Professional Documents
Culture Documents
In 1971 and 1972, the Comit de Defensa del Indio conducted a series of
Spanish-language interviews in the hamlet of El Cabuyo, resguardo of
Vitonc, with an aged activist, Julio Niquins, who was well known in the
area as a good storyteller. Niquins was an activist, conscious of the
totality of the Pez world. He had been an associate of Quintn Lame as
well as a close friend of Jos Gonzalo Snchez, indigenous Communist
Party organizer. He was believed to be a descendant of the culture hero
Juan Tama. His narrations interweave historical information acquired
through reading and discussion with non-Indians, with the traditional
Pez patterns of historical understanding examined in the previous
chapter, and clearly display his creativity and his agile interpretive
abilities. Moreover, the stories demonstrate that Pez history is not a set
of texts, but a constant movement between oral and written modes of
expression, constantly altered by the knowledge and experience of the
narrator and the context in which narration takes place.
Julio Niquins narrations are not simple repetitions of texts that he
heard earlier. They are complex fabrics woven as the storyteller interacts
with his listeners: they are negotiations with an audience (Blount 1975)
that on the one hand, is cognizant of the broad configurations of the
stories he recounts and of the images he paints and on the other,
eagerly awaits the new descriptions and interpretations of this master
storyteller. They accomplish in the narrative sphere what Niquins
compatriots effect through ritual and icon.
In this chapter we will examine these samples of Pez historical thought
in action. The conversations will be analyzed for the images they deftly
interweave, the general contours in which historical thought emerges,
the narrative patterns by which the histories are governed, their
relationship to earlier histories, both written and oral, as well as the
topography of the narrators home.
Julio Niquins, Cabuyeo and, according to some in Tierradentro,
descendant of Juan Tama, was born in Tierradentro shortly before the
War of the Thousand Days, in about 1893. He was a child at the turn of
the century, observer and participant in the nineteenth centurys last
great civil war:
At that time I was like this little one, what else? I couldnt shoot because the
guns were too heavy. But 1 sure did go everywhere with the soldiers. I was like a
rabbit running. Yessir, I know war, Ive been with soldiers. [Q: Were there many
Indians?] Bullets dont hit Yessir, but little ones; its dangerous for the adults.
[Rosalino] Yajimbo1 had few soldiers and he was confronting thousands of
government soldiers, yes. And we suffered a lot here during wartime. They
destroyed all the houses, burned them, yes. But even that didnt stop them
being Liberals. (AFCN/C 1972a)
While Niquins was too immature to serve as a soldier, his siblings were
of fighting age: little Julios brother fought in the war and went on to
participate in the guerrilla forces that sprung up in post-war
Tierradentro, while Julio himself was a guard for the
irregular forces. His memories of the guerrilla war are vivid:
I,
There were guerrillas here. Later there were only a few, just Vctor Mulcu one,
Jacinto Mulcu two, Manuel Santos Hurtado three, Sergio Geya four, Severo
five. Who was the other one? Manuel from Hondas father. There were very few
here. In San Jos one Isidro Muse, a Manuel Pacho, Francisco Pacho - there were
about four from San Jos, very few. In La Troja, Manuel Cayoy, Jess Ramos,
Sebastin Ramos, Jos Yajimbo and Bernab Calambs - he was the leader
there. In Vitoncd, Carlos Gutirrez, Venancio Fince, Manuel Fince, Joaquin
Titicu, Juan Menza and Juan Yandy. There were very few, all told about forty
soldiers. And they made horrible parades, the little pricks! Thats all. [Q: In
what year?]. In 1901 and 1902. There was an attack. Yessir. I remember it so
well. [Q: How were they armed?] With rifles. At one time they didnt have any
rifles; the poor bastards defended themselves with sticks. So many good arms
around and the poor guys fought with sticks. It was horrible. And even so, they
marched and made a scandal and the people thought they were armed, but
they werent. Finally, when Juan Cloromiro Castillo came with the blacks he left
them five rifles. With those five rifles, they made other rifles. Once, here in
Cabuvo, Yajimbo caught 70 soldiers. With four soldiers and two behind, six, and
the women and children making a scene: they thought there were a lot of Reds
[Liberals], but they were ruined. But of the strongest ones, seven fell... Yajimbo
was wounded and Juan Nepomuceno Saldarriaga from Medellin, he was black,
he was a fierce one, he was short like you but damn it, he was a tough bastard!
