-was said to reflect a new 'equilibrium' in
which the blacks would control power in a country where a light-skinned
elite had generally been dominant. This was the so-called 'Duvalierist
revolution'.
From the mid-1960s onwards, however, the dictator reached an
accommodation with the business community, with the US (after the
death of Kennedy) and with the church hierarchy. Businessmen were
assured by the government that they could continue to make money, so
long as they refrained from direct political action; US aid was resumed
and new-indigenous and docile-bishops were appointed. Papa Doc
was nevertheless careful to keep close contact with those middle-class
blacks who had originally supported him, many of whom were
houngans (Voodoo priests) and local leaders of his civilian militia, the
tontons macoutes. Despite occasional attempts by exiles to invade and
sporadic outbursts of popular discontent-particularly among peasants
of the Artibonite valley-Duvalier was firmly in control of the country
and was able in 1971, just before his death, to hand over power to his
teenaged son.
Overseas observers were surprised that a peaceful succession was
achieved. There are a number of reasons for this. In the first place they
failed to recognise that Papa Doc-by a combination of terror, populist
rhetoric and the adroit distribution of the small amounts of patronage
2

See David Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1979, and Haiti in Caribbean Context, London: Macmillan 1985, chapters 1, 3 and 12.

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HAITI: THE RISE AND FALL OF DUVALIERISM

at his disposal-had retained widespread support (or at least

acquiescence) among the key black middle classes. The business
community and US Embassy concluded that a smooth transition was
preferable to the likely alternative of disorder or even the possibility of a
radical government. Finally, all potential centres of opposition had
been disabled with their leaders in exile, in prison or dead.

Jean-Claudisme (1971-85)
With the help of his mother the new President was able to maintain
power and to accelerate the policies of accommodation adopted by his
father. Some of the more scandalous activities of the macoutes were
curbed and gestures were made in the direction of a liberalisation.
'Jean-Claudisme' was widely portrayed as aiming to achieve an
economic revolution, by a process of modernisation. Washington was
generally favourable to the new regime and encouraged private
investment in the growing sector of light industry and assembly plants.
The early 1970s was a period of relative economic prosperity.
Agricultural production grew, tourism revived and investment
increased. Real growth in the economy reached 5 per cent per annum
and the US Embassy confidently pronounced that the Haitian economy
'is in the process of recovery:3
Jean-Claude Duvalier had lived most of his life in the presidential
palace and lacked his father's intimate knowledge of the country. The
regime gradually lost support from many of the black middle classes and
came increasingly to depend on the support of the business community.
Demands for improvements in the economy and the need for foreign aid
meant that new technologically oriented men, who could speak the
language of the World Bank, like Henri Bayard and Marc Bazin, were
brought into the government. These men were, however, unhappy
about working with the old guard Duvalierists and macoutes. For years
the President attempted to retain support of both groups, but by the
early 1980s many of the black middle-class supporters of Francois
Duvalier had come to the conclusion that there was nothing for them in
the regime of Jean-Claude.4
While it would be wrong to attribute all the problems of Baby Doc to
Trends: Haiti, US Embassy, Port-au-Prince, 1973.
William Paley, 'Power shift imperils Haiti's frail stability', The Guardian (London) 13 January
1982.

