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ThirdCongressoftheCommunistInternational

On Tactics
Source:Theses Resolutions and Manifestos of the First Four Congress of
the Third International,translatedbyAlixHoltandBarbaraHolland.InkLinks
1980
Transcribed:byAndyBlunden.

12July1921(draftedbyRussiandelegationinconsultationwith
GermandelegationintroducedbyRadek).

I. Definition of the Question

Anewinternationalassociationofworkersisbeingformedtoorganisetheunited
actionoftheproletarianswholiveindifferentcountries,butshareacommonaim:
theoverthrowofcapitalism,theestablishmentofthedictatorshipoftheproletariat
andthetransitiontothefirststageofCommunistsocietyaninternationalSoviet
republic which will completely eliminate classes and will establish socialism. This
definition,confirmedinthestatutesoftheCommunistInternational,clearlypoints
toallthetacticalquestionsthathavetobesolvedthetacticalquestions,inother
words,thatwefaceinourstrugglefortheproletariandictatorship:howtowinthe
majorityoftheworkingclasstoCommunism,andhowtoorganisethemoreactive
sectionoftheproletariatforthecomingstruggleforCommunism.Thestatutesalso
touch on the questions of what attitude the proletariat should take to the
proletarianised pettybourgeois layers, the quickest ways to bring about the
disintegrationanddestructionoftheorgansofbourgeoispowerandhowtoprepare
for the dictatorship. There is no question of there being any other path to victory
than through dictatorship. The development of the world revolution has proved
beyond any doubt that in the given historical situation the dictatorship of the
proletariatistheonlyalternativetothedictatorshipofcapital.TheThirdCongress
of the Communist International is reviewing the question of tactics at a time of
revolutionary developments in a whole number of countries, when several mass
CommunistPartieshavebeenformed,noneofwhich,however,hasyettakenintoits
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hands the actual leadership of the working masses in its genuinely revolutionary
struggle.

II. On the Eve of New Battles

The world revolution, which is produced by the decay of capitalism, the
accumulationoftherevolutionaryenergyoftheproletariatanditsorganisationinto
a militant, triumphant force, will require a long period of revolutionary struggle.
Because the level of social conflict varies from one country to another, social
structuresandtheobstaclestosocialchangealsovary.Inthecapitalistcountriesof
Western Europe and North America, the World War has not been followed by the
victoryoftheworldrevolution,becausethebourgeoisiehereishighlyorganised.The
Communists were therefore right when they said, even during the war, that the
epoch of imperialism would develop into a protracted epoch of social
revolution, i.e., into a long series of civil wars in individual capitalist states and a
successionofwarsbetweencapitalistgovernmentsontheonehandandproletarian
statesandtheexploitedcoloniesontheother.Theworldrevolutiondoesnotdevelop
along a straight line: at certain periods of chronic capitalist decay, the daytoday
revolutionary work aimed at undermining the system leads to heightened social
tension and acute crises. However, the world revolution is developing even more
slowly than was expected, because strong workers organisations and workers
parties, namely the socialdemocratic parties and the trade unions, which were
createdbytheproletariattofightthebourgeoisie,turnedduringthewarintoorgans
ofcounterrevolutionaryinfluencethatensnaredtheproletariatandarecontinuing
toholditintheirgrip.Asaconsequence,thebourgeoisiehasfounditeasiertocope
with the problems of the demobilisation period and, during the fluke period of
economic prosperity in 1919 and 1920, was able to raise workingclass hopes of
improvingtheirpositionwithintheframeworkoftheexistingcapitalistsystem.The
proletariandefeatsof1919andthesluggishgrowthoftherevolutionarymovement
in1919and1920canbeattributedtotheinfluenceofthesocialdemocraticparties
andtradeunions.However,theworldeconomiccrisiswhichbeganin1920andhas
nowspreadrightacrosstheworld,creatingandincreasingunemploymentonevery
hand,demonstratestotheinternationalproletariatthatthebourgeoisieispowerless
torebuildtheworldfromtheruinsofthewar.Politicalconflictsattheinternational
level are intensifying. The French campaign of plunder against Germany, the
conflicting interests of Britain and America, and America and Japan, and the
resulting increase in armaments on a worldwide scale are evidence that the
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moribundcapitalistworldisapproachingthebrinkofworldwar.EventheLeague.
ofNations,thatinternationaltrustsetupbythevictorstoorganisetheexploitation
of their defeated rivals and the colonial peoples, has been split by AngloAmerican
rivalry.Theworkingclassisbeginningtosheditsillusionsandunderstandthatifit
rejectsrevolutionarymeansofseizingpoliticalpowerinfavourofactingpeacefully
andgradually,itcanneverestablishpoliticalandeconomicrule.Byfosteringthese
illusions, international socialdemocracy and the bureaucracy of the trade unions
have up until now managed to restrain the working masses from participation in
revolutionary struggle. In Germany, however, the farcical nationalisation
programmewhichtheSchiedemannNoskegovernmentemployedinMarch1919to
preventaworkersuprisinghasbeenshelved.Idletalkaboutsocialisationhasgiven
way to Stinnesation i.e., the subordination of German industry to a capitalist
dictatorshipanditsclique.TheattacklaunchedbythePrussiangovernmentunder
the socialdemocrat Horsing is merely the prelude to a general campaign by the
GermanbourgeoisieaimedatreducingthewagesofallGermanworkers.InBritain
all nationalisation projects have been thrown overboard. Instead of implementing
the nationalisation plans of the Sankey Commission, the government is using
militaryforcetosupportthelockoutoftheminers.TheFrenchgovernmentisonly
savingitselffromeconomicbankruptcybyrobbingGermany.Itisgivingnothought
tothequestionofsystematiceconomicreconstruction.Therehasbeensomeattempt
torebuildthedevastatedregionsofnorthernFrance,butonlyinsofarasthisserves
to enrich the capitalists. The bourgeoisie in Italy, aided by the reactionary fascist
groups,hastakentheoffensiveagainsttheproletariat.Bourgeoisdemocracyhashad
to compromise itself everywhere, both in the countries where it has been long
establishedandinthenewnationswhichhaverisenfromtheruinsofimperialism.
Witness the White Guard organisations and the dictatorial government action
against the miners in Britain the fascists and the Guardia Regia in Italy the
Pinkertons,theexpulsionofsocialistdeputiesfromparliamentsandlynchlawinthe
UnitedStatestheWhiteTerrorinPoland,Yugoslavia,Rumania,LatviaandEstonia
and its legalisation in Finland, Hungary and the Balkan States antiCommunist
legislationinSwitzerland,France,etc.Oneveryhandthebourgeoisieisattempting
topushtheconsequencesofthedeepeningeconomicchaosontotheshouldersofthe
workingclassbylengtheningtheworkingdayandreducinglevelsofpay.Itsefforts
are aided by the leaders of socialdemocracy and the Amsterdam TradeUnion
International. However, while they may succeed in temporarily delaying the
development of new workingclass struggles and a new wave of revolutionary
activity, they cannot stem the tide. At this very moment the German proletariat is
preparingacounterattackandtheBritishminers,inspiteofbeingbetrayedbytheir
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tradeunionleaders,havebeenfightingheroicallyagainstthecapitalistmineowners
for many weeks. The advanced sections of the Italian proletariat have learnt from
theirexperienceofthevacillatingpoliciesoftheSerratigroupandtheirwilltofight
hashardened,aswitnessedbythecreationoftheItalianCommunistParty.
WecanseehowtheSocialistPartyinFrance,nowthatithassplitanddissociated
itselffromthesocialpatriotsandthecentrists,isnolongercontentwithengagingin
Communistagitationandpropaganda,butisinitiatingmasscampaignsagainstthe
outrages of imperialism. In Czechoslovakia we have seen the political strike of
Decemberinwhich,despitethecompleteabsenceofaunitedleadership,millionsof
workers took part and after which the mass revolutionary Czech Communist Party
was founded. In February there was the railway strike in Poland led by the
Communist Party, and also a general strike called in sympathy with the railway
workers. We are now witnessing the disintegration of the socialpatriotic Polish
Socialist Party. In the present situation we must expect not the ebb of the
revolutionarywave,butonthecontrarytheaggravationofsocialcontradictions,the
escalationofthesocialstruggleandthetransitiontoopencivilwar.

