MAHARASHTRA

OF THE

SHIVASHAHI PERIOD
(Seventeenth Century)

V.

25?/

EMI

S.

BENDREY

Copyright

Reserved

First Published,

1946

PREFACE
The

period,

iSivasahl

or

seventeenth

the

century,

witnessed a great social as well as political upheaval in

Removal

Mahara?tra.

of

and

ignorance

inferiority

complex, then influencing the minds of the masses, was

the need of the day.

a view

sSivajI

to, imbibing in

foresaw and remedied

them the

it

with

true national spirit.

He

educated the masses in right spirit of religion and uplifted

them

renaissance in

was thus a period of social and religious

Maharas^ra, and we come across with ample

proof of this

movement

socially.

It

in the writings of Pandits like

Keshava and in the various decisions or Niwadas given

by the Court of Sivajl in religious disputes. The natural

was

result of these efforts

visible in

given to (Sivaji and his successors

the solid support

by the masses

establishment of the Hindavi Sivarajya

in Maharastra.

national

in the

govern-

ment

This aspect of Sivajfs

fully

before.

subject,

Pending

preferred

life

has not been dealt with

detailed

inserting

discussion

review

brief

on

the

in

my

"

Dandamtiprakaranam " of Keshavabhatta. Many of

my friends and readers, however, desired me to get the
review published independently so as to attract scholars'
particular attention to the study of this aspect of Sivaji's
life.

am

grateful for the kind assistance

in complying with the request of

my

Bungalow
Poona, 4

Lele's

10 Sept. 1946

of.

myjiublisher

colleagues.
;

>

~]

V.

V.

..

S.

Bendrey

MAHARASHTRA
OF THE

SHIVASHAHI PERIOD
(Seventeenth Century)

The

true national history will record the seventeenth

century as the most important period of great social, as

well as political, upheaval in Maharast,ra.

adopted by the State

is

reflected

The

policy

in the actions of its

and the data so far recorded in regard to the life

and doings of Kesavabhata1 afford ample contemporary
officers,

evidence to

A
no

show how

this

upheaval was brought about.

review of the condition of the people of his times will,

doubt,

prove

Aindryabhiseka

of the idea with

interesting

and

thought-provoking.

performed by Sivaji

which he

is clearly

indicative

masses to the higher

lifted the

level of the society and worked up the building of the

.Hindavi Swarajya in the Deccan.

1.
KeSava Pandit was Purohit of tgivajl, Sambhaji and
Rajarim (1635-97 A.D.) and author of " Rajaramchantam,"

" Dharmakalpalatia
", etc.

Pacta's

For his

Dancjanltiprakaraiam

or

life,

please see "

Criminal

Kesava

Jurisprudence

(XVIIth century) " by V. S. Bendrey, B. I. S. Mandal Sweeya

No. 59, 1943.
" Coronations of Sivajl " is still under print, in which
2.
,

Series,

the whole procedure followed in both the gastric and tiantric

or japaka vidhis, is given and the significance of Aindryabhiseka, etc., discussed.

SHIVASHAHI MAHARASHTRA

AND ECONOMICAL

POLITICAL
Hilly Country

Fortified base of Shivn/i's

activities

Sivaji first gathered strength in the hilly country of

the

Mawals and had

his

independent

power

firmly

still more difficult part of the Konkan.

expanded in the western and southern parts

established in a
It gradually

of the present

Bombay

The

Province.

territory contained

a few small towns but hardly a centre of trade or learning

or a place of religious importance.

The villages were

The communication was

very small and far between.

and nature was

upon for conveniences. In short, this part of the country was rather the
abandoned or perhaps the most neglected tract of the
The only tie between the villagers and the
Deccan.
difficult,

chiefly relied

Deccani Sultanats was the Deshmukh or Sardeshmukh,

who enjoyed

unrestricted

masses in these tracts had thus no

more advanced

civil life

direct contact with the

of the capital towns or influence

of the centres of prosperity and learning.

acquired by Sivajl in the early part of his

ward

politically,

economically,

difficult

among

Sultans

poor
bare

felt

the

power

quarter of the seventeenth century witne?-<-d

Malik Ambnr

the downfall of the Nizum>fth7 Kingdom.

was perhaps the

Sultanats.

the

an opportunity for

Mnrathas' rising to
first

very
for

rule of the Sultans.

Dissensions

The

and

it

needs of livelihood.

power or the

physically

The territory
life was back-

was self-sufficient
The masses here never

though

The

and uncontrolled freedom.

He

last

did

astute statesman

in

the

Peccant

danger

in

the

nwKrtis

realise

the

POLITICAL & ECONOMICAL

by the Sultans, and tried to place the

Muslim rule in the Deccan in awe and respect. He was,
however, followed by no Muslim officer able to pursue his
On the contrary, the narrow vision
policy and work.

policy then adopted

maintained by the Muslim neighbours compelled him to

raise

to

Hindus

Hindus

power and

to

office.

to assert the balancing

This gave opportunity

power they

supported the cause of Nizamsahi

loyally,

They

held.

and though

were unsuccessful, they were not deterred

their attempts

They struggled and exerThey duly perceived the

cised the power of balance.
inherent weakness of the foreign rule. Murar Jagdevrao,
from their ambition

for power.

Lukhji Jadhavrao and Sahaji forced the Sultans to

realise

importance and power by their defiance to one

their

Sultan or the other or rather, more accurately, by play-

Muslim powers

ing off the

against one another.

Masses

The

isolated

followed and believed their

Muslim

officers,

own

leaders.

playing in the hands

assistants, gradually slackened their hold

The Muslim

rulers

exclusively.

Hindu

of their

over the masses.

had entertained the Muslim executive

change in this attitude became inevitable.

This change lessened the enmity and put off immediate

danger to the Sultans to some extent, but

frame of the Muslim rule

steel

in the

it

broke the

Deccan.

Famine disintegrated foreign rule

The

conditions were further aggravated

by the most

devastating effects of the great famine of 1630-33, called

" Durgadevlcha

drew

to

the

assistants.
lost..

The

towns

The Muslim
;
.

leaving

officials

their

with-

charges

to

The Muslim contact with the masses was thus

Deshmukhs or Sardeshmukhs found it

impossible to
Sultans.