3Economic
4

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THIRD WORLD QUARTERLY

his marriage, and to blame Michele Bennett for his political demise, the
president's growing dependence upon a corrupt clique headed by
Ernest Bennett, was viewed with alarm by different sectors of the
population. Well-established and influential members of the business
community disliked the privileges accorded to this arriviste-as they saw
him. The old guard of black Duvalierists saw the situation in terms of a
revival in mulatto influence. Undisguised profiteering by the DuvalierBennett entourage, with hundreds of millions of dollars leaving the
country into private bank accounts and an extravagant life-style at
home, disgusted all sectors of the population. The bourgeoisie, upon
whom the regime had come increasingly to depend, began to look
around for alternatives.
Some degree of what might be called corruption, sufficient to enable
an ex-President to spend his declining years in reasonable comfort
abroad, is an accepted part of Haitian public life. Jean-Claude Duvalier
and the Bennetts, however, overstepped the limit, and efforts are now
being made by the authorities to track down the embezzled money and
to reclaim it. Duvalier and his cronies were given temporary asylum in
France and initially stayed in a luxury hotel on Lake Annecy, not too far
from the prison where Toussaint Louverture, the black leader of slave
liberation, died in 1803. The French Government has tried to remove
Duvalier, but their own laws are making this difficult. He has since
moved to a house in the Riviera.
In the late 1970s, President Carter had put considerable pressure on
Haiti to liberalise its political system and opposition groups began to
organise, openly voicing cautious criticisms of the administration.
Although a number of independent journals appeared, influencing
opinion among students and intellectuals in the larger cities, the major
role was played by various radio commentators, whose caustic
observations on government corruption and inefficiency were listened
to by illiterate (though by no means unintelligent) peasants throughout
the countryside. With the election of Ronald Reagan, Jean-Claude felt
he could safely repress these opposition movements, but the spell had
been broken. Opposition continued to be manifested from such men
as Sylvio Claude, Gregoire Eugene, Gerard Gourge and Gerard
Duclerville. Many of these men were arrested and tortured but bravely
refused to leave the country.

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HAITI: THE RISE AND FALL OF DUVALIERISM

Popular protest
One of the significant features of the movement which eventually led to
the downfall of Duvalierism was that it had its base not in the capital but
in provincial towns like Gonaives, Petit Goave and Jeremie. For the
first time since the United States occupation of Haiti, which ended in
1934, a major political movement has begun outside Port-au-Prince.
Throughout the nineteenth century many governments had been
toppled as a result of ruralguerrilla activity by the cacos orpiquets, as they
were called.5 Armed resistance to the US occupation was also based in
the countryside.6 One of the consequences of the occupation was to
disarm the peasants and to centre economic, political and cultural life in
the capital. While Francois Duvalier (as we have seen) and his mentor
President Dumarsais Estime (1946-50) derived much of their support
from the provinces and rural areas, life continued to be centred in 'the
republic of Port-au-Prince'. Yet in a curious way the organisation of
tontons macoutes, by recruiting many thousands of rural Haitians,
incorporated them-at least symbolically-into the civic life of the
nation. The rhetoric of Duvalier continually proclaimed that the
peasants were the real and important element in the country. Nothing
was further from his intention than to allow them any material influence
in national affairs, yet-as I observed in 1979-'If people are told often
enough that they are important, they may begin to believe it.'7
Popular protests against particularly ruthless and corrupt macoute
leaders go back to the late 1960s, but became increasingly significant
under Jean-Claude Duvalier. Efforts to re-establish the reputation of
the government in the rural areas failed. Popular discontent increased
in the 1980s because of the decline in agricultural production, food
shortages due to drought, and the end of the migration of 'boat people'
to the US.
Added to this was the plague of swine fever and the compulsory
slaughter of the pig population, supervised by the Organisation of
American States, which was believed by many peasants to be part of a
conspiracy. The hardy black pigs fed largely on garbage, were a basic
5

See Alain Turnier, Avec Merisier Jeannis: une tranche de vie jacmelienne et nationale,
Port-au-Prince: published by author, 1982; Andre Georges Adam, Une Crise haitienne,
1867-1869: Sylvain Salnave, Port-au-Prince: Deschamps, 1982; and David Nicholls, 'Rural
Protest and Peasant Revolt, 1804-1869', in Haiti in Caribbean Context, op. cit., pp 167ff.
See Roger Gaillard's seven volumes Les blancs debarquent, Port-au-Prince: published by
author, 1972 onwards; and Kethly Millet, Les paysans haitiens, et l'occupation americaine,
1915-1930, LaSalle, Quebec: LaSalle Collectif Paroles, 1978.
David Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, op. cit., p 237.

