You are on page 1of 16

Boyette 1

Nigel Boyette
Professor Mabalon
Bay Area Movements
12/7/2014
An Era of Fear
The world in the 1960's and 1970's was an uncertain place to live. The Cold War arms race was
in full swing, and the continual testing of nuclear devices drove many people to action in the United
States to stop the probability of nuclear war. At the end of World War II people learned of the
destructive capability of nuclear devices at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. There was a great fear that a
nuclear war would destroy the planet. Groups like Women for Peace formed because of the potential
danger radioactivity presented to their children. Other like-minded groups formed to protect
themselves, their families, and their planet from the deadly poison of radioactivity. Throughout the anti
nuclear movement in the United States, groups used various methods to try and to swing public opinion
to their cause and put pressure on the U.S. government to stop their nuclear testing. Not all of these
efforts met with the same level of success. In particular, the efforts of Bay Area groups like the Women
for Peace succeeded in raising awareness and publicizing the horror of nuclear warfare. However, it
was not so much the message that made the Bay Area anti nuclear movement unique, but the methods
which were utilized to great success. These methods were the widespread use of media and
advertisement in order to make people understand the real threat that was nuclear war. Despite being a
small area of the overall movement, the Bay Area made a unique and substantial impact on the anti
nuclear movement and without the Bay Area's contribution, the anti nuclear movement as a whole
would have not been nearly as successful. However, before we go into the Bay Area's contributions to
the movement, we must set the stage and discuss the wider anti nuclear movement in the United States.
The nuclear bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki ushered in a new age of fear and outrage.

Boyette 2
The weapons themselves wrecked havoc on the environment and the people who were caught in the
blast zone suffered horrible radiation related injuries. The United States and the Soviet Union, the two
victors of World War II, both competed on a global scale in order to outdo one another. One of these
contests was based on the power of each sides nuclear weapons, which they both tested in the
atmosphere. This created vast clouds of nuclear fallout that irradiated people around the globe.1 In
the 1950's people started to form anti nuclear activist groups in order to combat the rampant nuclear
testing that was destroying life on earth for the benefit of the United State's and the Soviet Union's
image. Each of these groups comprised of different types of people (students, women, intellectuals,
social activists, ect.), had slightly different goals, and used different strategies in their struggle. Even
though these groups were different, they were all fighting to prevent the dangers of nuclear fallout. The
anti nuclear movement in the United States was a very diverse movement that shared similar goals, but
were made of different types of people and used different methods to reach their goals. For example,
the Committee for Nonviolent Action, brought nonviolent civil disobedience into the anti-nuclear
campaign, while the Student Peace Union. . . began rallying college students against the nuclear arms
race.2 It is important to note however, that not all anti nuclear groups were equally successful in
spreading their message or enacting change. Some methods were undeniably more successful than
others. John Robert Burroughs dissertation, Nuclear Obligations: Nuremberg Law, Nuclear Weapons,
and Protest, gives us a good example of a method of protest that wasnt so successful.
John Robert Burroughs dissertation, Nuclear Obligations: Nuremberg Law, Nuclear Weapons,
and Protest, is an extensive work that looks at several issues of nuclear testing in light of Nuremberg
and other international law.3 The author argues that the build up of nuclear weapons and their use in
1 Thompson, Heather Ann. "Women Strike For Peace, A Letter to Nikita Khrushchev (1962)." Speaking Out: Activism and
Protest in the 1960s and 1970s. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2010. 62. Print.
2 Thompson, Speaking, 62-63
3 Burroughs, J. (1991). Nuclear Obligations: Nuremberg Law, Nuclear Weapons, and Protest. n.p.: ProQuest, UMI
Dissertations Publishing, 1.