Duskala".
capital

fulfil

their usual annual obligations to the

The heavy

casualties

and desertion of

villages

SHIVASHAHl MAHARASHTRA.

by the people
country waste.

search of food and safety laid

in

As a

the

consequence, the decade after the

famine witnassed hundreds of disputes for restoration of

ownership.
In short, the second quarter of the century

was thus a period of

of the State.

and without

discontent

and

laxity in the control

Loyalty to the Sultans was much shaken,

no foreign rule was ever secure. This

was, therefore, an opportunity for Svajl to consolidate
lo}ralty

own power and

by taking advantage of the

very weaknesses and wants which caused the severance
of the bonds between the ruler and the ruled.
hi?

strength

Crusade against Deshmukhs

Foundation of

Hindavi Swarajya
Sivajl opened his career with a crusade against the

Deshmukhi system,

replacing

it

by a very sound and

assuring land tenure settlement for the village agricul-

This endeared him to the masses.

turists.

the

Deshmukhi

sacrifice,

but the

be relieved of

The

l^ss of

was not, however, a pleasant

Deshmukhs were not the Jess enctr to

rights

their obligations to the Sultans.

On

other hand, Sivaji entertained no personal envy or

dual revenge against the Deshmukh?.

offices

under him according

lie offered

to their valour and

the

ir.dr.i-

them
m::it,

and provided them with better opportunities and p-opects. This attracted most of them to the Hindavi S-.v.v
" as it was then ur.d'.rrajya or " Maharastra-Dharma
stood socially.

POLITICAL & ECONOMICAL

Loot of rich

The

cities

could

Sultanats

Source of finance

afford

keep

to

these

tracts

completely neglected, hut to overlook the danger of the

power gathering strength

to challenge the very existence

of the Sultans would have hcen ruinous and

for the security of the people

the other hand,

On

fatal.

and the

produce, Sivajl devoted his particular attention and care

to the building

up

tion of a loyal

and

of the internal defence

The

faithful military.

ever, absorbed all the wealth acquired

and organisadefence,

how-

by means of the

daring incursions into the rich neighlwuring trade centres

and

Mahajars published are eloquent

enough of the ruin and desertion of the people due to
the famine, the Behcdas of the time explain pretty
clearly how the defence involved a large expenditure on
towns.

repairs

the

If

and rebuilding of the

forts

and walls to save the

country from the enemy's wrath.

Regional language

The

the administrative

medium

demanded an immediate
change both in the tone and in the procedure.
The
medium of official correspondence was practically the
localised

civil

administration

Persian

with either

Modi

or

Persian

script

adopted for the convenience and ease of the Muslim

officials.

The

regional language

must replace

it,

but to

introduce and give currency to the appropriate Marathi

terms, which were lost through their disuse for centuries
in the past,

was by no means an easy

task.

Jurisprudence
It is true that Muslims did not interfere in the form
and procedure of the administration of the law and order

The

in the country.

preferential treatment to

and the mixed customs then current, however,

no less effect on the actual administration of the

The

criminal justice.

idiosyncrasies of

communities stimulated some differences

of

tion

the

Canon Law, and

these

interfered in the administration of the

the people.

sSivaji's

Muslims
exercised
civil

the two great

the applica-

in

often

difference?

Common Law

of

attempts to bring about a practical

solution in order to systematize the procedure for

and

and

to regularise the punishment were not

trial

completely

The traditional mode of compilation of such

codes restricted their scope to moral precepts and to the
recording of ancient maxims at least so far as the criminal
successful.

jurisprudence was concerned.

The models

Fatawahs and the European

" sets of rule? "

impression on the Hindu writers

them

Muslim
made no
of iNlti-Dharma to move
in the

to improve the practical utility of the codes or to

adapt them so as to

suit the then current notions

ahxit

crime and punishment.

Aindryabhisheka

The
action

democratic institution

third quarter of the century

and reforms.

advance of the neglected

Mawals and
outside the

Konkan.

the

hills

and

isolated

it

encouraged them

was necessary

last

year of

this

quarter

to

To

to allow

formed or gains staked simply

The

the period '

masses of

Tluir contact with

confidence in their achievements.

steady,

was

It evidenced the remarkable cultural

v.c>

actio*.!

keep

ccrif.-dcrark

It

In-

k^ar.
tiv w<

and

p;rhas''

"
gave his " personal c.i:kjiu--n a jVird
and converted them into a "public ir.stimtr
'ration an A
plished and sanctified by relisuVis

important.

!if>-

and cn\'UKi

thi< confidence-

for prc-tice

was

t>u

tlu-

'

fa.'.h

TOLITICAL & ECONOMICAL

The

support.

11

made

coronation

ambitious leaders to banish

people

the

and

the

from their minds any idea

of rival claims for superiority or leadership.

Merit and not caste or birth for State service

sivajl took care to select

and maintain die

of machinery for his administration.

for service.

Some

right type

Merit alone counted

interested but later writers affirm that

Sivaji recognised hereditary rights to higher offices,

but

the contemporary evidence does not support

His

particular caution

and

ability

were responsible

this.

for check-

among his officers. No differential treatment

or status was accorded to any department or office
simply on the ground of utility or profit. The equity of
ing rivalries

treatment so maintained had the good

effect of securing

expert and undivided attention to the duties of the State

but to hold such an expert and able machinery under

thumb

one's

Sivajl

requires a stern

and Sarnbhajl could

hand and firm

discretion.

exercise this check effectively,

but the weak person of Rajaram could

not.

The

tone of

the administration so built up was consequently deterio-

The Maharastra

rated in the last decade of the century.

Raj, as a state, thus temporarily succumbed although

it

continued in existence as a mere government of a few

persons accidentally placed in charge of

it.

Rajaram's weak control

In the last quarter of the century the family quarrels

were growing stronger and stronger.

formed.

The danger

Parties were being

of these party feuds becoming fatal

to the very existence of the Maharastra Raj

At the same

time,

the heaviest blow

was

was apparent.
delivered by

Aurangzeb, but the Maralha kingdom withstood

all

the

12

SHIVASHAHI MAHARASHTRA

cdds against

The

it.

strong and sound.

leadership of

His unfortunate

Sambhau was

stem.

capture, however,

left

the kingdom in chaos and the leadership passed into

the
hands of Pralhad NIrajT an unsound, unreliable and non-

A strong military talent was a necessity.

Ramachnndrnpanta and ^ankaraf! asserted some stratcgy
and statesmanship played by the Mshrar.as previously,
but the youngsters on whose help they had to rely.
though valorous and adventurous, were lacking h
military person.

experience in politics and

founded and

liovrever, well

This reused a

leadership.

The kingdom

serious set back for a short period.

elastic

enough not

was.

to suffer

a complete break-down especially at the hands of outsiders.