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THIRD WORLD QUARTERLY

feature of country life. The new pink pigs were officially distributed
only to those who could guarantee imported pig food and sties with
concrete floors.
Food riots occurred in various parts of the country. In November
1985, high school students took to the streets in Gonaives. Troops
panicked, opened fire, and a number of students were killed. This was
the match which ignited protests throughout the provinces. The
demonstrations became explicitly political and called for the downfall of
Duvalier, urging the army to take over; banners proclaimed 'Vive
l'arme'e'.

Religion and politics

The Roman Catholic church played a crucial role in the downfall of
Jean-Claude Duvalier. After the revolution of 1789-1803 the church
was in disarray and it was not until the concordat between the Vatican
and the government of President Geffrard in 1860 that the situation was
regularised. From this date on a hierarchy was appointed and partly
through a network of schools, catering mostly for children of elite
families, the influence of the church grew. Politically the church
identified itself with the francophile mulatto elite. Noiriste politicians
tended, in consequence, to be anti-clerical and were often freemasons
or Protestants. Under the US occupation, the French government saw
the clergy as 'previous collaborators in our political propaganda'8and as
counteracting the American influence in the country.
At this time in Haiti there was a significant movement among
intellectuals, many from the black middle class, which emphasised the
value of the African elements in Haitian culture and, in particular, the
Voodoo religion. Franqois Duvalier was among this group and in
collaboration with Lorimer Denis contributed a number of ethnological
studies.9 This revival led to a struggle for cultural hegemony between
8

L Agel au Ministre, 2 juin 1921, Archives du Ministere des Affairs Etrangeres (Paris), Amerique,
1918-1940, Haiti 15.
9 Key figures in the ethnological movement were J C Dorsainvil, Jean Price
Mars, Arthur Holly,
Jacques Roumain and Carl Brouard. The literary aspects of the movement are discussed by L
Kesteloot, in Les ecrivains noirs de langue franaise, Brussels: Institut de Sociologie de
l'Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1965; N M Garret, The Renaissance of Haitian Poetry, Paris:
Presence Africaine, 1963; R Depestre, Bonjour et adieu ti la negritude, Paris: Laffont 1980; and
J M Dash, Literature and Ideology in Haiti, 1915-1961, London: Macmillan, 1981. See also
David Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier, op. cit., chapters 5-6. Duvalier's contributions are
to be found in his Oeuvres essentielles, Volume 1 (3rd edition) Port-au-Prince: published by
author, 1968.

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HAITI: THE RISE AND FALL OF DUVALIERISM

the francophile, Catholic elite and the apologists of the ethnological

movement, reaching a climax in the so called 'anti-superstition
campaign' of 1941 in which the government of Elie Lescot (1941-6)
joined with the church in a vigorous and often violent campaign against
the Voodoo religion. The election of Estime in 1946 marked a defeat for
the church, whose hierarchy strongly backed the dictatorship of Paul
Magloire (1950-6) which followed.")
In the election of 1957 the church hierarchy favoured Duvalier's
principal rival, the elite mulatto businessman, Louis Dejoie. Beginning
in 1959 Duvalier mounted attacks on the political power of the church,
culminating in the expulsion of the Breton archbishop with other
bishops and clergy and in the excommunication of Duvalier. In 1966 an
agreement was reached with the Vatican and a new Haitian hierarchy,
acceptable to Duvalier, was appointed. In the ensuing years the
humiliated church was a generally pliant instrument in the hands of
Duvalier, father and son. As the government gradually lost support and
as some new bishops were appointed, cautious criticisms of the
government's more scandalous activities were made by the church.
The arrest of a Catholic layman, broadcaster Gerard Duclerville, early
in 1983, marked an important stage in the growth of church power. The
arrest was denounced from pulpits throughout the country and
Duclerville was soon released. The Pope's visit to Haiti strengthened
the hand of the bishops and they became more outspoken in their
denunciation of human rights violations and of the desperate state of
poverty in Haiti. The Catholic Radio Soleil became a principal channel
for criticism of the government. Having become increasingly dependent
on support from the business community and the elite, Baby Doc was
unable to ignore or to suppress criticisms from this source as his father
had done, for the bourgeoisie tended to associate itself, politically at
least, with the church. Bishops condemned the shooting of students in
the Gonaives demonstration of November 1985, and held a requiem
for them which became a gesture of support for the protest
movement. Radio Soleil became the most important means by which
news of provincial demonstrations became known throughout the
country. An attempt was made by Duvalier to close the station down,
but episcopal pressure soon forced him to retract.
10

