Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication

Uniting Political Bloggers in Diversity: Collective

Identity and Web Activism
Carol Soon
Institute of Policy Studies, National University of Singapore, 1C Cluny Road, House 5, Singapore 259599.

Randy Kluver
Department of Communication, 4234 Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 778434234, USA.

In contrast to the common view of blogging as a highly narcissistic activity, this study explicates how
blogging is a communal activity and the emergence of a collective identity which drives collective
action. 41 interviews with activist and nonactivist bloggers revealed that shared consciousness, distinctive blogging practices, and the articulation of a common adversary contribute to the development
of a collective identity. Furthermore, identity multiplexity points to the emergence of individualized
collectiveness, which extends beyond networked individualism and is reinforced by offline participation in activism and pre-existing social ties with other activists.
Key words: Blogs, collective identity, collective action, internet activism, typology, Singapore.
doi:10.1111/jcc4.12079

Introduction
Scholars from media studies and political sociology have expounded on the capabilities of internet technologies in mobilizing individuals with common political and social agendas towards specific outcomes,
such as the impact of social media in Iran, and more recently, protests in the Middle East. Blogs and social
media are increasingly normalized into political, commercial and social life, and yet there remains a hazy
understanding of what bloggers represent in the communicative landscape. Described by Jenkins (2006)
as a form of egalitarian grassroots movement (p. 178181), the use of blogs as alternative news for Americans in the 2004 and 2008 presidential campaigns was the subject of media and scholarly scrutiny (Davis,
2005; Kaid, 2009). Observations of how blogs are shaping political terrains are not limited to countries
in the West, but extend to a number of Asian countries, although there are vast differences in the consequences of political blogging in many of these nations. For example, in 2008, the Malaysian blogosphere
was rife with outright criticisms about the governments alleged (mis)management of the countrys economy. Combined with the governments failure to tap into the blogosphere, the general elections in 2008
saw the unprecedented gain of seats by opposition parties in the 222-member parliament (Sani, 2009).
Likewise, in Singapore, Ibrahim (2009) described the blogosphere as putting up politics of resistance
as individuals leveraged on the medium to challenge the boundaries of accepted norms in the society
(p. 192).
Accepted

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by previous editor Maria Bakardjieva

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Irrespective of the country origin of existing research, one unifying theme is that in spite of highly
individualized actions by bloggers, they act in concert with one another in order to have a larger collective
impact. The global phenomenon of blogging as a form of resistance politics echoes Castells (2004) earlier
thesis pertaining to the networked society, one that is defined largely by a politics of personal identity
and the prevalent use of highly advanced communication technologies in building global constituencies
(p. 570). His work demonstrates a significant leap forward from earlier research on collective political
action, which typically focused on organizational factors of political action.
Although a number of scholars have sought to address the spontaneous formation of collective
action through social media, such as Rheingolds (2003) concept of smart mobs (p. 157182) and Wellman et al.s (2003) networked individualism, there remains scant empirical research that examines the
intersection between the individual, collective identity, and action. In this paper, we first review current
literature on collective web action and collective identity theories that guide our empirical analysis. A
background on the political and regulatory landscape in Singapore contextualizes the study. Through an
analysis of interview data with political bloggers, we argue that the foundational paradox of blogging individuals, acting in highly individualistic fashion to advance their own expressive goals, end up having
a much more meaningful collective impact is true. We discuss the relationship between this identity
and collective action participation in a sociopolitical context that is characterized by paternalistic and
authoritative governance, and its implications on theory of collective identity and collective action.

