Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Author(s): M. O. B. Caspari
Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 35 (1915), pp. 173-188
Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/624539 .
Accessed: 22/02/2015 22:27
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to The Journal of Hellenic Studies.
http://www.jstor.org
(Timo-
173
174
M. O. B. CASPARI
In a passage of Vitruvius
12
we
further read that the 'commune consilium' of the Ionians had previously
decreed the destruction of Melia. Now the date of these events can be
ascertained by reference to another inscription,'3 the importance of which for
But except
Ionian consciousness among them.
in Attica and the town of Troezen, the presence
of an Ionic element in the prehistoric population of the colonising districts is very badly
In the rest of Argolis there are no
attested.
sure traces of a primitive Ionian population.
Herodotus' surmise that the Cynurians had
once been Ionians (viii. 73) is plainly no better
than a guess: in his own time tile Cynurians
were admittedly indistinguishable from Dorians.
The tradition that Euboea was originally an
Ionian island is of late date and conflicts witlih
earlier and more trustworthy accounts (Busolt,
Griechische Geschichte, i.2 pp. 288-9). A priori,
too, it is unlikely that the term ' Ionian'
should from the first have denoted a widely
diffused group of peoples, for generic names of
this sort are not likely to be in use among
Historic analogy tends to
primitive peoples.
confirm the conjecture of Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, that the Ionians, like the Hellenes,
were originally a small tribe whose name was
applied, faute de mieux, to larger aggregates
when the need for collective names came to
be felt.
6 I.G. xii. 5, No. 444, epoch 27: &p' oi
al
Ki[e
Nq[A]ebs
&A[A][v]
MtArA][ov
[
.
7..
'Iwvl]av ..............,
.]
d[wa]o[ar
Kal] 'r
[nHav]t~[a] deY've7ro,fr[n
[RHHHA-]AIII).
e''
[,]E7&
c
,Cca
,'re]wprxeoL[vvov,
& MEhA
XCpa
baoe'
vie/.](aTc
rb 'IctVer
'Idvvwv
7r0'AEhE/OV
[brb
7b(
KorLo]O
'br
]]Alo7r
? ai'rois
Me[AzaKdv,
.....a6&[s
aLrcra[s...........
IoLV]bV
aio'rL a
si;irp
ai['rwv
EIcpLre]
navowvlors.
175
o'vwEoho'yovv
['rjv]
'Iw[viav
Avysalwews
/JET&
InrehOdv'ros
'rtas oT
dirl
8v]vcuR'Ews
Xcpav
[Kal 2]apu[ovs
E'yXhtreL'v riv
6
y
'rv v v]70ov
rb'v
h&roxwpjla,,
Al"yaaLv,
.
.
[
........
Av
haroaadvaL
]d.
KaraaXo'va
horrobs
els
r&s ab'hs
Tnp44I]ae.
16 Busolt,
KT7EeLs,
'robs
[Ba
IIpqr
vas
b ro-
7 vii. 4. 9-10.
than
that of Iliad
IhEXI7Twves
'IdoVew
L. 152: $'"Idoves
&Opdor elev.
yEpOovraL.
'1 L1. 29-44 of the Hymn recount a variety
176
M. O. B. CASPARI
applied to the festival at Mycale at a time when the name 'Ionian' was still
confined to the Asiatic cities and had not yet been extended to other parts of
the Aegean coast. And we may reasonably assume that the term 'lIonian'
was current among the cities of Asia Minor before it spread to all the various
peoples who worshipped Apollo at Delos, for a national name of this kind is
more likely to be used in the less extensive sense before it acquires its wider
meaning,2"and Herodotus asserts that the Asiatic cities gloried in the name
' Ionian' at a time when others still shunned it.25 Our conclusion therefore is
that the HavecYwaat Mycale and the league which celebrated it were older
than the 7ravflynpe described by the Homeric Hymn. In other words, the
Ionian League was established early in the seventh century, or possibly at a
still more remote date.
To sum up: the Ionian League cannot have been instituted until some
considerable time after the Ionian migration, but was certainly in existence
by 650 B.c. A date between, say, 900 and 700 B.C.is thus indicated for the
origin of the League.
II.--Purpose
of the Lecague.
" i. 143.
'Franks,'
E.g. Miletus.