H Courlander and R Bastien, Religion and Politics in Haiti, Washington DC: Institute for CrossCultural Research, 1966; David Nicholls, 'Politics and religion in Haiti', Canadian Journal of
Political Science 3(3) 1970, pp 40f and G R Smucker, 'The social character of religion in rural
Haiti', in C R Foster and A Valdman (eds), Haiti-Today and Tomorrow, Lanham, Maryland:
University Press of America, 1984, pp 35 onwards.

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The influence of the Roman Catholic church and of some Protestant

churches was significant at another level. For many years local parishes
had been sponsoring, often with aid from international agencies,
various development projects and cooperative enterprises. Small
groups of peasants had been meeting to discuss local problems and to
organise social action. The intention of the organisers of these projects
was not usually political in the immediate sense and indeed these
developments were attacked by radical exiles as conservative in their
effects-enabling peasants to put up with a situation which would
otherwise be intolerable.'11Yet it was precisely from these groups that
leaders emerged who were to challenge the regime in recent months.
It would be unduly cynical to view the role the church in the last few
years merely as a revenge for the humiliation suffered under Franqois
Duvalier or as part of an attempt to re-establish its former role as a
major political force in Haiti by siding with the growing opposition
movement. While these considerations may carry some weight, it is
undoubtedly the case that many parish priests and some of the bishops
have genuinely and sincerely identified themselves with the cause of the
poor and oppressed people of the country. The church constitutes one
of the few Haitian institutions to have retained sufficient credibility to
act effectively in the situation.
The church's role in the revolution is graphically portrayed in huge,
generally anonymous murals which have appeared throughout the
country, celebrating the dechoukaj (uprooting of Duvalierism). Some
murals picture Christ, the liberator, breaking the chains of the people.
Many of them celebrate Radio Soleil, with huge pictures of the sun, or
portray the Pope with the words 'on our side'. Others show the Last
Supper, with Judas often named as the local macoute leader.
Voodoo, an amalgam of various West African. religions,
incorporating certain Christian elements, is the religion of the Haitian
masses. Although like all religion its social effect is generally
conservative, there have been occasions when it has played a more
radical role. One of the important contributions of Voodoo has been to
perpetuate the consciousness of an African identity on the part of the
masses. Franqois Duvalier had been able to exploit this fact and secured
1

See for example J-M Pare, 'Dimension politique de fait religieux en Haiti', Nouvelle Optique
(6-7) 1972, pp 5f. But, as I remarked in 1979, 'Although the explicit political intention of the
sponsoring agency has normally been conservative the unintended effects of these projects may
turn out to be more radical than their patrons have calculated'. From Dessalines to Duvalier, op.
cit., p 246.

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HAITI: THE RISE AND FALL OF DUVALIERISM

support from a number of houngans. It should, however, be emphasised

that not all Voodooisants supported the regime.
Protestantism goes back to the early days of independence and
perhaps 15 per cent of the population would claim to be Protestant.
Today the-Baptist churches are in a majority and most of them would
claim to be non-political. Nevertheless, some of the leaders of the
opposition in recent years, including Sylvio Claude, have been
ministers. Many Protestant churches are run by American missionaries
who generally act as unofficial agents for US interests in Haiti. The
Episcopal (Anglican) church is financially controlled from New York,
though its bishop and parish clergy are all Haitians. The former bishop
was a close friend of Franqois Duvalier and a number of erstwhile
Duvalierists were Episcopalians, including Jean Magloire, Victor
Nevers Constant, the Bennett family and Father Emmanuel Moreau
(who later, as a senator, opposed the dictator and was put to death).

