CIVIL SOCIETY BRIEFS

Myanmar
Country and Government Context

Civil Society: An Overview

Myanmar is the largest country in mainland

Southeast Asia, with a land area of 676,000 square
kilometers. Myanmar is divided administratively
into seven states and seven regions. Nay Pyi Tawis
the capital, with an official population of almost
1million people and located 320kilometers north
of Yangon, thepreviouscapital.

Civil society structures in Myanmar traditionally existed at the

local level within religious groups, emerging from Buddhist and
Christian-led social welfare activities and focusing on poverty,
health, and the daily needs of communities. Particularly in
areas of weak central government control and armed conflict,
civilsociety often filled the states service-delivery role.1

According to the provisional results from the

2014 census, Myanmar now has a population of
51.4million,a with a diverse ethnic and religious
makeup, including 135officially recognized
nationality groups, divided into eight national
ethnic races.

There are three types of civil society organizations in Myanmar:

community-based organizations, and local and international
nongovernment organizations (NGOs).

Myanmars gross domestic product (GDP) grew

at an estimated 7.5% in FY2013 (ended 31 March
2014), from 7.3% in FY2012, and the economy
is forecast to post higher growth of 7.8% in both
FY2014 and FY2015.b Theeconomy remains
dominated by agricultureaccounting for 30%
of GDP and more than 50% of employment
and natural resource extraction, particularly the
export of natural gas to Thailand and the Peoples
Republic of China. Mining and timber extraction
also make considerable contributions in both the
formal and informal economies.c
Myanmar is undergoing a profound transformation,
emerging from more than 50 years of militaryrule,
centralized control, and internal conflict. In2008,
Myanmar adopted a new Constitution that
established a parliamentary government. In2010,
the country held national and state-level elections,
with by-elections conducted in 2012 in which the
National League for Democracy, whosechairis
Aung San Suu Kyi, gained 43 seats in the
Parliament. Another round of national and
state-level elections is scheduled for late2015.
Although the profound changes in Myanmar
are nascent and significant risks remain
conflict, human rights, and humanitarianissues
persist in the northeastern areas of the country
and treatment of non-Kaman Muslims in
RakhineState, which is a highly complex
situation that must be addressed as a matter of
priorityanational ceasefire with almost all of
the major non-state armed groups appears likely.
Recentpolitical and economic reforms have the
potential to support peace, opportunity, and a
better future for the people ofMyanmar.
United Nations Population Fund. 2014. Firstcensus results
reveal Myanmars population size tobe51.4million.
30August. http://countryoffice.unfpa.org/myanmar/
2014/09/16/10550/first_census_results_reveal_myanmar
_rsquo_s_population_size_to_be_51_4_million/
b
ADB. 2014. Asian Development Bank Outlook 2014: Fiscal Policy
for Inclusive Growth. Manila. pp. 212213.
c
See footnote b.
a

The community-based organizations are informal or voluntary

associations formed at the village level to perform social and
religious functions, including health, education, and social
services. Many of them are religious-based and provide support
for funerals and family or community emergencies. Theydonot
normally have paid staff, and members are typically beneficiaries.
Although there are no government or other statistics on these
groups, one estimate puts the number of community-based
organizations in Myanmar at 214,000.2
Local NGOs typically originate from cities, townships, or
population centers and maintain connections with communities.
These groups are usually unregistered with the government,
often have paid and skilled staff, and are increasingly
connected to regional and national NGO networks, and/or with
international NGOs. In ethnic areas, many local NGOs have links
to ethnic armed groups. Several large NGOs are registered with
government ministries and at times work with the government
and development agencies to implement projects in diverse
sectors, including health care, rural development, education,
and agriculture.
Estimates vary widely on the number of local NGOs in Myanmar.
An article claimed more than 10,000 such groups,3 while another
study conducted in 2003 by Save the Childrenthe first detailed
look at civil society in Myanmarestimated there were 270 local
NGOs at that time.4 Regardless of the number, there is a vibrant
and growing nongovernment sector encompassing a range of
interests and approaches throughout the country.
International NGOs are increasingly active in Myanmar,
workingin humanitarian response and longer-term
development in a multitude of sectors, including the
environment, health, education, livelihoods, rule of law,
advocacy, and civil society capacity building. International
NGOs, present in small numbers since the 1990s, have
entered Myanmar in two recent waves: inthe aftermath of

CycloneNargis in 2008, and since the forming of the

new government in early 2011.
Domestic civil society is increasingly networked
into the international development and rights-based
communities. With the influx of international NGOs
recently entering or expanding operations in Myanmar,
a significant challenge for domestic civil society has
surfaced as foreign stakeholders look for local partners,
skilled staff, training participants, and practical advice.
A common refrain heard in Yangon from civil society
groups is that they spend more time in meetings and
training than in implementing their work. Yet, there is
increasing coordination among all levels of civil society,
which is manifesting itself in new working relationships
across groups and networks.