Blogging as Collective Web Action

Using the internet as a site of analysis, this study is situated within the intersection of social movement and communication studies and addresses the interplay between individuals technology use and
collective action. A large body of work demonstrates how internet technologies amplify the impact of
political organization and expand existing repertoire of collective actions. A new repertoire of potential collective actions, distinguished by the role Internet technologies played (Internet-support versus
Internet-based) as well as the threshold of participation (low versus high involvement) provides a
greater array of participation modes to individuals who want to pursue political and social causes (Van
Laer & Van Aelst, 2010). The progression of online technologies from web 1.0 to web 2.0, manifested
in the shift from personal websites to blogs and blog site aggregation, from information publishing to
information creation, has engendered ongoing and cocreation among disparate users (Flew, 2005, p.
xvxxii).
As a web 2.0 technology, blogs are highly interactive and the interactivity has led to the building of
networks among individual users who leverage the medium for self-promotion. Earlier research on blogs
found that blogging is driven by the need for self-expression. Personal-type journal blogs were the most
prevalent (70.4%) and were used by bloggers to report on their lives and share their inner thoughts
and feelings (Herring, Scheidt, Bonus & Wright, 2004, p. 6). Similarly, in Trammells (2005) content
analysis of 358 Polish blogs, self-expression was found to be the main motivator for blogging, followed by
ones need for social interaction and entertainment. Blogging as an activity driven by individualistic and
narcissistic needs was also established by Papacharissi (2007). In her study, she found that the primary
motivator for blogging was a desire to be read by friends or family.
However, it soon became evident that blogs rendered effects that extended beyond the personal to
the political. By stimulating online discourse pertaining to critical issues of the day, bloggers challenged
traditional political and media authorities (Bar-Ilan, 2005; Bosch, 2010). Circumventing mainstream
news sources in France, banlieue blogs enabled marginalized communities living in sub-urban areas
to comment on the challenges experienced by the socioeconomic fringes of French society (Echchaibi,
2009, p. 19). Other than shedding light on the relationship between blogging and civic engagement,
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scholars have also looked into how blogs lead to the formation of online communities and social network
(Adamic & Glance, 2005; Hargittai, Gallo & Kane, 2008). The overarching finding of these studies is
that bloggers connect with others whom they perceive share similar ideologies. In the US, significantly
different blogging behaviors are found among political bloggers with different political ideologies, such
as the liberals and the republicans (Adamic & Glance, 2005; Hargittai, Gallo & Kane, 2008). What such
studies suggest is that the social networks formed among bloggers are based on homophily, similar to
traditional social networks in offline contexts.
In spite of the promises web technologies herald for increasing political and civic participation
among the public, there are doubts pertaining to the relationship between communication on the
web and its outcome in terms of engendering participation in collective campaigns (for example,
Barney, 2008; Rojas & Puig-i-Abril, 2009). This line of critique states that although social media amplify
individual voices, it does little beyond providing an avenue of expression. To properly understand
the role of the internet in facilitating collective action, a number of separate processes thus need to
be identified. First and foremost among these is the issue of identity. This is because current rhetoric
surrounding internet technologies, including social media, raises the question of how exchanges in
these communicative spaces lead to the formation of collectives which are bound by shared identities,
which social movement theorists argue are necessary in order for collective action to materialize.
Wellman, et al (2003) posit that more people are maneuvering through multiple communities of
choice where kinship and neighboring contacts become more of a choice than a requirement, or
in other words, one chooses ones community identity in a way unprecedented in previous social
constructions.
This paper thus explores two research issues: (i) Does a collective identity exist among political bloggers, and what is the nature of such an identity? (ii) How are individual identities reconciled with the
collective identity political bloggers experienced with others? Scholars have called for more reflexive
analyses which beget a closer scrutiny of the sociopolitical contexts within which the medium is harnessed by individuals and communities for political gains (Bruns & Adams, 2009, p. 85110; Siapera,
2009, p. 2946). By examining the case of political bloggers in Singapore, this paper elucidates how
contextual factors may galvanize individuals into participating in collective action. To situate the debate
between online collectives and individual technology use, the next section identifies main arguments
articulated in collective identity theories.

Collective Identity and Collective Action

A number of new social movement theories (such as the French School in the late 1960s) depart from
classical social movement theories such as resource mobilization theories and provide a radically different lens for study of collective action. Breaking forth from resource mobilization perspectives, new social
movement theorists analyze the formation and role of collective identity, establishing that the social
construction of a collective identity that is symbolically meaningful to participants precedes logical calculation of the costs and benefits of joining collective action (Buechler, 1993, 1995). The overarching
argument is that a collective identity shared by individuals pursuing a common goal is essential to a successful movement. Thus, in this essay we seek to identify and highlight the presence of collective identity
in the discourse of bloggers. We adopt Polletta and Jaspers (2001) definition of collective identity as an
individuals cognitive, moral, and emotional connection with a broader community, category, practices,
or institution (p. 285), and Taylor and Whittiers (1992) description of collective identity as solidarity
experienced by challengers of those in power.
We put forth three dimensions of collective identity, drawn from examining previous literature in
social movement studies and recent research from internet research. The first dimension of collective
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identity is the presence of a shared consciousness among members of belongingness to the same environment or community. This shared consciousness is built on commonality such as similar values, motives,
goals, religious or ethnic background, and nationality (Adams & Roscigno, 2005; Van Summeren, 2007).
It further translates into being aware of what being a member entails, the ways of doing things, and an
ability to identify themselves and others in terms of collective affiliations and characteristics (Jenkins, 2002, p. 18). Second, a groups identity is expressed through identity signifiers such as distinctive
social and cultural practices. These practices or behaviors (e.g. the wearing of easily identifiable clothing by Muslims living in The Netherlands) act as boundary markers which help members of a group
distinguish themselves from the others (Cohen, 2000, p. 114; Van Summeren, 2007). Observations
of momentous events and customs are another type of identity signifier. For instance, the workers and
womens demonstrations on May 1and May 8 are symbolic events participated by workers and women
from different parts of the world who show their support to advancing workers rights and womens
liberation (Della Porta & Diani, 2006, p. 89113). The third dimension of collective identity which we
incorporate in our study includes the presence of a common adversary. In other words, the recognition
of a common opponent and explicit expressions of opposition to a dominant culture or group constitute an important dimension of collectiveness experienced by a particular community (Castells, 2004,
p. 570). In the context of online behavior, common points of discussion, reference, or the boundaries
of discourse provide a marker of identity (Nip, 2004).
Finally, although collective identity is based on a shared consciousness of what the group stands for,
it does not imply homogeneity and constancy. This is because identity formation is a social process which
involves constant negotiation and renegotiation (Della Porta & Diani, 2006, p. 89113). The womens
movement, underscored by class-driven and racial identities, has a multiplex identity (Buechler, 1993).
The multiplexity of identity is particularly true in the online world, where temporary alliances are formed
and dissembled in the blink of an eye. As individuals leverage new media platforms to promote their
own identity, the question of whether an antagonism between the self and the collective exists, and how
such an antagonism is reconciled for the larger good of collective action becomes a pertinent one. We
seek to understand the role of individual activity in establishing collective identity and the sociopolitical
conditions embedded within.

