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Love and Colonialism in
Takamure Itsue's Feminism:
A Postcolonial Critique
Sonia Ryang
Abstract <
Takamure Itsuehasmanyfacesfollowingdifferent phasesof herlife:poet,activist- z
writer,anarchist,ethnologistand historian.Throughout thesetransformations, x
Takamure maintained herfeminist position.
Thisarticle concentrateson herpoli- zm
Keywords
Korea
feministhistory;Japan;colonialism;
Perhapsmorethananyotherearlyfeministsof pre-warJapan,whowrote
aboutwomen'sidentityandtheirnewformsof life,Takamure Itsuemade
explicitanendorsementof loveasa politicalaction,notasa personalaffair
thatcannotbe discussedin public.Perhapsmorethananyotherpost-war
feministof Japan,Takamuremadepowerfulconnectionsbetweenpast
historyandpresentpoliticswitha potentialto fundamentally subvertcon-
ventionalunderstandingsof genderrelationsin Japan.This articleis to
exploreher ideasof love and marriageembodiedin hermajorpolitical
workswrittenin thecolonialperiod,froma specifically postcolonialposi-
tion of analysis.
Reassessing pastscholarshipfromtoday'sfeministpointof view,or, for
thatmatter,a colonialpastfrompostcolonialperspective,doesnot always
haveto be condemningof shortcomings of the pastin a mannerwhich
assumesa linearhistoricalprogress.Furthermore, to considerhow the
instanceof thecolonialwasplacedwithinthestreamof feminismis of con-
temporarysignificance, ratherthan an anachronisticone. This is partly 1
, becausewe arestillfacedwithongoingproblemsthatpastfemiIlists strug-
gledwithandpartlybecauseourpositionsareoftenerodedandcompro-
', institutionsthat arebecomingmore
misedby the existingsocio-political
.s, andmoredeceptilrely accommodating bywayof privileging certaingroups
° of womenandillusorilypresenting theirachievements as theachievement
3, of womenat large.
uJ
ss:
Lifeand work
Thetimespanthisarticledealswithregarding Takamure's workis about
halfa centuryfrom1894to 1945.Itwasa longperiodof turmoilinJapan's
modernhistory.In 1868 the two-and-a-half centuryrule of Tokugawa
Shogunate wasreplacedby imperialrule,headedbytheemperorof Meiji.
Inthefaceof westernencroachment in EastAsia,Japanexplicitlyadopted
methodsandtookTaiwanin thelatenineteenth
westernimperialist century
andthenKoreain the earlytwentiethcentury.Beforetheriseof theultra-
nationalistic
militarisminthe1930s,withwhichJapanwentintothesecond
Sino-JapaneseWar(1937onwards)andthePacificWar(1941-5),therehad
beena briefperiodof socialleniencywithregardto individuals' ideasand
formsof self-expression;this is usuallyreferredto as the Taishoperiod
(1912-25)andit wasthenthatTakamure Itsuemadeherdebutas a writer. 33
> Bornin 1894,theyearthefirstSino-Japanese Warstarted,Takamure Itsue
E grew up as a much adored daughterof a poor village teacherin
Kumamoto,south-western Japan.Fromchildhoodonwards,she read
,, widelyin ChineseandJapaneseclassicsandwroteprolificallyincluding
o l poetry,novelsandessays.Althoughshehadhopedto havestudiedat uni-
, versity,dueto herfamily'sfinancialsituation,shehadto takean alterna-
= tiverouteof learning- notablythroughteachers'college,the practiceof
z teachingitselfandthenwritingas a journalist.In particular, the total of
- twenty-fourdispatchesshewroteas a pilgrimin Shikokutravellingon foot
l for six monthsin 1918 visitingsacredsitescaughtpopularreadership's
impassioned support(Takamure, 1965:139-59;Nishikawa,1990:ch. 2).
Afiercomplicated personalnegotiationsinvolvingheartbreak,misunder-
standingsandmutualadoration,she got marriedto HashimotoKenzo,a
substituteteacherandthenlatereditorwho was to playthe key rolefor
Takamure's creativeandtheoreticalwritingby actingbothas intellectual
companionandas project-maker andpromotionmanager.Earlyin their
marriage, in 1920,theyheadedto TokyofromKumamoto. Tokyowas,in
theeyesof a ruralintellectual,
a monstrousspacewhereall sortsof temp-
tationsand corruptionmeltedtogether.Thereshe wrote an autobio-
graphicalepic Nichigetsuno xe ni (Above the days and months)
I (Takamure, 1921a),a radicalpoemHaroshano uta (Thesong of a trav-
eller)(Takamure, 1921b)andanotherepicTokyowa netsubyoni kakat-
teiru(Tokyohas caughta kver) (Takamure, 1925). Buildingon her
experienceof Shikokupilgrimagewhereshe sharedthe painfuljourney
with travellersand beggars,in her earlypoemsshe definedhervoiceas
that of the oppressedand marginalized. She identifiedherselfwith the
homeless,prostitutes,andothersin thelowestsocialstrata.In herpoems,
Koreansandtheurbanpoorgot expressiveandcompassionate treatment,
whileleisureclassandbourgeoisintellectuals wereaccusedandscorned.