The army
In the crisis which culminated in the flight of Baby Doc in February 1986
the army was manifestly the only body which could assume the
government of the country, yet the unwillingness of the army to take
such action is a notable feature of the situation. Under Franqois
Duvalier the military had been brought firmly under civilian control and
army officers with political ambition were swiftly removed. In this way
he attempted to reverse a tradition which goes back to the foundation of
the state in 1804. Independence had been achieved by military struggle
and it was the generals who succeeded to political power. For over one
hundred years Haiti's head of state was invariably an army officer.
Militarism pervaded the whole administrative structure of the country
and this ethos was reflected in the Voodoo religion, where many of the
Iwa (spirits) were portrayed in the uniform of French eighteenthcentury officers.
Despite attempts by the US occupation to form a professional and
depoliticised army, it was not long before threats of a military coup
again became real. In 1946, 1950 and 1956-7 the army played a key
political role in the termination of one regime and the initiation of
another. While both mulattoes and blacks were to found among the
officer corps, the mass of the army was, of course, black. Throughout
the nineteenth century the army was one of the few institutions in Haiti
which facilitated the rise of poor non-elite blacks to positions of power
and ultimately to the presidency. Consequently, militarism was the
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THIRD WORLD QUARTERLY

object of attack by mulatto politicians, who saw it as opening the way to

dictatorship by uneducated blacks.
Although Franqois Duvalier removed any officer-black or mulatto
indiscriminately-whom he saw as constituting a potential threat, many
of those promoted to fill the place of these men were blacks, who owed
him personal allegiance. He also ensured that the military forces formed
distinct hierarchies ultimately responsible to the President himself,
rather than to some one supreme commander. In this way the
presidential guard, the police, the small navy and air force and the
regular army could each keep an eye on what the others were doing. In
addition there was the considerable force of tontons macoutes, most of
whom were organised into the Volontaires de la Securite Nationale
(VSN), with branches throughout the country. These men were
encouraged, rather as were the SS under Hitler, to watch out for any
signs of disloyalty on the part of the armed forces.
As a result of this carefully arranged structure, Jean-Claude was able
to forestall any possibility of a military coup. Nevertheless he gradually
lost the support of many macoute leaders who, by the early 1980s
proclaimed that they were unwilling to stick out their necks very far to
defend the regime. By November 1985 there was considerable
disillusionment and confusion in their ranks. The dismissal of the
Minister of the Interior, Roger Lafontant, some weeks earlier was
strongly resented by his macoute supporters. One of the notable
features of the events culminating in the flight of Duvalier was the
relatively insignificant role played by the VSN. Only in the final days did
some of them rally to the President and make a violent attempt to
suppress the movement. What would have occurred if Baby Doc had
refused to leave the country is a matter for speculation. More bloodshed
would undoubtedly have occurred but the VSN was sufficiently
disoriented to prevent it from acting decisively.
Despite the drift towards disorder in January 1986, the army leaders
were clearly unwilling to act independently to take over the country. A
new generation of officers had grown up during the twenty-nine years of
the Duvalier dictatorship for whom the notion of an army coup was
practically inconceivable. Francois Duvalier had been able to claim by
1964-with some justification-that he had removed the army from its
role of arbiter of political events. It appears that General Namphy's
eventual agreement to head a junta was the result of persuasion by the
US Embassy, by some Haitian politicians and by Jean-Claude Duvalier
himself.
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HAITI: THE RISE AND FALL OF DUVALIERISM