And when those Indians won they would make a dance, and I was a guard,
watching for the enemy. They danced and I watched for the coming of the
enemy. Yessir, there were a lot of bullets here! The damned skirmishes... right
here on this slope, and they killed them; they even used rocks. Those Indians
sure were strong! But who knows today with these youths, whether there are
young people to take up arms if a war breaks out, yessir. (ibid.)
Niquins was an ardent Liberal at an early age, working for the party by
the time he was 12; his political persuasion colors all his memories,
including his feelings for Quintn Lame, who was a Conservative.
Niquins did not have much of a childhood. Brought up in wartime
Tierradentro, he did not play at soldiers: he was one. His mother died
when he was a child, and like so many others, economic circumstance
forced him to leave school before second grade, and to work for the
family. Niquins was thus a self-taught literate. He was fluent in Spanish
at an early age and as an adolescent, served as an interpreter for white
traders from Belalczar and Silvia who passed through Tierradentro.
From the time of the civil wars through the Quintinada, Julio Niquins,
along with many of his compatriots, was a follower of the indigenous
caudillo Rosalino Yajimbo. According to Niquins, the Indians followed
Yajimbo because he was a caudillo, and they continued to heed his
command when he federated with the Lamista forces:
[Q: Why did the people follow Yajimbo? Was he a cacique or something?] A
colonel. [Q: A colonel in the army?] In the war. And since theyd already
declared war, he started to lead us, believing that maybe this way Mr. Manuel
Quintn Lame would become a Liberal, along with all the other Indians. Thats
it: he thought he would swell the ranks of Liberalism. [Q: So with the Indians,
he wanted to take revenge for the Conservatives having won in the Thousand
Days?] Yes, yes, yes, thats what happened. Its good to take hold of the story!
Thats it exactly! Yessir (AFCN/C 1971a)
Niquins did not consider himself a follower of Lame, but of Yajimbo, and
did not even know the sharecropper from Polindara until after Lame,
Yajimbo and he were arrested in 1917 in the governmental backlash
following the 1916 massacre in Inz.
Quintn Lame remained imprisoned for three years after his 1917 arrest,
accompanied by Niquins, who became an interpreter for the Indians on
trial, as well as Lames secretary. Until then, Niquins did not know
Lame:
I was not directly with [Lame], no? I was with Yajimbo... Since I could more or
less write, keep accounts, all of that, they called me and they grabbed me in
Popayn, because they needed me to work as a secretary. I said 1 didnt know
how because I was still only a boy then. Thats how life goes. Thats how I met
Mr. Quintn Lame. Then later I became his friend and we continued working,
(ibid.)
THESTORIES
Contours of the interviews
Victor Daniel Bonilla between July 1971 and August 1972, in
Tierradentro, conducted the Julio Niquins interviews. They were
conversations as opposed to lengthy narrations, interviewer continually
confronting narrator, forcing him to clarify points, raise up new
memories, tell the complete story. Pez observers listened to these
conversations, adding their own two cents: Hes telling the truth, I
know that story. In the earlier interviews, Niquins claimed to know little
of some stories. Later, as trust grew with his interviewers, he spoke
openly and in more detail.
Unlike many of my own interlocutors, Julio Niquins was a skilled
A year later, Don Julio made the weave of the tale more complex by
including his own interpretation of the story of La Gaitana and of the
Spanish conqueror Sebastian de Benalcazars missions in Tierradentro.
The story appeared in conjunction with his memories of the death of his
brother following the War of the Thousand Days:
He was fighting General Uribe at Palonegro. After the Liberals were defeated,
my brother came home and started another guerrilla group here and he finally
died here at Segovia. [Q: The Paez has been a great warrior. Before the
Thousand Days, do you know any stories from the last century?] 1 dont know
any, just stories of the caciques and things. Yes, we know that, about Juan
Tama, with the cacica Calambs of the Casucos, those fighters: theyre
Peruvians. There was an invasion from Peru and old Juan Tama made war. There
were six years of war. And after six years Juan Tama beat them and the rest
died in the war. Its center was in Silvia. Thats that. [Q: Was that before or after
the Spanish arrival?] It was after the Spaniards.