177
What, then, was the political end which the League was designed to
compass ? A clue to this problem is furnished by Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,
who shows good reason for believing that the territories of several Ionian
towns had once belonged to the Aeolians,"9 and throws out the suggestion
that the sense of common nationality was aroused among the Ionian cities
by contrast with the neighbouring Aeolians.30 It is but one step further to
suppose that the Ionian League was formed for the purpose of maintaining
and extending Ionian territory at the expense of the Aeolians. These latter
had undoubtedly formed a coalition against the Ionians on the occasion of
the war for the possession of Smyrna,3' and if the Ionians defeated this
coalition, they too must have been banded together in a league. But since
the wars which the Ionians waged against the Aeolians were ex hypothesi
previous to the foundation of several Ionian towns, they must have occurred
at an early date, for the tale of Ionian communities had been completed by
650 B.C.32 Hence it may be inferred that the rivalry between Ionians and
Aeolians dates as far back as the Ionian League, and that it was the cause of
the League.
If any special reason were needed for explaining the continuance of the
League, we had better look, not to the Lydians, but to the Cimnmerians.
Unlike the Lydians, the Cimmerians had no great sympathy with the
Greeks and showed no mercy to their antagonists, but destroyed cities 33 and
temples 34 alike. The flutter which they and their allies caused among
the Ionians is attested by the poems of Archilochus and Callinus, and by the
well-known sarcophagi from Clazomenae. The Cimmerian invasion therefore
would seem a suitable occasion for the consolidation of the Ionian League.35
But there is no imperative need for supposing that anything more than the
hostility of the Aeolians was the cause of the League being formed and
maintained. Indeed the supineness of the League in the days of the Lydian
invasion suggests that it had not been called into activity since the Aeolian
wars.
III.-Number
of Federating Cities.
and this
certainly
one hand
the other
M. O. B. CASPARI
178
iv. 1.
39 Pausanias vii. 4. 9.
40 Pausanias vii. 2. 4; 3. 10.
loc. cit. p. 62.
41 Wilamowitz-Moellendorff,
42 See p. 186 below.
2254; Inschlr. v.
4 Vitruvius iv. 1; C..G.
Priene, No. 37.
" Herodotus
i. 170. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (loc. cit. p. 47) has thrown doubts on the
tradition which makes Bias the author of the
plan in question, because Bias, as one of the
Seven Sages, was a convenient peg on which to
But there is nothing imIhang an anecdote.
was still
alive
in 545-540
B.c.,
the
iXXaa
'no'XLar
p&
jOYTo
179
rp
el
9 Note ad loc.
iii. p. 82 (1904 edition).
51 Note ad loc.
words 'into the notion of a
52 Blakesley's
always entered that of self-government in
dOAs
foreign relations as well as in domestic' are
Greek history has plenty of
flatly untrue.
instances in which cities entered leagues and
subordinated their foreign policy to a higher
authority, yet did not cease to be 7rdAELs.
* Herodotus i. 168.
o50Vol.
N2
180
M. O. B. CASPARI
suggestion that the Ionians were being asked to convert their federation into
a unitary state.
On the other hand Freeman hardly goes far enough in speaking
of a council for 'common consultation and defence.' This description
could quite well be applied to the Ionian League in its unreformed and
ineffective condition; it in no way explains what practical difference the
reformed constitution was intended to produce.
How and Leigh's explanation is an advance upon Freeman's in that
it attributes to the reformed League the controlling power in foreign
policy. This suggestion brings out the proper force of the comparison
between the federating cities and 3ipot. In Greek states a itjoc commonly
had its local self-government and local executive, and its members might
or might not possess the franchise of the 7rjX1Sto which it was attributed,
but in no case could a &ijov enter into relations with foreign powers.
However else the relations of wrd-v and 80pov might vary, the wrgjLX
always exercised exclusive control of foreign policy.54
We may, therefore, agree with How and Leigh that the distinctive
feature of the reformed League was to be that the cities were to lose
all powers of waging wars and making treaties independently, that
reference of questions of foreign policy to the League Council was to be
henceforth not permissive but compulsory.
This conclusion raises the question whether the League was to be
provided with an executive of its own. To make its control over the
foreign and military policy of the cities effective, the League could not
properly have dispensed with a separate executive. The analogy of
rok6Xtand 8sov also points to the same inference. Though the 8,wov
commonly had its own officials, the 7roXt9never lacked a separate magistracy
and indeed was inconceivable without it. Moreover the executive of
the 7r6Xv would invariably override that of a Sitoc in case of conflict.
But the only certain thing is that the League was intended to exercise
an effective control over foreign and military policy; the means proposed
for making that control effective cannot be determined.
Whatever the precise details of the above scheme may have been,
there can be no doubt as to its soundness. The lack of a controlling
organ which might compel the cities to fall into line at times of common
peril was the very cause of the League's comparative ineffectiveness.