Foreign relations
The United Statesplayedan importantpartin maintainingJean-Claude
Duvalier in power and it was not until the final days that Washington
decided to cut its losses and use its influenceto secure the departureof
the President. Even then US opinion was divided and it is widely
believed that the advice being given by former Ambassador Ernest
Preeg was that Washingtonshould persuade Duvalier to remain and
help shore up the regime.
Ever since Haiti's independence,foreign powers have taken a close
interestin the affairsof the republic.In the earlyyearsFrancehoped to
regain its wayward colony and it was only in 1825 that Haitian
independence was recognised by the former metropolis. The United
States and Britain were keen to trade with Haiti, and during the
Napoleonic period the latter encouragedthe Haitiansto resist French
overtures. Throughoutthe nineteenth centurythe US was, however,
eager to minimiseEuropeaninvolvementin Haiti and at times soughtto
establish a naval base at the Mole St Nicolas. In the years prior to
World War I, the US became particularlyworried about German
activities in Haiti. The overseas commerce of the country was
dominatedby Germanfirmsand shippinglines; the Germancolony in
Haiti was becomingincreasinglyinvolvedin the internalpolitics of the
country, by backing particularcandidates for office in exchange for
commercialfavours. This, together with a general desire for strategic
control of the region and the wish to find a safe field for foreign
investment, resulted in the US decision to invade and occupy Haiti in
1915.

The occupation of almost twenty years had a numberof important

consequences. The mulattoelite was re-establishedin office, the black
urban middle class was strengthened, the peasants were eventually
disarmed, communicationswere improved and power was more and
more centred in the capital. The Constitutionwas changed to allow
foreign ownershipof land and to facilitate foreign investment. Large
numbers of peasants who had been squatting on state land for
generations were removed and land concessions were made to US
companies. Yet attemptsto create a plantationeconomy on the model
of Cuba and Puerto Rico failed, partly owing to resistance from the
peasantsand to the difficultyof establishinguncontestedrightsto land
ownership.A furtherconsequenceof US Caribbeanpolicies at this time
was a significantmigrationof Haitian cane-cuttersto Cuba and the
Dominican Republic.
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THIRD WORLD QUARTERLY

Although US marines were withdrawn in 1934, a financial

administrator remained until 1946 and a strong US presence has
continued since then. The Haitian gourde has for many years been tied
to the US dollar, although today an informal 'parallel market' exists.
The US is Haiti's principal trading partner and the relationship has
intensified with the growth in the last twenty years of light industries and
assembly plants making goods for export to the US.
In the elections of 1957, Washington clearly preferred a victory for
Louis Dejoie, but regarded Duvalier as an acceptable president. On
taking office he invited Washington to send a marine mission to help
train the Haitian military, thus reassuring the US government of his
reliability. Irregularities in the administration of foreign aid, the
strong-armed tactics of the macoutes and Duvalier's determination to
remain in office after his original term, led to tensions with the US and
eventually to attempts by President Kennedy to remove Papa Doc.
Economic pressure was brought to bear and the US gave support to
attempted invasions by Haitian exiles. Duvalier survived and with the
advent of Presidents Johnson and Nixon aid was resumed and Haiti was
once more regarded as a member of the 'free world'. As I have noted,
the US played an important role in the transition to power of Baby Doc
and has generally given support to his regime, though at times using its
influence to encourage a certain liberalisation in the political system. 12
This is the background against which the much-vaunted US role in the
removal of Jean-Claude Duvalier must be seen.

The political crisis and the economy

Haiti remains an essentially agricultural country with a large
proportion of the population living in rural areas and small towns. The
majority of the people live on tiny plots of land owned by themselves or
members of their family and eke out an existence by growing crops for
local consumption and small amounts of coffee which they sell for cash.
The coffee trade has been controlled by a fairly small number of export
houses who buy from speculateurs to whom in turn the peasants sell. 13
Owing to the system of inheritance, whereby a peasant's land is divided
among all his children, plots are getting smaller and serious soil erosion
has occurred throughout the country. Small industries, making shoes,
12

Ernest H Preeg, Haiti and the CBI: a Time of Change and Opportunity, Miami: University of
Miami, 1985.
13 Christian Girault, Le commerce du cafe en Haiti, Paris: Paris CNRS, 1981.