(AFCN/C 1972a)
On the heels of his skeletal repetition of the battle of San Jos Lake,
comes a new periodization of history, a temporal scheme at whose
center lies the cacica Gaitana:
[Q: And what did the cacica do?] The cacica is an older story ... Cayetana, when
they made the First Independence. [Q: The First Independence, Hows that?]
That was because the old woman had a son, Prince Giiiponga. That Giponga
was very rich. He was going to marry - he was very young - a very beautiful
Indian woman. And all the Indians congregated in Avirama: thats where they
were. Well, Pedro asco was in the same village and he sent a commission to
call the old lady and the prince to come to him. Prince Giponga arrived there,
and then: Listen son, you have to tell me where you have your treasures.
With that harvest, youll save yourself. Thats what Mr. asco told him. So the
Indian answered that he was poor: what did he have to pay with? what was he
going to turn over? They got together a lot of wood, a burnt offering, damn it:
they burned him alive. He was burning here [points to part of body]. How do
you feel, Indian? Just fine. What do you think? Hes like a flower. And in the
end he burned up. The old lady flew into a rage, damn it. She ran off. They
were watching the young man burn, and they forgot about the old lady. She
just bolted. That old lady walked for three days in Avirama! Well, Gipongas
bride died of sorrow and there was no wedding... Well, after Mr. asco and his
From the story of La Gaitana, Niquins shifts gears to recount the battle
of the Pez and Sebastin de Belalczar2 at the Pen de Tlaga,
weaving the two tales into a single fabric:
[Q: What was the cacicas full name?] Gaitana, no? Thats all. Thats the story.
Do you remember that little story? [Q: Yes, but not in detail.] Well, Sebastian de
Belalczar was in Popayn. He came with 500 Spaniards to catch the old lady.
He thought it was only the old lady, but there were thousands of Indians, just
beyond [the town of] Belalczar, where theres a little spring. There they [the
Spaniards] camped for the night and the Indians planned to fall on them. That
was in from Guadualta. And when he was surrounded he discovered, damn it,
that he [Belalczar] was surrounded by Indians. They [the Spaniards] shot
some bullets. And the old lady thought: Thats it. Kill the Spaniards. They can
kill all of us, but well finish them off. Theyll finish us off or well finish them.
And that woman flew into a rage. Belalczar, damn it, Sebastin... And if he
didnt work quickly, they [the Indians] would eat him [Belalczar], Because
Belalczar was angry, the name stuck [to the place]. But once it was called
Pueblito [ Small Town]. Thats the story. And then a century and a half later,
they [the Spaniards] returned from Spain and [the Indians] hid all the riches,
the salt mines, the goldmines. The Indians ordered that the mines be covered
up. Now we know what gold is worth, because when the Spanish came, damn
it, the Indians sent them some gold. Instead of following the Indians, the
Spaniards fought over the gold, ha, ha, ha, ha! In Honda, [the Spaniards]
ordered [the Indians] to be killed, because golds important and the Indians
saw that it was worth something, because [the Spaniards] fought over it. So
[the Indians] ordered it to be hidden. Thats why here in Colombia, they hid the
gold. Theres a lot in Wila. Just in time. Who knows where they left it? There
were 200,000 workers. Where did [the Indians] bury it? Where in the world did
they cover it up? Wholl look for it now? They talk about the Treasure of
Tumbichucue. Its there, but who knows where! I dont even know. Thats why
you have to look, but who knows where in those mountains! Its
difficult...looking for it. And theyve looked there. Look at Caca Negra3...
looking for it. And he was with a German, spending money. It was my
compadre, Eduardo Aloz. Thats how I know... Yes, its only a short story, but a
good one.
the interview, does not correspond to the order in which the episodes
are recounted:
Order o f episodes
1 Juan Tama2 Gaitana vs. Aasco
3 Gaitana vs. Belalczar
4 Juan Tama
Chronology
i Gaitana vs. Aasco 2 Gaitana vs.