At tile close of the century, the Malrira?;ra R.lj, as a scat
of national "independence, existed with perhaps a stronger
force

and

unity, but the Raj, as a state, crumbled.

Shivtiji's

tfi\~\ii.

struggles

spite of his

in

for

administrative reforms

political

occupation in his inevs-aru

supremacy and expansion, save

H*
considerable time and energy to internal reforms.
encouraged literature on subjects of direct p.:Wic utility.

Paranrinanda's

"

Svabharata

".

PaKd>

"

jayarunu*

panvatagrahanakhyana " and others mentioned.

to be discovered, are the instances of the woik>

>\t

b-:t

d,- :;:>c

p-d^e
to impress ujxin and to create confidence to. xh:
hk achievements and fxwer. 'Rniyavynvnh'rakrv;-,'' Vy
*'

jrib.it;"*
Rachunath Hanamanie. the detailed
by ^iwail and the then recorded cop:o ol "M
afforded facilities and ea---o in the u*e ol th;- n\^""

the regional language

tration.
jK;>ular

for

Annan Pane's
even until the

correspondence
Lar.u

tr.d c:

ur.'J'e

rr.-t

rv.v.'

**'-rr- :v
^

V>'.?

IVav:-i p.

r-

-'-

POLITICAL

all

AND ECONOMICAL

the forts

important role

in
in

the Sahyadrl range

13

played the most

the establishment of the Maratha. Rajya,

and the organisation of defence, the selection of the personnel and the practical skill and strength with which
the bulwarks were repaired, had always a tale to tell with
pride and honour. In brief, personal attention and care
bestowed by Sivajl upon the most neglected parts of the
country achieved the aim of making this trace a stronghold of the Maratha Rajya both politically and
economically.

AND

SOCIAL

Religious and social

RELIGIOUS

of Hindus deteriorated
in Maharashtra
life

Perhaps it was the last exodus of Aryans into the

Decean which constituted itself later into a Marat hi
speaking Hindu community. In the midst of the Dravidian culture and influence,

under the Yadava

principality.

now known

the Mahrattas,

it

were scattered was,

struggled

for

supremacy

The country

over which

as a Scytho-Dravidian race,

however,

very

limited

in

extent.

Alla-ud'din Khilji

(1310-16 a.d,) plundered the Yiidava

capital of Deogiri

(Daulatabad), and his general. Malik

Kafur,

with

incursions

Konkan
Muslim

formidable

his

the

into

distant

made

armies,

parts

of

devastating

the Deccnn

driving the Mahraltas westward.

The

kings pushed them further

forcing

take shelter in the

hills

still,

and

subsequent

them

to

of Sahyadti and the junctfes of the

Konkan. The
showed some tolerance to the

later Nizamsfdri and some Adilsfihl kin?*

of the

Hindu

faith, if

not to the symlxta

Thus encouraged

religion.

to seek their

the Mahrfitta* concentrated

safety under the Sultanats,

themselves round about Poona, Karad and Ahmednng;tr.

The Mawals and Konkan, however, remained their chit?

abode. The religious persecution of Malik K'tftir kid
Hindu

the temples and scats of

under complete
discouraged,

if

ruin.

later

Deccnn

?u!trm-->

a- -/>

not directly forbade, open per formal uv ?

their religious rites.

impregnable

The

learning and It'terAWa*

hills

The

MahriUtfii living

cn'pyal

in th* di-rart

freedom of aesion to

?''-

15

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS

extent; but the surrounding influence of Dravidian and

aboriginal tribes

was very

Muslim power

in

had

north

the

The

great indeed.

rise of the

cut

practically

oft"

Mahrattas from the main body of the Aryan society and

its

This

influence.

solidarity

and corrupted

tion to dependence

made any

impaired

isolation

Their subjuga-

their culture.

and reduction

religious

their

penury practically

to

effort impossible to polish their

customs and

manners, to erect new temples of worship or to establish

and

authoritative seals of learning

On

literature.

the

contrary, the local crude element continued to afTect their

religious beliefs

and

social

and to deteriorate

practices.

Murar Jagdevrao and

exercise

no freedom

Thus,

their

until

the

of

ascendancy

life

of

Mahrattas could

Sahiiji to power,

in the

modes

conduct of their religious and

social life.

Hindus given to non-Aryan

and practices

The Hinduism

life

by Mahrattas had -imbibed

the teachings of Sankaracharya, but he exercised no jurisdiction over the Mahratta country and people till the end
of the seventeenth century.
The later Brahminism perpractised

mitted several native races

Hinduism

to

possible reluctance to allow the

Dwija

castes

share

in

any

into

the

fold

practices.

every

Sudra or even the other

social intercourse

in

religious

their

with themselves or to

convictions

higher

the standard of spiritual

life

for the general uplift of the

for the

of

and ceremonial
On the contrary, they shut them from any

their

participation

and

enter

but the orthodox Brahmins showed

aims.

of the

Hindu

Instead

of

raising

non-Brahmin masses
society as a

advancement of -the Hindu culture

whole

in parti-

16

SHIVASHAHI MAHARASH1KA

cuiar, the

orthodox Brahmins deliberately

threw all kird^
of artificial barriers in their way.
They used nil mean<
to force the

non-Brahmin

and

castes

tribes

up

to give

imitating their customs and manners

or to adopt such
practices and modes of worship as

would elevate the

ignorant masses or communities to

higher intellectual
culture and religious sentiment with a
view to procure
social equality. This illiberal policy was
the result mainly

of their lack of confidence in their

own conduct of life

fear of their being contaminated with obnoxious-"

and the

practices of the servile races.

tion

This self-imposed segrega-

obliged the orthodox Brahminism

ignore,

all

practices,

manner

wink

to

of gross superstitions and

or

at.

repulsive

along with the popular worship of counties-

gods, goddesses,

hosts of godlings,

demon;:,

and

spirit?

and mystic objects and symbols of every

being made a part of Hindu worship and
Almost the whole mareligious creed.

ghosts,

descrip-

tion

UU::A of

their

Hindu

society,

save

very

the

minority

small

of

};.<.'

of

th<>

orthodox Brahmins, who acknowledged, though nominally,

the spiritual guidance of Brahminism. were

practical!:,

given over to the worship of their nondescript gTa;n:o

devatas usually attended by animal

New

types of invocation.
existence.

dream

at

sacrifices

night would

justify

anything into an object of local adoration or

awe and propitiatory rite? to multitude of

any uncommon event would be apt

to

special manifestation of divira- p-nvcr

woman whether

a Hindu, a

axn

with

hU

rcmarkabh*
conduct of

for ?om-life

death, might ulrrrrratcly

i>"

f-r
:

!>:

'-'&A\

.-a-rd--!

th
a

^ly.-r^iu---:-

p-v-.pV

V'-t

r.-rit or

d-w-r.

