chapter 13

the pl ace of v en er ation

i n e a r ly sou th a si a n
bu ddhism
lars fogelin

The Early Historic Period (6th century bce to the 3rd century ce) in South Asia was a time of
profound social change. Across the subcontinent numerous rival kings competed for territorial and hegemonic supremacy. New forms of crat production and new technologies spread
between rival states as cratspeople began to organize themselves as guilds. Agricultural production was intensiied through the use of larger and more elaborate hydraulic facilities (e.g.
irrigation systems and reservoirs) as new areas were brought under cultivation. Large-scale,
formalized trade routes emerged, allowing trade goods, ideas of governance, and religious
ascetics to move between developing urban centres. Writing, though present in the subcontinent from at least the 3rd millennium bce, became common and widespread for the irst
time. Writing was used to record oral histories, religious tracts, government proclamations,
and the mundane records of land transactions and accounting. Within this dynamic urban
society new religions (such as Jainism and Buddhism) were rapidly introduced to challenge
the orthodoxy of Vedic Brahmanism. his chapter examines how one of these new
religionsBuddhismemployed mortuary facilities to centre and orient religious practice.
Until the last 20 years, the study of ancient Buddhism was textually based, with archaeology mostly serving to identify places and practices discussed within the Buddhist literature
(Coningham 2001, Trautmann and Sinopoli 2002). More recently, archaeologists have begun
to see archaeological evidence as distinct and separate from textual evidence. Buddhist texts
were written by and for Buddhist monks. his does not mean, however, that Buddhist textual
sources are primarily theological. Rather, these sources focus on issues of interest to Buddhist
monks, including theological matters but also more mundane issues of monastic life.
Archaeological evidence, on the other hand, is a palimpsest of the actions of Buddhist
monks, Buddhist nuns, Buddhist laity, and non-Buddhists of all sorts. As such, archaeological and textual evidence address diferent concerns. Diferences between textual accounts
and archaeological remains are not contradictions in need of arbitration, but rather illuminating disjunctions between Buddhist monks and laity, Buddhist theology and ritual, and
Buddhist texts and practice. his chapter explores the disjuncture between archaeological

228

human experience across cultural contexts

and textual sources in regard to Buddhist views of death, post-death veneration, and
mortuary ritual.
At the centre of these disjunctions between text and practice lies the Buddhist stupa. A
stupa, in its most basic sense, is a mound of earth containing the cremated remains of an
individual (see Fig. 13.1). In some textual accounts, upon his death in the early 5th century
bce, the Buddha was cremated and his remains placed within eight stupas. By the 3rd century bce, the eight original stupas multiplied into thousands as stupas became the primary
places of ritual for Buddhist monks and laypeople. Unlike earlier stupas, many of these later
stupas were elaborate structures made of stone, brick, and stucco. Immediately surrounding
stupas were circumambulatory paths, clearly demarcated by high railings. Circumambulatory

Chhatra
Harmika

Circumambulatory
Path

Anda
Torana

Railings
Drum

fig. 13.1 he mahastupa at Sanchi (top) and a schematic diagram of a typical pilgrimage
stupa (bottom)

early south asian buddhism

229

paths were used by devotees to ritually walk around stupas as an act of worship. Beyond the
circumambulatory paths was a larger assembly area where more festive, communal forms of
ritual were performed (Fogelin 2003). hose stupas that enshrined the relics of the Buddha
(mahastupas) became the focus of elaborate pilgrimages, central to the spiritual lives of the
Buddhist laity, and, despite textual prohibitions, the Buddhist clergy.