Belalczar 3 Juan Tama
Lack of fit between the narrated order and the assumed chronology was
not determined by the interviewers questions; Niquins was given
ample leeway to spin his own tales. On the contrary, the incongruence is
intentional. The actions of La Gaitana, which do not form a regular part
of the oral tradition, are grounded in the more accessible Juan Tama
story, well known to all Pez listeners. Two episodes of Juan Tamas life
are narrated: his battle with Calambs and his travels to Juan Tama I>
ake. Although the two are distinct episodes, they also reflect one
another. In the first story, Tama battles with: the Guambiano, who kill
Pez children in order to extract offerings from the lake - this last bit o f
information would be understood by the knowledgeable listener. In the
second, the cacique returns the offerings to the waters. The second
episode is an inversion of the first, effectively framing the Gaitana story
against a familiar backdrop.
There is yet another reason for the non-chronological nature of the
narration, one that derives from the periodization employed by Niquins.
As Europeans, we have constructed our own periodization of Latin
American history: the Conquest, the colonial era, Independence, the
Republican period, the modern era. Julio Niquins demonstrates that
from the Indian perspective, this periodization is in error because it is
European-focused. To call the Spanish invasion a conquest is to admit
defeat. To label the creation of the Colombian nation a flowering of
independence is to deny that indigenous autonomy was relinquished at
this time. While colonial chroniclers decried the barbarities committed by
the Pez against the Spaniards, the Indians themselves perceive them as
celebrations of victory. The Gaitanas triumphs are a First
Independence for Julio Niquins because they are a first step towards
regaining indigenous autonomy. How better could this pivotal step be
framed than by the actions of Juan Tama, who drew a map of the road to
future autonomy through the creation of the resguardo?
Images
The stories of Juan Tama and the Gaitana are remarkable for the
diversity of images they contain, their references to other historical
traditions, only tangentially related to the narrative. The density of
Niquins imagery underlines the importance of cross-referencing in Pez
historical thought. In his narratives this almost takes the form of the
formulaic utterances known to Greek and Old English scholars:
Simple common sense tells us that an audience used to Homeric verse and
listening to a performer composing or reciting the sixth book of the Odyssey
would be affected, consciously or otherwise, by the formulaic epithet whitearmed, which serves here to describe King Alcinous cute young daughter...
but which we know from the Iliad to be associated with Queen Helen, whose
regal beauty is such that she is easily mistaken for one of the immortal
goddesses. (Renoir 1986: 104-10;)
shouldnt be thrown out. It should be sliced up and dried to eat. And thats
what they did. Dont they say that human meat tastes like pork? Well, they
decapitated him and came back with the riches of the church of Tumbichucue.
How many Indians there were, stretching from Platavieja to Tumbichucue!
Passing the stolen gold from hand to hand from Platavieja to the cathedral of
Tumbichucue. They passed it in their hands. And Pedro Aasco, with 30 soldiers
sent by the King of Spain to tame the Cacique Tumbichucue... If theyd only let
them be, they wouldnt have done wrong to the
whites. (AFCN/C 1972b)
[Q: La historia del cacique Fontana [Juan Tama] segn lo dicho por Don
Julio.] Quin sabe si los caciques o los guambianos fueron enviados
antes de la cacica o el cacique se dieron cuenta de que, debido a que su
apellido era Calambas. As que los nios Pez fueron quitados, y los
nios fueron separados de sus madres. A continuacin, los paeces se
enfureci, y el cacique se levantaron contra los seores caciques y hubo
guerras. Para no dejar [Tierradentro], hicieron guerra. Hubo seis aos de
guerra, sabas que? Y lucharon con hondas. Recogieron piedras de todo,
piedras del ro ... y mataron entre s. Al final de los seis aos, viejo
Fontana gan ... La batalla definitiva se produjo frente a la localidad de
Jambal, donde hay un terreno llano, y eso es donde se acab. S, seor,
esa es la historia ... Incluso he visto a viejos, documentos antiguos. [Q:
De dnde usted los ve] Aqu en el pueblo de Vitonco los caciques a s
mismos los guardaba, todo pudrindose. Yo sola decir que si ellos
haban salvado, que hubieran sido muy tiles. [Q: Alguno de estos
documentos todava existen?] Quin sabe? Yo no he pedido para ellos.
