Professional Documents
Culture Documents
YOUNG, Iris Marion. Inclusion and democracy. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.
2
INCLUSIVE POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
[pp. 52-80]
Inclusion increases the chances that those who make proposals will transform their
positions from an initial selfregarding stance to a more objective appeal to justice,
because they must listen to others with differing positions to whom they are also
answerable. (p. 52)
The most obvious forms of exclusion are those that keep some individuals or groups
out of the fora of debate or processes of decision-making, or which allow some
individuals or groups dominative control over what happens in them. I call this
external exclusion. (p. 52) Exclusin externa.
Less noticed are those forms of exclusion that sometimes occur even when
individuals and groups are nominally included in the discussion and decision-making
process. In the previous chapter I referred to several of these forms of internal
exclusion: the terms of discourse make assumptions some do not share, the interaction
privileges specific styles of expression, the participation of some people is dismissed
as out of order. (p. 53) Exclusin interna.
Perhaps the most pervasive and insidious form of external exclusion in modern
democracies is what I referred to in the previous chapters as the ability for
economically or socially powerful actors also to exercise political domination. If some
citizens are able to buy sufficient media time to dominate public discussion of an
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issue, others are effectively excluded. When industrialists or financiers threaten to
disinvest in a region unless political decisions go the way they wish, they exercise
exclusive tyranny. When political candidates must depend on huge contributions from
particular individuals or organizations to win elections, then political influence is
wrongly unequal. (p. 54)
Levinas describes the most primordial moment of an ethical relation between one
person and another as a condition of being hostage. To recognize another person is to
find oneself already claimed upon by the other persons potential neediness. The
sensual, material proximity of the other person in his or her bodily need and
possibility for suffering makes an unavoidable claim on me, to which I am hostage.
(p. 58)
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o the emotional tone of the discourse, whether its content is uttered with fear,
hope, anger, joy, and other expressions of passion that move through discourse.
No discourse lacks emotional tone. (p. 65)
o The use in discourse of figures of speech, such as simile, metaphor, puns,
synecdoche, etc., along with the styles or attitudes such figures producethat
is, to be playful, humorous, ironic, deadpan, mocking, grave, or majestic.
(p.65)
o Forms of making a point that do not only involve speech, such as visual
media, signs and banners, street demonstration, guerrilla theatre, and the use of
symbols in all these contexts. (p. 65)
o All these affective, embodied, and stylistic aspects of communication, finally,
involve attention to the particular audience of ones communication, and
orienting ones claims and arguments to the particular assumptions, history,
and idioms of that audience. (p. 65)
Rhetorical moves often help to get an issue on the agenda for deliberation. (p. 66)
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discuss the way that storytelling in the legal context functions to challenge a
hegemonic view and express the particularity of experience to which the law ought to
respond but often does not. (p. 71)
Several scholars of Latin American literature offer another variant of a theory of the
political function of storytelling, in their reflections on testimonio. Some resistance
movement leaders in Central and South America narrate their life stories as a means of
exposing to the wider literate world the oppression of their people and the repression
they suffer from their governments. (p. 71) El testimonio
Political narrative differs from other forms of narrative by its intent and its audience
context. I tell the story not primarily to entertain or reveal myself, but to make a point
to demonstrate, describe, explain, or justify something to others in an ongoing
political discussion. Political narrative furthers discussion across difference in several
ways. (p. 72) narrativa poltica
Response to the differend. How can a group that suffers a particular harm or
oppression move from a situation of total silencing and exclusion with respect to this
suffering to its public expression? Storytelling is often an important bridge in such
cases between the mute experience of being wronged and political arguments about
justice. (p. 72) De acuerdo
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Aid in constituting the social knowledge that enlarges thought. Stories not only
relate the experiences of the protagonists, but also present a particular interpretation of
their relationships with others. Each person and collective has an account not only of
their own life and history, but of every other position that affects their experience.
Thus listeners can learn about how their own position, actions, and values appear to
others from the stories they tell. (p. 76)
o By means of narratives expressed in public with others differently situated
who also tell their stories, speakers and listeners can develop the enlarged
thought that transforms their thinking about issues from being narrowly
selfinterested or self-regarding about an issue, to thinking about an issue in a
way that takes account of the perspectives of others. (p. 76)
I do not offer practices of greeting, rhetoric, and narrative as substitutes for argument.
Normative ideals of democratic communication crucially entail that participants
require reasons of one another and critically evaluate them. These modes of
communication, rather, are important additions to argument in an enlarged conception
of democratic engagement. (P. 79)
The only remedy for false or invalid arguments is criticism. Similarly, listeners to
greetings, rhetoric, and narrative should be critically vigilant, and should apply
standards of evaluation to them as well as to argument. (p. 79)