III. The Most Important Tasks of the

Day
AtthepresentmomentthemostimportanttaskoftheCommunistInternationalis
towinadominantinfluenceoverthemajorityoftheworkingclassandinvolvethe
moreactiveworkersindirectstruggle.Althoughtheeconomicandpoliticalsituation
isobjectivelyrevolutionaryandarevolutionarycrisiscoulddevelopwithoutwarning
asaresultofamajorstrike,acolonialuprising,anewwaroraseriousparliamentary
crisis, the majority of the working class is nevertheless outside the Communist
sphereofinfluence.ThisisparticularlytrueincountriessuchasBritainandAmerica
wherefinancecapitalissopowerfulthatithasenabledimperialismtocorruptentire
sectionsoftheworkingclass,andeffectiverevolutionarymasspropagandaisinits
earlystages.FromthedayofitsfoundationtheCommunistInternationalhasclearly
and unambiguously stated that its task is not to establish small Communist sects
aiming to influence the working masses purely through agitation and propaganda,
but to participate directly in the struggle of the working masses, establish
Communist leadership of the struggle, and in the course of the struggle create
large, revolutionary, mass Communist Parties.

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Even in the first twelve months following its foundation the Communist
International repudiated sectarian tendencies and demanded that all affiliated
parties, however small, should work in the trade unions in order to defeat the
reactionary union bureaucracy from within and transform the unions into
revolutionary mass proletarian organisations that could further the proletarian
struggle. In its first year the Communist International made it clear that the
Communist Parties were not to act merely as propaganda circles, but were to take
advantage of all the opportunities the bourgeois state provided for organising the
working class and conducting agitation. Freedom of the press, freedom of
association and A bourgeois representative institutions were to be used, the
International argued, even if the freedoms they offered were very limited. In its
resolutions on the tradeunion movement and on the tactic of parliamentarianism
passed at its Second Congress, the Communist International politically rejected
sectariantendencies.
The experience of the Communist Parties over the last two years of struggle
has fully confirmed the position taken by the Communist International. The
tactics of the Communist International have in a number of countries
succeeded in separating the revolutionary workers not only from the open
reformists, but also from the centrists. The latter have founded the Twoanda
HalfInternationalwhichopenlyjoinstheScheidemanns,JouhauxsandHendersons
in accepting the positions of the Amsterdam TradeUnion International. This can
only clarify the real state of affairs for the proletarian masses and make future
battles easier to fight. At the time of the January and March struggles in 1919,
German Communism was only an insignificant political tendency, but by pursuing
thetacticsoftheCommunistInternationalrevolutionaryworkinthetradeunions,
open letters, etc. it has transformed itself into a great and revolutionary mass
Party.TheinfluencethePartyhasgainedinthetradeunionshasbeensogreatthat
the tradeunion bureaucracy, fearing the revolutionary influence of Communist
activity,hasbeenforcedtoexpelmanyCommunistsfromthetradeunionsandtake
the blame for splitting the unions. In Czechoslovakia the Communists have
succeededinwinningthemajorityofthepoliticallyorganisedworkerstotheirside.
ThePolishParty,inspiteofincrediblepersecutionwhichhasforceditunderground,
hasworkedinthetradeunionssoeffectivelythatithasnotonlymaintainedcontact
withthemassesbutcomeforwardastheleaderofthemassstruggle.InFrancethe
Communists have won a majority in the Socialist Party. The Communist groups in
Britainareconsolidatingtheirpositionbyfollowingthetacticsanddirectivesofthe
Communist International. The socialtraitors have responded to the growing
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influence of the Communists by trying to close the doors of the Labour Party to
them.ThesectarianCommunistgroupssuchastheKAPDinGermanyetc.have,on
the other hand, not met with any success at all. The theory of promoting
Communism by propaganda and agitation alone and by the formation of separate
Communisttradeunionshasbeenprovedutterlyincorrect.NotasingleCommunist
Partyofanyinfluencehasbeenformedbythesemeans.