Bueno, Fontana dijo, esto es para una sola mujer y un hombre. El resto
de la gente, los que no son culpables porque estaban siguiendo rdenes,
en ese caso, debera quedarse aqu. Y por esta razn, dijo: Usted no
tiene que salir de algn otro lugar. Y dej un lugar en el otro lado [de la
Cordillera], y esto es por qu los indios paeces no se casan los Casucos
[Guambiano], y los Casucos no permiten el matrimonio con hombres o
mujeres Paez, y es respetado en la actualidad , no? Se respetaban
mutuamente. [Q: y ahora se casan?] Ahora tienen que casarse porque la
civilizacin lleg y no ms de eso locura, verdad? Pueden casarse. Esa
es la historia: seis aos de guerra. Es duro. (AFCN / C 1971b)
Un ao ms tarde, Don Julio hizo que el tejido de la historia ms
compleja mediante la inclusin de su propia interpretacin de la historia
de La Gaitana y de las misiones del conquistador espaol Sebastin de
Benalczar de en Tierradentro. La historia apareci en conjunto con sus
recuerdos de la muerte de su hermano despus de la Guerra de los Mil
Das:
Estaba luchando contra el general Uribe en Palonegro. Despus de que
los liberales fueron derrotados, mi hermano lleg a casa y comenz otro
grupo guerrillero aqu y finalmente muri aqu en Segovia. [Q: La Pez
ha sido un gran guerrero. Antes de los Mil Das, sabe usted alguna
historia del siglo pasado?] 1 no saben ninguna, slo historias de los
caciques y las cosas. S, sabemos que, sobre Juan Tama, con la cacica
Calambs del Casucos, esos luchadores: son peruanos. Hubo una
invasin de Per y viejo Juan Tama hizo la guerra. Hubo seis aos de
guerra. Y despus de seis aos Juan Tama los venci y el resto muri en
la guerra. Su centro estaba en Silvia. Eso es todo. [Q: Fue antes o
despus de la llegada de los espaoles?] Fue despus de los espaoles.
(AFCN / C 1972a)
guardarlos como reliquias. Ellos salvaron todos los huesos. Luego dijo:
"Los caciques, jefes, tenga en cuenta que estos son los mayores
enemigos de su raza.
Usted debe asar estos huesos. "Le pusieron un poco de grasa en una olla
y asado todo en el fuego y tierra hasta que, maldita sea! Se convirti en
cenizas. Y luego delante de toda esa gente, ella salt en el ro Pez y
dijo: "Fuera de aqu! Ir a Espaa! No quiero verte! Que el ro le llevar y
te dejar en Espaa! "Eso es lo que dijo la anciana, (ibid.)
A partir de la historia de La Gaitana, Niquins cambia de marcha para
contar la batalla de los Pez y Sebastin de Belalczar2 en el Pen de
Tlaga, tejiendo los dos cuentos en una sola tela:
[Q: Cul era el nombre completo de la cacica?] Gaitana, no? Eso es
todo. Esa es la historia. Te acuerdas de esa pequea historia? [Q:. S,
pero no en detalle] Bueno, Sebastin de Belalczar fue en Popayn.
Lleg con 500 espaoles para coger la anciana. l pens que era slo la
anciana, pero haba miles de indgenas, ms all de [la ciudad de]
Belalczar, donde hay una pequea fuente.
All ellos [los espaoles] acamparon durante la noche y los indios
planeaban caer sobre ellos. Eso fue en el de Guadualta. Y cuando estaba
rodeado descubri, maldita sea, que l [Belalczar] estaba rodeado de
indios. Ellos [los espaoles] dispararon algunas balas. Y la anciana
pens: "Eso es todo. Mata a los espaoles. Pueden matar a todos
nosotros, pero vamos a acabar con ellos. Ellos nos rematan o vamos a
acabar con ellos. "Y esa mujer mont en clera. Belalczar, maldita sea,
Sebastin ... Y si l no trabaj rpidamente, ellos [los indios] comera l
[Belalczar], Porque Belalczar se enoj, se qued el nombre [el lugar].
Pero una vez que fue llamado Pueblito ["Small Town"]. Esa es la historia.
Y luego de un siglo y medio ms tarde, ellos [los espaoles] regres de
Espaa y [los indios] escondi todas las riquezas, las minas de sal, las
minas de oro.