Boyette 3
the Cold War as instruments of geopolitical policy is questionable when measured against the
Nuremberg proscription.4 In essence the use of nuclear weapons in this way is not only wrong, but
quite illegal based upon international law. Much of this dissertation is dedicated to anti nuclear protest
and its justification in international law. In particular, this dissertation has a selection regarding the
Nevada test site (which was the site used after they banned atmospheric testing Limited Test Ban)
and the protests there. Even after the success of the Limited Test Ban by the WSP and Women for
Peace the U.S. government was still unwilling to stop testing their new nuclear weapons. The protesters
at the Nevada test site were using the same non violent protest approach that made the Civil Rights
Movement so successful. However, the anti nuclear movement was a another beast entirely. Unlike the
Civil Rights Movement, the anti nuclear movement clashed directly with the U.S. governments global
policy of containment. Under this policy the U.S. had an obligation to stop the spread of Soviet
influence by any means necessary and that included the use of nuclear weapons as a form of deterrent.
This issue was not internal like the Civil Rights Movement, this issue was global. As the protesters had
planned, the people participating in this non violent protest were arrested for trespassing. However,
the district attorney dropped all outstanding charges, numbering over 400 from the February and
previous actions, and announced a non-prosecution policy as to all future arrests made on the test site
perimeter.5 By doing this the district attorney denied the protesters of their biggest weapon,
widespread public recognition. This makes sense because cases which are upheld and protesters that are
jailed generated more public interest than cases which are dismissed. This strategy had seen success in
the Civil Rights Movement, but floundered in the arena of anti nuclear activism. In this case, the
strategy used to protest the Nevada test site wasnt as successful as some of the WSP and Women for
Peace methods because of the different strategy employed. This is an example of why some of the more
conventional strategies for protest simply were not nearly as effective in the arena of anti nuclear
4 Burroughs, Nuclear, 1
5 Burroughs, Nuclear, 22

Boyette 4
protest. It also shows us that different strategies were being applied in the anti nuclear movement.
While it's important to realize the progress made by the anti nuclear movement, it is also important to
recognize that the battle for nuclear disarmament was and still is a very slow process due to the
reluctance of the U.S. to disarm (the anti nuclear movement is a very hard battle to win). Therefore,
that makes the contributions of the WSP and Women for Peace all the more important to the success of
the movement, because of their innovation in changing public option and putting pressure on the
government through non traditional mediums. With that in mind lets take a look at the Women Strike
for Peace and the Women for Peace groups.
Both the Women for Peace and the Women Strike for Peace were closely related in several
ways. The WSP originated in Washington D.C. and acted as the founder of the larger group of branches
that split off in different parts of the country. Their goals were simple, stop the continued use of nuclear
testing in the atmosphere to prevent the worldwide nuclear fallout that was affecting people around the
globe. As a branch of the WSP, Women for Peace had very similar goals and was also primarily run by
women. Although Women for Peace were more focused on the dangers radioactivity presented to their
children, over time their goals extended beyond that to the preservation of all life on earth. With such a
monumental goal of stopping the testing of nuclear devices, the WSP and the Women for Peace both
had to come up with ways in which they could reach the ears of the U.S. government. This task was
very tough at the time, for the Kennedy administration had many other issues which they deemed more
important, not to mention the other social movements that were happening at roughly the same time. In
addition to this, the goals of the WSP and Women for Peace stood directly in the path of Kennedy's
containment policy which was seen as instrumental to keep communism from expanding. While the
WSP appealed directly to Kennedy to stop the nuclear testing, the Women for Peace tried something
entirely different which I call the advertisement strategy. Advertisement has always been a strong
method of persuasion. The U.S. governments advertising campaigns encouraging women to leave the

Boyette 5
workforce after World War II in order to make room for returning soldiers influenced peoples
perceptions on the roles of women to this very day. Knowing this full well, the Women for Peace did
the same exact thing by putting up billboards with anti nuclear images throughout the Bay Area. The
idea behind this was that with more public support for anti nuclear activism Kennedy's hand would be
forced into recognizing the movement and doing something to appease them, lest his public image
suffer.
The advertisement strategy that the Women for Peace employed was a hallmark in the efforts of
anti nuclear groups against the probability nuclear war. However, other strategies were in use by the
WSP in different areas of the United States. In 1962 the WSP group in Washington D.C. sent a letter to
Nikita Khrushchev of the Soviet Union appealing for help to end the nuclear conflict between the U.S.
and the Soviet Union.6 On the outside it looks like a very sympathetic plea to the USSR to stop their
nuclear testing. However, underneath it can also be seen as a strategy to put pressure on the U.S.
government to act. By transcending the boundary of nationality and appealing to the Soviet Union for
help the WSP forces president Kennedy's hand. Kennedy faced a dilemma, if he did nothing he risked
the Soviet Union acting first to initiate a treaty which would make him lose public support. Or he acted
the bigger man and gave the WSP what they wanted. Either way the WSP was going to get what they
wanted. This tactic put Kennedy's back to a wall and a year later the Partial Test Ban Treaty was signed.
This letter not only shows us how and why this tactic worked, but it also tells us what wasn't working
for the WSP at the time. We. . . have unceasingly protested our government's resumption of nuclear
testing in the atmosphere. . . with the resumption of tests by the U.S., the initiative in calling a halt to
this deadly nuclear buildup now passes to you.7 What this tells us is that previous attempts at
appealing directly to the president of the United States were ineffective at producing results. Therefore,
the WSP had to constantly evolve their techniques and strategies in order to find successful methods to
6 Thompson, Speaking, 66
7 Thompson, Speaking, 66