A further good point in the scheme was that the seat of the federal
government was to be transferred from Mycale to Teos. The central
situation of Teos made it obviously suitable as meeting place for a
parliament, and its small size was a guarantee that it would not gain a
controlling influence in the federal Council, as Athens did in the Council
of the Delian League. We may share Herodotus' regret that no attempt
was made to save Ionia by reconstituting its League on the above lines.
4 No further conclusion can be drawn from
the use of the word ai/oL in a federal inscription
of the 3rd century B.c. (l ichel, No. 486, 11. 24,
42).
of a city.
181
of the League.
7.
Ibid. v. 98-99.
9 [Xenophon],
182
M. O. B. CASPARI
their Delian Confederacy, least of all on the Asiatic continent, where intercourse between city and city could not be cut off by their fleet, and intrigue
with Persia was always feasible. Moreoveras regenerators of the greater Ionian
at Delos6o they could not look with favour upon a rival Ionian
7ravfly/ptv
festival at Mycale. On the other hand the Ionians of Asia could not regard
the suppression of their Icotv6vas a serious grievance, for they had access to
the pan-Ionic festival at Delos, and so long as the parliament of the Delian
Confederacy lasted, they, like the other allies of Athens, had their fair share
of voting power therein.61
VI.-Reconstitution
of Priene
p.
211.
484; Collitz-Bechtel
5588; Inschriften v. Priene 139): irl
wpvurcves
I8ogev
'Ap.B6ropos
i,&v
rls foA*ri
'Idavwv
&(LOv'JoWP aVa)pa-rtIaL
Ae.iwviawrwy
V al
roTs
T7rlbaJL Es
.........
8iCs
aUrol &ho0L.
, 8ova
Els
rdTEXtI
orYA2V
naaLWYLOYv rEpl
Idrarep
abrots
Leipziger
Studien
xii.
62 C. I.G. 2909
(Michel
7rjs
(Lenschau,
by crepav7cdOpo
instead
of
rpulrvers.
Nevertheless the form of the letters
proves
that the inscriptiou is previous to 350 B.c.
" xv. 49.
'
Xenophon,
Hellenica,
iv. 8. 17-19;
Dio-
183
refer to the Ionian League.65 As the composition was not later than 395 B.C.66
the inference is that the League was revived about 400 B.c. Its restoration
may have been due to Agesilaus, whose policy was to conciliate the Asiatic
Greeks and to foster Hellenic solidarity among them. But it may equally
well have been the result of independent action by the Ionian cities, who
had recovered their freedom in 401 B.c. at the hands of Cyrus, only to be
threatened with fresh subjection to Persia after Cyrus' death,7 and received
no effective support from Sparta till the arrival of Dercyllidas in 399 B.C.
It is not impossible that the appeal addressed to Sparta for help against
Persia,s was made by the League on behalf of the threatened cities.
The number of cities participating in the revived League was only
nine.69 The three outstanding cities cannot be determined with certainty;
but it may be conjectured that they were Miletus, which had never
escaped Persian domination since 404 B.C.,70and the island states of Samos
and Chios, which were not directly threatened by Persia.
The duration of the League of nine cities cannot have been long.
The surrender of the mainland towns to Persia by the King's peace of
386 B.C must have involved its disruption, for these towns were now kept
in strict subjection. If the Persians went so far as to maintain garrisons in
the Ionian cities,7' they would hardly be likely to tolerate a political league
among them. Another proof of the League's speedy dissolution is to be
found in an inscription 72 recording the decision of a dispute between
Priene and Myus by a court formed under the presidency of Struthas, the
Persian satrap whose campaign in 392 B.C. has been noticed above. The
reference of this case to a Persian governor shows that the League no longer
was in existence, else a suit of this kind would almost certainly have been
submitted to its judgement.
VII.-The
L1. 249-253:
XOoLs
haczt
'dve
7iTL'
7dTS
&hhA'
av,
&*yvv
araBdcrsd nfiL',
;r~inv
&7r/LAOVL
;S wL,
eAp~,av ,oAAhhova,
Ervbroplar.
Wila-
68
Xenophon,
69
6'
&v is]
ib
a ev [wpa cc
o2d]ye 6c
naCnLdVLOV
dwroovr4[AXir-u,
184
M. O. B. CASPARI
that
impossible
80
81
oaY
8E
ot
E7frpl]ieAaY
'AYV7oXo
ovTioav
'wn
av
'Ici&wV
Kca
AoL7rb]v
J~EvOepaL ofo'a
"rb
o'rwws
l 7r
al
8&
oaws
cg Vo4tovrS.
rObS 7ra'rp[otJP
OAL].43r-wVTa.