Civil Society: Historical Perspective

Civil society can trace its origins in Myanmar back
to village-level religious organizations, an early way
in which local people came together and organized
social or religious activities.5 Historically, these were
informal arrangements, without any official registration
or membership. Since then, religious organizations
(Buddhist, Christian, Hindu, Muslim, and others)
have set up social welfare and development programs,
activelocally and outside their communities.
During the colonial period in the early part of the
1900s, community organizations were created and
formal associations emerged. Toward the end of the
20thcentury, these associations focused on religious
and cultural dimensions of society; some later evolved
into ethnic and political movements.
By independence in 1948, professional, trade, and
voluntary organizations and associations flourished.
Between 1948 and 1962when General Ne Win took
power through a military couptownship-based
societies or associations emerged, often to support
funerals or elderly persons and respond to other social
welfare needs. Simultaneously, civil and ethnic conflicts
grew, limiting the space for an independent and open
civil society.
From 1962 to 1988 and under General Ne Win and the
Burma Socialist Programme Party, large associations
were created for groups, including farmers, workers,
youth, and war veterans. These government-organized
NGOs mobilized and directed activities and were
tightlycontrolled by the state; they included the
Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association and
the Myanmar Red Cross Society. At the same time, most
civil society organizations were banned or placed under
strict government control. Dissent was not tolerated.
During General Ne Wins rule, the state placed stricter
restrictions on religious groups, including limiting their

political activity. In 1980, General Ne Win established

the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, the
government-appointed highest body of Buddhist monks,
to oversee and regulate the monks at all levels in the
country. Despite these restrictions, religious activities
continued to grow.
Following the creation of the State Law and Order
Restoration Council in 1988 (later renamed the
State Peace and Development Council), the military
established new mass organizations under the umbrella
of the Union Solidarity and Development Association,
a predecessor to todays Union Solidarity and
Development Party, the current governing party.
A number of government officials and retired officials
founded professional and service organizations that,
technically, are not government-organized NGOs
but are not entirely independent of the government.
Theseorganizations, including the Myanmar Nurse and
Midwife Association and Myanmar Health Assistant
Association, are well resourced, with high levels of
technical skills, have working relationships with
international agencies, and a presence in many areas of
the country.

Civil Society in Ethnic Nationality Areas

By 1948, nationalist movements emerged from most
major ethnic groups. Civil conflicts between the
Burman-led central administration and ethnic armed
organizations took place as the government attempted
to bring all populations under its control.
As ethnic armed groups attempted to assert themselves
or consolidate governance of territories and meet the
needs of their ethnic communities, they increasingly
provided social services.6
In many ethnic areas, the signing of ceasefire
agreements in the 1990s allowed civil society
organizations affiliated with ethnic armed organizations
to emerge, often to fill the gap as service providers for
social and health services. Examples include the Metta
Development Foundation and the Shalom Foundation
(now Nyein Foundation), and NGOs founded in
Kachin State, with informal relations with the Kachin
Independence Organization.
Community-based organizations and NGOs proliferated
from within ethnic communities, especially in areas of
weak central government control and across a range of
issues and sectors. Youth groups, womens organizations,
environmental and sustainable development-focused
groups, among others, arose to meet community needs
and address critical socialissues.
By 2000, civil society organizations proliferated
in both ethnic areas and central Burma, as it was

called then, due to the deteriorating socioeconomic

conditions and the lack of basic services provided by
the state. Theseorganizations included the religious,
educational, and social welfare organizations, and
civilsociety groups focusing on environmental issues
and community development.8
After Cyclone Nargis devastatingly struck the
southernportion of the country in 2008, and more
recently with the change in government and democratic
reforms, civilsociety experienced a profound evolution
in structure, resources, stakeholders, and modalities.
New networks are now forming, and existing networks
are expanding. There are increased local, national,
and international partnerships; civil society and
government are beginning to interact more openly and
constructively, and legal frameworks for participation
are in some areas liberalizing.
Since the 2010 elections, political space has continued
to open around the country, especially in urban areas,
with additional resources and stakeholders helping
networks and coalitions form and flourish, and the
government increasingly accepting a role for civil
society.9 Civil society is becoming more active, engaging
local, national, and international communities as well as
the Myanmar government.
A rise in independent media and investigative reports,
protests, and public awareness events by civil society
is leading to increased transparency, awareness, and
engagement in civic life in Myanmar.
Still, legal and practical restrictions remain in many
areas, where authorities continue to view civil society
activity with suspicion. In a number of cases, farmers,
activists, and journalists have been charged, convicted,
and imprisoned for taking part in peaceful protests or
exposing government activities.10
Many development-oriented civil society organizations
continue to implement programs that are focused on
service delivery. A limited number of these programs
are carried out in partnership with the government.
Large international NGOs and a limited number of
local development NGOs have registered with the
government or have a memorandum of understanding
with one or more ministry. Increasingly, a number of
local and international NGOs enter into memorandums
of understanding with government ministries, primarily
around development work and social welfare related to
agriculture, health, and education.
Strong networks of local organizations with ties to
regional and international actors are active in natural
resource governance, HIV prevention, preservation
of historical sites, rule of law and legal accountability,
monitoring international financial institutions and
promoting labor and land rights, fisheries protection,
peace building, technology and clean energy, and

general large-scale development, among many other

issues. These networks typically are based or have a
presence in Yangon but are also active at the village or
townshiplevel.
Evidence of greater freedom of expression is the
civilsociety response to significant investment projects
and major rights-based issues, including around natural
resources, the environment, press freedom, cultural
heritage, and landownership.
The presence of international NGOs represents another
huge shift. While international NGOs based in Europe,
North America, and Australia advocated successfully
through the 1990s and 2000s for their governments to
impose economic sanctions on Myanmar in response to
the countrys human rights record, as political conditions
have changed, these NGOs have adapted their advocacy
strategies, increasingly working inside the country and
with local civil society groups across a range of issues.
Within this dynamic civil society environment,
the rapidinflux of development actors looking for
localpartners and qualified staff is straining the
resources and absorptive capacity, especially among
Yangon-based NGOs.
Even though legal and practical challenges remain,
clearly the space and scope for civil society activity is
increasing in Myanmar today.