Los indios orden que las minas de ser cubiertas. Ahora sabemos lo que
oro vale, porque cuando llegaron los espaoles, maldita sea, los indios
les envi un poco de oro. En lugar de seguir los indios, los espaoles se
disputaron el oro, ja, ja, ja, ja! En Honda, [los espaoles] orden [los
indgenas] a matar, porque importantes y de oro los indios vieron que
vala algo, porque [los espaoles] lucharon por ella. As que [los indios]
orden que se oculta. Es por eso que aqu en Colombia, se escondieron
el oro. Hay mucho en Wila. Justo a tiempo. Quin sabe dnde lo
dejaron? Haba 200.000 trabajadores. Dnde [los indios] entierran?
Dnde en el mundo que cubran para arriba? Quin va a buscarlo
ahora? Hablan del Tesoro de Tumbichucue. Est ah, pero quin sabe
dnde! Yo ni siquiera s. Es por eso que usted tiene que mirar, pero
Aasco y que Belalczar tena slo 500 soldados; que 200.000 indios
eran necesarios para esconder el tesoro Pez por los espaoles.
Este detalle, algunos de los cuales se reflejan en otras cuentas y algunos
de los cuales es un producto de la imaginacin frtil Niquins ', pinta una
realidad, una serie de eventos tangible a ser imaginado por su pblico.
La imagen est reforzada por la inclusin de dilogo entre hroes y
villanos Niquins 'a la vida. El dilogo es una reminiscencia de Los
Pensamientos de Lame, que tambin utiliza el discurso de conducir un
punto a casa.
Los esqueletos desnudos de las narraciones son de hecho histrico. Ellos
hablan de las relaciones entre Pez y el espaol, entre Guambiano y
Pez. Ellos reflejan la superioridad militar de los indios, "la falta de
conocimiento de las tcticas de los aborgenes, la fundacin de
asentamientos espaoles y su destruccin por los guerreros indios, la
existencia de riquezas bajo el suelo de Tierradentro y los indios los
europeos incapacidad para explotarlos de forma autnoma. Pero los
detalles son fantsticos, evocando imgenes de otras historias, con lo
que los hechos histricos a la vida a travs de la metfora. Todo Pez
tradicin oral logra este objetivo, aunque el paisaje que describe es
plida en comparacin con brillante lienzo Niquins '.
Cronologa
No hay fechas numricas se emplean en estas historias, aunque la
duracin de algunos eventos - de tres das, dos semanas, seis aos, un
siglo y medio - se define. Episodios relacionados enfrentamientos de la
Gaitana con Aasco y con Belalczar se intercalan entre las cuentas de
Juan Tama. La cronologa de la narracin, se especifica en varios puntos
a lo largo de la entrevista, no se corresponde con el orden en el que se
narran los episodios:
Solicitar d e episodios
1 Juan Tama2 Gaitana vs. Aasco
3 Gaitana vs. Belalczar
4 Juan Tama
Cronologa
i Gaitana vs. Aasco 2 Gaitana vs.
Belalczar 3 Juan Tama
La falta de ajuste entre el orden narrado y la cronologa asumido no fue
determinada por las preguntas del entrevistador; Niquins se le dio un
amplio margen de maniobra para hacer girar sus propios cuentos. Por el
contrario, la incongruencia es intencional. Las acciones de La Gaitana,
Helena, cuya belleza real es tal que ella se confunde fcilmente con una
de las diosas inmortales. (Renoir 1986: 104-10;)
Pez referencias cruzadas, sin embargo, es igualmente practicada en la
esfera no narrativa, sobre todo en la geografa sagrada, donde la
experiencia de un solo recinto sagrado traer a la mente una amplia
gama de referentes histricos que estn conectados al sitio o para los
vecinos unidos por la visin o ritual.
Las narrativas Niquins incorporan una serie de imgenes que vinculan
los distintos episodios juntos, otros traen a las asociaciones mentales
con otras historias y rituales, y an otros que elaboran recuerdos
personales de los ltimos cien aos. Algunas de las imgenes de Don
Julio xito en varios de estos niveles a la vez.
La secuencia de Juan Tama-Gaitana-Belalczar reconstruye la antigua
unidad poltica de la nacin Pez, tanto como lo hace el ritual en el que
el personal del cabildo de la oficina que se actualicen. Si graficamos las
ubicaciones de los hechos narrados por Julio Niquins, el territorio
comprendido en las narraciones comprende los tres grandes cacicazgos
de la poca colonial.