Technology and Shifting Political Opportunities in Singapore

The focus of our research is on political bloggers in Singapore because even though Singaporeans are
highly educated and vitally integrated into the global community, the extent to which the internet has
been deployed as a democratizing tool has been limited. This paradox deepens given the governments
successful initiatives in increasing access to information technologies across the population. However,
this paradox can be explained by the governments regulation of offline and online discourse. The governments curtailment of speech and political expression makes Singapore an ideal context for examining
collective identity and action among online citizens, and what that identity entails.
First, through a highly regulated legal and social system rationalized on the grounds of promoting
ethnic and racial harmony among a diverse migrant populace, the government has gone a long way
towards minimizing the potential for political conflict and dissent (George, 2003; Rodan, 1998, 2003).
The development and growth of a vibrant civil society was stymied through legislative mechanisms civil society organizations are required to register under the Societies Act, with the state having the
discretionary power to deny permit to groups without having to give an explanation for rejection (Koh
& Ooi, 2004, p. 181). Second, the vulnerability of the state, given its geographical location, diverse ethnic
and social makeup, is a reason used by the government to justify its curtailment of political expression in
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cyberspace, as with traditional media such as radio and television. From time to time, specific actions are
taken against individuals or groups deemed to pose a threat to social stability, signaling the governments
intent in policing the internet to the populace (Gomez, 2002). In early 2011, The Online Citizen, a group
blog, was gazetted as a political association, a move perceived by critics to limit the groups activities
(Hussain, 2008).
However, more recent analyses suggest that the internet is opening up possibilities and spaces for
fringe groups, spaces which did not exist in days prior to the emergence of the internet (Ho, Baber &
Khondker, 2002). Web technologies are also engendering a form of contentious journalism which challenges hegemonic perspectives sustained through the mass media by those in power (George, 2006). The
inherent characteristics of the internet and the economic benefits associated with its widespread adoption make it difficult for the government to regulate new media in the same way that it did with traditional
media such as print and broadcast (George, 2003). A recent survey showed that new media are gaining
popularity in Singapore, with 70% of the population communicating via social networks, blogs, instant
messaging, e-mails, and peer-to-peer platforms (Infocomm Development Authority of Singapore, 2009).
On the part of the government, it has started to deploy myriad technologies to engage the public (Kluver,
2008, p. 5774; Soon & Kluver, 2007). Such developments culminated in optimism among political and
media observers in the internet technologies in providing opportunities for deliberative discourse and
the lobbying for policy changes.