Early Buddhism as Shown in Texts

he textual sources for the study of Buddhism are extensive and rich. hey are not, however,
simple. he existing sources come from multiple Buddhist sects, are written in several different languages, and date to widely divergent times. hese problems are multiplied when
applying Buddhist textual sources to the study of early Buddhism. he earliest extant
Buddhist texts date to the irst few centuries ce. For the most part, these texts are not even
preserved in the heartland of Buddhism in the Gangetic Plain of South Asia, but in translations found in Sri Lanka, China, and Tibet. hese texts claim to be transcriptions of earlier
texts and oral histories dating to the time of the Buddha, half a millennium earlier. While
these texts do contain accounts of earlier forms of Buddhism, these accounts are intertwined with later additions and modiications. Taken together, this suggests that there is no
single Buddhist theology any more than there is any single Christian theology. Rather, there
are general commonalities that diferent Buddhist traditions share to greater and lesser
degrees. What follows can only be described as an abstract of the most generic elements of
Buddhist thought.
As in most South Asian religions, early Buddhists believed in reincarnationthat ater
death an individual is reborn. he quality of this rebirth was determined by the actions of the
individual in all of their previous lives (karma). Meritorious acts resulted in rebirth in a
higher status, while demerit led to rebirth in lower statuses. What distinguished Buddhism
from other South Asian religions was not the belief in reincarnation, merit, or karma, but
rather the speciic understandings of the human condition and methods employed to stop
the cycle of rebirth in which all people ind themselves. hat said, when examining early
Buddhist ritual practice, it seems that the concepts of karma, merit, and reincarnation are
most central (Schopen 1997). hus, the more scholastic elements that most clearly deine
Buddhism as diferent from other South Asian religions are also those elements most peripheral to the ritual lives of most early Buddhists.
he most common scholastic understanding of early Buddhist philosophy centres on the
four noble truths. he irst noble truth states that life is suferingthat life is inherently sorrowful as it is illed with disease, unhappiness, and death. he second noble truth states that
sufering is caused by desire. hat is, desirefor love, health, or material goods for
exampleleads to unfulilled wants and needs. he third noble truth states that the elimination of desire must necessarily lead to elimination of sufering and life (the cycle of rebirth)
itself. his state, without sufering or rebirth, is called nirvana. he fourth noble truth spells
out the practices that an individual must engage in to achieve nirvana. hese practices vary
tremendously between diferent Buddhist sects and over time, but most emphasize meditation, learning from a master, and other beneicial acts such as vegetarianism, sexual abstinence, and the renunciation of property. As with the concept karma, these good practices

230

human experience across cultural contexts

were not limited to Buddhists, but are similar in most respects to the practices of Jains,
Brahmins, and other contemporary South Asian religions.

Textual Accounts of Early Buddhist

Mortuary Ritual
Buddhist textual accounts of burial vary greatly in detail depending upon the status of the
person being interred. he most elaborate descriptions centre on the treatment of the Buddha,
with progressively less detail concerning the burial of prominent monks, ordinary monks,
and the laity. However, throughout the varying textual accounts is a consistent ambivalence
concerning mortuary activities. his ambivalence is rooted in the emphasis on nirvana and
corresponding dismissal of the mundane world (samsara) that pervades Buddhist literature.
his ambivalence is, perhaps, most clearly illustrated in textual accounts of the Buddhas death
and eventual veneration. In one account, contained within the Mahaparinibbana-sutta
(Davids and Davids 1910), the Buddha is asked by one of his principal disciples, Ananda, what
should be done with the Buddhas body ater death. he Buddha responded,
Hinder not yourselves, Ananda, by honoring the remains of the Tathagata [Buddha]. Be
zealous, I beseech you, Ananda, in your own behalf! Devote yourselves to your own good!
Be earnest, be zealous, be intent on your own good! here are wise men, Ananda, among
the nobles, among the Brahmins, among the heads of houses, who are irm believers in the
Tathagata, and they will do due honor to the remains of the Tathagata. (Davids and Davids
1910: 154)