GovernmentCivil Society Relations

While the Government of Myanmar remains highly
centralized, the landscape for civil societygovernment
relations is rapidly changing. Civil society stakeholders
are increasingly working with, influencing, and
coordinating activities with the government at the
village, village tract (urban ward), township, state,
region, and national levels.
At the local level, this includes increased cooperation
with township, village tract, and ward officials;
currently, village tract and ward communities elect
their Township Development Committee, which
decides what development projects to pursue for the
communitys benefit. Since the governments reforms,
there has been a push for villages to draft development
plans, but there has been limited implementation so far.
At the state and region levels, civil society is
beginning to engage authorities on policies and
around specific development projects and doing so
on its own terms (rather than following government
agendas). Thefirstina series of state- and regionlevel PeoplesForums was conducted in Mon State in
June2014; 75civil society organizations discussed and
presented a list of recommendations to the central and
state governments on such issues as democratization,

political reforms, the peace process, human rights,

and socioeconomic development. Similar forums are
envisioned in all states and regions in the comingyears.11
At the national level, government is increasingly
accepting civil society inputs to policy formation.
Civil society groups were consulted on the drafting
of the Association Registration Law; trade union
representatives were informally included in discussions
on the Factory Act, the Social Security Act, and the
Health and Safety Act; and the Interim Press Council
has been drafting bylaws for the Media Law, which
Parliament passed and the President signed in 2014.
Other examples of the growing opportunities
for civilsociety in national governance include
participation in development sector working groups,
the National Strategic Planning of the National
AIDS Programme, and in the Extractive Industry
Transparency Initiatives Multi-Stakeholder Group.
As the opportunities for and activities of civil society
grow, some national and local authorities are becoming
accustomed to increased civil society participation
and are beginning to recognize the valuable role these
stakeholders have; however, change is uneven between
and within the national, state, region, and township
administrations, which are managed by many officials
from the former military administration.
Some national ministries and departments, notably
the Ministry of Health and the Department of Rural
Development of the Ministry of Livestock, Fisheries
and Rural Development, have been actively engaged in
working with and soliciting civil society participation
in their activities, including HIV prevention and
community-driven development projects funded by the
Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the World Bank.
Despite the increasing civil society participation in
important policy areas, certain issues remain offlimits, or at least risky to civil society participation,
includingproposals to amend the 2008 Constitution
and formal inclusion of civil society representation in
the ongoing peace negotiations with non-state ethnic
armed groups.12
Apart from the groups dedicated to policy advocacy with
the government, many civil society organizations take
pragmatic positions, especially at the local level, and
are not overtly politicalpreferring to accept the status
quoin exchange for room to pursue their activities.13

Civil Society and the Peace Process

inMyanmar
Myanmar has experienced long-standing armed
conflict between the government and non-state ethnic
armed organizations. After the 2010 elections, the new

government prioritized ceasefire agreements and a

peace process. In August 2014, the government and
most ethnic armed groups reached bilateral ceasefires
and are working toward a unified, nationwide ceasefire
agreement. The negotiations have reached agreement
on the majority of issues. Significant challenges remain,
but some version of a nationwide ceasefire appears
possible in the next year.
Historically, there was little role for civil society in
ceasefire agreements or peace negotiations, with
the government and the ethnic armed organizations
dominating the process.14 With the political environment
changing, civil society is taking on a more active role in
promoting the peace process, even in specific elements
of the individual ceasefires. Civilsociety organizations
are conducting peace-related trainings, organizing public
consultations on the peace process, and participating in
ceasefire monitoring. Civil society leaders participate
as members in the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordination
Team, providing support and input from the community
level. Local and international NGOs increasingly work
with ethnic organizations to support dialogue between
the non-state armed groups and the government and
facilitate public consultations to increase civil society
participation in the peace process.15
Nonetheless, critical challenges continue to inhibit
full civil society participation in the peace process.
These include the legacy of military rule, which has
influenced civil societys willingness to engage directly
in political arenas; there is a lack of communication and
coordination between non-state armed organizations
and civil society; there is tremendous mistrust among
all the stakeholders; and there remains an absence of a
formal role for civilsociety.16
On this important last issue, there is disagreement on
the role of civil society organizations in the political
dialogue, which is expected to be clarified following the
planned national ceasefire. The Myanmar governments
Union Peace-making Work Committee has proposed
allowing civil society participation in the political
dialogue, while some ethnic armed groups prefer
that civil society join only as observers; they do not
believe civil society should have equal decision-making
power. These groups worry that the government will
try to use the civil society to expand their influence
in the dialogue. Additionally, some political parties
have expressed concern that if civil society groups are
allowed into the peace process, there will be too many
parties to make reaching agreement possible.

The Legal Framework for Civil Society

Important progress has been made to advance the
ruleof law and support the development of an
activeand independent civil society in Myanmar, but
challenges remain.

Positive changes include the ending of prepublication

media censorship; adoption of new laws and policies
on freedom of the press, on association, and on the
registration of civil society organizations; and laws
and procedures governing environmental and social
protections and land rights.
However, the former UN Special Rapporteur on the
situation of human rights in Myanmar, human rights
groups, and civil society have raised concerns that
some new laws are used to deprive citizens of their
fundamental rights17 and may be insufficient to protect
them against mass land grabs by the military and
companies.18
There have been reported cases of protesters and people
assembling to demand an end to land grabbing and other
perceived abuses who were arrested, charged, detained,
and convicted under laws existing atthetime.19
Local and international groups have called on the
government to amend or rescind many of these laws,
including Section 505(b) of the Penal Code, Section18
of the 2011 Right to Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful
Procession Law, the 1908 Unlawful Associations Act,
and the 1988 Law Relating to Forming of Organizations.
The government is considering amending and repealing
many of these laws and has made important progress in
these efforts over the past several years.
In 2014, the Right to Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful
Procession Law was amended, leading to a relaxing of the
prior-permission requirement and to a reduction in the
maximum sentence for violations of the law.20 Authorities
maintain the right to deny or not issue protest permits if
they believe the protest could affect the country, race or
religious relations, human dignity, or moral principles;
and all protest chants continue to require approval.21
In 2014 and after considerable civil society
consultation, Parliament passed an Association
RegistrationLaw and signed into law by the President
that clarifies NGOrequirements for registration with
the government, including voluntary registration
procedures for local and international NGOs and no
restrictions or criminalpunishments for organizations
that choose not to register.22
Laws drafted with the assistance of the International
Labour Organization and approved since 2011 and
2012 have dramatically expanded rights to freedom of
association and collective bargaining for workers in
Myanmar. The Labour Organization Law (2012) and
Labour Dispute Settlement Law (2012) allow workers
the right to free association, to create trade unions
(workers and employers organizations), and to strike.
Pre-censorship was abolished in 2012, and in 2014 two
new media laws were passed: a government-drafted
Printers and Publishers Enterprise Law23 and a Media