Methodology
To establish if a collective identity existed among Singapore political bloggers and the nature of that
identity, we first identified seed blogs - Singaporean political bloggers - through keyword searches (Singapore blogs, Singapore political blogs, Singapore bloggers, and Singapore political bloggers) via
commercial search engines (i.e. Google and Yahoo!) and blog aggregators (Singapore Daily and SingaporeSurf). In the U.S. context, Gil de Zuniga, Veenstra, Vraga, and Shah (2010) defined political blogs
as those that have mostly political content (p. 40). In this study, we sharpened this operationalization
and defined political blogs as those which focus on issues related to Singapore politics and governance.
By tracing hyperlinks from the blogroll of each seed page, we then created a snowball sample which
culminated in 224 political blogs. Ineligible units in the form of personal blogs which were strictly social
in nature or functioned only as online diaries were sieved out.
In order to explore the development and nature of collective identity, we used a semistructured
in-depth interview guide to obtain qualitative descriptions of the bloggers life world (Kvale, 1996, p.
124127) as well as their interpretation of what blogging and collective action meant to them. All 224
political bloggers were approached either via e-mail or their blogs comment page to participate in the
study, and 41 agreed to the interview. The interview guide was organized according to categories developed from theoretical conceptions concerning identity and collectiveness, and it included questions
on bloggers reasons for blogging and their blogging practices (e.g. Why do you blog? What are the
gratifications (satisfaction) you derive from blogging? and Who is your target audience?), their participation in activism (Are you involved in any activist activity? What motivated you to get involved
in activism?), and their perceptions of other political bloggers (What do you perceive are some of the
similarities you share with other bloggers? What are some of the differences which you think set you
apart from other bloggers?).
Of the interview sample of 41 political bloggers, 29 self-identified themselves as activists, while 12
of the bloggers were not involved in any form of activism activities although they blogged about political issues mentioned earlier. We deliberately included both activist and nonactivist bloggers in order
to identify trends in their understanding of their activities. Appendix A1 provides brief background
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information on each of the informants. The interviews were conducted from February to April 2010
by the first author. Conducted in English which was the lingua franca and the medium of instruction
in all Singapore schools, the interviews were audio-taped with informants permission and transcribed
verbatim.
Upon completion of transcription, the transcripts were studied in their entirety and coded sentence
by sentence. Condensation of meaning (Kvale, 1996) where bodies of interview text were compressed
into brief statements, representing various themes raised during the interviews, preceded the categorization and clustering of themes. We allocated metacodes to clusters of themes (e.g. reasons for blogging,
target audience for blog, gratification from blogging, similarities/differences among political bloggers, sense
of solidarity, asserting individualism) which facilitated the analysis of similarities and variances among
bloggers responses. Metacodes (e.g. uses of blogs, impact of blogs, motivations for activism, collectiveness
among political bloggers, and dichotomy between the collective and individual) were then used to classify
the text by appending them to the margins of the transcripts. In the following section, we include supporting excerpts from the transcripts to maintain the integrity of data interpretation, and pseudonyms
to protect respondents identity. For brevity, ellipses ( ) indicate material that has been omitted from
the transcripts.

Findings & Discussion

We categorized activist and nonactivist bloggers into three groups based on patterns in their activism
participation which emerged from the interview data, and building on Van Laer and Van Aelsts (2010)
typology. The categorization also captured political bloggers group memberships (see Appendix B2
for the profile of the organizations that political bloggers belonged to). Offline-Based Activists comprise of political bloggers who were highly visible activists, engaging primarily in offline activism
activities and using internet technologies to support their activism campaigns. Based on Van Laer
and Van Aelsts typology, these bloggers fall into the high-threshold/internet-support category
and they are offline-based because their first foray into activism and current involvement were
linked to prominent offline organizations. Most of them also joined organizations prior to using
the internet for activism purposes. Most of these organizations are registered with the Registry of
Societies in Singapore, such as opposition political parties (e.g. Workers Party, Singapore Democratic
Party) and nongovernmental organizations (e.g. Singaporeans for Democracy and Transient Workers
Count Too).
The second group of political bloggers, Online-Based Activists, started their activism work in the
online context. Online groups such as Singapore Queer and Straight Alliance (SinQSA), No To Rape
Campaign, and Free Burma Campaign Singapore were different from offline groups in two ways their lack of formalized membership structure and the reliance on internet technologies for organizing
group activities and social networking. Although interactions among activists from this category were
online-based, their activities sometimes spilled over to the offline setting when required. These bloggers
engaged in what Van Laer and Van Aelst described as high-threshold/internet-based activism. Stan, one
of the founders of SinQSA, described his activism work as mainly information activism.
I would go to different blogs that provide a view that I do not agree with or a view that is full of
misinformation and myths, and I would post a comment and tell them maybe there is another way
of looking at this. I will also try to get aggregated as much as possible, and I will write to The
Straits Times. So it is communication and information-based, and not physical. (Stan, male, mid
20s, graduate student and cofounder of SinQSA)
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Other Online-Based Activists confined their activism involvement to online activities only, such
as signing e-petitions, displaying campaign logos on their blogs and posting links to campaigns and
activities. They would be classified as low-threshold/Internet-based in Van Laer and Van Aelsts typology.
Finally, Nonactivist Bloggers were political bloggers who neither belonged to any organization nor took
part in any form of activism, whether online or offline. Their participation was limited only to writing
commentaries of sociopolitical events and issues regarding Singapore.