Subsequent passages state that the nobles should cremate the Buddhas body and place the
ashes within a stupa where those [W]ho will take a garland or perfume or paint there, or will
salute, or will cause their mind to be tranquil, that will be for their beneit and ease for a long
time. (Davids and Davids 1910: 156)
Traditionally, this account has been interpreted as contrasting the proper behaviour of the
Buddhist clergy and laity toward the Buddhas remains (Oldenberg 1882, Coomaraswamy
1927, Lamotte 1988; but see Schopen 1997: 99113 for an alternative interpretation). he
clergy, with their greater knowledge and sophistication should abstain from venerating the
Buddha, but rather focus on their own personal achievement of nirvana through religious
instruction and meditation. he laity, with their lesser understanding of Buddhism, could
obtain merit through ritual directed towards the Buddhas relics interred within stupas.
Buddhist textual sources provide far less detail on the mortuary treatment of Buddhist
monks. It appears that the most prominent monks (like Ananda discussed above) were given
similar treatment as the Buddha. hey were buried in stupas. hough the stupas of prominent monks were oten smaller than stupas of the Buddha (mahastupas) and oten omitted
circumambulatory paths, they were still large structures similar in most respects to the
Buddhas stupas. he same cannot be said of the treatment of ordinary monksthose monks
who did not warrant post-death veneration.
Textual descriptions of the funerals of ordinary monks do not occur in the same accounts as
those of the Buddha or prominent monks. Rather, these funerals are typically addressed in

early south asian buddhism

231

texts that provide rules and procedures for monastic life (vinayas). One account (Schopen
1995) reports that at the death of one monk the community dumped his body in a ditch outside
the monastery. When the deceased monks relatives found the body, they complained to the
Buddha. In response, the Buddha decreed that the monk should receive a proper cremation. In
another account within the Mulasarvastivada-vinaya (Schopen 1997: 20437), ater the death
of a monk the other members of the monastery go to his cell to redistribute his belongings. In
the cell they ind the dead monks ghost, who refuses to part with his belongings until he
receives a proper funeral. his funeral is then described in the text as including several elements: the removal of the body to the cremation ground, the washing of the body, the recitation
of Buddhist scripture over the body, and the inal cremation of the body. All participants were
then required to ritually wash themselves and their clothes before returning to the monastery.
While this passage does provide a detailed account of a monastic funeral, it is important to
note that this description is not the central point of the account. Rather, the account concludes by stating that only those who participate in a proper funeral are entitled to a share of
the deceased monks belongings. hat is, by this account the impetus for a proper funeral is
not religious, per se, but rather pecuniary (Schopen 1997: 20437). As in the description of
the Buddhas funeral, there appears to be a general lack of interest in the afairs of the body.
Following Buddhist theology, these texts imply that Buddhist monks only have funerals
because (1) the communities in which they lived demanded them, and (2) they were required
as a means to identify those who had a right to inheritance. As in the account of the Buddhas
mortuary treatment it appears that monastic interest in mortuary practices had little to do
with nirvana, but rather with mundane practical concerns.
If accounts of monastic funerals are limited, discussions of lay funerals are almost nonexistent in the Buddhist literature. In some Sri Lankan and Chinese vinayas (Schopen 1995:
1056), participation in lay funerals is listed as one of the few reasons monks may leave a
monastery during the normally restrictive rainy season retreat. Buddhist monks participated
in lay funerals, but no details are provided of the funerals themselves.
Overall, the picture of Buddhist mortuary behaviour that can be gleaned from texts is
ambivalent. he deceased were given funerals grudgingly or, in the case of the Buddha, given
to the laity for funeral rights and subsequent veneration. Funerals were a necessary chore, a
distraction from the real focus of their actions, meditation and learning. If it were not for the
additional information provided by Buddhist inscriptions and archaeological studies, this
would be the end of it. However, archaeological and epigraphic sources provide a radically
diferent view of the nature of Buddhist mortuary behavior.

Archaeology of Early Buddhist

Mortuary Ritual
Relying upon the insights provided by Buddhist literature, it would be expected that Buddhist
stupas would have been frequented by the laity and avoided by the Buddhist clergy. Some
members of the clergy would have engaged with the Buddhist laity at stupas out of a sense of
obligation or duty, but otherwise most Buddhist monks would forgo stupa veneration. hus,
we would expect to ind stupas at large pilgrimage sites frequented by the laity, but absent at

232

human experience across cultural contexts

Buddhist monasteries in which monks lived in seclusion. his expectation, derived from the
Buddhist literature, is directly contradicted by archaeological (material) evidence. In the last
200 years, numerous early Buddhist monasteries have been found, excavated, and studied
(see Fig. 13.2). Within these monastic complexes stupas are not only present, but ubiquitous
from the earliest periods for which there is any archaeological evidence.