Law, drafted by the Interim Press Council.24 However,

civil society has expressed concerns regarding a
number of journalists who have since been charged
and sentenced to prison for exposing allegations of
corruption or challenging powerful interests.25
Other areas of concern are the judiciary, which remains
controlled by the executive branch of government,26
and ongoing allegations of corruption within the
legalsystem.27

Umbrella and Coordinating Bodies

Local and international NGOs and some communitybased organizations have formed or joined thematic or
issue-based coalitions, umbrella groups, and networks.
Prominent among them are the following:
Local Resource Center (LRC) was formed in 2008
by local and international NGOs to support the
increased coordination of their emergency relief and
humanitarian assistance after Cyclone Nargis struck
the southern portion of the country. The LRC, with
a head office in Yangon and regional coordination
offices in Lashio, Mandalay, and Mawlamyine, is now
the coordinating body for more than 600 civil society
organizations, with links to over 30 civil society
networks. The LRCfocuses on the development of
indigenous organizations by promoting institutional
development through capacity building and information
sharing. The LRCcreates opportunities for civil society
organizations to engage and collaborate together with
other public and private stakeholders. Through broadbased dialogue and research-based advocacy, the LRC
works toward establishing a more enabling policy
environment for civil society engagement and a vibrant
collective culture among organizations in Myanmar.
For more details, see www.lrcmyanmar.org
Myanmar Alliance for Transparency and
Accountability (MATA) is a nationwide network
that advocates for transparency and accountability
of government, elected representatives, companies,
donors, and civil society; and promotes the freedom
of public participation and scrutiny of Myanmars
legal frameworks and guidelines relating to resources.
MATAnominates and provides financial assistance to
civil society representatives to the Multi-Stakeholder
Group of Myanmars Extractive Industry Transparency
Initiative (EITI).28 MATAestablished an innovative and
unique, bottom-up, inclusive participatory decisionmaking process where working groups from the state
and region level are selected; from those working
groups, five representatives are selected to join the
national EITI working group; one representative from
the five is selected as the focal person for each state or
region who then becomes a member of the Civil Society
EITI Steering Committee.

For more details, see www.facebook.com/pages/

Myanmar-Alliance-for-Transparency-andAccountability MATA/672103292860036
Gender Equality Network (GEN), formerly the
Womens Protection Technical Working Group, was
setup in 2008 to focus on multisector and cross-cutting
issues faced by women in Cyclone Nargis-affected
areas. GEN is an interagency network, comprising
approximately 60 local and international NGOs,
civilsociety networks, and technical resource persons
specializing in the development and implementation
of enabling systems, structures, and practices for the
advancement of women, gender equality, and the
realization of womens rights in Myanmar.
For more details, see http://tinyurl.com/kvq529p
Womens Organizations Network (Myanmar), or
WON, is a network of 27 womens community-based
organizations. Its website states it is the first womens
organization network in the country, formed in the
aftermath of the Cyclone Nargis disaster in 2008 to
facilitate the exchange of information and experiences
and to promote mutual learning and cooperation among
women-led groups. WON is striving to improve the
socioeconomic conditions of people in general and to
empower and to promote the role of women in society.
For more details, see www.facebook.com/WONMM
Womens League of Burma (WLB) is an umbrella
organization comprising 13 womens organizations of
different ethnic, religious, and cultural backgrounds
that came together in 1999 to increase the participation
of women in the struggle for democracy and human
rights, promote womens participation in the national
peace and reconciliation process, and to enhance
the role of the women of Burma at the national and
international levels.
For more details, see www.womenofburma.org
Myanmar NGO Network (MNN) operates to increase
coordination and cooperation among NGOs, including
increased exchange of information, experiences,
and ideas; and to effectively communicate with
UnitedNations agencies, international organizations,
and the Government of Myanmar. The MNN provides
local NGOs with information, technologies, and
assistance that will help them build up their capacities.
As of January 2013, the MNN had 110 members.
For more details, see www.myanmarngonetwork.org
INGO Forum was created in 2007 to offer international
NGOs an independent forum (separate from United
Nations-led groups). With 75 members, the INGO
Forum supports dialogue among international NGO
decision makers on operational matters, helps to