!>.''<

"s

o <-?,

on:;:?;.;:-.-

$<-.

>>:

'

tw-.n

:.!-.:-...:.

iarid-r.r

:trnr-,*-*

c<vnv?:tK*

and any

r.o:;-.\ry:-.n.

Muslimcredited with cwptifnal

or

and crud:

deities were beinr hrourht into

<-

'

*'.
">':

I-

a ':"' hv:--:- "

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS

The transmigration

of the deity.

which the
about

17

theory,

according to

hover

of

the

departed

in quest of a

new

corporeal abode, supported the

spirit

believed

is

to

In

conception of Hie superstitious notions of this kind.

Brahminism, Siva, Visnu and other gods of the Hindu

Pantheon were dignified beings.

many

of

them

Dvija

individual

direct worship

of

by Brahmins

or

was permitted even

to

in public temples, except

Guravas or through
other

No

their offices,

The

castes.

caste

had

to

differential

suffer

the

in

treatment

matter

of

each
the

mantras used, the modes of worship adopted and the

unreal

communion

allowed, could not but excite indigna-

and contempt. On the other hand, the village deities

afforded ready help in trouble and appeared to be inti-

tion

mately concerned with the happiness and prosj>erity of

The

the villages.

sex, could offer his

own words and

oT his caste or

devotee,

irrespective

worship

in person, his

prayer in his

any kind animal,

cooked food, fruit, corn or cereals
and observe no very
rigid formality.
The medium, through whom any help
was sought, had no differential treatment to accord. The
medium might belong to any sex and even to the outcaste
speech, his sacrifice in

Hindu society. No special social status is

him by his profession. Naturally the freedom

section of the

attached to

enjoyed and the immediate fulfilment of the objective

hoped

mass to non-Hindu practices. The

policy of the Brahmin hierarchy was thus largely

suicidal

for,

led the

responsible for diverting the majority of those professing

Hinduism to non-Aryan element of worship and philosophy. This policy was, no doubt, in contrast with the
marked adaptability of the Vedic Aryan race and particularly of the succeeding generations which withstood the
heavy blows of Buddhists and Jains. This disintegration
of the Hindu society was not without its baneful effects.

1Q

SHIVASHAHf MAHARASHTRA
Brahminic neglect brings Bhakti
dominance

The main

defect which led to this catastrophe

was

the denial of union with God.

sible for a

diately

non-Brahmin was

on the

What

it

cessation of his present

before

reaching

did

make impos-

to attain that union

life.

have to pass through higher and purer

existence

cult to

imme-

He would

stages of

first

mundane

the

final
salvation.
This
required to be removed and equality
ensured at least in the domain of the Supreme Being.

way

obstacle in his

Equally important was the necessity to put a stop

to the

wholesale license enjoyed in the adoption of the prcAryan type of religion and practices. The saner and

element of the Hindu fold was not short o( the

liberal

Different cults to meet the contingency were

occasion.

introduced and developed.

to

Rama

jRamanuja by his devotion

demonstrated to his large followers that any

person can attain again conscious union with

through devotion and

love.

The Bhakti

Him

cult thus

only

came

Ramfinanda's teaching made a further

into existence.

was designed for mass development and w.v

So the
of distinctly levelling and popular character.
Bhaktamala and other writings of his pantha or sect were
advance.

It

composed, not in Sanskrit, but

made a very

Chaitanya

popularise this

example.
al

and

creeds.

hymns

in the popular dialect*

considerable

contribution

to

movement by his own attainments and

freer scope

was thus allowed

to the emotion-

erotic elements in the forms of worship in the'v

The

use of vernacular dialects in prayer*.

of praise

religious service.

was given an important phc?

in

.">nd

the

Music, danciru:, singm?. pattte~, OwMr't-

cals in short anything calculated to produce the

N;lmd<xi
effect of the Bhakti cult was employed.

dr'ir.'d
Dny.'-

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS

19

newar and Ekanath helped developing this cult in Maha-

KahTr paid his quota in throwing this cult

also. The MahSnastrian saints, however,

raistra too.

open to Muslims

movement to considerable

and effect. In
the early seventeenth century, Tukaram was the foremost
in making the varakari pantha or sect very popular both
by his preachings and by the example of his own life.
led the

It is unnecessary to

success

go into the details of the Mahanu-

bhava, Traimurti (Datta) and other

Aims

cults.

in religious reformation

aimed at

All these efforts distinctly

communion with God by devotion and

(a), attaining

(b) remov-

love,

ing the intermediary agency for worship or for self -purification,

(c)

devotees

relieving

procedure and rigidity of

lities,

(f)

from the cumbersome

mantric and tantric forma-

(d) impressing the votaries of the fruitlessness of

sacrifices,

solely

the,

curbing

(e)

with a view to

securing social

the
selfish

tendency

towards worship

gain or personal revenge,

and religious equality, and (g) proThese are the chief lines on which

moting mass-prayers.

a reformation was attempted. It, however, tempted the

devotees to inaction and worldly renunciation, thus creating indifference to the duties and obligations to the Hindu
society and religion for the effective maintenance of its
order. These sects drew away a large part of the advanced Hindu society, especially from the Dwija castes, out
of

the

pale

of

the

influence

of

the

Brahminism of

Sankaracharya.

Castes without achar

and dharma

In the original formation of non-tribal

pation

was

an

important

deciding

castes, occu-

factor,

but

the

20

SHIVASHAHl MAHARASHTRA

exigencies of

life

did not allow this longer.

Brahmins had

to accept such professions as were not compatible

with
their

own

caste.

Many

to the detriment of their

cardinal

principle

remained

in

of descent.

remained

own

in

Muslim

service

wishes and convictions.

much
The

on which the system of caste thus

existence was only the preservation of purity

The

peculiar religious beliefs and ceremonial

usages became characteristic of each caste.

The

political

and social influences of the non-Aryan surroundings had

no small effect on these usages. Every caste, from the
highest to the lowest, however, took jealous pride in

own

and

occupation

peculiar

sphere

of

its

Thus,

life.

though the various sub-castes of Brahmins, Shenavis.