IV. The Situation in the Communist

International
The Communist International has not been totally successful in its attempts to
organisemassCommunistParties.Agreatdealstillremainstobedoneinsomeof
themostimportantcountries,wherecapitalismisstillfirmlyinposition.
For various historical reasons there was no large revolutionary movement in the
USA in the period before the war and even now the Communists are still at the
elementarystageofcreatinganucleusofPartymembersandestablishinglinkswith
the working masses. The present economic crisis, which has thrown five million
peopleoutofwork,meansfavourableconditionsforthiskindofwork.TheAmerican
capitalists are well aware of the threat a revolutionised workers movement would
represent and of the influence that Communism would be likely to have on such a
movement.TheyarethereforetryingtosuppressanddestroytheyoungCommunist
movement, employing barbarous methods of persecution to force the Party
underground. They hope that the Communist Party will lose its links with the
masses,degenerateintoapropagandasectanddieanaturaldeath.TheCommunist
International reminds the United Communist Party of America that, though it is
illegal,thePartymustnotonlyrecruitandeducatemembers,butmustdoallitcan
toreachbeyonditsundergroundorganisationstothediscontentedworkingmasses
and find ways and means of uniting the broad masses in open political struggle
againsttheAmericancapitalists.
The British Communist movement has also failed to develop into a mass Party,
despitethefactthattheCommunistshaveunitedinasingleParty.
The British economy continues to be unstable, the strike movement is without
precedent, the broad masses are growing increasingly dissatisfied with the Lloyd
GeorgegovernmentanditispossiblethatatthenextGeneralElectiontherewillbea
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Lib/Labvictory.Newperspectivesforthedevelopmentoftherevolutionareopening
upinBritain,placingquestionsoftheutmostimportancebeforetheCommunists.
The most important task of the British Communist Party is to become a mass
Party.TheBritishCommunistsmusttakeastheirstartingpointthemassmovement
which already exists and is continuing to expand. They must study every aspect of
the movement and base a persistent and militant campaign of agitation and
propagandaonthevariousindividualandpartialdemandsoftheworkers.
Formanythousandsandmillionsofworkersthestrengthofthestrikemovement
is the test of the reliability, perseverance and good intentions of the tradeunion
apparatus and its leaders. The work the Communists do in the trade unions is
therefore particularly important. Party criticism coming from the outside is less
effectivethanthepersistent,dailyeffortsoftheCommunistcellsinthetradeunion
toshowupanddiscreditthehypocritesandtraitorsoftheunionmovement,who,in
Britainmorethaninanyothercountry,havebecomepoliticalpawnsinthehandsof
thecapitalists.
In countries where the Communist Parties are mass Parties, they aim at taking
greaterinitiativeinlaunchingmassaction,butinBritainthePartymustmakeita
priority to intervene in mass activity and show the masses in practice that the
Communistsrepresentworkingclassinterests,demandsandfeelingseffectivelyand
bravely.
The mass Communist Parties of Central and Western Europe are not only
developing methods of revolutionary agitation and propaganda that can give
expression to their militancy, but are making the transition from propaganda and
agitation to action. This transition is hampered by the fact that in many countries
the workers became revolutionary and moved towards the Communists under
leaders who had not broken with their centrism and are either incapable of
conducting genuine Communist agitation and propaganda or are simply afraid of
doingso,becausetheyknowthatthisagitationwillleadthePartytorevolutionary
struggle.
InItalythesecentristtendencieshavebroughtaboutasplitintheParty.Instead
ofharnessingthespontaneous,growingmovementofworkingclassactivityinorder
todevelopaconsciousstruggleforpower,forwhichtheconditionsinItalywereripe,
thePartyandunionleadersoftheSerratigrouphaveallowedopportunitiestoslip
by.TheydidnotseeCommunismasameansofinitiatingrevolutionaryupsurgeand
uniting the working masses in the struggle. They were afraid to fight and so they
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diluted their ideas and gave their agitation and propaganda a centrist slant. The
influenceofcentristsintheParty(TuratiandTreves)andintheunions(d'Aragona)
increased. There was nothing either in their words or deeds to distinguish these
centrists from the reformists, with whom as a consequence they were loath to part
company, preferring to break with the Communists. This Serratitype policy
increased on the one hand the influence of the reformists and on the other the
danger of antiparliamentary, ultraleft tendencies emerginginthe Party.Thesplit
at Livorno and the formation of an Italian Communist Party uniting all the
CommunistsonthebasisofthedecisionsoftheSecondCongressoftheCommunist
International could make Communism a mass force in Italy. This will depend on
whetherthePartykeepsfirmlytoitsfightagainsttheopportunistpolicyofSerrati,at
the same time maintaining close contact with the tradeunion rank and file during
strikes and in the struggle against the counterrevolutionary fascist movement. It
alsodependsonwhetherthePartyunitesthemassactionoftheworkingclassand
transformsspontaneousactionintowellpreparedcampaigns.
Thechauvinistpoisonofnationaldefenceandtheintoxicationofvictoryproved
stronger in France than in any other country and the reaction against the war
developedataslowerpace.Nevertheless,themajorityoftheFrenchSocialistParty
moved towards Communism even before the march of events posed decisively the
needforrevolutionaryaction.SocialistswereinfluencedbytheRussianrevolution,
the revolutionary struggles in other capitalist countries and the experience of their
leadersbetrayals.ThemoredecisivelytheFrenchCommunistsPartyactstoridits
ranks, and in particular its leadership, of the nationalpacifist and parliamentary
reformist ideology which still has a grip, the more completely and effectively the
Party will be able to take advantage of its position. The Party must make closer
contact than it has done in the past, or is doing at present, with the mass and
particularly with the more oppressed layers in both town and country, in order to
gain a precise and complete picture of their needs and sufferings. The Party must
make a clean break with all the hypocritical formality and false courtesy of French
parliamentarianism, deliberately fostered by the bourgeois to hypnotise and
intimidate the working masses. The parliamentary representatives of the
Communist Party must do all in their power through their tightly controlled
parliamentary interventions to show the hollow nature of nationalist democratism
and traditional revolutionism and present every question as one of class interests
andinevitableclassstruggle.
Agitationmust,inpractice,beconcentratedonafewissuesandbeconductedwith
moreenergy.Itmustbecapableofadaptingtothechangesinthepoliticalsituation.
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Agitationmustdrawrevolutionarylessonsfromeachandeveryevent,whetherof
majororminorimportance,andseethattheyarelearnedbythemostbackwardof
theworkingmasses.Onlybyadoptingsuchatrulyrevolutionaryapproachcanthe
Communist Party become something more than just a left wing of the radical
Longuetblocablocthatismoreandmoreeagerlyandsuccessfullyplacingitself
attheserviceofbourgeoissociety,offeringtoshielditfromtheseriesofupheavals
which are inevitably approaching. The decisive revolutionary events may come
sooner or they may come later, but a disciplined, determined revolutionary
CommunistParty,evenatthispreparatorystage,canmobilisetheworkingmasses
aroundeconomicandpoliticaldemandsandbroadenanddeveloptheirworldview.
The attempts of politically impatient and inexperienced elements to resort to
extrememethods,e.g.,theproposalthatthoseconscriptedin1919resistthecallup,
contain elements of a highly dangerous adventurism that demands an allout
revolution when it is a single issue that is being raised. If these methods were
adopted, all the real revolutionary work done to prepare the proletariat for the
seizureofpowerwouldbesetbackforsomeconsiderabletime.
The French Communist Party and all other Parties must reject such highly
dangerous methods. In no circumstances, though, must the Party use this as a
pretextforinactivity.
Closer contact with the masses means, above all, closer contact with the trade
unions. The aim of the Party is not to achieve the mechanical and formal
subordination of the trade unions, but to ensure that the truly revolutionary
elementsinsidetheunionswhichareunifiedandledbythePartygivetradeunion
activity a direction that accords with the general interests of the proletariat in its
struggle for dictatorship. The French Communist Party must criticise in a friendly
butalsoclearandfirmmannerthoseanarchosyndicalisttendencieswhichrejectthe
dictatorship of the proletariat and deny the need to unite the vanguard within a
singlecentralisedleadingorganisationinotherwordsthroughaCommunistParty.
The Party should also be critical of those syndicalist tendencies that are using the
charter of Amiens drawn up eight years before the war as an excuse to avoid
giving a clear and straight answer to this fundamental question of the postwar
period.
The French syndicalists dislike of politicians is mainly the expression of a
perfectly justified sense of indignation at the conduct of traditional Socialist
parliamentarians.
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The Communist Party as a genuinely revolutionary Party can convince all

revolutionaryelementsthatpoliticalgroupsareneedediftheworkingclassistowin
power. The fusion of the revolutionary syndicalist and Communistorganisationsis
essentialiftheFrenchproletariatistoengageinseriousstruggle.Therevolutionary
sydnicaliststendencytoactprematurely,andtheirprinciplesoflooseorganisation
and organisational separatism, must be defeated and rejected. Success in this
endeavour will only be achieved, we repeat, if the Party takes a revolutionary
approach to the daytoday questions of life and struggle and proves capable of
attractingtheFrenchworkingclass.
Over the last two years the working masses of Czechoslovakia have largely freed
themselves from reformist and nationalist illusions. In September of last year the
majorityofthesocialdemocraticworkersbrokeawayfromtheirreformistleaders.
InDecemberonemillionofthethreemillionstrongindustrialworkforcetookpart
inamassrevolutionarystruggleagainsttheCzechcapitalistgovernment.InMayof
thisyearaCzechoslovakCommunistPartywith350,000memberswasestablished
alongside a GermanBohemian Party with 60,000 members which had been
founded some time before. The Communists therefore represented a significant
section not only of the Czechoslovak proletariat, but of the population as a whole.
TheCzechoslovakPartynowhastoengageineffectiveCommunistagitationtowin
stillwidermassesofworkerstothePartyandtoeducatethembyusingitsclearand
uncompromisingCommunistpropaganda.ThePartymustunitetheworkersofthe
countrys different nationalities and form a solid proletarian front against
nationalism. Nationalism is the main weapon of the Czechoslovak bourgeoisie and
soiftheproletariatcanformaunitedfrontitwillbeinvincibleintheforthcoming
battles against the government and against capitalist oppression. The clarity and
determinationwithwhichthePartydiscardsitscentristtraditionsofhesitationand
the willingness with which it revolutionises and unites the broadest proletarian
massesandpreparesthemforvictoriousstrugglewilldependontheestablishment
oftheunitedfront.CongressresolvesthattheCzechoslovakandGermanBohemian
Party organisations should merge by a date decided upon by the Executive
Committee.
The United Communist Party of Germany, formed by the fusion of the
Spartacusbundandtheleftindependentworkingmasses,isalreadyamasspartybut
the tasks facing it are enormous: to increase its influence on the broad masses,
strengthen the proletarian mass organisations, win the trade unions and break the
influenceofthesocialdemocraticpartiesandthetradeunionbureaucracy,andthus
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lead the mass proletarian movement in future struggles. All the Partys agitational
andorganisationalworkmustthereforeaimatwinningthesympathyofthemajority
oftheworkingclass,forwithouttheirsupportCommunismcannotdefeatthepower
of German capital. Neither the content of the agitation nor it influence is as yet
adequate for this purpose. Nor is it the case that the Party has succeeded in
consistently following the course laid down in its Open letter the course of
counterposingthepracticalinterestsoftheproletariattotherightwingpolicyofthe
socialdemocraticpartiesandthetradeunionbureaucracy.ThePartypressandits
organisation still bear the stamp of a peaceful association rather than of a militant
organisation.Becauseofitscentristtendencies,theParty,whenfacedwiththeneed
tofight,isinclinedtotakeupstruggleswithoutsufficientpreparationatthesame
time, it lacks vital contact with the, nonCommunist masses. The German national
economycontinuestodisintegrateandcapitalismthreatenstheveryexistenceofthe
workingmasses.TheVKPDwinsoonhavetomoveintoaction.Thisactionwillonly
beeffectiveif,.insteadofseeingagitationandorganisationasawaytopreparefor
action, the Party maintains its. revolutionary militancy at all times, carries out
agitationthatcanreachthepeople,andbuildsanorganisationthathasclosecontact
with the masses and is capable of weighing the military situation carefully and
preparingthoroughlyforthestruggle.
The Parties of the Communist International can become revolutionary mass
partiesonlywhentheyfinallyovercomethetraditionandinfluenceofopportunism
in their ranks. They can achieve this by maintaining the closest contact with the
working masses in their struggles, deriving their tasks from the battles of the
proletariat, and rejecting revolutionary demagogy and the opportunist and self
deceiving policy of smoothing over irreconcilable social contradictions. The
Communist Parties came out of the split in the old Socialist Parties. This split
occurred because during the war these parties scabbed on the proletariat and
continuedtodosoafterthewarhadended,forgingallianceswiththebourgeoisieor
following a cowardly policy of avoiding struggle. The fundamental positions and
principles of the Communist Party provide the basis for the unity of the working
masses, because they sum up all the needs of the proletarian struggle. The social
democraticandcentristpartiesandcurrentsatomiseanddividetheworkingmasses,
while the Communist Parties are a force for unity. Thus, when the majority of the
GermanPartychoseCommunism,thecentristsbrokeaway.Fearingtheinfluenceof
Communism, the German socialdemocrats and Independent democrats as well as
the socialdemocratic tradeunion bureaucracy rejected the Partys suggestion that
theyworkwiththeCommuniststodefendthedaytodayinterestsoftheproletariat.
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InCzechoslovakiaitwasthesocialdemocratswhosplittheoldPartywhentheysaw
thattheCommunistshadwon.TheCommunistPartyinFranceisworkingtounify
theSocialistandsyndicalistworkers,whiletheLonguetgrouphascutitselfofffrom
themajorityoftheFrenchsocialistworkers.InBritainthereformistsandcentrists
areafraidoftheCommunistsinfluencetheyhavedriventheCommunistsoutofthe
Labour Party and are constantly sabotaging attempts to unite workers in the fight
againstthecapitalists.EverywhereitistheCommunistPartieswhicharesupporting
proletarianunitybasedonthestruggletodefendproletarianinterestsanawareness
oftheirrolewillgivetheCommunistsnewstrength.