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HAITI: THE RISE AND FALL OF DUVALIERISM

soap, flour, cement, essential oils and other domestic goods have
existed for many years and more recently, as we have noted, foreignowned assembly plants and industries have arrived, mostly in the
capital. These produce electronic goods, garments and such things as
children's toys, baseballs and brassieres. 14 Until recent months these
latter employed roughly 60,000 people, the majority being women.
Other exports include sugar, sisal, cocoa and (in 1984-5) mangoes.
Local commerce is mostly controlled by businessmen of Levantine
origin and by mulatto families.
The disturbances which began in November 1985 have led to
something of an economic crisis. About forty US firms have withdrawn
from Haiti leading to a loss of 12,000 jobs. This is partly due to political
uncertainty, as well as to the possibility of demands for higher wages
which might result from the creation of free trade unions; also new US
restrictions on the importing of textiles have contributed. Again US
health regulations have led to a decline in the importing of Haitian
mangoes. Tourism, which might have begun to recover in 1986 from
the AIDS scare has declined even further, with many hotels totally
desolate.
Since the fall of Duvalier many exiles have returned home to set up
political movements, including former Duvalierists Marc Bazin and
Leslie Manigat-both favoured by the US-and Rene Theodore, who
leads the Haitian Communist Party and appears to be receiving money
from the French Communist Party. Political leaders who remained in
the country include Sylvio Claude and Gregoire Eugene, with their rival
Christian Democratic parties and Hubert de Ronceray, a former
Cabinet minister under Duvalier. Serge Gilles, formerly living in Paris,
heads a party with links to the Socialist International. Two trade union
groups have been formed, one associated with the International
Federation of Free Trade Unions (and thus with the American
AFL/CIO), the other is politically more left-wing.
The junta headed by General Henri Namphy has generally restricted
itself to maintaining some degree of order rather than embarking on
major political changes. Namphy himself is widely believed to be an
honest man without political ambitions, who wishes to allow a
maximum of freedom for different voices to be heard. Pushed by public
opinion, manifested in public demonstrations and strikes, the junta
14

T K Morrison, 'Case study of a 'least developed country' successfully exporting manufactures:

Haiti', Interamerican Economic Affairs 29(1) 1975, pp 21f; J Grunwald et al., 'Off-shore
assembly in Haiti', in Foster and Valdman (eds) Haiti, op. cit., pp 231f.

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THIRD WORLD QUARTERLY

have rid themselves of former Duvalierists and have brought to trial a

few macoutes. In a symbolic renunciation of Duvalierism, they changed
the Haitian flag back to the blue and red of pre-1964 days. Yet it is
generally believed that the strong man of the junta is Colonel Williams
Regala, who heads the Ministry of the Interior. He and the Finance
Minister, Lesly Delatour, have been widely denounced as politically
conservative and as agents of the US. Their dismissal has been
demanded by radical groups. The junta has set out a timetable for the
formulation of a new Constitution and for the eventual election of a new
President in November 1987. Perhaps one of the most important
political requirements is the strengthening of local community action
groups and the creation of a strong system of local and regional
government.
The churches are divided. The returned exile priests have called for
the resignation of Archbishop Ligonde owing to his past associations
with Duvalier, Bishop Romulus of Jeremie appears to be the only
member of the hierarchy with radical political views. The others, led by
Bishop Gayot of Cap Haitien, think more in terms of the old Christian
Democrat theories of post-1945 Europe. Most Protestant groups,
particularly those with strong ties to the US, spend much of their time
warning their congregation of the dangers of 'atheistic communism'.
At this stage, it is impossible to say which way things will go in Haiti.
While the junta has been criticised for not having embarked on
ambitious reforms, it is fairly certain that any attempt to do so would be
denounced by opponents on the grounds that the group has no
'mandate' for adopting substantive policies. If it manages to maintain a
degree of social order within which constitutional and political debates
are able to take place, and local institutions are able to develop it will
have served a good purpose.

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