Al noroeste, Tacuey y Jambal se citan: en Tacuey, Niquins tiene la
Gaitana organizacin de los indios contra Aasco; en Jambal, Tama
lucha su batalla con Calambs. Al norte, Aasco es asesinado en Wila en
un episodio que recuerda ms a la destruccin Pez de La Plata que de
la historia Gaitana de las crnicas coloniales. Giponga, el hijo de
Gaitana, es asesinado en Avirama, al sur. Tambin en el sector sur,
anfitriones de Gaitana derrotar a Sebastin de Belalczar.
Los episodios individuales tambin evocan imgenes de eventos. Uno de
los detalles nicos incluidos en las entregas extraordinarias Niquins 'de
la batalla Tama-Calambs es el uso de hondas y piedras para vencer a
las fuerzas guambiano. Esto trae a la mente otra batalla, en la que
Lliban mata a todo el Pijao al alcance de su honda.
Entierro de los indios de sus riquezas en la segunda venida de
Belalczar transmitir la imagen de la capitulacin ante el dominio
espaol, adems de un extenso perodo de espera antes de la
independencia, una vez ms se puede disfrutar. No es difcil imaginar
este episodio y asociarla con otras dos ocasiones en que los indios
enterrados algo para su custodia: la desaparicin de los caciques en
lagos de altura al cierre del perodo colonial y el ocultamiento de los
ttulos de resguardo en estos mismos cuerpos de agua durante la Guerra
de los Mil Das.
Sin embargo, otras partes del relato Niquins 'de la muerte de Aasco
tambin incorporan imgenes de tradiciones orales y la experiencia
personal. Cronistas coloniales destacan la extraccin de los ojos del
soldado espaol, que se encuentra debidamente descritos por el
narrador Pez. A pesar de sus orgenes espaoles, esta imagen adquiere
una importancia adicional ante una audiencia Pez. En algunos casos he
grabado, cuando un enemigo se mat a sus ojos se eliminan de su
cuerpo por lo que no puede encontrar a su asesino y vengar su muerte.
As, desde una perspectiva de Pez es muy apropiado que ser cegado
Aasco. Otros recuerdos personales tambin son estimulados por este
episodio.
El principal de ellos es la memoria de la Guerra de los Mil Das, donde los
prisioneros eran arrojados al ro por las fuerzas irregulares Pez liderados
por Yajimbo, tanto como eran los huesos de Aasco. La nocin de la
guerra Gaitana como "Primera Independencia" trae a la mente la serie
de guerras recordadas por haber seguido la "segunda conquista", o la
creacin del Estado colombiano. Oyentes Pez recordaran estas guerras
como un solo conflicto, la Guerra de los Mil Das.
Tambin hay imgenes transversales en estos episodios que hacen
referencia al oyente de un episodio a otro. En el primer relato, Tama
derrota al Guambiano, que haba transgredido por hacer ofrendas de
nios Pez. En el episodio final, el propio Tama hace ofrendas a Juan
Tama Lake. Entre estas dos secuencias de Tama, ofertas similares se
refieren repetidamente a: Giiiponga se le pide que entregue sus tesoros
a los conquistadores espaoles y como l se niega, es quemado vivo;
antes del regreso de Belalczar a Tierradentro, 200.000 indios entierren
estos mismos tesoros para ocultarlos de los europeos. Del mismo modo,
la matanza de nios Pez por el guambiano es una reminiscencia del
canibalismo que dispone de los restos de Aasco. Por ltimo, cuando el
cuerpo de Aasco se corta en trozos, pensamos en la ceremonia en la
que el pan-bebs se rompen en pedazos, baadas en chicha y se come,
un ritual que es una reminiscencia de la batalla final de Calambs con el
gran jefe Juan Tama. Antes de ser comido, estos bebs son "bautizados"
por actores Pez, evocando el recuerdo de la transformacin de los
caciques no bautizados en serpientes.
As como la geografa sagrada de Tierradentro evoca imgenes de la
historia Pez, cuentos Julio Niquins 'provocan recuerdos de estas
mismas historias. Creatividad Niquins 'deriva de su capacidad de
entrelazar estas imgenes familiares con historias menos conocidas que
no son una parte central de la tradicin oral. Prctica ritual utiliza la
relacin entre geografa e histricos referentes a la creacin de nuevos
espacios sagrados que, a travs de la ceremonia, encarnan la historia
del pueblo Pez, aunque slo sea por un corto tiempo. La marca de un