fig. 13.2 Early Buddhist archaeological sites in South Asia

early south asian buddhism

233

he extant stupas available for archaeological study fall into two general types. he irst are
the large pilgrimage stupas described above. Archaeological investigations have been conducted at many of these sites, most notably at Sanchi (Cunningham 1854 [1997], Marshall and
Foucher 1983, Mitra 1965; Shaw 1999, 2000; Shaw and Sutclife 2001), Bharhut (Cunningham
1876 [1962], Barua 1979), Amaravati (Sewell 1880 [1973], Burgess 1882 [1972], Burgess and
Bhler 1887 [1970], Barrett 1954, Ramachandra Rao 2002), and the Dharmarajika stupa at
Taxila (Marshall 1951 [1975], Sarkar 1966). While it assumed that some of these stupas date to
the period immediately following the death of the Buddha in the 5th century bce, archaeologically there is no evidence for their presence before the rise of the Mauryan Empire in North
India in the late 4th century bce. he speciic form of the Mauryan period stupas remains conjectural, as all were signiicantly modiied in subsequent centuries. he second type of stupa
was located within Buddhist monastic complexes. he earliest of these date to the 2nd century
bce. Of the extant early monastic stupa complexes, most are located in western India, carved
directly into clif faces (Fergusson and Burgess 1880 [1988], Dehejia 1972, Nagaraju 1981). his
method of construction is the primary reason for their preservation. here are, however, a
small number of early, free-standing monastic complexes found throughout South Asia that
also date to the 2nd century bce. Among the best studied are hotlakonda (Sastry et al. 1992,
Fogelin 2006) and Bavikonda (Prasad 1993, 1994) on the east coast of the peninsula.
While the earliest monastic stupas date only to the 2nd century bce, they appear to be
modelled on earlier wooden prototypes that have not been preserved for archaeological
study (Brown 1956). At Bhaja and Kondane (Mitra 1971), for example, some architectural elements were carved to resemble wooden elements, complete with faux wooden joints and
lintels. his suggests that monastic stupas precede the earliest archaeological evidence, but it
is uncertain how long they were constructed before the 2nd century bce. Whatever the case,
by the 1st century bce the form and style of Buddhist monasteries, whether rock-cut or freestanding, had become more-or-less regularized across the subcontinent (see Fig. 13.3). Stupas
were placed within worship halls (chaityas), while the Buddhist clergy lived in nearby
monastic dormitories (viharas; see Coningham 2001 for a critique of these terms). Viharas
were generally square structures with cells arrayed around the periphery. Chaityas took the
form of an apsidal hall, with stupas placed on the far end opposite the entrance.
While taking a diferent form than the large open-air pilgrimage stupas, monastic stupas
within chaitya halls shared many of the same ritual elements. At least initially, monastic stupas contained relics. Circling the chaitya hall was a pathway demarcated with columns that
was used for circumambulating the stupa. In essence, then, monastic stupas shared almost
all the ritual elements of large pilgrimage sites: a stupa containing relic, an assembly area for
group worship, and a circumambulatory path used for more individual forms of meditative
ritual. When viewed in terms of the textual proscriptions against the monastic veneration of
the Buddha, the irst point of disjuncture emerges between archaeological and textual
accounts of early Buddhism. hese disjunctures are even more pronounced when examining
the archaeological and epigraphic evidence for the mortuary treatment of ordinary monks
and the Buddhist laity.
Surrounding many large pilgrimage stupas in South Asia are dense clusters of smaller votive
stupas. hese stupas range in size and elaboration, but share the two most basic elements of
any stupa: a shape recalling the original mound of earth the Buddha was buried in, and the
cremated remains of an individual. he diference between votive stupas and mahastupas is
that those interred within them were not intended to be venerated, but rather that their placement around a mahastupa was itself an act of veneration of another (Schopen 1997: 11447).