Kayasthas, Daivadnyas, Maratfias, Kunbis, Mahiirs,

were taking particular pride

inherited very
ancestors.

little

The

in

their

own

calling,

etc.

they

of the practices and beliefs of their

Desasthas,

who were

commu-

the leading

nity in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, formed a

great majority, but their actual practices

fell

much

short

of the required standard of religious sanctity or piety.

Other

on

having no proper guidance from Brahmin-..

they relied, soon suffered themselves to be

castes,

whom

brought to the

level of the Siidras.

The

aboriginal and

other local tribes were slumped together under the designation of Sudras, who were destined to serve the upprr

manual labour

classes in all the various departments of

but

in

castes,

the early part

from Brahmins

riority over the

wmiry,

of the seventeenth

to Sfldrn, could boat of

Muslim conquerors or

and customs against the wishes of

awt
their

their

no

all

ap-

nnrw;*.

ro-v-trrs.

IV
'

castes were, therefore, reduced to

the adiar and

practised.

dharma were

narr.fi

either

\tf i'
f

<>friy.

:!r ;

!-

i-ttingurW

-'

SOCIAL

means for

Essential

No
if it

21

AND RELIGIOUS

religion

stabilizing religion

would find popularity or mass-following

only restricted

itself

to higher philosophy or mystic

symbolism, then however congenial this refined symbolism

may be. It would not satisfy the religious wants of the

common man little given to abstract conceptions. For
adherence to any faith or religion of the mass, three
instruments are, therefore, most essential

temples or other symbolic

(a) institution

(b) priest or minis-

objects,

trant to guide or to regulate the performances of the

religious practices,

sarnskaras,

and

prayers,

(c) periodical religious practices

worships,

observances,

Muslim persecution did not allow

The

etc.

free scope to rebuild

temples or to establish any seats of learning for the dissemination of religious knowledge or for the initiation of
the young and enquiring

mind

in the practices of devotion,

self-purification or immolation.

on

hills

were not

Josis or Jyoti&s.

the support of the State

privileges
tive

and

its

The

The

guidance was,

therefore,

non-Brahmin

order had lost

obtainable to

castes,

who

solely

No
all

and

effec-

those,

depended

In the absence of this technical help,

practically impossible for

two

priest-

traditional rights

were either in dispute or dismissed.

especially the

on them.

stray temple or

likely to satisfy the need.

hood was vested in

all

it

was

them to perform the various

and ceremonies and other devotional obsershould confirm the moral and spiritual
impression on their mind so that their firm and blind
adherence to the faith could be counted upon. In short,
in the early part of the seventeenth century the Hindu
community in Maharastra was not only without the ade-

sarnskaras

vances which

quate

facility of temples and technical guidance but also

remained without undergoing the proper and usual sarns-

'

22

SHIVASHAHl MAHARASHTRA

karas according to the Hindu

Bhonslas lost

By

tradition,

The Upadhye
rao

religion. 3

Rajput achat and dharma

all

Bhonsalas belonged to the Rajaput

family, later distinguished as the

Rajopadhe'

'

clan.

Pandita-

was the hereditary PurohitUpadhyes of Bhonsalas. How long this connection can
go back will depend upon the new historical evidence, if
family,

The Bhonsala branch

disclosed.

nobody of

family in

this

its

Mudhol had, however,

The ancestors of

of

employ.

the Bhonsala families arrived in the Deccan before the

3.

Kavlndra Paramananda writes

fzp% gdftMl

W,.^

[ T % 3T3pfPF^ STI^M^l \i^MM

frfqrr^T

v*

II

\\

^Rl ^Rtsf^T ^ Y^ S^TT *nf% f^J# 3^T CTfpJI: TO.I

STg#fi *T ?ppteft JT^W, Y* " ^rf*yo> 5, p. 44.
II

II

II

" Sivabharat

".

II

In " VIsvagunadanJa-campu

early part of the 17th century, \vc find

^iri^iw^i^llOta^HiRHi ^i'

fcsr

?fW^ ^t ^trt% sra: ill \

*b\lifow<i "# ?ER!?f5rRf>?r

-.

s% n
p.

...

n i

Va

ii

Q'W-iiy:

ii

fifcr-'

*r

il

i,

3.

..."SpjFff

'Tnfr-

II

t 'Tti^ttt^fti^

=fr

?rr

smvrof-:

ft.

Y>%:;,

*-*t*:

" Vr-vaMJ":*!*^SS-7, Chapter 12. MnhTinhtravcirnnnarn,

chnippu" by Vyafikntridfnvari edited by

1S99.

"f?3TFT:

crn^w^r^W^n

fonjfa

rc

written in th*

",

&^->v

SOCIAL

AND RELIGIOUS

23

middle of the fourteenth century.4

Pariditrao genealogy

300 years

family

wholesale

change

priests

in

the

It

would

is'

also unlikely that the

in

No

Udepur. G

permit

ever

religious

Bhonsala family as should humiliate

derably lower than

in the

as covering the long period of over

an improbability.

is

hereditary

Thus, the seven direct

Raghunatha Paftditarao given

generations prior to

practices
it

such
of

a
the

to a status consi-

what was enjoyed by

it

as Rajaputs

importance can, therefore, be appro-

priately attached to this family as wielding

on the conduct

of,

any influence
and the tendencies exhibited by,

Bhonsalas prior to 1600 a.d.

BabajT Bhonsala granted

an acre and a quarter of a chavar of land to the Arvi
branch of the family. His sons, Malojl and Vithojl, as
Sargurhos or

But

this does

these

two

nued

by.

Mokadams

of the country, confirmed it.

not establish any close connection between

families.

The grant was, and had to be contiMuslim or Hindu officer, which

nature of the grant was not personal

every succeeding

indicates that the

Farmans of 4th November 1352 and 22nd October

1 and 16 A
PP endix PP- 25 and 84, Introduction,
'
tMudhola
Samsthanachya. Ghorapade Gharanyacha Itihasa"
edvted by Mr. D. V. Apte,
Poona, 1934.
5.
See Appendix I,- p. 70, " Dandanitiprakaranam " by
Mr. V. S. Bendrey. [note 1].
4.

?1

~PP

6.

