the idea of language and dialect. We saw the difficulties in measuring them. In this video, we're going to do the same with a much more contentious issue of religion. But before we start, I want to say a few words. I will not be making any comments on the characteristics inherent in different religions, and whether they're compatible or not with economic growth or democracy. In the West, the sociologist Max Weber writing in 1903 identified the rise of capitalism with the Protestant ethic. It's a departure point still favored by many historians. But these arguments were countered by those who argued that he ignores evidence of scientific advancement under Catholicism. And that anyway many of the attributes that he focused in religion owed their origins to other socio-economic phenomenon. Now, there's a similar tendency today in some circles to argue that Islam as a religion. Is incompatible with economic growth or political modernization. And I want to make sure this is a view that I do not share. But that doesn't matter. It's not the departure point we're taking in this video. What we're looking at is the degree of fragmentation in religious beliefs. Now, for most people their experience of faith and the supernatural. It's intensely personal. It's for this reason that in theory at least the impact on trust might be greater than other variables. The belief in a shared destiny after death from which others are excluded is a powerful force in enhancing bonding capital. And this belief could be reinforced by participation in religions and festivals. Indeed it's when faith is shared with others, that this relationship becomes a religion. So religion may be considered a shared belief systems. And it's exercised through a pattern of shared rituals. So, how to we get the data necessary for an analysis? Well again,
the first way is to ask people.
But the problem is they may not answer truthfully. Simply because religion is so intensely personal, many people consider it certainly not the business of the state or civic authorities. Other people may choose to hide their religious affiliation for fear of discrimination or persecution. So in the same way as questions into ethnicity were resented, so also questions on religion contributed to the criticism of national censuses. Another route is to ask questions about the visible dimensions of religions, and to measure participation in religious services and festivals, attendance at the church and the temple. The problem here is that, especially in small communities, religious services also serve as social function. Alternatively, participation in church rituals may bring with it economic benefits. And non participation may risk exclusion. So, the frequency of attendance may say very little about the depth of religious fervour, or the intensity of religious belief. But there's one source that's more than happy to provide with numbers, and that's the faith bodies themselves. Almost all of them keep a watch on their own membership and keep a keen eye on the opposition. The problem with this source is that once one's been accepted into the church there's little possibility of leaving it. And faith authorities tend to consider you a member for life. Despite these evident handicaps, the team led by Alesina, used as their source for religious fragmentation, the World Christian Encyclopedia. The Encyclopedia however, has been accused of overzealousness on several counts. Firstly, especially in rural Africa, it has the habit of including everyone within the range of a church or a mission as a member of the church. Second drawback, is it tends to underestimate syncretic cults. These are belief systems that combine Christian beliefs with cults of African origin. In Bolivia, for example, the encyclopedia records
that the population is 93% Christian.
Whereas alternative sources suggest that 43% actually hold syncretic beliefs. Similarly, in the Dominican Republic, the encyclopedia estimates over 98% is Christian. Whereas an alternative source suggests, that just over 50% ask. In a similar way, the encyclopedia tends to underestimate animistic cults, which are common in Sub-Saharan Africa. Again, a couple of examples. In Angola, it estimates the percentage of the population following animistic cults at 19%, opposed to 34% from alternative sources. Similarly in Burundi it suggests that animism was followed by 25% as opposed to 39% of the population in alternative estimates. Despite these drawbacks social scientists at the moment, seem to have little alternative to using the World Christian Encyclopedia as a source for religious fragmentation. Now, before leaving the question of religion, there's one check we can make about the importance of religious fragmentation. Presumably if religion is not experiences important factor in daily life, then the question of fragmentation will lose it's relevance. Now, an opinion poll in 2009 asked exactly this question of citizens in 114 countries around the world. Now, in contrast with these vast polls conducted by the world value survey, which we criticized so much in the previous lecture, this one was limited in scope. And research suggests that this type of simple short survey elicits more truthful and more considered answers. The poll though suggests that 84% of the population do consider religion playing an important part in their lives. Let's sum up now. In this video we looked at the difficulties in measuring religious affiliation. We suggested that there are limitations in the sources employed, and we also suggested that religious affiliation and religiosity are not the same. But what we haven't done is said anything about fragmentation itself. Now, this we've done in the world map of religion that we've prepared for you.
And we invite you to view it next.
In the following video we're going to look at the issue of income and wealth inequality.