Boyette 6
combat nuclear testing. One of which was produced by the Bay Area branch of the WSP called Women
for Peace.
In Alice S. Hamburg's essay, "Nuclear Disarmament and the Womens Peace Movement,"
Hamburg talks about the rise of the WSP group in 1961, and the success they had in influencing the
Partial Test Ban Treaty (1963) and the Anti Ballistic Missile Treaty (1972).8 Both of which were huge
accomplishments that could not have been achieved without the pressure they put on the respective
U.S. presidents. In addition, a branch of the WSP called Women for Peace who were founded in the
Bay Area, made some unique contributions to the movement as a whole. These contributions were
specifically focused around raising awareness by using different forms of media to show people the
threat of nuclear development. As told by Hamburg, Billboards were especially effective in several of
our campaigns throughout the Bay Area. . . [and] to further publicize the horrors of nuclear warfare, we
gained support from San Francisco mayor George Moscone to exhibit Hiroshima/Nagasaki murals by
Japanese artists.9 These contributions were unique to the anti nuclear movement and proved to be very
successful as forms of advertisement. The kinds of awareness and hysteria that these billboards and the
Hiroshima/Nagasaki murals produced led to a much more jaded world view in the eyes of many
people. However, there were other strategies being employed throughout the anti nuclear movement in
the United States, so what was it that made this advertisement strategy so successful? The success of
the Women for Peace strategy was highly influenced by gender, imagery, and perceived threat.
Gender goes far beyond the simple biological differences between men and women. Gender is
the expected way in which men and women in a society are supposed to act. After World War II the
U.S. government needed women to go back to the home after working in industrial jobs for the troops.
Women who had gained economic independence were now being laid off from their jobs to make room
8 Hamburg, Alice S. "Nuclear Disarmament and the Womens Peace Movement." The Whole Worlds Watching; Peace and
Social Justice Movements of the 1960's and 1970's. San Francisco: Berkeley Art Center Association, 2001. N. pag. Print.
9 Hamburg, Nuclear, 51

Boyette 7
for returning soldiers. In less than a decade the desired image of the woman changed from working and
independent to dependent housewife. This new image was heavily reinforced by all forms of media
across the United States. This image of women as caretakers, mothers, and housewives continued on
into the 1960's and 1970's. In Lawrence S. Wittner's article, "Gender Roles And Nuclear Disarmament
Activism 19541965," the author argues that the hostile Cold War climate of the mid 1950's to the early
1960's changed gender roles and that this change happened in the arena of the anti nuclear movement.10
Women were becoming increasingly involved in politics and social movements. As evidence for her
claims Wittner uses several polls and surveys conducted between men and women over nuclear issues.
The results tell us that in general, women felt more strongly about anti nuclear issues than men did at
the time. This idea that women had stronger anti nuclear feelings is important when looking at the rise
of the role of women in the anti nuclear movement, especially in regards to the WSP and the Women
for Peace movement in the Bay Area. Despite this increased role, men still held dominance in the
political sphere during this time, and according to Wittner, although numerous mixed-gender
organizations sprang up. . . nearly all of them were led by men.11 The idea that a woman's place was at
home taking care of the household and family was still extremely strong in the U.S. However, there
were several politically active women who broke out of this cultural cage. The WSP and Women for
Peace were female led groups who used the stereotypical gender roles held by society as a whole and
used them to their advantage. In some ways women had more success in anti nuclear activism than men
did, despite the dominance of male led groups. Male nuclear disarmament proponents could hardly
help noticing that their masculinity was sometimes in question.12 Women did not have this issue and
were able to use their preconceived gender roles as mothers to sway public opinion against the use of
nuclear weapons. Wittner's article gives us the background we need to understand why women were so
10 Wittner, Lawrence S. "Gender Roles And Nuclear Disarmament Activism,19541965." Gender & History 12.1 (2000):
Academic Search Complete. Web. 17 Oct. 2014.
11 Wittner, Gender, 197
12 Wittner, Gender, 207