"

>

Raja Jayasing in his

letter of January 1666 to Jafar

regardless of praise or blame by other
people, that if the Emperor sanctions it, I shall set on foot a
proposal for a match with his family and settle the marriage
of my son with his daughter,
though the pedigree and caste
of Shiva are notoriously low and men like me do not eat food
touched by his hand (not to speak of entering into a matrimonial connection with him),
"f. 139a, Haft Anjuman

Khan

writes

"

P- 306, "

R. G. Bhandarkar Commemoration Volume

R. Institute, Poona, 1917.

",

B. O.

"*

SHIVASHAHI MAHARASHTRA

but

official.

In no communication, the family

Upadhye or Rajopadhye

before 1630

is called

a.d/ Prabhakara-

hhata of this branch of the family attended Sahaji

at
Bangalore, and it is only probable that sghajTs name
and
(

fame attracted him to his service. The later connection

between these two families, however, yielded a great and
continued influence on the religious and social policy of
the Margtha Kings.

Shiva or Bhavani Worship in Bhonsla family

Malojl named his two sons

Saha

after the well

of Ahmednagar.

and'iSarifa

the religious bend of his mind.

after the

This

known

His devotion to

sudden find of a treasure-trove

Pirs

is indicative

may

of

iSiva

either be

emotional or traditional, but his constructing a tank and

repairing the old and renowned

YadavakSHna temple of

iva at sikhara-sihgairiapur does not lessen the significance

of

the hint

the valuable discovery

for

In

Goddess Bhavani.
father were

about,

Mokadams

and Vithoji

gikhara-singanapur

is

fact,

coming from

both the brothers and their

or Sargurhos of the country round

mentioned as the

itself.

Mokadam

of

Vithoji and his sons, though

they shared the find of Malojf, exhibited no great zeal

for Siva worship.

Shahaji a Shaiwait

Dravidian influence

and
Sahaja had, however, developed a considerable
and
undivided devotion to Siva. Maloji's later actions
conduct

may have

initiated

him

to

it,

but his association

nnd

dated 24th December 1597. This

" Rajawade Khagda
subsequent letters have been published in
15" under "Papers of Rajopadhye Family."
77iSahaji's grant

is

25

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS

Murar Jagadevarao, a very great devotee of Siva,

must have left a very deep effect on his mind inclining him
to the higher form of Hindu worship and refined mode of

with

life.

His

contact' with

Pandits

learned

the

the

at

Nizamsaru capital and in the South was very great and

manifold,
Jijabai

and

it

is

no wonder

if

tSahaji

and

had acquired the true conception of Hindu

as understood and believed by the learned

His succession to the Ntayakas in the

best

opportunity to

suit the higher

Brahmins.

Kamajak was

form of worship and conduct of

social

Sahaji's assertion in his letter of 1656 a.d. 8 that

expresses

how

reflects

conduct of

arra^r

the inferiority complex

on

the

the Hindu procedure and

which were, no doubt, adopted to

belonged to the Rajaput clan

and

religion

inherit

practices of the courts,

life.

his wife

his feelings

^c^r a^)
was vexing

he

indirectly

his

mind

about the deterioration in the

own kinsmen both socially and

Anyhow, the Tanjore line of the Bhonsala
family showed greater mind and energy for religious
^learning and literature.
Jijabai conveyed to her son
life

of his

politically.

Sivajl all the culture

and conventions of Sahaji's court.

officers, who accompanied !ivajl to Poona, did not,
however, possess the same sentiments as were entertained
by Sahaji.

The

Shahaji and Jijabai

religion

Shivaji's preceptors in

and

many

politics

and religious
beliefs and prejudices from his parents. He had given
expression to his devotion to Sambha and Arriba in
Sivajl

inherited

of

his

social

8.

Letter dated 1666 July, p. 209, "Shri Sampraday'achi

", Vividha Viaya, Lekhanka No. 34, Ramdas aui

Kagadpatre
Ramadasi.

or

SHIVASHAHl MAHARASHTRA
several

his

0/
letters.
His devotion to Goddess Bhavani
or Arnba was, however, undivided
and absolute.
His
faith in Her guidance in all his
early adventures

was

implicit

guidance he got directly through his being

jx>ssesscd of the spirit of the Goddess.
It is true RayareSvar was chosen to be the place for oaths
of
Tin's

fidelity to

Ilindavl Swarajya, but this was due more to the reverence for the idol among the people from the country

around.
Shivaji gives

up

retaliation against

Muslim

religion

In his early

activities,

Muslim

he exhibited some aggressive

and pulled down certain

mosques at Kalyana and Bhivandi and imprisoned Mullas
there. 10
This was, of course, prompted not through any
spirit against tlie

faith

destructive element in his policy, but as a retribution for

causing disgrace to his father by deceit and imprisonment.

He, however, soon discovered the

such a des-

futility of

tructive element in his action against his foe.

I

Remnants of

Hindu
Konkan

true

culture in the

Mrkes and Dalvls of Sririgarpur, Sarigamesvar and

s;

in
Jedhes of Kari had their adherents sworn similarly
No25th
of
Ambar
A.DLekhana 336, Letter of Malik

9.

1618

vember 1618. "Sivacharitra /Sahitya

Mandate Sviyamala, Poona.

TO*t qg fefetoi

Adhyaya

18,

ft

<nfe

" Sivabharata "

Messrs. D. V. Ante and S.

Poona.

ii

V,

Khanda,

B.I.S,

ni^OT*i##-

by Paramananda,

M.

2"

Divekar, B.

I.

edited
S.

by-

Mandal,

9?

AND RELIGIOUS

SOCIAL

being placed
Rajapur enjoyed absolute freedom by their
country and natural dein a particular situation of the
families preserved their

Many Brahmin

fence.

fiivaji

culture in those hilly tracts,

He

in 1660-61.

Brahmins more
service

bhata,

closely.

immediately after

who had

captured these places

in contact with the learned

came

thus

Brahminic

Raghunathabhata joined his

Some time later Gagathis.

arrived in 1663-4 in

Maharaja, made

Paramananda, Anantadev and

others were also there and meti iSivajI. A progressive and
rational religious outlook was the natural outcome of all
good impression on him.

these acquaintances.

and the raising of the

became

his

objectives,

it

was necessary (a)

saintly

(b)

(c)

and (d)

who would command

To

religion

communities

achieve

these

to reintroduce the old

to give encouragement to temples

personalities,

priestly institution,

Hindu

social status of all the

immediate objectives.

ancient practices,

and

revival of the old

tch

to

restore

the

JoSi

or

appoint a learned Paftdit,

and awe and guide the Hindu

towards progressive culture and

respect

community as a whole,
refinement.