develop complementary strategies, and serves as a

platform for joint advocacy initiatives. The INGO
Forum works to deepen the understanding of causes
and effects of humanitarian and development problems
through coordinated information sharing and by
exploring opportunities to strengthen policies and
best practices through constructive engagement with
national and international decision makers.
For more details, see http://ingoforummyanmar.org/
IFI Watch Myanmar is an organization working
to ensure democratic space for civil society and
communities in the activities of international financial
institutions (IFI) by facilitating dialogue among IFIs,
the government, and local communities. Participants
belong to ethnic groups and represent civil society
organizations, with activities in every state and region.
For more details, see www.facebook.com/
IFIWatchMyanmar/info
Myanmar Positive Group National PLHIV Network
(MPG) was founded in 2005 with support from the
United Nations Development Programme and the
International HIV/AIDS Alliance. The MPG works
to build capacity, networking, and self-help groups
among people living with HIV, based on the Greater
Involvement of People Living with HIV/AIDS policy.
Inits early days, the MPG networked with 47 self-help
groups across the country; as of 2012, that number had
grown to 214 groups. The MPG also networks with the
Asia-Pacific Network of People Living with HIV/AIDS
(APN+) and the Global Network of People Living with
HIV/AIDS (GPN+).
For more details, see www.mpgnationalnetwork.org
Food Security Working Group (FSWG) provides
a forum for networking, capacity building, and
knowledge sharing for organizations and individuals
working on food security and livelihood-related issues.
Established in 2002, the FSWG links with other NGOs,
resource centers, universities, government ministries,
and departments at the national level and also with
international networks, such as the INGO network and
the Greater Mekong Community Forestry network.
The FSWG consists of 80 local and international NGOs,
community-based organizations, and individuals.
Ithosts the Land Core Group, a network of organizations
and individuals working on land policy issues,
particularly those that support smallholder farmers.
For more details, see www.myanmarfswg.org
Myanmar Lawyers Network and Myanmar Legal
Aid Network (MLAW) are among several domestic
coordinating entities that have developed or expanded
in the past several years. The legal networks are
increasingly taking pro bono rights-based cases, are

active in the development of emerging bar associations,

are establishing legal aid centers, and are increasing
local lawyers participation in international and regional
bodies, such as the Mekong Legal Network.
For more details, see www.m-law.org
Paung Ku (Bridge), a civil society initiative established
by a consortium of international and local NGOs and
now operating as an independent local NGO, works
to strengthen local community and civil society
organization capacity throughout the country, focusing
on high-profile development projects and key issues
relating to land, conflict and development and religious
tolerance. Paung Ku has been critical in linking
international and local groups and directing support to
local civil society groups.
For more details, see www.facebook.com/PaungKu

Civil Society Directories

The Myanmar Information Management Unit
provides information management services to strengthen
analysis and decision making of the humanitarian and
development community. It maintains civil society
databases by sector and based on nationwide, region,
township, village tract, and village location as well as
information on which group is doing what and where.
For more details, see www.themimu.info
The Local Resource Center produces directories of
networks and local and international NGOs.
For more details, see www.lrcmyanmar.org/en

Civil Society Capacity

The strength of Myanmar civil society organizations
lies in their connection to local communities and having
an intimate understanding of the local dynamics and
stakeholders, the growing networks within the sector,
the dedication and creativity formed from many years
of struggling in an extremely challenging environment,
and its vital role in service delivery.
Civil society organizations have proven to be
highly capable service providers to the poor and
underserved, particularly (but in no way exclusively)
in conflict-affected areas and areas with weak central
governmentcontrol.
There are several noteworthy civil society capacitybuilding initiatives, many started by or with the support
of international NGOs that have become national groups
in the past several years. The Capacity Building Initiative
was established by international NGOs in 2000 to meet

their growing demand for skilled and trained staff. Asthe

Transnational Institutes report on Myanmars civil
society in 2011 explained, participants initially consisted
of local staff from the international NGOs. Eventually,
staff from local NGOs received relevant training. Lessan
organizational development initiative, the Capacity
Building Initiative fills an important skill development
role for civilsociety in Myanmar.29
Another prominent initiative is Paung Ku, which
as previously described is a national group started
by a consortium of international NGOs to assist a
range of smaller organizations on training, advocacy,
coordination, and small grants. It also takes a critical role
in helping international NGOs work with civilsociety.
Also previously described, the Local Resource Center
is a prominent civil society network established
by international and local NGOs, which trains and
coordinates local NGO capacity building and advocacy
around the country through its four offices.
Other civil society capacity-building initiatives have
more issue-specific focus. Founded in 2007 by the
United Kingdoms Department for International
Development, Pyor Pin works with local NGOs and
community-based organizations to increase civil society
participation in governance and policy processes.
There are also an increasing number of international
NGOs working around Myanmar with a specific
mandate to strengthen civil society. One such group
is ActionAid Myanmar, which provides intensive
training to local organizations and assistance through
its fellowship program. The program deploys youth
leaders in targeted communities to help them, through
participatory processes, analyze their problems, plan
for development, promote democratic norms and forms
of decision making, mobilize resources (including that
of local government), and facilitate the implementation
of community-prioritized action points through
villagedevelopment banks. The government has
embraced the model as an example of people-centered
development.
Since 2010, major donors, bilateral agencies, and
development partners have increased support for
capacity building and awareness-raisingactivities
for civil society organizations active insideMyanmar
acrossa broad spectrum of sectors and geographic
areas, often delivering project-based support through
third-party international NGOs.30
Finally, as the country has opened to the world,
Myanmar civil society has likewise increased its
collaborations and participation in regional and
international initiatives, around issues as diverse as
climate change, regional integration, business and
human rights, gender equality, and international
financial institutions.

As repeatedly noted, many major challenges remain for

Myanmar civil society. The urbanrural divide continues
with profound technical, resource, and capacity gaps
between those based in Yangon and a fewother urban
areas (including Mandalay) and the rural-based local
NGOs and community-based organizations. Support for
civil society is overwhelmingly directed at organizations
with a presence in Yangon, with capacity-building
training and other opportunities offered in the few major
urban areas.
Although civil society groups in Myanmar have
expanded and diversified quickly, they are experiencing
considerable capacity and resource constraints under the
myriad changes and challenges of the rapidly growing
development assistance and investments. LocalNGOs
often struggle to retain skilled staff and meet the
requests of development agencies and international
NGOs eager to work and partner withthem.
Local NGOs and community-based organizations
are struggling to secure adequate funding for core
operations and expanded programs. Although some
donors are modifying their registration, reporting, and
other requirements to correspond better to the local
context, more needs to be done to ensure that local
groups can access much-needed resources.