KGaTTro[KpaOvLrE~
83
185
may have decided to reconstitute the League of the Ionian cities, so that
his patronage of the League might give him a better legal standing as
overlord of its territory.
But whether or not the League started as an independent formation,
the Diadochi certainly lost no time in bringing it under their control.
Experience had shown in the case of the Lamian League, and was still
to show in the case of the Aetolian and Achaean Leagues, that independent
bodies of this kind could be very troublesome even to a great territorial
sovereign. King Antigonus did not scruple to interfere with a high
hand in the affairs of individual Ionian cities, as is proved by the
compulsory orvout~ctrureof Lebedus and Teos.s' Lysimachus, besides
forcibly transplanting the people of Ephesus,s5 placed garrisons in the
cities,s and the Pergamene kings imposed taxation.87 It is hardly
likely, therefore, that these rulers left the League entirely to its own
devices. King Eumenes put it under monetary obligations to himself,s8
and Antiochus II even gave it a new constitution.89
A clear proof of the dependence of the League on the great territorial
kings is afforded by the kind of business which it transacted. Its functions
have now become purely sacral and formal. So far as we know, they do
not extend beyond the passing of votes of thanks,90 the erection of complimentary statues,91 and the celebration of anniversary games in honour
of living or dead monarchs.92 The hearing of arbitral suits on behalf of
the constituent cities, which probably had been its most useful employment
in earlier days, seems to have been discontinued altogether, for cases
outstanding between the Ionian cities are now commonly referred to
some extraneous power such as king Lysimachus,93 the republic of Rhodes,94
the Roman Senate,95 or a Roman magistrate.96
Owing to the rapid changes in the distribution of power among
Alexander's successors, the cities of the League were not always united under
one suzerain. The whole of Ionia appears to have fallen into the hands of
Antigonus Monophthalmus, and to have passed subsequently into the
dominion of Lysimachus. The greater part of the mainland cities next was
84 Hicks, 149.
85 Strabo xiv. i. 21.
88 Michel, 485, 11. 2-4: 'Ir'rdr'rparos
'Irro84yov
c(Aos
v 70o BaasEAiow[s Avar-]
M,-,afo,,
r&v
dw1 i-n
FtdXoX ,cal o7rpa-rinybs
rdFAe[wv]
'Idawov Karao 'rae s.
s7 Cardinali, Regno di Pergamo, pp. 88-95.
Or. Gra c. Inscr. 761, 11.
ss Dittenberger,
51-5:
Y
b'wrs 6; Kal eis rb holorbv
v
ravYL "ri70s
yupes T&'v
7ijpaV
yovnTes
I)LLLV
fla,'wviwa
8r7t4aver8'rpav
s1POrwdSous
3Apr;
89 Josephus,
Thv
.rA,1v
*rds
icrdK~S
dn'ciuFov
4op'rhv
Avar[7ier
Lvvy-rexl're,
t].
7'y
ebs
hAeydpezvor,
186
M. O. B. CASPARI
transferred to the Seleucids, and finally was made over to the kings of
Pergamum. But the islands and some portions of the mainland, after a
brief occupation by Demetrius Poliorcetes, eventually fell into the hands of
the Ptolemies.7 It is very doubtful whether under these circumstances the
Ionian League maintained its integrity for long: probably the number of its
constituent cities fluctuated considerably. The number of federating towns
S
orvvocrO-.o
306-2 B.c., and the destruction of Colophon and Lebedus in 287 B.c.
Nevertheless the total of thirteen cities, which had been attained under king
Lysimnachusby the addition of New Smyrna to the twelve members of the
sixth and fifth centuries, survived all the vicissitudes of the League and
remained a consecrated number down to the latest period of its existence.s
Concerning the constitution of the League in the third and second
centuries B.C.we are comparatively well informed. The federal business was
transacted by a /ovX4 of delegates appointed, we know not on what system,
by the constituent cities." There is no trace of a federal dKc/Xrloaa,and in
view of the formal character of the League it is unlikely that such a body
existed. The most important fiunction of the /ovX~ consisted in its communications with the monarchs who acted as protectors of the League,100and
with the monarchs' residents in the various cities.?10 In addition, it administered the federal festival at Mycale.102 Pursuant to this business, it had
powers to receive and send envoys,103to strike coins,104and to impose certain
tasks on the constituent cities, such as the publication of federal decrees,10?
the execution of buildings and statues,'06 and the bestowal of immunities
upon friends of the League.'o7 The most remarkable of these prerogatives
are the last three, which imply a considerable power of interference in the
finances of the federating cities. Nevertheless the part played by the
federal /ovX5 was not by any means overbearing. We have already seen
that it lacked military and judicial powers.10s Its financial position likewise
was not enviable. The profits derived from its mints and from tolls which
9$ See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte, iii. Pt. 2,
pp. 271-9, and the maps at the end of the
volume.