Shared Consciousness Among Activist Bloggers

The interviews revealed the presence of a shared consciousness among political bloggers, one that was
based on an articulation of who members of the collective were, a common understanding of the political
environment they were embedded in, and their shared role in local politics. First, there was common
knowledge among activist bloggers that being political bloggers entailed the responsibility of bringing
to the publics eyes issues and facts which they felt that the public were ignorant of. Rachel described
how she used her blog to publicize information on her organizations antideath penalty campaign work
for a Malaysian male (Yong Vui Khong) who was charged with drug trafficking, a crime punishable by
death in Singapore, which was unavailable in mainstream print and broadcast media.
I was blogging about Yong Vui Khong who was going to be executed last year I met up with his
brother and we heard his story. I had first-hand information and I post it on my blog, almost ahead
of the mainstream media. People read my blog and blog aggregators put up my updates. A lawyer
came up to me saying that he read this from my blog and he said he was grateful that he received
first-hand information. (Rachel, female, late 20s, a preschool teacher and human rights activist in
Singaporeans for Democracy)
More importantly, activist bloggers self-identified themselves as part of a larger collective of
sociopolitical bloggers The term sociopolitical blog was self-ascribed and consistently used by both
Offline-based Activists and Online-based Activists when asked about the function of their blogs. In spite
of their different background, these bloggers did not shy away from the term sociopolitical blogger, as
illustrated in the case of George.
I think my blog partly falls in the category of socio-political blogs, so I usually write about political
issues, mainly concerning Singapore, sometimes regarding international affairs, very occasionally I
will muse about personal things. But I usually try to keep it to just political commentary. (George,
male, early 30s, technology consultant and opposition party member)
Other than identifying themselves with the sociopolitical blogging community, there was a consistent acknowledgment of group membership and explicit references made to the self and other political
bloggers as part of a collective. Chong made specific references to the blogging community of which
he said he was part of. His sentiments were echoed by Madcow who described his sense of belongingness to the blogging community. These experiences specifically supported Jenkins (2002) argument
on how shared identity among movement actors encompasses self-identification as members as well as
identification of others in the same group.
Nip (2004) advocated that collective identity is cultivated based on shared goals. In the case of Singapore political bloggers, there was a common vision experienced by bloggers who were active in political
and civic activities. Offline-Based and Online-Based Activists perceived a need to fill a void which they
felt existed in several realms -in civil, political, and media discourse. Their common vision for blogging
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was to foster a greater interest among the citizenry in political and social issues. These bloggers hoped
that their blogs would empower citizens to take charge of their own lives by playing an active role in
campaigns, reflecting a clear desire to mobilize their readers into taking charge and making a difference.
For instance, V5 derived a sense of gratification when his readers lent their support to the antideath
penalty campaign. Similarly, Michael hoped that his blog would encourage his readers to take action on
specific policies pertaining to film censorship.
I encourage people to get involved and to get in touch with me, and we build something from
there We blogged about the anti-death penalty campaign We asked people to come forward
and people did they helped out, and attended the forums that we post on our blog and
Facebook. (V5, male, late 20s, visual artist and video editor)
I use my blog to tell people about these issues pertaining to the Films Act because there are sections
to the Act that do not just involve film makers but everybody who owns a copy of a licensed film....
perhaps convert some of them to take action. (Michael, male, late 30s, filmmaker and political
activist)
On the other hand, although Nonactivist Bloggers also blogged about similar topics and shared similar desires to contribute to civic discourse, they typically cited a lack of common vision and did not see
themselves as being part of a community of sociopolitical bloggers. Unlike activist bloggers, although
they too blogged about similar political and social issues, they stressed that their main objective for blogging was personal, with their blogs serving as an archive for them to pen their thoughts, and to cultivate
introspection rather than to influence or bring about any action, as in the case of Benedict:
My blog is personal and it is more for me than for anyone else to read. I created this blog to
document my own journey and learning, and I am not sure how long this will last. This blog is like
a personal diary for me. (Benedict, late 20s, student)
For activist bloggers, the acknowledgement of being part of a larger group of sociopolitical bloggers;
attachment to the community of political bloggers and the recognition of a shared vision of promoting
political empowerment was an integral part of their shared consciousness.

Identity Signifiers of Activist Bloggers

We define a boundary marker or signifier of collective identity as the perception of an us versus them,
which emerges from processes of self-identification and external recognition (Ayers, 2003; Della Porta &
Diani, 2006, p. 93112). The interviews revealed that the perception of who they (activist bloggers) were
was defined first and foremost by the recognition of who they were not. In our interviews, the others
who were not seen as part of the same collective of activist bloggers comprised both personal (or social)
bloggers and Nonactivist Bloggers, whom in their deliberate disengagement from political activities,
became the bystander public (Benford & Hunt, 1994). One identity signifier which differentiated activist
bloggers from Nonactivist Bloggers was the type of information they blogged about. The former exerted
a deliberate choice not to blog about personal or trivial matters, drawing the line at blogging about
their own lives unless the subject matter was related to their activism work.
This clash between blogging identities between activist and nonactivists is dealt with in numerous
ways. First, activist bloggers often referenced to a distinction between themselves and the rest of the
political bloggers out there. Other strategies involved choices regarding the use of their real identity
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when they blogged. When asked about the differences which set them apart from other bloggers, bloggers
involved in activism typically mentioned the use of their real identity as opposed to staying anonymous,
as in the case of Tan in the excerpt below. In our sample, almost all Offline-Based and Online-Based
Activists blogged using their real names, while Nonactivist Bloggers blogged anonymously.
I use my real name and that confines me to people who are active in the activist circle. Many people
who are not active in the circle use nicknames. They are online commentators only and they dont
use their real identity, so I dont identify with them. (Tan, male, late 30s, property maintenance
officer and opposition political member)
This quote refers to a common refrain among government officials, that bloggers who comment on
politics anonymously are too afraid to reveal their true identity. By blogging with their real identity,
activist bloggers drew a boundary which differentiated them from bloggers who were only interested
in commenting online. Epilogos, a lecturer in his early 40s who blogs anonymously, admitted that he
enjoyed the unbridled freedom which anonymity provided. To quote him: One of the things about
hiding behind a pseudonym is that you feel that you have the freedom to express yourself, even in the
most extreme ways.
Another key differentiator lies in the style and approach adopted by most of these activist bloggers
when blogging about political issues. What the interviews established is that activist bloggers shared a
common insight that objectivity and reason was key to reaching out to their target audiences and changing their attitudes. The belief in deploying rationality in their online discourse was expressed uniformly
by informants such as Adrian, Andrew, and The Pen, who felt that the others tended to engage in
knee-jerk analysis rather than quality analysis based on facts and supported arguments.
Sometimes when I read their views, I feel a little disturbed. When we oppose, there must be a moral
high ground to oppose Sometimes it gets too personal in terms of how the person is blogging
about his or her thoughts. I feel that such emotions should be kept in check. (The Pen, male, mid
30s, businessman and opposition political member)
Their tact, reason and objectivity was juxtaposed with what this group perceived to be the irresponsibility and irrationality of the majority of other bloggers; ironically, reinforcing the criticism of the
government against anonymous bloggers.