V. SingleIssue Struggles and Single

Issue Demands
The Communist Parties can only develop through struggle. Even the smallest
Parties should not limit themselves to propaganda and agitation. The Communists
mustactasthevanguardineverymassorganisation.Byputtingforwardamilitant
programme urging the proletariat to fight for its basic needs, they can show the
backward and vacillating masses the path to revolution and demonstrate how all
partiesotherthantheCommunistsareagainsttheworkingclass.Onlybyleadingthe
concrete struggles of the proletariat and by taking them forward will the
Communists really be able to win the broad proletarian masses to the struggle for
thedictatorship.
All the agitation, propaganda and political work of the Communist Parties must
startfromtheunderstandingthatnolongtermimprovementinthepositionofthe
proletariat is possible under capitalism and that only the overthrow of the
bourgeoisie and the destruction of capitalist states will make possible the
transformation of workingclass living conditions and the reconstruction of the
economyruinedbycapitalism.This does not mean, however, that the proletariat
has to renounce the fight for its immediate practical demands until after it
has established its dictatorship.
Even though capitalism is in progressive decline and is unable to guarantee the
workersevenalifeofwellfedslavery,socialdemocracycontinuestoputforwardits
old programme of peaceful reforms to be carried out on the basis and within the
framework of the bankrupt capitalist system. This is a deliberate deception of the
workingmasses.Althoughitisevidentthatcapitalisminitspresentstageofdecline
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isincapableofguaranteeingworkersadecenthumanexistence,thesocialdemocrats
andreformistseverywherearedailydemonstratingtheirunwillingnessandinability
to fight even for the most modest demands in their programme. The demand
advancedbythecentristpartiesforthesocialisation or nationalisation ofthemost
important branches of industry is equally a deception because it is not linked to a
demand for victory over the bourgeoisie. The centrists want to divert the workers
fromthereal,vitalstrugglefortheirimmediategoalsbyholdingoutthehopethat
industrial forms can be taken over gradually, one by one, and that systematic
economic construction can then begin. The social democrats are thus retreating to
their minimum programme, which now stands clearly revealed as a counter
revolutionaryfraud.
Somecentriststhinkthattheirprogrammeofnationalisation(e.g.,ofthemining
industry)isinlinewiththeLassalleanideaofconcentratingalltheenergiesofthe
proletariatonasingledemand,usingitasaleverofrevolutionaryactionthatthen
developsintothestruggleforpower.However,thistheoryisfalse.Inthecapitalist
countriestheworkingclasssufferstoomuchthegnawinghardshipsandtheblows
thatraindownthickandfastontheworkerscannotbefoughtbyfixingallattention
onasingledemandchoseninadoctrinairefashion.Onthecontrary,revolutionary
actionshouldbeorganisedaroundallthedemandsraisedbythemasses,andthese
separate actions will gradually merge into a powerful movement for social
revolution.
The Communist Parties do not put forward minimum programmes which could
serve to strengthen and improve the tottering foundations of capitalism. The
Communists main aim is to destroy the capitalist system. But in order to achieve
their aim the Communist Parties must put forward demands expressing the
immediate needs of the working class. The Communists must organise mass
campaignstofightforthesedemandsregardlessofwhethertheyarecompatiblewith
the continuation of the capitalist system. The Communist Parties should be
concernednotwiththeviabilityandcompetitivecapacityofcapitalistindustryorthe
stability of the capitalist economy, but with proletarian poverty, which cannot and
must not be endured any longer. If the demands put forward by the Communists
correspond to the immediate needs of the broad proletarian masses, and if the
masses are convinced that they cannot go on living unless their demands are met,
thenthestrugglearoundtheseissuesbecomesthestartingpointofthestrugglefor
power. In place of the minimum programme of the centrists and reformists, the
Communist International offers a struggle for the concrete demands of the
proletariatwhich,intheirtotality,challengethepowerofthebourgeoisie,organise
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theproletariatandmarkoutthedifferentstagesofthestruggleforitsdictatorship.
Evenbeforethebroadmassesconsciouslyunderstandtheneedforthedictatorship
oftheproletariat,theycanrespondtoeachoftheindividualdemands.Asmoreand
morepeoplearedrawnintothestrugglearoundthesedemandsandastheneedsof
themassescomeintoconflictwiththeneedsofcapitalistsociety,theworkingclass
willcometorealisethatifitwantstolive,capitalismwillhavetodie.Thisrealisation
willbethemainmotivationintheirstruggleforthedictatorshipoftheproletariat.
The task of the Communist Parties is to extend, deepen and unify the struggle
aroundtheseconcretedemands.Thebourgeoisiemobilisestorespondtoeverystep
theworkingmassestakeinfightingforevenasingledemandand,ontheoccasionof
anymajoreconomicstrike,thewholerulingclasscomesswiftlytothesideofthose
employers threatened, in order to prevent the proletariat from winning even a
partial victory (mutual employers aid in Czechoslovakia, the bourgeois strike
breakers in the rail strike in Britain, and the fascists in Italy are examples). In the
struggle against the workers the bourgeoisie mobilises its entire government
machine: in Poland and France workers have been called up into the army
emergency laws were passed in Britain during the miners strike. In this way,
workers fighting on single issues are automatically forced to take on the whole
bourgeoisieanditsgovernmentapparatus.Asthestruggleoversingleissuesandthe
separate struggles of different groups of workers develop into a general working
class struggle against capitalism, the Communist Party must extend its slogans,
groupingthemaroundthemainsloganofoverthrowingtheenemy.TheCommunist
Partiesshouldmakecertainthatthedemandstheyputforwardnotonlycorrespond
tothedemandsofthebroadmasses,butalsodrawthemassesintobattleandlaythe
basis for organising them. Concrete slogans that express the economic need of the
working masses must lead to the struggle for control of industry control based
not on a plan to organise the economy bureaucratically and under the capitalist
system, but on the factory committees and revolutionary trade unions. Only the
creationofsuchorganisationsandtheircoordinationwithinthedifferentindustries
and areas makes possible the organisation of a unified struggle of the working
massesandafightagainstthesplitinthemassmovementasplitforwhichsocial
democracy and the leaders of the trade unions bear responsibility. The factory
committeeswillbeabletoaccomplishtheirtasksonlyiftheyareestablishedinthe
courseofthestruggletodefendtheeconomicinterestsofthebroadworkingmasses
andiftheysucceedinunitingalltherevolutionarysectionsoftheproletariatthe
CommunistParty,therevolutionaryworkersorganisations,andthosetradeunions
undergoing a process of radicalisation. The objections raised against singleissue
demands and the accusations that campaigns on single issues are reformist reflect
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an inability to grasp the essential conditions of revolutionary action. This was the
case with the opposition of certain Communist groups to participation in trade
unionsandinparliament.Itisnotaquestionofappealingtotheproletariattofight
for the ultimate goal, but of developing the practical struggle which alone can lead
the proletariat to the struggle for the ultimate goal. The fact that even the tiny
organisationsformedbythesocalledLeftCommunistsassanctuariesofpuretheory
havebeenforcedtoformulatesingledemands,inordertoattractalargernumberof
workerstothestrugglethantheyhavehithertomanagedtomuster,isthebestproof
that their objections to partial demands are groundless and divorced from the
realities of revolutionary life. The present epoch is revolutionary precisely because
the most modest demands of the working masses are incompatible with the
continued existence of capitalist society, and the struggle for these demands is
thereforeboundtodevelopintothestruggleforCommunism.
Whilethecapitalistsareusingthegrowingarmyofunemployedtoputpressureon
the organised workers by lowering wages, the cowardly social democrats, the
Independentsandtheofficialleadersofthetradeunionsdistancethemselvesfrom
the unemployed they regard them as objects of state and tradeunion charity and
categorise them politically as lumpenproletarian. The Communists must
understand clearly that in the present circumstances the army of the unemployed
representsarevolutionaryfactoroftremendoussignificance.Theymustassumethe
leadership of this army. By exerting pressure on the unions through the
unemployed,theCommunistscanhastentheliberationofthetradeunionsfromthe
influence of their scab leaders. By uniting the unemployed with the proletarian
vanguardinthestruggleforsocialistrevolution,theCommunistPartycanrestrain
the more revolutionary and impatient elements among the unemployed from
engaginginindividualactsofdesperation.Ifconditionsarefavourable,thePartycan
organisethemassofunemployedinsupportoftheactionofoneoranothersection
of the proletariat and, by extending the struggle beyond the limits of the original
conflict,canmakeitthestartofamajoroffensive.Inshort,theunemployedcanbe
transformedfromthereservearmyoflabourintoanactivearmyoftherevolution.
By actively defending this layer of the working class, by supporting the most
oppressed section of the proletariat, the Communist Parties are not championing
onelayeroftheworkersattheexpenseofothers,butarefurtheringtheinterestsof
the working class as a whole. This the counterrevolutionary leaders have failed to
do,preferringtoadvancethetemporaryinterestsofthelabouraristocracy.Themore
unemployed or shortterm workers there are, the more important it is that their
interests become the interests of the working class as a whole, and the more
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important it is that they are not subordinated to the interests of the labour
aristocracy. Those who promote the interests of the labour aristocracy, either
counterposingorsimplyignoringtheinterestsoftheunemployed,destroytheunity
of the working classes and are pursuing a policy that has counterrevolutionary
consequences. The Communist Party, as the representative of the interests of the
workingclassasawhole,cannotmerelyrecognisethesecommoninterestsverbally
andarguefortheminitspropaganda.Itcanonlyeffectivelyrepresenttheseinterests
if it disregards the opposition of the labour aristocracy and, when opportunities
arise,leadsthemostoppressedanddowntroddenworkersintoaction.