234

human experience across cultural contexts

Ci
r

th
Pa

mbulatory
ma
cu

Stupa

Assembly
Area

Entrance

fig. 13.3 he main chaitya at Karla (let) and a schematic diagram of a typical monastic
chaitya hall (right)
While votive stupas are common at stupa complexes throughout South Asia, little scholarly attention was paid to them until recently. In fact, at Bodh-Gaya, votive stupas were even
cleared from the courtyard surrounding the mahastupa as part of Cunninghams excavations in the 19th century (Cunningham 1892 [1998]). Despite this, ample archaeological
traces of votive stupas remain at numerous monastic and pilgrimage complexes, including
Ratnagiri (Mitra 1981), Bhaja (Mitra 1971), Sankaram (Rea 19071908: 110, Mitra 1971), and
hotlakonda (Sastry et al. 1992, Fogelin 2006). At hotlakonda votive stupas were arrayed
in a complex hierarchy based on the proximity and visibility of the main stupa at the monastery (see Fig. 13.4). he most elaborate votive stupas were immediately adjacent to the central stupa, with progressively less elaborate votive stupas located further away. he least
elaborate votive stupas were simple cairns of unmodiied stones located on hilltops surrounding the monastery. By itself, the archaeological evidence of votive stupas suggests that,
contrary to the indiference in Buddhist textual sources, Buddhists were heavily invested in
mortuary ritual. A fuller understanding of early Buddhist mortuary beliefs, however, comes
only by adding the insights gained from an analysis of early Buddhist inscriptions.

Early Buddhist Inscriptions

Traditionally, the study of early Buddhism focused on the analysis of Buddhist texts. More
recently, several Buddhist scholars have begun to focus more on the study of inscriptions
(Schopen 1997, 2004, Trainor 1997). hese inscriptions are found throughout early Buddhist

early south asian buddhism

235

fig. 13.4 he varieties of mortuary features found near hotlakonda monastery

Notes: Clockwise from upper let: the main stupa at hotlakonda, a large votive stupa at hotlakonda,
a cairn, and a small stone votive stupa at hotlakonda (scale 1 metre).

complexes and provide a third line of evidence concerning mortuary practices of early
Buddhists. As stated by Schopen (1997: 30), these inscriptions have at least two major advantages over the analysis of Buddhist texts.
First, much of [the inscriptional material] predates what we can deinitely know from literary sources. Second, and perhaps of greater importance, this material tells us not what some
literate, educated Indian Buddhist wrote, but what a fairly large number of practicing
Buddhists actually did. (Schopen 1997: 30)

hese advantages of the inscriptional material are balanced by one major disadvantage
most of these early inscriptions are short messages recording donations to monasteries or
stupa complexes. Most oten these inscriptions record little more than the name of the donor,
and perhaps the hometown or occupation of the individual. Despite this, much can be
learned of early Buddhism from these donation inscriptions.
One of the more startling revelations about early Buddhism derived from an analysis of
donation inscriptions is that substantial proportions record the donations of Buddhist
monks and nuns. Despite the prohibition against the accumulations of personal wealth
attested to in some textual traditions, donation inscriptions unequivocally demonstrate that
Buddhist monks and nuns had access to wealth and at times this wealth was signiicant. his
disjuncture with texts is interesting on two fronts. First, it helps to explain the importance of
the textual account discussed earlier in regard to the inheritance of a deceased monks property. Simply put, participation in a monastic funeral could be very lucrative. Second, many of