Articulation of a Common Adversary

The impetus to bring about, or be a part of, a collective that changes the existing governing system (which
was missing from Nonactivist Bloggers) was felt by most of the activist bloggers. It was evident from the
interviews that a trigger factor to challenge both the government and Singapores tightly governed
media existed among activist bloggers. Their blogging activities became part of their activism work in
articulating their dissent with established authorities and traditional media. These trigger factors took
on myriad forms, such as the lack of pluralism in the existing governing system, and what they perceived to be publishing curtailments. For Michael, the ruling party was a common adversary for political
bloggers with different activism agendas.
The common agenda across the board is that we want a freer society; we want a less authoritarian
government. Regardless of where our political principles are, I think we all share a common goal.
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We may disagree on many things such as gay issues or human rights issues, but all of us agree that
we need a much more open Singapore. (Michael, male, late 30s, filmmaker and political activist)
The identification of traditional media and the government as an object of challenge is evident in
how activist bloggers described their blogs. Primarily, their blogs were the means to an end for them
to challenge hegemonic discourse by providing alternative viewpoints of marginalized groups and individuals. These bloggers perceived themselves as playing an important role in exposing or filling in the
cracks in media content, and pushing the boundaries of what is deemed as acceptable discourse. Echoing Jenkins (2006) claim that blogs are a form of grassroots movement, these bloggers highlighted issues
that were either not covered or were downplayed in the mainstream media. This is best summed up by
Alan on his perceived similarities among activist blogs:
There are similar themes such as showing up cracks in mainstream media stories, so I guess
everybody is trying to keep the mainstream media honest. We are playing the watchdogs
watchdog. (Alan, male, 23 years old, undergraduate and co-founder of The Online Citizen)
A key finding which differentiated Nonactivist Bloggers from activist bloggers was that although
blogs provided the former with an effective platform through which they could express their opinions, they were generally satisfied with the status quo in the political and social realms. Although they
expressed unhappiness with the government and local issues, they did not desire to change political and
social realities in Singapore. One of these informants included SA who explained that although his blog
provided a means for him to vent his frustration with specific policies, he was willing to abide by the
current governing system.
Im perfectly happy with how the government has handled things (give and take a few). Any
country needs a system, good or bad, and this is what we have and we make lemonade. (SA, male,
late 30s, consultant)