VI. Preparing the Offensive

ThecharacterofthetransitionperiodmakesitimperativethateveryCommunist
Partydoesallitcantoprepareformilitarycombat.Anyconfrontationmayturninto
astruggleforpower.ThePartycanonlyachieveasufficientlevelofpreparationifall
its agitation is a vehement attack on capitalist society, if, through its agitation, it
succeedsinmakingcontactwiththebroadestlayersofthepeople,andifitspeaksto
them in a language which can convince them that the vanguard at their head is
fightingforpower.ThetaskoftheCommunistpressandpropagandaisnotjustto
prove theoretically that Communism is right, but to herald the proletarian
revolution. The job of the Communists in parliament is not to debate with their
opponents or attempt to convert them, but to unmask ruthlessly the agents of the
bourgeoisie,encouragetheworkingmassestotakeupthestruggleandwinthesemi
proletarian and pettybourgeois layers to the side of the proletariat. Our
organisational work in the trade unions and Party must not be aimed at
consolidating structures and increasing membership in a mechanical way, but at
preparing for the battles of the future. Only when the Partys activity and
organisation is permeated with the will to struggle can it take advantage of the
opportunitiesforlargescalemilitantaction.
Where Communist Parties represent a mass force and have an influence on the
broad working masses outside the Party organisation, they must encourage the
masses to struggle. The influential mass Parties must not limit themselves to
criticising other parties and counterposing Communist demands to theirs. Such
Communist Parties have a responsibility for the development of revolutionary
ideology. Wherever the position of the working masses is deteriorating, the
CommunistPartiesmustdoalltheycantogettheworkingmassestofightfortheir
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interests.InWesternEuropeandAmericawheretheworkingmassesareorganised
intradeunionsandpoliticalpartiesandtheemergenceofspontaneousmovements
is therefore only likely to be a rare occurrence, the Communist Parties must try to
launch a joint struggle for the immediate interests of the proletariat by
strengthening their influence in the trade unions and increasing their pressure on
the proletarianbased parties. Should nonCommunist parties be drawn into the
struggletheCommunistsmustwarntheworkingmassesthattheycouldbeletdown
bythesepartiesatanystageofthestruggle.TheCommunistsmustdoalltheycanto
intensify the conflict and consolidate their position so that, if necessary, they can
continue the struggle independently. The Open letter of the VKPD is an excellent
example of this tactic. If Communist Party pressure in the press and on the trade
unions is not sufficient to produce a united proletarian front in the struggle, the
CommunistPartymustindependentlyleadlargesectionsofthemassesintoaction.
ThePartymustrousethemassesfrompassivitybyorganisingamilitantproletarian
minority.
Themostactiveandconscioussectionoftheproletariatcandefendtheinterestsof
the whole class with success only if it is able to involve the backward masses, if it
proposesgoalswhichstemfromtheactualsituationandifthesegoalsareaccepted
bythebroadmasses,who,eventhoughtheyarenotyetcapableoffightingforthese
interests,recognisethemastheirown.
The Communist Party, however, must do more than just defend the proletariat
from the dangers threatening it and the blows directed at it. In the period of the
worldrevolutiontheCommunistPartyisessentiallyapartyontheoffensive,aparty
atwarwithcapitalistsociety.Itmustextendandintensifyeverydefensivestruggle,
transforming it into an attack on capitalist society. It must make every effort.
whenevertheconditionsareright,todrawtheworkingmassesintothiscampaign.
Torejectinprinciplethispolicyoftakingtheoffensivemeanstoabandonthebasic
tenetsofCommunism.
Takingtheoffensivedepends,firstly,onstepping up the struggle in the camp
of the bourgeoisie atthenationalandinternationallevel.Iftheforcesoftheclass
enemy are divided by this struggle, then the Party must take the initiative into its
own hands and, after careful political and where possible organisational
preparation,leadthemassesintobattle.
Secondly, it depends on important sections of the working class displaying a
militancywhichgivesgroundsforhopethattheworkingclassasawholeisreadyto
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formaunitedfrontagainstthecapitalistgovernment.Ifthemovementisgrowing,
theCommunistPartymustdevelopmoremilitantslogansintheeventofadefeat,it
mustorganiseadisciplinedandorderlyretreat.Theactualcircumstancesdetermine
whether the Communist Party wages a defensive or an offensive struggle. What is
most important is that the Communist Party should be ready and willing to fight,
and that its agitational and organisational work and struggle should be capable of
overcoming the centrist attitude of wait and see which holds back even the
advancedworkers.ThemassCommunistPartiesmustbereadyandwillingtotake
theoffensiveatanymoment,notonlybecauseitistheirdutyasmassPartiestowage
such a struggle, but because the contemporary situation is one of capitalist decay
and falling living standards of the masses. This period of decline must not be
allowed to continue, for otherwise the material basis of Communism will be
destroyedandthemilitancyoftheworkingmassescrushed.