Numorum 2, p. 566.
98 Head,
Historia
Michel, 485, 1. 1: aostv IJz'wV 7iwL KOLVWL
"rcV
r6ad
-rpe[woata]]8Ea
486, 1. 8:
99 Michel,
ouv4E&plwy
wv.
[Ee'OatL1tl
to'A/E[Ws
EiC ~TWY
wplT-
IeLs].
10ooMichel,
Soter).
101 Michel,
486
king Lysimachus).
1o2 This may be inferred from the words of
Dittenb. Or. Graec.Inscr. 763, quoted in n. 88:
if king Eumenes offered to the League to pay
part of the expenses of the festival, it follows
that the League had charge of the festival.
10 Michel, 486, 1. 8 (see n. 99); Dittenb.
Catalogue
of
16.
British
in
Coins
Greek
lonia, p.
n:
Museum
Numorumr2,p. 566.
Head,
Historia
pgotdors
L vaS
r&
Ja
ypaf-l
lva b7rb
'IchowY.
1" Michel, 485, 11. 20-25:
Arrera
aY'ravEs d[wsLEX;]eoorasL
Xess a6o
a;,
ai
elK
'Irooerpacro[&
o-ra]oC8i
[y vco]-
6h
rd-
67ws
Kalr
"rdxos.
o'07Michel,
K&dawe[p KaC i
o1] (t
Trrl(
~t
wVaCYEYpr'ral.
187
may have been levied at the Panionium would perhaps suffice to defray the
outlay upon that festival and the official inscriptions set up on its site.
Extraordinary expenditure, e.g., for the making of statues, had to be passed on
to one or other of the constituent cities, and the burden of publicly entertaining
distinguished guests appears to have devolved permanently upon Priene, in
whose territory the Panionium was situated and the /3ovX~ held its sessions.xo
In return, Priene had the right of appointing the priest who officiated at the
federal festival.10
The 3ovXi's powers were also rendered nugatory in a large degree by
the wide discretion which the federating cities kept in their own hands.
Not only did they undertake in turn such formal duties as the celebration of
the 'AXeidv8peta,'11 but they frequently kept up independent communication
with foreign powers and referred their disputes for arbitration to any one but
their Federal Council.'2
Of the constitution granted to the League by Antiochus II nothing is
known.
VIII.-The
In view of the fact that the Romans usually suppressed all associations
of cities in newly conquered countries, one might have expected the Ionian
League to disappear in 129 B.c., when the west of Asia Minor was finally
annexed by Rome. As a matter of fact the Havubvta are proved by
inscriptions 13 to have survived into the 1st century B.c. But it would be
surprising if the League had outlasted the stormy period of the First
Mithridatic War and the punitive settlement imposed by Sulla in 85/4 B.c.
Accordingly at this date the record of the League's activity comes to a
stop.14
But the period of suspended animation did not last long, for in the days
of the Emperor Augustus the League was once more revived, in common
with all such associations."5 Its further existence is attested in the age of
Domitian,"16 of Antoninus Pius 117and of Septimius Severus."ls We may
therefore conclude that it survived until the general collapse of public
institutions under the stress of the Gothic invasions of 250-260 A.D.
The number of cities now included in the League is uncertain, though
the theoretical total once again was fixed at 13.119 Membership of the
1' Inschriften von Priene, Nos. 4, 11. 35, 6;
8, 1. 39; 1J8, 1. 5; 34, 1. 4; 103, 1. 11; fb8,
11. 6, 322; 109, 11. 8, 9; 110, 11. 3, 4; 113,
11. 6, 7, 109; 174, 11. 7, 8.
110 Strabo
xiv. 1. 20.
',v
11' Michel,
486, 11. 24-6:
[
jr0XYV
Av avv7eXe.earcev
7-v Ov]oiaY 7c-yv'Ahegr- .
[7rapauacceyv
'robls 8io]uv.
d',ras
112 See the cases quoted
in nn. 93-96.
11'3 Inschr. v. Priene,
Nos. 108-110,
peiwav
which
Josephus,
Ant. Jud.
12.
? 125
(referring
188
League was still considered a privilege, from which the Ionians sought to
exclude aliens.120 But the practical importance of the League was now less
than ever. The last remnants of its political functions passed over to the
larger IcothV 7v4 'Ao-Ia founded by Augustus, and its character became
entirely sacral, as is shown by the prominence which accrued to an official
known as the 'AoaapXb
In its religious
legend
iii.