Dichotomy between Collectiveness and Individualism

So far, we have argued that the bloggers in our sample expressed group or collective identity in multiple
ways. However, our study uncovered that the collectiveness was underpinned by a sense of individualism
which existed on three levels. First, majority of the bloggers admitted that one of their main desires
was to be read and known, and to accumulate a following of readers. For example, Andrew and Zazzi
described how blogging was a means to making one seen and heard in the cyberspace, alluding to strong
undercurrents of competition among activist bloggers for readership. In Zazzis case, he spoke of the
marketing techniques which he used to attract readers and sustain their interest in his blog.
Since everybody was online and was sharing their opinion, I wanted to be part of the discussion
where everybody contributes something to the table. Lets see who has the best ideas, the best
discussions and hopefully it can do something for the better of the society. (Andrew, male, mid 20s,
graduate student)
I am a marketing man and I do deploy certain marketing features. Number one - headlines. You
must learn to write headlines that grab people. So the headlines must catch people [sic]. Secondly,
change the style of writing once in a while. I dont usually use humor but once in a while I do.
(Zazzi, male, mid 50s, gay rights activist)
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Second, the degree of collectiveness experiences by activist bloggers was underscored by their
activism involvement and organizational membership. For example, many Online-Based Activists were
quick to exert their independence in making their own decision when it came to activism participation,
and asserted their individualism and how they were different from one another. What is interesting to
note about this is the negotiation of identity that occurs in these cases, in which bloggers both identified
themselves as part of a collective (those who are concerned with Singapores future and act on it) while
at the same time trying to demonstrate their independence. This is illustrated by the case of Brian whose
engagement in activism thus far so far involved signing online petitions.
The people who are involved in activism are at the third or fourth level if I were to draw a
concentric circle. They are not in the core of my social network A few of them are deeply
involved in activism. As I said, I am not inclined in that direction, but it is interesting to know them
and see their passion for activism. (Brian, male, early 20s, final-year law student)
On the other hand, the solidarity experienced by Offline-Based Activists appeared to be stronger and
linked to their organizational affiliations. Explicit claims to sharing a strong collectiveness with other
activists at the organization or party level were made by The Pen and Tan. They expressed a strong identification with fellow members and volunteers, and this was distinctly observed among Offline-Based
Activists from opposition political parties. Tan expounded on what solidarity with other bloggers meant
for him, which was to adopt a position that was in line with his partys philosophy.
I identify with my fellow party members who blog because I understand where they come from and
what they aspire to do. Every Sunday and Thursday, we meet and interact, and get to know each
other better, not just through our blogs but in person. (The Pen, male, mid 30s, businessman and
opposition political member)
We may have different opinions, but we move according to the partys direction The party on
the whole can only have one position or one voice. (Tan, male, late 30s, property maintenance
officer and opposition political member)
The third indicator of individuality was the specific issue that they championed (pet topics, in
Chongs words), such as Rachels Anti-Mandatory Death Penalty campaign, and Michaels anticensorship
activism. In addition, the respondents also admitted that conflicting interests underpinned the group
sometimes. For instance, within Bloggers 13, Chong spoke about how, although they were united in
the campaigning for greater internet freedom and deregulation, there were undercurrents of conflict
pertaining to other issues such as gay rights due to religious beliefs.
I guess the common ground is that more political space is basically good, for us as well as for
Singapore. Thats probably the only common ground. Beyond that, there are different interests
some of us would be on board Zazzis gay rights agenda although I wouldnt be surprised if some
are opposed to his agenda due to religious reasons. (Chong, male, mid 40s, professor in journalism
studies and member of Bloggers 13 and Maruah)
These discussions reveal a tension between what activist bloggers perceive as their individualness
and them being part of a larger collective of activist bloggers. In spite of the differences in the bloggers
agenda, blogging strategies and organizational affiliation, their collaborative efforts through different
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groups like Bloggers 13, Singapore Anti-Death Penalty, and Singaporeans for Democracy were founded
on a common political groundthat of democracy, although this construct took on layered meanings
for the bloggers. The reconciliation of the dichotomy between individualism and collectiveness is best
summarized by Bill, who used the analogy of a Venn diagram:
Imagine that every person is a circle and inside that circle are the ideas, interests and beliefs that he
or she has Its very much like a Venn diagram with many circles, all intersecting at one point. At
that point, youll find common beliefs and approaches. In that sense, thats how we work together
and experience solidarity. (Bill, male, early 20s, National Serviceman and member of Bloggers 13
and TOC)