ADBCivil Society Cooperation

inMyanmar
ADB defines civil society as individuals and groups in
the realm of public activity outside of the government
and the private sector, including project-affected people.
ADB cooperates with civil society on the policy, countrystrategy, and project levels. More than two-thirds of ADB
sovereign loans, grants, and related project preparatory
technical assistance include elements of civil society
participation. ADBproject officers from a range of
sectors, including energy, transport, urban development,
and health, have met with local and international NGOs
to discuss partnerships and ways of collaborating on
newprojects.
ADB has prioritized consultation with a broad array of
civil society groups since reengaging with Myanmar
in2012. A consistent message from civil society to ADB
is the desire for the organization to hold itself and the
government to the high standards found in ADB policies
on transparency, public communication, accountability,
and safeguards.
Responding to civil society recommendations, ADB
approved a technical assistance grant in December2012,
Strengthening Civil Society Participation in ADBFinanced Operations (46478), which is developing
a Consultation and Participation (C&P) plan for
Myanmar. In developing the C&P plan, ADB engaged
a team of civil society experts to lead a series of

stakeholder consultations and work with civil society

organizations, ADB staff and consultants, and the
Government of Myanmar to develop recommendations
to increase civil society participation in ADB-financed
operations. The team consulted diverse stakeholders
across the country, including the border areas, and
internationally regarding ADB strategic and projectbased activities. The team assisted project officers
with stakeholder analysis and identification, and
provided village-level consultation support. The 2-year
project has supported ADBcivil society cooperation
on policies, strategy, sector assessments, and project
planning and implementation.
Civil society, among other key internal and external
stakeholders, is actively consulted in the development
and review of ADB country policies and strategies, and
has been involved in the design and implementation of
several ADB-financed projects.

Japan Fund for Poverty Reduction

The Japan Fund for Poverty Reduction (JFPR) is an
untied grant facility established by the Government
of Japan and ADB in May 2000. As of July 2013, the
total JFPR funds available to ADB developing member
countries totaled $615.4 million.31 ADB approved
158 grant projects ($422 million equivalent) and 124
technical assistance projects ($128.1 million equivalent).
The JFPR assists ADB clients in providing direct relief
to the poorest and most vulnerable segments of society
while building up their capacities for self-help and
income generation. Specifically, the JFPR initiates and
supports innovative programs that respond directly to
the needs of the poorest and most vulnerable groups
through new and innovative methods; provides
relatively rapid, demonstrable benefits through
initiatives that can be developed and sustained in the
long term; and helps local populations and civil society
design and implement programs.
The Government of Myanmar and ADB have signed
three JFPR grant agreements financed by the
Government of Japan to help reduce rural poverty,
expand HIV or AIDS services to vulnerable groups and
into remote areas, and to provide pro-poor community
infrastructure and basic services in urban areas.
TheEnhancing Rural Livelihoods and Incomes grant
($12 million) is being implemented in six townships
in five states and regions; the GreaterMekong
Subregion (GMS) Capacity Building for HIV/AIDS
Prevention grant ($10 million) is directed toward
at-risk populations around economic corridors near
the Thailand border; and the Pro-poor Community
Infrastructure and Basic Services grant ($4 million) is
helping establish water supply, sanitation, and other
urban services to impoverished communities in Yangon
and Mandalay.

The 3-year Enhancing Rural Livelihoods and

Incomes grant began its implementation in early
2014. Incooperation with the Ministry of Livestock,
Fisheries and Rural Development (as the executing
agency) and implemented through the Department
of Rural Development, the project will provide
community-developed and community-implemented
projects to 96village tracts in six townships.
Projectimplementation units based locally will work
with township, village tract, and village officials as
well as community members and civil society groups
to expand participation from underrepresented
populations and ensure that participatory processes
lead to village developmentplans.
A key feature of the Enhancing Rural Livelihoods and
Incomes grant is its community-driven approach, under
which village infrastructure will be improved, such
as access roads, jetties, water and irrigation facilities,
schools, and community health centers. Incomeearning opportunities will be developed in such areas
as fish and shrimp farming, livestock husbandry, and
the production of cash crops, including garlic and
chilies. The grants help determine and prioritize
community-specific needs, which will be financed
through community block funds, thus enabling rural
communities in particular to directly benefit from
the project. ADB has consulted with a broad range of
civil society groups, both nationally and regionally, on
this project and will continue to do so throughout its
operation.
The Capacity Building for HIV/AIDS Prevention grant
includes building 47 rural health centers and clinics,
refurbishing three township hospitals, and supplying
medical equipment and training. The JFPR grant will
increase access and quality to health and HIV and AIDS
services along fast-developing economic corridors in
Mon, Kayin, and Shan states, where new opportunities
will attract migrant workers and mobile populations.
In these underserved areas, mobile populations and
communities are at increased risk of communicable
diseases, including HIV. An estimated 200,000 people
in Myanmar live with HIV.

NGO Concerns over ADB Initiatives

Civil society stakeholders have expressed concern
to ADB over planned and approved ADB-financed
operations in areas with histories of armed ethnic and
religious conflict and weak governance, without fully
understanding the complex operating environment
and incorporating a Myanmar-appropriate conflictsensitive approach. In response to these concerns,
ADB is developing a Myanmar-specific conflictsensitive strategy and consults extensively with leading
experts and diverse and marginalized stakeholders
in conducting detailed stakeholder analysis to inform
project design and implementation.