Shivaji introduces extreme social reforms

was successful in removing the obstacles in the

Devarukhe and other Brahmins, and also in res-

Sivaji

way

of

toring their ancient rights

karas to

all

and

SodasasamsShenavis, Chandra-

privileges of

the other Dvija castes

and so on. For all this, a

No
reference to the Benares Brahmins was obligatory.
backing
wholesale reformation was possible without the
of the best intellect of the country and unless an effective
and direct control over the executive was exercised by
the state or the king. tSankarachlrya had no jurisdiction
senfya Klayasthas, Marathas,

28

SHIVASHAHl MAHARASHTRA

in jMahani?(ra, and Sivaji's own

person was not competent to exercise this jurisdiction
over the whole of the

Hindu community.

In RaghunathapSindita, however, he

secured

a very strong, firm and learned Brahmin to

execute

his

1665

a.d.

He made him

authority.

executed

cessfully

(Sivajfs

Panditarao

own way, most

Raghunathapajndita, in his

and

religious

social

in

suc-

policy.

The

opposition of a small minority of Brahmin officers and

bfriksukas at the capital made no effect whatever on the
masses.

on the other hand, could use no

Sivaj'T,

He won

prerogatives.

to his side the best intellect

With

willing executive.

and

No

service.

and a

these two weapons, he not only

defeated the opposition but subjected

sion

royal

it

to

meek submis-

one could stand in argument the

person of so eminent and recognised an authority as

Gagabhata or Anantadeva.
stop Jasis from executing

of their

them.

vritti rights

It

was equally impossible

to

iSivajI's will preferring sacrifice

which were then newly restored to

and with due honour and

temples and creeds alike. All of them

6ivaji treated liberally

respect all saints,

readily supported his cause.

Coronation

democratic institution

sanction to

leadership

By

coronation, sivaji not only maintained his

own

but
right to Dvijatwa and to the sceptre of the kingdom,
he became endowed with the competence and sanction to
the jurisdiction; of a, Hindu king in religious and

exercise

social matters over all castes

menced

and

issuing orders under his

creeds.

own

seal

Bivajji

com-

and name. 11

January 1677 reproduced

" GramaJiyacht Sadyanta Itihasa" by K. b.
on pp. 154-55,
Thackarey, Bombay, 1919, etc
11.

Vide

letter

of

28th

SOCIAL

2&

AND RELIGIOUS
Advent of Tantric School in Maharashtra

The

The pure

expected influence.

harm

however,

coronation,

for either omission or

mance.

The

worship

all

brought in another un-

vedic prayers hinted at

no

commission in any perfor-

however, introduced in the vedic

tiantricism,

kinds of threats of divine infliction for what-

ever mistakes committed in his vidhis.

Counter perfor-

mances were devised to avert the divine anger for such

and other failures.
Any calamity befallen immediately
after

for

a performance was construed as a divine infliction

some remissness

the priest.

on the part

either

of the devotee or

God-fearing persons often showed

weakness by

or

suspicion

their

greater

of

anticipation

some

trouble through their lack of confidence in the perfect

Even in the
made conscious

conduct of the performance.

vidhi

every stage,. the person

of such omis-

is

itself,

at

mercy for them. The

whole system of the Hindu-worship was influenced by the
sions

by the

priest in imploring

tantric ceremonies.

Sankaracharya was perhaps the great

supporter of this cult.

The

the seventeenth century

and by the end of the

cult developed particularly in

first

quarter

of the eighteenth century Bhiaskaracharya brought out the

best literature

on the

climax of the tantric

Mishaps

This, however,

subject.

marks the

cult.

at the

Coronation inclined Shivaji

to Tantricism

all

Gagabhata performed the coronation ceremony with

the sacred and Vedokta mantras12 and, according to
12.

" Rajabhiseka-prayoga "

Bikaner Mss. Library,

13.

[note 2].

by Gagabhata

ms. in the

'

[note 2],

" Sri-Sivarajyabhiseka-Kalpataru "

by

Nischalapuri-

30

SHIVASHAHl MAHARASHTRA.

his

and

convictions

beliefs,

the ceremony was perfect.

Unfortunately, calamities preceded and

followed the coro-

The tantricists attributed them to certain

omisand commission; in the Eajabhiseka vidhi.
Suddenly overwhelmed with severe and manifold
calamities,
nation.

sions

Sivajl gave

the divine

undo

way and allowed himself to be treated

anger. The japakas took advantage of

against
this to

the sastric influence of Gaga.

second coronation and

In doing

so.

ceremony,

it

They administered s
was immediately arranged for.

the japakas undid everything of Hie former

even

the

sirnhasana.

so

ceremoniously

publicly installed, was dismantled and replaced

other of their making and pattern. 33

vedic conception of the

Thus

and

by an-

the purely

dharma was considered to be too

The japakas

inadequate for his aims and achievements.

actually initiated Sivajf to the tantra practices and mystic

mantras characteristic of their cult

was

followed

by

the people.

again into prominence.

him

head

royal example
cult

came

Sivajfs rapid progress brought

to the final stage of the tapas,

to present his

The

Thus the Devi

and he was

inspired

in sacrifice to sivasakri fSnsailamaUi-

karjuna). and thus to seek rebirth and extraordinary

power which that offering alone brings to the devotee.

He

was, however, persuaded to give up the hazardous

attempt.14

Influence of Japakas

on the Bbonsala

family*

with
Sarnbhajl followed the footsteps of his father
full of
perhaps more zeal and vigour. His period was
struggle

and

strife.

Extraordinary power and great deter-

mansion into
Tci= incident took place during Sivaji's
^aH-niallftiijuna, one of toe
the K*mat2fc in 1677-8 at
Bakhar , etc
Jvotirlingas.-p. 89, "Sabhasadi

t^elvVfaWous

SOCIAL

31

AND RELIGIOUS

was the need of the day. The great enemy was

his doors and had practically surrounded his Rajya.
is no wonder if he loved to celebrate all the ceremonies

ruination

at
It

of the

Goddess to acquire the protection of the divine or

"sakti" power.

There was. however, no change

religious

and

policy

More^var

Pavlitrfio

were also under the japaka

line

Satara line of

and

others

Raja ram and the

continued to do the work as before.

Kolhapur

in the

The

influence.

however, escaped that influence.

SivfijI.

No

one can, however, with justice mix this japaka cult with
the Sakta

marga or

No

which

cult,

later spread in the country.

but power and status to the

titles,

executives

men

of

the use

of

bestowed honours and positions on

Sivajl

eminence and merit.

seals, palkhi,

The

distinctions

chamars, were introduced.

of the people

was thus

like

The

social status

Appropriate distinction

raised.

based on merits helped the society to rise to ambition

and

action.