Conclusion
What we have demonstrated in this study is a distinctive collective identity exists among political bloggers who are activists, one that sets them apart from political bloggers who do not take part in any form
of activism. We have also established the parameters for this collective identity in the constitution of a
shared consciousness, identity markers, and common adversaries. Taken together, the findings from this
study hold significance for theory and research in several ways. First, grounded on first-hand accounts by
activist bloggers, this study establishes that Singapores institutional framework, its history of media censorship created the conditions for the forming of an online activist community among political bloggers
with myriad political and social agenda. The emergence of shared goals to undermine hegemonic discourse propagated by the state and traditional mass media, cultivate a more politically-aware electorate
and empower citizens - bind different interests together.
While the blogging community appeared to be polarized along party lines in other contexts (Adamic
& Glance, 2005; Lin, Halavais & Zhang, 2007), the Singapore blogging community is united by its opposition to the ruling elite, a phenomenon shaped by the long history of governmental control over offline
and mainstream media discourse. A more remarkable point lies in how this cohesiveness in challenging the ruling elite bound Singapore political bloggers with disparate, at times divergent interests. We
have also isolated specific identity signifiers which differentiated activist from nonactivist bloggers, and
reinforced the sense of community experienced by activists. These blogging practices serve as identity
markers which play a critical role in attracting activist bloggers to one another in an increasingly cluttered
cyberspace, facilitating mediated identification among like-minded bloggers. Their common adversary
- the government and mainstream media - strengthened the sense of camaraderie among activist bloggers. Our findings reiterate Russells (2009) and Siaperas (2009) call for considering political and social
contexts when undertaking the task of examining the impact of blogging.
Second, this paper puts forth an argument for what we are calling individualized collectiveness a convergence of agenda and action underpinned by degrees of individuation based on the competition
for readership, pet causes, and type of organization affiliation (or lack thereof). The individualized collectiveness demonstrates the transcendence of primarily individual goals and identity towards a larger
collective action. In so doing, our study reconciles the individualized nature of blogging with participation in collective politics of resistance. Activist bloggers individualism was evident in the different
meanings democracy and political plurality had for activist bloggers. Largely shaped by their own political and personal background and civic agenda, activist bloggers pursued different strategies towards
cultivating what they envisioned to be a more democratic society. This innovation goes beyond the valuable work of Wellman and his colleagues (2003) as although individuals become networked and are
able to weave in and out of collective goals or identities, political bloggers in Singapore see group goals as
superordinate over individual goals and identities. Our data do not suggest the loss of individual goals,
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motives, and identity, but rather that in certain circumstances, the collective identity assumes greater
priority.
Third, in unpacking the dynamics of collective identity among individuals who harness usergenerated content to achieve activism goals, this study uncovers a connection between collective
identity and movement organization type. Multiplexity in terms of the degree of collectiveness and
solidarity is linked to the type of movement organizations which activist bloggers belong to. The
degree to which political bloggers experienced collective identity with others is not only predicated
by whether or not they were involved in activism, but more importantly, by their level of activism
involvement and pre-existing organizational ties with other activists. High-threshold/Internet-support
activists who belonged to offline-based movement organizations experienced greater collectiveness
and solidarity with one another. Engaging in offline activism work strengthens collectiveness among
activist bloggers.
In comparison, online-based activists who did not belong to organizations with an offline presence
typically maintained a greater distance in terms of identification with the larger collective of activist
bloggers when deciding whether or not to participate in a cause. In spite of these differences, our study
also shows that online movement groups founded on inclusive themes such as human rights, political
freedom, and freedom of speech (e.g. Bloggers 13, The Online Citizen, and Free Burma Campaign),
although temporal in nature, fostered what Sunstein (2007) termed as enclave deliberation (p. 1945)
by facilitating participatory communication among individuals from diverse backgrounds and convictions. Furthermore, the ease of participation in online-based groups and comparatively low risk of
political censure induct bloggers who are new to activism into collective action.
One limitation of this study is the potential bias of the methodology. The selection of bloggers
through the snowball technique based on the hyperlinks of seed blogs may have predefined collectives. A further research agenda would involve exploration of the extent to which collective identity
and consciousness leads to coordinated action. For example, regardless of the protestations of independence from these bloggers, a link analysis of how they refer to one anothers blogs would provide
evidence of responsiveness to one another, another important indicator of collective identity. In addition, the context of study, an authoritarian regime, does not necessary limit the applications of this study.
Such collectiveness cultivated among disparate individuals could arguably be an outcome of repressive
regimes (Davenport, Johnston, & Mueller, 2005, p. viixxxi); extending this line of inquiry to different
regimes will ascertain how political culture shapes the nature of collective identity among technology users and hence shape civic engagement. Finally, future research needs to address the intersection
between collective identity articulated among different segments of activists and the institutionalization
(or de-institutionalization) of movements as current findings suggest a possible connection between
movement organizations and activist identity.
In conclusion, this paper establishes that a strong sense of collective identity, community and solidarity pervades among activist bloggers, one which unites bloggers with disparate interests, agenda
and blogging approaches. Going beyond explicating the dimensions of collective identity among activist
bloggers, we have in this paper unpacked the dynamics that influence web 2.0 users to subordinate their
own identity and interests to a larger community when they participate in causes and issues with broad
movement frames, such as those adopted by online-based movement groups.

Notes
1 Available as an online supplementary material on journals website.
2 Available as an online supplementary material on journals website.
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About the Authors

Carol Soon (email: carol.soon@nus.edu.sg), Ph.D., is Research Fellow at the Institute of Policy Studies,
National University of Singapore. Dr. Soons research interests include social change, collective action,
online social networks, and the Internet and governance. With support from the Australian Endeavour
Award, Dr. Soon is also Visiting Research Fellow at the Asia Research Centre in Murdoch University
from August to December 2012. Web site: http://lkyspp.nus.edu.sg/faculty/soon-carol/
Address: 1C Cluny Road, House 5, Singapore 259599.
Randy Kluver (email: rkluver@tamu.edu), Ph.D., is Executive Director of Global Partnerships and
Projects and Associate Professor in the Department of Communication at Texas A&M University. His
research focuses on the political and geopolitical implications of new media technologies, including
digital and cultural diplomacy, and political communication. Web site: http://communication.tamu.edu/
html/bio--rkluver.html
Address: Department of Communication, 4234 Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 778434234,
USA.

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