VII. The Lessons of the March Events

TheMarchActionwasforcedupontheVKPDbythegovernmentsattackuponthe
proletariatofcentralGermany.
This was the first important struggle in which the Party intervened, and it
committedanumberofmistakes.Inthefirstplace,itfailedtoemphasiseclearlythe
defensive character of the struggle. The bourgeoisie, the SPD and the USPD
unscrupulous enemies of the proletariat were able to use the fact that the Party
called for an offensive to prove to the proletariat that the VKPD was attempting a
putsch.SeveralPartycomradesmademattersworsebydevelopingthetheorythat
this offensive was at that time the Partys main method of struggle. The Party
throughitschairmancomradeBrandlerhasofficiallyadmittedthismistake.
The Third Congress of the Communist International nevertheless considers the
March Action to have been a step forward. Hundreds of thousands of proletarians
participated in an heroic struggle against the bourgeoisie. By assuming the
leadership of the defence of the workers of central Germany, the VKPD has shown
itself to be the party of the German revolutionary proletariat. Congress is of the
opinion that by adapting its fighting slogans to the actual situation, studying more
thoroughly the balance of forces and coordinating its actions, the VKPD will be
betterplacedtoorganisemassaction.
TheVKPDmustpaycarefulattentiontothefactsandopinionswhichpointtothe
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obstaclestoactionandmustexaminethoroughlytheargumentsputforwardagainst
action.ThePartymustthenbeinapositiontoweighcarefullyitschanceofsuccess.
OncethePartyhasdecidedonacertaincourseofaction,allcomradesmustabide
bythedecisionsofthePartyandactivelyassistintheirimplementation.Criticisms
shouldbemadeonlyafterthecampaignhasbeencompleted,onlyinsidetheParty
organisations and only after taking into consideration the position of the Party in
relationtotheclassenemy.

VIII. Forms and Methods of Direct

Action
Theformsandmethodsandthescopeofthestrugglearedependentasarethe
questionsofoffensiveanddefensiveactiononcertainconditionswhichcannotbe
created at will. Previous revolutionary experience has shown us various forms of
partialaction:
431Actionbyindividualsectionsoftheworkingclass(theactionoftheminersand
railwayworkersetc.inGermanyandBritainandofagriculturalworkersetc.).
432 General workingclass action directed towards a limited objective (the action
during the Kapp putsch and the action of the British miners against their
governmentsmilitaryinterventionintheRussoPolishwar.
Such struggles may spread across individual regions or across a number of
countriessimultaneously.
Inthecourseoftherevolutionthesemethodswill.beemployedineverycountry.
The Communist Party must not refuse to launch actions which are confined to a
particular locality, but it must strive to transform every important local working
class action into a general struggle. The Party aims to involve the whole working
classinthedefenceofworkersofanyonebranchofindustryandsimilarlypersuade
the proletariat in other industrial areas to come out in support of a local workers
struggle. Revolutionary experience shows that the larger the field of battle, the
greaterthechanceofvictory.Initsstruggleagainsttheunfoldingworldrevolution
the bourgeoisie relies, on the one hand, on the White Guard organisations and, on
the other, on the atomisation of the working class and the difficulties in forming a
united proletarian front. The larger the number of people drawn into the struggle
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and the broader its scope, the more the enemy is compelled to divide his forces.
Sometimesworkersmovetosupportthesectionoftheproletariatunderattack,but
foratimehavefewforcesattheirdisposal.Eveninthissituationthecapitalistshave
todividetheirmilitarystrength,sincetheyhavenowayofknowingtowhatextent
theseworkerswilltakepartinthestruggleandtowhatextenttheirinterventionwill
escalatetheconflict.
Overthelastyearthecapitalistoffensivehasbecomeincreasinglybold.Onecan
observe that the bourgeoisie is no longer satisfied with the usual state institutions
and in every country has created under its protection various legal and semilegal
White Guard organisations which have been playing an important role in all the
majoreconomicconfrontations.
InGermanyanorganisationknownasOrgeshhasbeenformedithasgovernment
backing and receives support from parties whose political leanings range from
StinnestoScheidemann.
In Italy the activities of the fascist gangsters have brought about a complete
changeinthemoodofthebourgeoisieandapparentlyalsointhebalanceofforces.
When the Lloyd George government in England was faced with the threat of a
strike,itcalledforvolunteerspreparedtodefendpropertyandtherighttoworkby
scabbingonthestrikersanddestroyingtheirorganisations.
ThesemiofficialFrenchpaper,Le Temps, whichisclearlyundertheinfluenceof
the Millerand clique, is waging a campaign to promote the already existing Civic
LeaguesandintroducethemethodsoffascismintoFrance.
Americanlibertyhasalwaysbeensupplementedbystrikebreakersandassassins
but these have now acquired an organisation the American Legion which
recruitstheriffraffleftoverfromthewar.
Thebourgeoisieboastsofitspowerandstability,butthebourgeoisgovernments
know perfectly well that they have only won a brief respite and that in the present
circumstancesanymassstrikecoulddevelopintoacivilwarandadirectstrugglefor
proletarianpower.
Not only must Communists be at the forefront and explain the fundamental
revolutionary tasks to those participating in the struggle, but they must also work
with the most dedicated and active elements of the industrial work force, create
proletarianmilitaryorganisationsandworkersdefencegroups,opposethefascists
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andpreventthejeunesse dore ofthebourgeoisieslanderingandattackingstrikers.

TheCommunistParty,andparticularlyitstradeunioncells,mustdevotespecial
attention to the extremely important question of counterrevolutionary
organisations. A good intelligence and communication network must be organised
which can keep a constant watch on the military organisations and forces of the
White Guards, their headquarters and arms depots. It must check on the links
between the White Guard headquarters and the police, the press, and the political
parties, and must have detailed contingency plans ready for defence and
counterattack.
The Communist Party must work through words and actions to convince the
widestsectionsoftheproletariatthat,giventherightcombinationofcircumstances,
every economic and political conflict can develop into a civil war which raises the
questionoftheseizureofstatepower.
TheCommunistPartymustnotforgetthehorrorsoftheWhiteTerrorandmust
warntheproletariatagainstgivingwaytotheenemyspleasforclemencyatthetime
oftheinsurrection.Theoppressorsoftheproletariatmustbetriedaccordingtothe
principlesofproletarianjusticeadministeredthroughtheorganisedpeoplescourt.
Whentheproletariatisonlypreparingforstruggleandisonlybeginningtomobilise
through agitation, political campaigns and strikes, the use of weapons and acts of
sabotage have a point only if they are aimed at obstructing the transport of troops
intended for use against the fighting proletarian masses or at wresting strategic
positionsfromtheenemyindirectstruggle.Individualactsofterrorismreflectthe
revolutionaryindignationofthemassesandcanbejustifiedasaprotestagainstthe
lynchlawofthebourgeoisieanditssocialdemocratichangerson,buttheyareinno
way capable of raising the level of proletarian organisation and militancy, for they
createtheillusionamongstthemassesthatindividualactsofterrorismcantakethe
placeoftherevolutionarystruggleoftheproletariat.