Boyette 8
important to the movement's success in the United States. The success that women had as anti nuclear
activists in the WSP and Women for Peace is particularly important when looking at the Bay Area's
methods and how they were constructed. The biggest factor that lead to the success of the movement
was the use of perceived threat.
Threat is constantly present in our daily lives, and as such everyone has to deal with it at some
point. How we deal with these threats differs based on two key elements, likelihood of occurance, and
the magnitude of the threat. For example, the threat of an ant infestation in the summer is a likely
occurrence, but the magnitude of the threat is low because its easily dealt with. When dealing with the
nuclear threat of the 1960's and 1970's the WSP and the Women for Peace both understood that to
convince people to oppose nuclear activity the likelihood of occurrence and the magnitude of the threat
had to be seen as high. For the most part this threat was not exaggerated, in the years leading up to the
1960's and 1970's the world was in a very aggravated state. Conflict raged across the globe and nuclear
development between the Soviet Union and the United States was unchecked. Nuclear weapons that
were many times stronger than the ones dropped at Hiroshima and Nagasaki were being built and tested
extensively. By channeling this uncertainty about the state of the world into their cause, the Women for
Peace were able to use perceived threat to their advantage and were able to raise more opposition to
nuclear testing. In Doug McKenzie-Mohr's article,"Perceived Threat And Control As Moderators Of
Peace Activism: Implications For Mobilizing The Public In The Pursuit Of Disarmament," the author
argues that both perceived threat and collective control (which is the belief that people have the power
to make changes in their government) are key factors when determining if someone with anti nuclear
feelings will become actively involved in the movement.13 As evidence for this claim, Mohr uses two
surveys conducted in Canada with people who have strong anti nuclear feelings. What the results tell us
13 McKenzie-Mohr, Doug, John Grant McLoughlin, and James A. Dyal. "Perceived Threat And Control As Moderators Of
Peace Activism: Implications For Mobilizing The Public In The Pursuit Of Disarmament." Journal Of Community &
Applied Social Psychology 2.4(1992): 276. Academic Search Complete. Web. 17 Oct. 2014.

Boyette 9
is that an individual is unlikely to work for peace and international security if nuclear war has not been
appraised as [likely].14 The idea of perceived threat in particular is especially important when talking
about its effect on activism in the Bay Area. The anti nuclear movement in the U.S. saw nuclear war as
an inevitability and without this perception the movement would not have had the support to get off the
ground. In the Bay Area they used this idea of perceived threat in order to mobilize people and
communicate to others the dangers of nuclear testing. They did this mainly through advertising. In this
sense, perceived threat was a huge factor in the success of the Bay Area's advertisement strategy. In this
way, Mohr's article gives the basis for our understanding of the importance of showing how threatening
nuclear war was to the continued survival of life on earth. So then the question becomes, what is the
best medium to show perceived threat? This is where imagery comes into the picture.
The use of imagery was an extremely powerful tool for the Women for Peace group. Images can
say things that words can never truly express and that is where its strength lies as a tool of persuasion.
Images can be deeply provocative, hearing about a bombing and seeing an image of people dead in the
street as a result are two entirely different experiences with different results. On one hand hearing about
it will probably not bother you that much, on the other hand seeing the dead in the streets will stick in
your memory longer. Images can bring out many more emotional and lasting responses than words ever
could. William Donald Gunn's article, The Effects Of An Anti-Nuclear War Film On Attitudes Toward
Nuclear Issues, looks at imagery and its effects on the human mind regarding nuclear war. Gunn
argues in the article that, persuasive communications employing strong, fear arousing appeals can be
effective in changing attitudes.15 Gunn proves his thesis by using a study in which two groups of
students were shown two different films, one containing nuclear war imagery, and the other being
neutral. Not surprisingly, the students watching the one with nuclear war imagery showed more
14 McKenzie-Mohr, Perceived, 276
15 Gunn, William Donald, and Peter Horvath. "The Effects Of An Anti-Nuclear War Film On Attitudes Toward Nuclear
Issues." Journal Of Psychology 121.6 (1987): 616. Academic Search Complete. Web. 17 Oct. 2014.