236

human experience across cultural contexts

the donation inscriptions listing monks are found in the large pilgrimage stupas rather than
in the monasteries. For example, at Sanchi about one-third of the donation inscriptions list
monks or nuns as donors (Fogelin 2003). his, in turn, suggests that monks were not as isolated from the laity as the textual accounts would suggest.
Buddhist inscriptions also provide insight into the role of votive stupas. In many cases,
short inscriptions recording the name and occupation of the deceased are carved into votive
stupas as well. As with donation inscriptions, it appears that votive stupas contain the cremated remains of people from many occupations, including Buddhist monks and nuns. hat
is, the Buddhist clergy were interred within votive stupas at both Buddhist monasteries and
surrounding mahastupas of the Buddha.
Taken together, the evidence from donation inscriptions and votive stupa inscriptions
suggests that Buddhist monks and nuns were actively engaged in stupa veneration, both
within their own monasteries and in the large pilgrimage stupas frequented by the laity.
Schopen (Schopen 1997: 11447) has referred to the placement of votive stupas adjacent to
mahastupas as burial ad sanctos. Just as proximity to the Buddha during circumambulation
was meritorious, burial adjacent to the Buddha was similarly meritorious. In fact, burial
would be one step better. Circumambulation had a deinable end point, where burial adjacent to a stupa could potentially allow for the accumulation or merit perpetually.
Inscriptions also provide an explanation for the particular conceptions that early
Buddhists brought to circumambulation and burial ad sanctos. On one relic casket found
within Shinkota 2nd century bce mahastupa in modern Pakistanan inscription
reads . . . [on] the 14th day of the month Karttika, the relic of the Blessed One Sakyamuni
which is endowed with life was established (Majumdar 1937, Lamotte 1988, Schopen 1997:
126). Similar inscriptions demonstrate that the relics of the Buddha enshrined within
mahastupas throughout South Asia were considered functionally equivalent with the
living Buddha (Schopen 1997:131; see also Trainor 1997, Strong 2004).

Understanding Disjunctures
in Early Buddhism
When comparing textual, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence of early Buddhist mortuary
ritual, several disjunctions are immediately apparent. Most obviously, the textual prohibitions
and ambivalence of Buddhist monks and nuns towards stupa veneration is almost directly contradicted by the ubiquity of stupas within early monastic complexes and the presence of clerical
votive stupas surrounding mahastupas. Buddhist monks and nuns were fully involved in stupa
veneration, whatever Buddhist textual sources may claim. More subtly, the conception of relics
as the continuing living presence of the Buddha stands in contrast to the idea that nirvana represents the complete cessation of life and ties to the mundane world. Similarly, burial ad sanctos
demands that some trace of the individual remains within the ashes interred within votive stupas. Burial near a mahastupa could not be considered perpetual veneration unless both the person being venerated and the person doing the veneration were present, at least to some degree.
One common way to explain the disjunctures between text, archaeology, and epigraphy is
to privilege one line of evidence and disregard others as unreliable. In my mind, the irst
mistake of these one-dimensional perspectives is that each line of evidence relates to

early south asian buddhism

237

diferent, though interlocking, aspects of early Buddhism. he second mistake is to view

early Buddhism as a single, uniied, or coherent body of thought. When considering texts
and epigraphy, it must always be remembered that only a small percentage of early Buddhists
were literate. It is likely that many of those who were memorialized in donation inscriptions
could not read them. Similarly, of those monks and nuns who were literate, the authors of the
authoritative texts that survive to the present day were an elite few. When evaluating Buddhist
inscriptions or texts, the goals of the authors must always be taken into account.
At the heart of all these disjunctures it seems that the Buddhist clergy were far more interested in karma, merit, inheritance, and other mundane issues than is depicted in the monastic literaturethat is, most Buddhist monks and nuns were more like the laity than the texts
report. here are two explanations for this. he irst is chronological. As discussed earlier,
the existing Buddhist texts post-date early Buddhism by several hundred years. It is possible, then, that these texts accurately relect the practices of monastic Buddhism at the time
of their composition. Later Buddhist clergy were more divorced from the daily concerns of
lay Buddhists than earlier ones. here does seem to be some truth in this explanation, but to
completely disregard the potential of later Buddhist texts to illuminate early Buddhism
seems overly restrictive. he second explanation of the disjunctures focuses more upon the
broader social world in which early Buddhism existed.
Early Buddhists did not live in isolation, but rather within a dynamic world of competing
religious, political, and economic factions. he elite few who composed Buddhist texts were
in dialogue with other members of the religious, political, and economic elite. Buddhist texts
constituted a venue where the scholarly few could explain the diferences between competing religious sects. In contrast, ordinary monks, nuns, and the Buddhist laity were simply
seeking to fulil their spiritual needs in familiar ways. As such, their ritual actions were
guided by diferent concerns than those driving the composition of Buddhist texts. In a
sense, the diferences described here resemble the diferences between modern protestant
sects of Christianity. While signiicant doctrinal diferences exist between protestant sects
(e.g. on the ordination of women and homosexuals), the actual practices of Sunday morning
worship services are oten almost indistinguishable.
It should not be surprising that Buddhist mortuary rituals as described in Buddhist texts
do not articulate perfectly with Buddhist mortuary practices. In fact, it would be surprising
if they did. he relationship between religious theology and ritual practice is always infused
with disjuncture and contradiction. hese disjunctures betray underlying diferences in the
outlook and interests of religious factions. he interests of the religious elite do not always
align with their followers, or even ordinary religious oicials. hat does not mean that the
actions of the religious elite are uninteresting or unimportant. he study of early religion
should avoid simple dichotomies of thought and action, of religion and ritual. Disjunctures
are not problems to be decided upon, but rather interesting patterns that beg explanation.