IX. Our Attitude to the Semi

Proletarian Strata
InWesternEuropethereisnoclassotherthantheproletariatwhichiscapableof
playingthesignificantroleintheworldrevolutionthat,asaconsequenceofthewar
and the land hunger, the peasants did in Russia. But, even so, a section of the
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WesternEuropean peasantry and a considerable part of the urban petty

bourgeoisie and broad layers of the socalled middle class, of office workers
etc., are facing deteriorating standards of living and, under the pressure of rising
prices,thehousingproblemsandinsecurity,arebeingshakenoutoftheirpolitical
apathyanddrawnintothestrugglebetweenrevolutionandcounterrevolution.The
bankruptcyofimperialisminthecountrieswhichwerevictoriousintheworldwar,
andthebankruptcyofpacifismandsemireformistcurrentsinthecountrieswhich
were defeated, drives these middle layers either into the camp of open counter
revolution or into the camp of revolution. The Communist Party must always be
concernedwiththeselayersofthepopulation.Oneofthemainprerequisitesforthe
triumphof the proletarian dictatorship is the winning of the small farmers to the
ideas of Communism. This would make it possible to take the revolution from the
industrialcentresoutintothecountrysideandcreateorganisationsinthevillagesto
arrange food distribution one of the most vital questions of the revolution. It is
alsoimportanttowinthesympathyoftechnicians,whitecollarworkers,themiddle
andlowerrankingcivilservantsandtheintelligentsia,whocanassisttheproletarian
dictatorship in the period of transition from capitalism to Communism by helping
withtheproblemsofstateandeconomicadministration.Ifsuchlayersidentifywith
therevolution,theenemywillbedemoralisedandthepopularviewoftheproletariat
as an isolated group will be discredited. The Communist Party must watch closely
thefermentwithinthepettybourgeoislayersandmakeaseffectiveuseofthemas
possible, even when they still cling to bourgeois illusions. The Communist Parties
must draw into the proletarian front those sections of the intelligentsia and office
workers which have freed themselves from these illusions, using them to win the
supportofthepettybourgeoismasseswhoaremilitantbutnotyetcommittedtothe
revolution.
The economic disintegration and consequent dislocation of state finances will
forcethebourgeoistocondemntoincreasingpovertythelowerandmiddleranking
civilservantswhoarethemainsupportersofitsownstateapparatus.Theeconomic
declineoftheselayersdirectlythreatensthewholestructureofthebourgeoisstate
and, though conflicts may be temporarily resolved, it is becoming more and more
difficultforthebourgeoisstatetopreserveitsorganisationalbase.Inthesamewayit
becomes impossible for capital to preserve its system of exploitation while at the
same time guaranteeing a decent standard of living to its hired workers. By
defendingtheinterestsofthelowerandmiddlerankingcivilservantsregardlessof
thestateofpublicfinances,theCommunistPartiesarecarryingoutveryimportant
preliminary work for the destruction of the bourgeois stateinstitutions and
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preparingfortheconstructionoftheproletarianstate.

X. International Coordination of
Action
Wemustputallourenergiesintoachievingaunitedinternationalleadershipfor
the revolutionary struggle. Only then will it be possible to effect a breach in the
international counterrevolutionary front and employ the forces of the Communist
International to hasten thevictory of the revolution.TheCommunist International
demandsthatalltheCommunistPartiesrendereachothermaximumsupportinthe
struggle. The national economic battles that are developing require that the
proletariat of other countries, wherever possible, intervenes immediately. The
Communistsmustusetheirinfluencetoseethatthetradeunionsnotonlyopposeby
all the means at their disposal the dispatch of blacklegs, but ban all exports to the
countrieswherelargesectionsoftheproletariatareengagedinstruggle.Wherethe
capitalist government of one country takes action against another with the aim of
robbingordominatingit,theCommunistPartiesmustnotsimplymakeprotests,but
do everything to obstruct such a campaign of plunder. The Third Congress of the
Communist International welcomes the demonstrations organised by the French
Communists as the beginning of a more active struggle against the counter
revolutionary role of French capitalist exploitation. Congress reminds the French
comradesoftheirdutytodoalltheycantobringtheFrenchsoldiersintheoccupied
zone to the realisation that they are acting as the policemen of French capital and
that they ought to refuse to play this shameful role. The French Communist Party
hastomaketheFrenchpeopleunderstandthatbyallowingthearmyofoccupation
tobeorganisedanddrilledinthespiritofnationalism,itistyingitsownnoose,for
theoccupiedareasarethetraininggroundfortroopswhichwillsubsequentlybeat
hand to crush the revolutionary movement of the French working class. The
presenceofblacktroopsinFranceandintheoccupiedterritoriesgivestheFrench
Communist Party special responsibilities. It provides the French Party with the
opportunity of approaching these colonial slaves and explaining to them that they
areservingtheirownoppressorsandexploiters,ofrallyingthemtofightagainstthe
colonialregimeandestablishinglinkswiththepeoplesoftheFrenchcolonies.
TheGermanCommunistPartymustmakeitcleartotheGermanproletariatthat
therecanbenostruggleagainstexploitationbyEntentecapitalunlesstheGerman
capitalist government is overthrown. For despite the noises of opposition to the
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Entente,theGermangovernmentactsasitsoverseerandagent.TheVKPDwillonly
beabletoencouragetheproletarianmassesofFrancetofightFrenchimperialismif
it mounts a fierce and relentless struggle against the German government, which
wouldshowthatfarfromseekingtogivebankruptGermanimperialismanewlease
of life, the Party wishes to free itself from the domination of this imperialism and
fightalongsidetheworkingmassesofFranceandBelgiumforthereconstructionof
EuropeonCommunistlines.TheCommunistInternationalhasmadeitcleartothe
international proletariat that it views the indemnity demands of the Entente
capitalists as a campaign of plunder directed against the working masses of the
defeated nations and has denounced the attempts of the Longuists and
Independents to find a way of minimising the harmful effects of this campaign for
theworkingmassesasacowardlycapitulationtotheEntentestockexchanges.The
InternationaldemonstratestotheproletariatofFranceandGermanythattheonly
way to reconstruct the devastated areas and to improve the lot of widows and
orphansistorallytheproletariatofbothcountriestostruggletogetheragainsttheir
exploiters. The German proletariat can assist the Russian proletariat in its uphill
climb only if, by its own victories, it brings nearer the unification of Russian
agricultureandGermanindustry.
ItisthedutyofCommunistPartiesincountrieswhosetroopsareparticipatingin
the subjugation and division of Turkey to use all available means to conduct a
campaign to revolutionise these troops. The Communist Parties of the Balkan
countries must do their utmost to oppose nationalism by establishing a Balkan
Communist federation which could hasten their victory. The victory of the
CommunistPartiesofBulgariaandSerbiawouldbringaboutthefalloftheshameful
HorthyregimeandendBoyarruleinRumania,extendingthebaseforagricultural
revolution into most of the more industrially developed neighbouring countries.
Unconditional support of Soviet Russia is still the priority for the Communists
everywhere.CommunistsmustresolutelyresistanyattemptstoattackSovietRussia
andfighttoeliminatetheobstacleserectedbythecapitaliststatestopreventSoviet
Russiafromestablishinglinkswiththeworldmarketandwiththepeoplesofother
countries.OnlywhenSovietRussiahassuccessfullyreconstructeditseconomyand
alleviated the terrible poverty caused by three years of imperialist war and three
yearsofcivilwarwillproductivityimproveandthecountrybeinapositiontohelp
thefuturevictoriousproletarianstatesoftheWestwithfoodandrawmaterialsand
protectthemfromstrangulationbyAmericancapital.
TheinternationalpoliticaltaskoftheCommunistInternationalisnottoorganise
demonstrations when important events take place, but to make sure that the links
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betweenthedifferentnationaltightlyorganisedCommunistfrontsarecontinuously
improved. It is impossible to predict in advance on which front the proletariat will
succeed in making a b breakthrough whether it will be in Germany, where the
proletariatisharshlyoppressedbytheGermanandEntentebourgeoisieandwhere
the choice is between death or victory, or in the agrarian countries of SouthEast
Europe, or in Italy, where the decline of the bourgeoisie has reached an advanced
stage.TheCommunistInternationalmustthereforedoeverythingitcantointensify
proletarian militancy on all sections of the international front. Communist Parties
mustdotheirutmosttosupportthemajorcampaignsofeachindividualsectionof
theCommunistInternational.Thiscanbestbeachievedif,whenevertherearelarge
scaleconflictsinonecountry,otherCommunistPartiesbringanyinternalconflicts
intheirowncountriestoahead.

