Professional Documents
Culture Documents
brill.nl/eceu
DOI 10.1163/187633010X534540
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fascisms evolution as a genus, its adaptation to dierent local historical conditions and its ability to mutate into new forms (e.g. cyberfascism or the New
Right) outwardly dierent from Nazism or Fascism while retaining its core
myth of national/ethnic rebirth (which must be treated as an ideal-typically
identied ideological core and NOT an essence).
In short, my premise is that fascism can be usefully seen in its rst inter-war
stage of development as a new ideological force characterized by a revolutionary version of organic, populist nationalism (palingenetic ultra-nationalism).
This certainly assumed its rst signicant organizational form as a factor in
national politics and society in Mussolinis movement from where the term
earned its generic name. However, in my view, to treat Fascism as the realtype of fascism from which others derived, as proposed by Wolfgang
Wippermann (see Loh, Wippermann 2002; Wippermann, 2009), is illconceived. In contrast to Nolte (1963), I argue that the inter-war period was
a fascist era only in the sense that it was then that forms of revolutionary
nationalism emerged in many countriespredominantly but not exclusively
in Europeas a radical alternative to what was conceived as a dying liberal
capitalism, to reactionary ultra-conservatism, and to a profoundly threatening
communism. In my narrative fascism assumed two profoundly dierent
regime forms that partially compromised the original ideals of the movement
in Italy and Germany, and had a decisive impact on government in several
other countries, including Hungary and Romania, and was imitated by a
number of conservative military regimes. However, the totalitarian form it
assumed till 1945 was a product of an age shaped by World War I, the collapse
of absolutist empires and the Russian Revolution of 1917. The core ideology,
which I must stress again is an ideal-typical construct and not an essence, has
since assumed a number of ideological and organizational expressions which
diverge signicantly from interwar models.
I consider the real essentialists those historians whose work implies in practice (whatever their theoretical convictions) that Nazism represents the
essence of fascism, and who fail to recognize the profound and empirically
demonstrable continuity and kinship of inter-war variants of fascism with
such phenomena as White Noise music, International Third Position, and acts
of lone-wolf terrorism carried out against multi-culturalism or the One
World society with no trace of leader-cult or coloured shirts. The approach
I have adopted in the last 25 years (though far more restrictive in its denition
than the one promoted by Stein Larsen in his Fascism outside Europe, 2001)
also makes it natural to look for fascism and phenomena akin to fascism both
outside Europe and outside the inter-war period. However, it assumes that
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4. How Would You Evaluate the State of the Field of Studies on Fascism
in East Central and Southeastern Europe?
Here I profess ignorance. I am aware of some notable scholars in Hungary,
Romania, Ukraine, and Russia doing pioneering work to write proper histories of fascism and political extremism in their countries for the rst time
(some of whom also produce excellent contributions to comparative fascist studies), and many who put Western historians to shame in their polylinguistic ability and familiarity with comparative fascist studies and theory in
all its complexity. Particularly encouraging is the way a new generation of PhD
students and post-docs in Eastern Europe are working on aspects of fascism
which will not only ll lacunae in national histories but considerably enrich
Western fascist studies.
By rejecting the assumption that all putative fascism in Eastern Europe, in
general, are clones or imperfect imitations of Fascism and Nazism, by giving
due weight to the unique, endogenous dimension of each movement, and by
applying the latest scholarship on related topics such as totalitarianism, political religion, and modernism, these scholars will, I hope, come to be considered at the centre of fascist studies and not peripheral to them. (To dismiss the
subtle, complex approach to history that results as pioneered by George Mosse
and Emilio Gentile as culturalist with pejorative connotationsthe wont of
some particularly blinkered self-styled empiricistsis the hallmark of an
acute deciency in the historical imagination and creative intelligence). The
new wave of research in which Eastern European scholars are playing a leading
role promises to produce some exciting examples of joined up thinking on
how dierent national phenomena can be classied, and their complex genesis
and causation, but also how these phenomena can be located within not one
but several international processes and patterns of events as Western cultures
adapted to the devastating impact of modernization on traditional structures
and beliefs. This is especially possible if their work is informed by a sophisticated grasp of the cultural, anthropological, and modernist dynamics of the
abortive fascist revolution.
However, as I have said I simply do not know enough to be more specic
about the new avenues of research referred to in the question. What I would
say is that post-Soviet Eastern European scholarship in this area, though
under-nanced, has the advantage of travelling light, of having far less
academic baggage from the bad old days when comparative fascist studies
were dominated by an extraordinary degree of ethnocentrism, tunnel vision,
conceptual and methodological confusionnot to mention sheer ignorance
of many national histories and languageswhich made them of minimal
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evaluate them. I can only assume that there are major dierences between the
situation in Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and Ukraine, for example, so that
regional generalizations are hazardous. That said, I believe that European
democracy needs journals like East Central Europe, focused on Eastern Europe,
but fully integrated in spirit and through international research networks with
wider European and Western academic communities in a transdisciplinary
spirit so as to help ensure that within the edgling democracies there is an
intellectual and political space for genuine history to counteract the destructive and divisive force of mythical histories and grand rcits.
Bibliography
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