Acknowledgements
I thank the editors for their oversight of this volume and for their guidance. I also thank Alice
Ritscherle for her comments and suggestions on earlier drats. Finally, I thank the many people I have worked with in India over the years for their time and support as I have conducted
my research.

238

human experience across cultural contexts

Suggested Further Reading

Allchin, R. (ed.) 1995. he Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: he Emergence of Cities
and States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
his is an excellent introduction to the archaeology of the Early Historic Period in South Asia.
Coningham, R. 2001. he Archaeology of Buddhism. In: T. Insoll (ed.) Archaeology and World
Religion. London: Routledge: 6195.
his article is a brief introduction to the archaeology of Buddhism.
Fergusson, J. and Burgess, J. 1880 [1988]. he Cave Temples of India. New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal.
A classic piece of colonial British scholarship, this work provides much of the primary information on the rock-cut Buddhist monasteries of Western India.
Fogelin, L. 2006. Archaeology of Early Buddhism. Lanham, Md.: AltaMira Press.
his book examines one early Buddhist monastery (hotlakonda) in detail. It includes a lengthy
introduction covering early Buddhism, archaeological theory, and South Asian history.
Lamotte, E. 1988. History of Indian Buddhism from the Origins to the Saka Era. Louvain-laNueve: Institute Orientaliste, Universit de Louvain.
his is an authoritative and exhaustive history of Buddhism in South Asia.
Lopez, D. S. 2001. he Story of Buddhism: A Concise Guide to its History and Teachings. San
Francisco: Harper San Francisco.
his is a basic scholarly introduction to Buddhism, including discussions of Buddhas biography, the history of Buddhism, and Buddhist thought.
Mitra, D. 1971. Buddhist Monuments. Calcutta: Sahitya Samsad.
his reference book contains photos and description of most of the major Buddhist monuments
in India.
Ray, H. P. 1986. Monastery and Guild: Commerce under the Satavahanas. Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
his work examines the relationships between monasteries and the larger political and economic contexts in which they existed.
Schopen, G. 1997. Bones, Stones, and Buddhist Monks: Collected Papers on the Archaeology,
Epigraphy, and Texts of Monastic Buddhism in India. Honolulu: University of Hawaii
Press.
2004. Buddhist Monks and Business Matters: Still More Papers on Monastic Buddhism in
India. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
hese two books collect many of the essays of Gregory Schopen. hey provide an important
summary of some recent scholarly trends in the study of early Buddhism.
Strong, J. 2004. Relics of the Buddha. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
his work is an important analysis of the role and nature of relics in early Buddhism.
hapar, R. 2002. Early India: From the Origins to AD 1300. Berkeley, Calif.: University of
California Press.
his book is among the best general histories of early South Asia.

Additional References
Barrett, D. E. 1954. Sculptures from Amaravati in the British Museum. London: Trustees of the
British Museum.

early south asian buddhism

239

Barua, B. 1979. Barhut: Parts 1, 2, and 3. Varanasi: Indological Book House.