Boyette 10
support for activism and protest against nuclear war.16 The thought of nuclear war certainly was and
still is extremely fear arousing. The scary thing about nuclear war is not just the prospect of death but
the reality of total annihilation. Those who are not killed instantly on the periphery of the blast are
exposed to radiation and suffer burns that no amount of water can alleviate. Thus nuclear war was not
just a political issue, it was a fight over control of the preservation of life on earth. This is why the Bay
Area's advertisement strategy was so successful in changing and enforcing peoples thoughts on the
horrid nature of nuclear war. This is especially true of the murals depicting the horror of the A-bombs
dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which were exclusive to the Bay Area. Images like this provoked
an extreme sense of preservation in people that manifest in the form of an increased anti nuclear
opinion. Proof of the success of the Women for Peace advertisement strategy is not so much shown in
the murals and billboards themselves, but in the continued use of images using the idea of perceived
threat as a means of persuasion.
This established trend of using nuclear imagery in order to key in of peoples perceptions of
threat worked extremely well for the Women for Peace throughout the 1970's. Their advertisement
strategy was so successful in convincing people to support anti nuclear activism that by the end of the
70's other groups adopted the same strategy for their own appeals. In 1979 a total nuclear meltdown
occurred at the Three Mile Island plant in Pennsylvania. According to the United States Nuclear
Regulatory Commission, The Three Mile Island Unit 2 (TMI-2) reactor, near Middletown, Pa.,
partially melted down on March 28, 1979. This was the most serious accident in U.S. commercial
nuclear power plant operating history.17 In many ways this meltdown proved that nuclear power was
not the safe energy source that the U.S. government claimed that it was. In response to this disaster, the
Union of Concerned Commies in San Francisco published a flyer with this picture on it in order to
16 Gunn, The, 615
17 "Backgrounder on the Three Mile Island Accident." U.S.NRC. United States Nuclear Regulatory Commission, Feb.
2013. Web. 10 Dec. 2014.

Boyette 11
protest the use of nuclear power.

Capitol Building Reactor

18

Although this picture is different than the kinds of images you would see at the Hiroshima/Nagasaki
Japanese mural exhibit, it still uses perceived threat just in a different way. The Hiroshima/Nagasaki
exhibit was a large collection of paintings by Japanese artists which showed the aftermath of the
bombings (death and destruction). In the above image, the capitol building of our country is depicted as
a nuclear reactor, which has a number of implications. The government of the U.S. has an obligation to
protect its people from harm. However, the image in question shows just the opposite. Huge columns of
pollution pour out of smoke stacks poisoning air while people go about their daily business in the
capitol building blind to the truth. All the while, the U.S. government continues using nuclear power,
despite the dangers of using it as an energy source. Thus this image is saying that nuclear power is a
threat to the lives of everyone using it and if people don't make a stand against it no one will. Although
18 Kinney, Jay. Capitol Building Reactor. Digital image. Foundsf. Creative Commons, 17 Oct. 2011. Web. 24 Nov. 2014.

Boyette 12
the Union of Concerned Commies had slightly different goals, they used the same strategy of perceived
threat in order to change and enforce peoples thoughts on the negatives of nuclear power. Later in the
early 1980's this trend of threat inducing imagery continues to be a premier method of persuasion.
In 1984 The End of the World Fair was held in San Francisco on Market street and it lasted
about a day. Although it was short lived, the End of the World Fair showed the huge change in peoples
perceptions of the state of the world that occurred as a result of the Women for Peace's advertisement
strategy. The huge event alone could take up volumes, but in essence it was a large collection of people,
most of whom were activists who embodied the idea of the world coming to an end. In the past World
Fairs were used to present new technologies and express the achievements of mankind. In opposition to
this tradition, in 1984 various anti nuclear proponents, activists, and eccentrics came together to
challenge the idea that the world was truly making any progress. This idea was in part reinforced by the
Women for Peace through years of using perceived threat in anti nuclear images. Throughout the fair
people flew banners, wore costumes, and took to the streets with their protest against the state of the
world. Even though a lot of the propaganda in the End of the World Fair was satirical in nature, it still
played on the idea of perceived threat as a successful tool of persuasion. This is evident in the End of
the World Fair banner below.
End of the World's Fair Banner