The three-pronged ADB conflict-sensitive strategy

aims to (i) sensitize and raise capacity within its ranks
by training staff at headquarters and the resident
mission on conflict assessment approaches, (ii)develop
a conflict-sensitive civil society engagement and
participation strategy, and (iii) review ADBpipeline
projects and apply assessment tools to support
development projects that reduce or avoid exacerbating
any existingtensions.
ADB has formed an internal mechanism to coordinate
activities and systematize outreach and operations
particularly for projects in Kayin and Mon states that
encourage local participation and optimize the synergies
that will maximize local development outcomes.
Remaining concerns center on the lack of timely
project- and sector-specific civil society consultation
and participation in ADB-financed projects,
specifically at the design and feasibility study phases,
to the detriment of overall project coordination and
outcomes.32
Civil society groups have expressed a desire for
more significant and earlier roles in ADBs policy
work with the government around issues of energy,
tourism, country safeguards, rural development, and
foundational studies, such as the Country Diagnostic
Study33 and the Interim Country Partnership Strategy.
Local groups in particular have urged ADB to design
engagements with civil society that take into account
their capacity and resources to interface with ADB,
particularly project-affected people and civil society
outside of Yangon. They note that, at times, the
highly technical nature of the policy or project-level
information is not accessible to local civil society.
Civil society groups worry that rapid increases in
development aid is overwhelming the governments
and their own absorptive capacity to engage in policy
and project planning, implementation, and monitoring.
They have recommended that donors show less concern
for quick wins and instead increase emphasis on
coordination, participation, and capacity building
within all stakeholder groups.
Lastly, local civil society groups as well as international
NGOs have strongly requested that ADB and
other major development agencies pay particular
attention to two separate but interrelated issues: first,
convergence on service delivery, and second, ensuring
that development assistance does not undermine
the ongoing peace process. In some conflict-affected
areas, expansion of government services with donor
support may take the place of traditional local service
delivery, often performed by groups linked to ethnic
armed organizations. This can have negative effects on
the peace process. At the same time, these traditional
service delivery modalities are seeing their support
erode as donor priorities shift.34

References
Asia Foundation. 2014. Ethnic Conflict and Social
Services in Myanmars Contested Regions. Yangon.

9

7

Heidel, B. 2006. The Growth of Civil Society in Myanmar.

Bangalore.
Institute for Human Rights and Business. 2013.
Responsible Investment in Myanmar: The Human Rights
Dimensions. London.
International Commission of Jurists. 2013. Right to
Council: The Independence of Lawyers in Myanmar.
Bangkok.

10

Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Center. 2014.

Developing Relations: Political Parties and Civil Society
in Myanmar. Myanmar.

11

Prasse-Freeman, E. 2012. Power, Civil Society, and

an Inchoate Politics of the Daily in Burma/Myanmar.
TheJournal of Asian Studies. 71 (2).

12

Swisspeace and Shalom (Nyein) Foundation. 2014.

Catalyzing Reflection: Civil Society Contributions to
Myanmars Peace Process. Yangon.

13

Transnational Institute, Burma Center Netherlands.

2011. Civil Society Gaining Ground: Opportunities for
Change and Development in Burma. Amsterdam.

14

United Nations Human Rights Council. 2014. Report of

the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights
in Myanmar (UN Doc A/HRC/25/64, 2 April). Geneva.

15

16

Endnotes

4
5

Transnational Institute and Burma Center Netherlands.

2011. Civil Society Gaining Ground: Opportunities for
Change and Development in Burma. Amsterdam. pp. 612.
B. Heidel. 2006. The Growth of Civil Society in Myanmar.
Bangalore. p. 43.
The International Center for Not-for-Profit Law.
2014. NGO Law Monitor: Myanmar (Burma). http://
www.icnl.org/research/monitor/Myanmar.html
(accessed21August2014).
See endnote 2, p. 11.
Adapted from Thein Swe, ADB. Report of Government
CSO Relations: Opportunities for Collaboration.
Unpublished; see also Transnational Institute and
BurmaCenter Netherlands. 2011. CivilSociety Gaining
Ground: Opportunities for Change and Development in
Burma. Amsterdam.
Asia Foundation. 2014. Ethnic Conflict and SocialServices
in Myanmars Contested Regions. Yangon. p.7
(citingauthor interviews with Kachin Independence
Organization leaders in September 2013, New Mon State
Party leaders in September 2013, Restoration Council of