Ramdas's

disciples failed to

promote

his

splendid mission
Side by side, Tukaram's teaching was giving a good

impetus to the lower class of the society to

selves
'

to

Ramadas

and
remedy the'

self-purification
tried

to

lift

them-

a higher social level.

defects in the warkarl

to

sampradaya by preparing men to action and duty to the

community at large, but failed to make his sect popular.
It grew with the limited sphere of highest castes.
This
limitation led to its early extinction.

Sivajl fostered the

Hanuman worship of Ramadas and withdrew

a large part of the mass from its attraction to the lower

Maruti or

39

SHIVASHAHI MAHARASHTRA

type

of

followers

giSma-devatas.
failed

to

At

teachings in the " Dasabodha

Reconversion

The

rate,

and greater

Ramadasa's

the mass the precious

".

a State policy

of reconversion was

i>olicy

Sivaji's period

any

impress on

still

much

stressed

in SambhajI's time.

in

The

need was great especially to combat the ill-effects created

through the helplessness of the victims to regain their

among

social standing

own

their

kith and kin

cularly through the advantages taken

and

parti-

by the other

bigots

of their abandonment by the Hindu society.

Later, this

assumed a

political exigency

and recon-

communities

concerned

policy, however,

versions

were

ordered

the

to

rather than left optional to the will of either the Brah-

mins to purify or the communities to accept

SivajT

was very

particular, so also Sambhajl, in getting the

European powers
version

by

restoration.

to treat

and agree not

their Missionaries of even the

to allow con-

Hindu orphans.

Sivajl thus declared conversion a crime, but reconversion

The

a moral duty of the king.

Missionaries, however,

did continue their sacred influence and religious respect

among

the

masses

in

their

own

territory.

Sambhajl

by them, and revengefully

despoiled all the respect they commanded in his campaign
against the Portuguese. His conversion of churches into
Devi temples and destruction of nunneries and monasretaliated all the affronts given

teries definitely

uprooted

all

the influence and

awe of the

coastal
Missionaries from the minds of the masses in the

parts of the Konkan.

Rajaram's weak administration

clothed with charity
Rajaram's actions were more

S3
SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS

and piety rather than

him, while at

ministration

people from
and donations by the
adinterfered with the acted

gift*

Nearly secured

of

The

zeal
political or religious

often

under

Mahratta country

the

Rama-

It was difficult
Narayaina.
chandrapanta and SafikaifijS
such orders and royal
give practical effect to all
to

commands.

and learning

Shivaji a great patron of literature

growth in the religious and

The seats of Hindu learning at Paithana

There was a
social literature.

distinct

and Karada were restored and religious disputes sent

" was prepared to
there for decision. " Karanakaustubha
help

Josis

and

JyotiSs

" Govindabhatft "

jatinuiaaya ",

dharmadipa"
Anantadeva,

"

in

their,

calculations.

daily

by Govindabhata Khedkar, "jgyenavlK&yasthadharmapradipa ",

by

Gagabhata,

"

" Kayastha-

" Jativivekasindhu

and others by Kamalakarabhata were compiled

at the instance of (Sivajl to enable

then

arisen.

him

specially

"Samayanaya"

and others by Gagabhata,

rajyabhi?ekakalpatara "

"

to end the disputes

" Riajabhisekaprayoga ",

Tuladanaprayoga "

"

by

Smrtikaustubha "

" sudrakamaliakara ",

by Nischalpuri

"isri-

determine

the
procedure and performance of the coronation ceremony,
" Vyavaharanitinaya ",

" Vratodyota ",

"Piridapitruyajnyaprayoga",
Gagabhata,
"

" isivarkodaya "

" Prayogasara ",

etc.
by
by Kesavapandita,
by Sambhaji and some others guide

" Dharmakalpalatia "

Budhabhu?ana "

the social and religious conduct of

"Sivabhusaria"

by Bhusajnakavi,

life.

The works

by Harikavi, " Raiaramacharitam " by

Kesavapandita
describe tire personal life of the

like

" Srlsambhupratiapa

Mar&tha Kings.

'*

etc.

Many

more Sanskrit works on miscellaneous

subjects such as

sinvAsnm'i Maharashtra

^.-.nM:ua,ll a " by

u^M
;

under th,

^.-.lua. produced

j.w

<>.

in kmcV-

teru;^ and

fn the

The

and

style

>:rr..tfc

Navahasta,

patronage.

SiwsShf period

The
;s

literature

ti]e

Tukatim

a permanent

of their graceful

richness of thought

la r^h anturj* was the period of

left

were

Mam

p^

inspirational writings of

other saints and poets

on the Mnn1;hi

't.irr,j>

Ihmmtha

MtrW

but

Perhaps the seven-

stabilisation

and

refine-

fr.mt of the language.

Founder of Hindavi Swarajya great

political, social and religious reformer

Shivaji

In brief, within (he short period of twenty-five years,

founded a kingdom, which his grandson Sahii soon

^jv.lj'i

<nw grown

mzm~$

into

great

empire.

in the arts of administration

awakening

tlic

masses

to

their

educated

Sivaji

and war.

rights

and

the

jSivaji",

by

privileges,

created a formidable power which protected them from

foreign aggression

and prevented

their culture

and

religion

Sivaji was, thus to his country and people, a

from -ruin.

great reformer or rather liberator of the masses from the

bonds of the orthodox and shortsighted Brahmin hierardrifting the Hindu

chy, whose disastrous folly was
religion

and

its

true culture

It is true,

disgrace

and philosophy

the poor

soil

to ruin

and

permitted no great

and grandeur; but Sivaji by his

Mahratta people
example infused the national spirit in the
advancement of their
which contributed greatly to the
advance

15

in

Pp

Maharitnya
karana,

fine arts

athava
44-73 Maharastriyanche Kavyaparlk?arja
praeka
Itihasantila
Vangmayabhiruchlchya

Vibhaga

pahila,

Sridh'ar Vyankatesa

Britisa-satte-purvicha

Ketkar, Poona, 1928.

Kala by Dr.

SOCIAL

social

35

AND RELIGIOUS
and

religious culture

and also to the rapid and

sound progress in their learning

name

of tSivajI has

patriotism
right of

still

and

literature.

The

great

the dynamic force to inflame

among the masses and to awaken them

SwarajyaNational Government;

to their