Brown, P. 1956. Indian Architecture: he Buddhist and Hindu Periods. Bombay: D. B.
Taraporevela and Sons.
Burgess, J. 1882 [1972]. Notes on the Amaravati stupa. Varanasi: Prithivi Prakashan.
and Bhler, G. 1887 [1970]. he Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta in the
Krishna District, Madras Presidency, Surveyed in 1882. Varanasi: Indological Book House.
Coomaraswamy, A. K. 1927. History of Indian and Indonesian Art. New York: E. Weyhe.
Cunningham, A. 1854 [1997]. he Bhilsa Topes or Buddhist Monuments of Central India. New
Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.
1876 [1962]. he Stupa of Bharhut: A Buddhist Monument Ornamented with Numerous
Sculptures. Varanasi: Indological Book House.
1892 [1998]. Mahabodhi or the Great Buddhist Temple under the Bodhi Tree at BuddhaGaya. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.
Davids, T. W., and Rhys Davids, C. A. F. 1910. Dialogues of the Buddha. London: Oxford
University Press.
Dehejia, V. 1972. Early Buddhist Rock Temples. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Fogelin, L. 2003. Ritual and Presentation in Early Buddhist Religious Architecture. Asian
Perspectives 42(1): 12954.
Majumdar, N. G. 1937. he Bajaur Casket of the Reign of Menander. Epigraphia Indica 24:
18.
Marshall, J. 1951 [1975]. Taxila: An Illustrated Account of Archaeological Excavations Carried
out at Taxila under the Orders of the Government of India between the Years 1913 and 1934.
Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
and Foucher, A. 1983. he Monuments of Sanchi. Delhi: Swati Publications.
Mitra, D. 1965. Sanchi. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.
1981. Ratnagiri, 195861. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.
Nagaraju, S. 1981. Buddhist Architecture of Western India. Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan.
Oldenberg, H. 1882. Buddha: His life, his Doctrine, his Order. London: Williams and Norgate.
Prasad, N. R. V. 1993. Recent Buddhist Discoveries in Visakhapatnam District Andhra Pradesh:
Relic Caskets at Bavikonda. Hyderbad: Department of Archaeology and Museums, he
Government of Andhra Pradesh.
1994. Bavikonda: A Buddhist Site in North Coastal Andhra Pradesh. Hyderabad:
Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Andhra Pradesh.
Ramachandra Rao, P. R. 2002. Amaravati. Hyderabad: Youth Advancement, Tourism &
Cultural Department, Government of Andhra Pradesh.
Rea, A. 19078. A Buddhist Monastery on the Sankaram Hills. Calcutta: MAST.
Sarkar, H. 1966. Studies in Early Buddhist Architecture of India. New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal.
Sastry, V. V. Krishna, Subrahmanyam, B., and Rama Krishna Rao, N. 1992. hotlakonda: A
Buddhist site in Andhra Pradesh. Hyderabad: Department of Archaeology and Museums,
Government of Andhra Pradesh.
Schopen, G. 1995. Monastic Law Meets the Real World: A Monks Continuing Right to Inherit
Family Property in Classical India. History of Religions 35(2): 10123.
Sewell, R. 1880 [1973]. Report of the Amaravati Tope and Excavations on its Site in 1877.
Varanasi: Bhartiya.

240

human experience across cultural contexts

Shaw, J. 1999. Buddhist Landscapes and Monastic Planning: he Elements of Intervisibility,

Surveillance and the Protection of Relics. In: T. Insoll (ed.) Case Studies in Archaeology and
World Religion. Oxford: Archaeopress: 517.
2000. Sanchi and its Archaeological Landscape: Buddhist Monasteries, Settlements and
Irrigation Works in Central India. Antiquity 74: 7756.
and Sutclife, J. 2001. Ancient Irrigation Works in the Sanchi Area: An Archaeological
and Hydrological Investigation. South Asian Studies 17: 5575.
Trainor, K. 1997. Relics, Ritual, and Representation: Rematerializing the Sri Lankan heravada
Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Trautmann, T., and Sinopoli, C. M. 2002. In the Beginning was the Word: Excavating the
Relations between History and Archaeology in South Asia. Journal of the Economic and
Social History of the Orient 45(4): 492523.