17

18

19

20

21

Shan State leaders in November 2013, Karen National

Union leaders in June and July 2013, and a former
NewMon State Party leader in March 2014).
See endnote 6, p. 16.
See endnote 3. p. 10.
Government of Myanmar. 2013. The Nay Pyi Taw Accord
for Effective Development Cooperation (committing
the government to consulting with civil society on
development priorities and plans and creating an
enabling environment for civil society contribution to
policy formulation, budgetary processes, and delivery of
services at the grassroots level. Nay Pyi Taw.
Human Rights Watch. 2014. Dispatches: Burma
Backsliding on Media Freedom. http://www.hrw.org/
news/2014/06/30/dispatches-burma-backsliding-media
-freedom
Myanmar People Forum Working Group. 2014.
CivilSociety Plan Regional Peoples Forum in EveryState,
Division. Yangon; Yen Snaing. 2014. Civil Society Plans
Regional Peoples Forum in Every State, Division.
TheIrrawaddy. 17 June. http://www.irrawaddy.org/
burma/civil-society-plans-regional-peoples-forum-every
-state-division.html
Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Center. 2014.
Developing Relations: Political Parties and Civil Society
inMyanmar. p. 5.
E. Prasse-Freeman. 2012. Power, Civil Society, and
an Inchoate Politics of the Daily in Burma/Myanmar.
TheJournal of Asian Studies. 71 (2). p. 382.
Ja Nan Lahtaw, Nang Raw Zahkung, and Nang Shan
Lahpai. 2014. Civil Society Contributions to Myanmars
Peace Process. Catalyzing Reflection. Yangon: Swisspeace
and Shalom (Nyein) Foundation. p. 10.
See endnote 14, pp. 1617 for a list of local organizations
supporting the peace process.
See endnote 14, pp. 1315.
United Nations Human Rights Council. 2014. Report of
the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in
Myanmar (UN Doc A/HRC/25/64, 2 April). Geneva.
Human Rights Watch. 2014. World Report: Burma Country
Summary. New York. p. 3.
United Nations. 2014. Situation of Human Rights in
Myanmar: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the
Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar (A/69/398,
23September). http://www.ohchr.org/EN/newyork/
Pages/HRreportstothe69thsessionGA.aspx; see also
Statement of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on
the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, 26 July 2014.
Government of Myanmar. 2014. Annex 1 of Myanmar:
Amended Right to Peaceful Assembly and Procession Law,
Annex 1 (unofficial translation of Pyidaungsu Hluttaw
Law No.26/2014, 24June). Article 19. http://www.
article19.org/data/files/medialibrary/37666/14-08-01-LAmyanmar-assembly.pdf
Government of Myanmar. 2011. Pyidaungsu Hluttaw.
TheRight to Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession Act
(The Pyidaungsu Hluttaw Law No. 15/2011, 2 December).
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs15/2011-Peaceful_
Assembly_and_Procession_Act-en.pdf

22

23

24

25

26

The International Center for Non-Profit Law. 2014.

NGOLaw Monitor (Myanmar). http://www.icnl.org/
research/monitor/Myanmar.html
Government of Myanmar. 2014. Printing and Publishing
Enterprise Law. http://www.article19.org/data/files/
medialibrary/3679/Printing-and-Publishing-EnterpriseLaw-Bill.pdf (non-official translation).
Government of Myanmar. 2014. Media Law.
http://www.burmalibrary.org/docs17/2014-Media_Lawen.pdf (non-official translation).
See endnote 12.
In his 2013 report to the Human Rights Council (UN
Doc. A/HRC/22/58, 17 April 2013), the UN Special
Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar,
Toms Ojea Quintana, noted seeing no evidence that
the judiciary is developing any independence from the
Executive (para.63) and expressed continued concern
over information he received of ongoing intimidation
of lawyers by state officials and arbitrary revocation of
licenses (para. 67).

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

International Commission of Jurists. 2013. Right to

Council: The Independence of Lawyers in Myanmar.
Bangkok. p. 15.
Ministry of Presidents Office (3). 2014. Myanmar
Application for Candidacy from EITI. http://eiti.org/files/
MEITI-application.pdf
See endnote 3, p. 38.
Prominent examples of external support for civilsociety
capacity building: United Nations Development
Programme support to strengthen the institutional
capacity of civil society and media institutions to
coordinate and engage public and private sectors in the
provision of public services; British Councils Active
Citizens program; USAID Human Rights and Rule of Law;
and Open Society Foundation Burma Project.
All currencies are in US dollars.
Interviews with Myanmar local NGO staff in Yangon
involved in TA 8289: Strengthening Civil Society
Participation in ADB-Financed Operations, 20132014.
ADB. 2014. Myanmar: Unlocking the Potential. Manila.
See endnote 8, p. iii.

For more information about ADBs work in Myanmar, visit

www.adb.org/countries/myanmar; www.adb.org/publications/
myanmar-fact-sheet

Definition and Objectives of Civil Society Collaboration

Civil society is an important stakeholder in the operations of the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and its borrowers and clients. It is
distinct from the government and the private sector and consists of a diverse range of individuals, groups, and nonprofit organizations.
They operate around shared interests, purposes, and values with a varying degree of formality and encompass a diverse range
from informal unorganized community groups to large international labor union organizations. Of particular relevance to ADB are
nongovernment organizations, community-based organizations and peoples organizations, foundations, professional associations,
research institutes and universities, labor unions, mass organizations, social movements, and coalitions and networks of civil society
organizations (CSOs) and umbrella organizations.a
ADB recognizes CSOs as development actors in their own right whose efforts complement those of governments and the private
sector, and who play a significant role in development in Asia and the Pacific. ADB has a long tradition of interacting with CSOs in
different contexts, through policy- and country strategy-level consultation, and in designing, implementing, and monitoring projects.
In 2008, ADB launched Strategy 2020, which articulates the organizations future direction and vision until 2020.b Above all,
Strategy2020 presents three complementary strategic agendas to guide ADB operations: inclusive economic growth, environmentally
sustainable growth, and regional integration. These agendas reflect the recognition that it is not only the pace of growth but also the
pattern of growth matters in reducing poverty in the region. In this new strategic context, partnerships with a range of organizations,
including CSOs, will become central to planning, financing, implementing, and evaluating ADB projects.
ADB. 2012. Strengthening Participation for Development Results. Manila.
ADB. 2008. Strategy 2020: The Long-Term Strategic Framework of the Asian Development Bank, 20082020. Manila.

Myanmar Resident Mission

Nay Pyi Taw Office
Ward Number S-253
Tha Pyay Gone Township
Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar
Tel +95 67 810 8066 to 8069
Fax +95 67 810 8070

In this publication, $ refers to US dollars.

Asian Development Bank

Publication Stock No. ARM147009-2

February 2015

Yangon Office
Union Business Center
Room 0310, 3rd Floor
Nat Mauk Road, Bo Cho Quarter
Bahan Township, Yangon, Myanmar
Tel +95 1860 3433, 3435, 3455, ext. 40364038
Fax +95 1860 3439
www.adb.org/countries/myanmar