19

19 End of the World's Fair Banner 1984. Digital image. Foundsf. Creative Commons, 12 Oct. 2007. Web. 24 Nov. 2014.

Boyette 13
Not unlike the previous image of the capitol building reactor, this banner also makes some bold
statements. The skeleton is that of a human being which represents humanity as a catalyst of its own
destruction. With one hand the skeleton (representing death) reaches out towards earth giving the
impression of the earths imminent demise. In many ways this banner is satirical, but it also represents
years of being on the brink of nuclear war. This is basically what the End of the World's Fair was, a
culmination of peoples post World War II fears about nuclear annihilation. This collective thought was
largely influenced by the Women for Peace groups use of perceived threat in imagery in order to
advertise the danger nuclear war posed on humanity. To this day, the efforts made by the Bay Area's
Women for Peace continue to be effective in reinforcing anti nuclear sentiment around the world.
The post World War II world was an extremely scary and uncertain time in which to live. The
development of the atomic bomb set the stage for a new global struggle in which the United States and
the Soviet Union competed in a nuclear arms race. Throughout this struggle, several groups in the
United States sprang up in an attempt to halt the continuous nuclear testing that was slowly poisoning
the Earth. Within these groups the WSP who were based in Washington D.C. and the Women for Peace
(the latter being based in the Bay Area) used methods that were not seen as conventional, but were still
highly effective in enacting change and spreading their message. Most notably, perceived threat and
imagery played huge roles in advancing the movement. In particular both factors play a special role in
shaping the success of the Women for Peace efforts in the Bay Area. Wittner's article talks about the
importance of women in the anti nuclear struggle and comprises the third aspect of the anti nuclear
movement in the Bay Area. Women in the political realm had a different perspective because gender
roles in the U.S. told them that they didnt belong in the political sphere. However, by turning this on
its head they were able to put to use their preconceived gender roles as mothers to sway public opinion
against the use of nuclear weapons. In Alice S. Hamburg's essay the specific contributions of the WSP
in the Bay Area is revealed. Both the use of advertisement on billboards and murals by Japanese artists

Boyette 14
played upon perceived threat and imagery to raise anti nuclear awareness. These contributions had
some major long term impacts on the movement as a whole. Lastly, John Robert Burroughs dissertation
provides insight on the legal basis of anti nuclear protest and an example of a less successful protest
against the Nevada test site. This will hopefully help show that many different methods were used to
battle against nuclear testing in the U.S. and that the contributions of the WSP and Women for Peace
were entirely unique. Thus these secondary sources have provided the framework in which the
importance of the Bay Area anti nuclear methods could be known and understood. The Capitol
Building Reactor image as well as the End of the World's Fair banner both show how much of an
impact the Women for Peace had on the movement moving forward into the future. The former of the
two images shows how the advertisement strategy was adopted by different groups who had different
goals to produce the same result. While the latter of the two images not only showed the widespread
adoption of fear arousing advertisement as a method of anti nuclear activism, but the acceptance by
many people of a new reality that humanity would destroy itself through nuclear war. Overall, what this
shows us is that the Women for Peace who were located in the Bay Area made a substantial and long
lasting impact on the anti nuclear movement that increased the success of the movement as a whole.

Boyette 15
Works Cited
"Backgrounder on the Three Mile Island Accident." U.S.NRC. United States Nuclear Regulatory
Commission, Feb. 2013. Web. 10 Dec. 2014.
Burroughs, J. (1991). Nuclear Obligations: Nuremberg Law, Nuclear Weapons, and Protest. n.p.:
ProQuest, UMI Dissertations Publishing.
End of the World's Fair Banner 1984. Digital image. Foundsf. Creative Commons, 12 Oct. 2007. Web.
24 Nov. 2014.
Gunn, William Donald, and Peter Horvath. "The Effects Of An Anti-Nuclear War Film On
Attitudes Toward Nuclear Issues." Journal Of Psychology 121.6 (1987): 615-616.
Academic Search Complete. Web. 17 Oct. 2014.
Hamburg, Alice S. "Nuclear Disarmament and the Womens Peace Movement." The Whole Worlds
Watching; Peace and Social Justice Movements of the 1960's and 1970's. San Francisco:
Berkeley Art Center Association, 2001. N. pag. Print.
Kinney, Jay. Capitol Building Reactor. Digital image. Foundsf. Creative Commons, 17 Oct. 2011. Web.
24 Nov. 2014.
McKenzie-Mohr, Doug, John Grant McLoughlin, and James A. Dyal. "Perceived Threat And
Control As Moderators Of Peace Activism: Implications For Mobilizing The Public In
The Pursuit Of Disarmament." Journal Of Community & Applied Social Psychology 2.4(1992):
269-280. Academic Search Complete. Web. 17 Oct. 2014.
Thompson, Heather Ann. "Women Strike For Peace, A Letter to Nikita Khrushchev (1962)."
Speaking Out: Activism and Protest in the 1960s and 1970s. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2010.
66-67. Print.
Wittner, Lawrence S. "Gender Roles And Nuclear Disarmament Activism, 19541965." Gender &
History 12.1 (2000): 197-207. Academic Search Complete. Web. 17 Oct. 2014.

Boyette 16