XI. The Decline of the Second and Two

andaHalf Internationals
ThethirdyearoftheCommunistInternationaliswitnessingthefurtherpolitical
decline of the socialdemocratic parties and the reformist leaders of the trade
union movement.
Over the last year, however, they have attempted to achieve organisational unity
and have attacked the Communist International. During the miners strike in
Britain,theleadersoftheLabourPartyandthetradeunionsconsideredittheirduty
deliberatelytodestroytheworkersfrontthatwasbeingformedandtoprotectthe
capitalistsfromtheworkers.ThebreakdownoftheTripleAllianceisproofthatthe
reformistleadersofthetradeunionshavenodesiretofighttoimprovetheposition
of the working class even within the framework of the capitalist system. When the
Germansocialdemocraticpartywithdrewfromthegovernment,itbecameobvious
that the party was no longer capable of even the oppositional agitation that social
democracy had conducted in the prewar period. If it made any oppositional
gestures,itschiefaimwastopreventtheworkingclassfromengaginginstruggle.In
spite of the fact that, nationally, German social democracy was supposedly an
oppositionparty,inPrussiaitorganisedaWhiteGuardcampaignagainsttheminers
of Central Germany with the conscious aim of provoking an armed struggle before
the Communists had had time to organise themselves for militant action. The
GermanbourgeoisiehadcapitulatedtotheEntentetheEntentehaddictatedterms
whichtheGermanbourgeoisiecanonlymeetbyreducingtheGermanproletariatto
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abject poverty but, in spite of this, German social democracy has entered the
government once again and is assisting the bourgeoisie in enslaving the German
proletariat.
In Czechoslovakia social democracy is mobilising the army and the police to
depriveworkerCommunistsoftheirhomesandorganisations.Thedishonesttactics
of the Polish socialdemocratic party are helping Pilsudski to organise the
interventionagainstSovietRussia.Thepartyhelpsthegovernmenttoputthousands
ofCommunistsinprison,andthrowsCommunistsoutofthetradeunionswhere,in
spiteofallthepersecution,theyarewinningmoreandmoreworkerstotheirside.
The Belgian social democrats remain in a government which is involved in
subjugatingtheGermanpeople.ThecentristpartiesandgroupsoftheTwoanda
Half International are conducting themselves just as shamefully as the counter
revolutionary parties. The German Independents have rejected outright the appeal
oftheGermanCommunistPartyforajointstruggleagainstthefallinworkingclass
livingstandards,irrespectiveofthedifferencesthatdividethem.TheIndependents
registered their disapproval of the White Terror, but this was after they had
unequivocally taken the side of the White Guard government during the battles of
March,aftertheyhadhelpedcontributetothevictoryoftheWhiteTerrorandhad,
in full view of the bourgeois republic, slandered the proletarian vanguard as
gangsters, robbers and lumpenproletarians. In spite of the fact that back at the
HallecongressthepartypromisedtosupportSovietRussia,itisnowconductinga
slanderous campaign against the Russian Soviet republic in its press. It has joined
Wrangel, Miliukov and Burtsev and the Russian counterrevolution in supporting
the Kronstadt rising against the Soviet republican rising which signifies that the
international counterrevolution has adopted a new tactic against the Soviet
republic.ItplanstooverthrowtheRussianCommunistPartytheheartandsoul,
thebrainandthebackboneoftheSovietrepublicjudgingthatwithouttheParty,
thecountryisalifelesscorpsethatcanbedealtwitheasily.TheFrench Longuetists
havejoinedtheGermanIndependentsinthecampaignagainstSovietRussiaand,in
doingso,haveclearlysidedwiththeFrenchcounterrevolutionarieswho,thefacts
show,havesupportedthenewtactic.ItisthepolicyoftheItaliancentristgroupsof
Serrati and d'Aragona to retreat in the face of every struggle this has given the
bourgeoisie new strength and the possibility, with the help of the fascist bands, of
dominatingtheItalianscene.
Inspiteofthefactthatthecentristpartiesandsocialdemocracydifferonlyinthe
phrases they use, these groups have not so far united in one International. Last
Februarythecentristpartiesevenestablishedtheirowninternationalorganisation,
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complete with political platform and statutes. On paper this TwoandaHalf

International hovers between the slogans of bourgeois democracy and those of
proletarian dictatorship. In practice, it not only helps the capitalist class in each
individualcountry,encouragingthedevelopmentofsplitswithintheworkingclass,
but even shows the bourgeoisie how to carry out its programme of exploitation
without unleashing the revolutionary force of the masses and this in spite of the
fact that the bourgeoisie is responsible for the complete destruction of the world
economy and the subjugation of part of the world by the capitalist states who, as
Ententemembers,wonthewar.Bothreformistsandcentristsarefrightenedofthe
power of capital, but the TwoandaHalf International differs from the Second
Internationalinthatitisalsoafraidofclearlyformulatingitspositioninordernotto
loseonceandforallitsinfluenceoverthemasses,whohavebeenradicalisedbutare
still politically naive. The basic political similarity between the reformists and
centrists, finds its expression in their common defence of the Amsterdam Trade
Union International, this last stronghold of the international bourgeoisie. In those
tradeunionsinwhichtheystillpossesssomeinfluence,thecentristshavejoinedthe
reformistsandthe tradeunion bureaucracyinfighting the Communists they have
responded to the attempt of the Communists to revolutionise the trade unions by
excludingthemfrommembership.Intheseways,thecentristshaveshownthatthey
can rival the social democrats as leaders of the counterrevolution and as staunch
opponentsofproletarianstruggle.
NowandinthefuturetheCommunistInternationalmustfirmlyopposenotonly
the Second International and the Amsterdam TradeUnion International, but also
the TwoandaHalf International. Only by giving daily examples of the
unwillingnessofthesocialdemocratsandcentriststofighteitherfortheoverthrow
of capitalism or for the most basic and pressing demands of the working class can
the Communist International destroy the influence these agents of the bourgeoisie
have on the working class. This struggle can be brought to a successful conclusion
onlyifthe Party completely suppresses any centrist deviations in its ranks. In
itsdailypracticetheCommunistInternationalhastoshowthatitisanInternational
of Communist action and not just of Communist phraseology and theory. The
Communist International is the only organisation of the international proletariat
which can provide the principles and the leadership needed in the fight against
capitalism. Internal cohesion and international leadership and activity must be
improved so that the Communist International can achieve the goals set out in its
statutes:toorganisejointactionbytheproletariansofdifferentcountrieswhoare
pursuingasingleaim:the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of the
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dictatorship of the proletariat and of an international soviet republic.

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