In her1921 poem,Thesongof a traveller, we find:
'I dedicatethis song to my Koreancompatriots'
. . . @
Humblylove I
Yoursad cry for independence
And, all my compatriots
Shouldbe feelingas I
Worryfor you I
About the namefutei [malcontentment;
a politicalderogatory]
And, all my compatriots
4 Shouldbe feelingas I
.... .... ..... . 3 I
Mycompatriots' loveforourcountry | i!
as burningflame
Is as passionate lx
Andyoulovealso X
Yourowncountryjustlikeourflame e
amI
Saddened =
love
Byyourdestructive
amI
Saddened
Bymycontradictorylove
But,remember
Lovecannottoleratecontradiction
Henceyourindignation
Andourpain
Andnow
If we wereto be awakenedintothegreatlove
Youcannotbe genuinelyangry I
Nor canwe be in pain
You,mybelovedfriends,
Pleasedo not confuse
Yourwiselifeandhonour
Withyourpastlifeandhonour
However,if youareright,
If youarewise
Do throwawayyourfalseimages
Do insiston yourcorrectrights
* I I I |
Pleasedo depart,you
destruction
Butneverinvitemeaningless
Withanyfruitlessconstruction
Thatwill be mygenuinepain
1966a:116-20)2
(Takamure,
vis-a-vis Koreans
self-positioning
AlthoughTakamure's andtheircry for
which
independence, had been manifested in 1919 by the anti-Japanese )5
massralliesin the peninsula,is not too clearin the above,the subject
mattershe chosehereshowsto whomshe was preparedto dedicateher
words.3Ambiguously, shewarnsthemforbeingtoo passionateabouttheir
independence, but nevertheless concludesthe poem by suggestingthat
Koreansdepartfor a new futureandshewouldbe supportingit. In par-
whichis a reminderof futeisenjin,
ticularthe use of futeiis interesting,
malcontentKoreans,the namewith whichpoliticallyconsciousKoreans
wereclassifiedby theJapanesepoliceandauthorities. Thisnameimplied,
unsound'and'subversive'
in the eyesof the generalpublic,'ideologically
and,hence,stigmatized. andcompas-
Byplacingherselfin a compatriotic
sionatepositionwith Koreans,she identifiesherselfwith Koreanrebels
and,here,the namefuteibecomeshersas well.
A group of women,
'Weare the victimof the familysystem
We are imprisonedin our red sleep
Whenwe finallywake up, that colour red will be our banner
Rise up! Hundredsand thousandsof Japan'spublicprostitutes.'
m
Our heavenis cloudedby the oppressiveauthorities -
And our blood fills the drain. E
The trainrunswith loud motion -
While the lies are safe behindthe brilliantdaylight.
This is the noontimeof Tokyo,the Imperialcapital.
(Takamure1966b: 217-18)
Thefirstverseis thesongof housewives who areforcedintolovelessmar-
riage,whichTakamure equateswithprostitution. Thecolourredis used
to symbolizebothprostitution andproletarian movement,alludingto the
possibilityof the unityof the oppressedfor the causeof liberationfrom |
sexualandeconomicexploitation.Thelaterverserefersto an old Korean
manin Tokyo'strainwho fell fromroyalattendantto wandererbecause
of his son'sinvolvement withthe independence movement.Themetropo- |
lis, whosemodernization andurbanization aresymbolizedby the move- l
mentof thetrain,is beingbuiltwithfalsehood,exploitation andignorance.
Thepoemis suggestiveof andlamentsthepopularindifference to Japan-
eseruleof Korea;as thezealformodernization tookoff, colonizationwas
not onlyobliterated butalsoin somesensejustified.
Farfrombeingsatisfiedwithherliteraryaccomplishments, Takamure con-
tinuedto moveon raisinghervoicemoredirectlyagainstthe authorities
andpower-holders as ananarchist-minded socialcritic.Publishedin 1926,
Genesisof love representssucha move(Takamure, 1926).(A comprehen-
sivecritiquefollowsin thenextsection.)Duringtheyears1930-1, shewas g
the editorof Woman'sfront, an anarchistjournalwith the slogans:'the l
negationof alltheoppressivepower','theextermination of themasculine',
and'thebirthof thenewwoman'(Takamure,1930a,1931b). Herpenwas
directedagainstmultidimensional powerrelations,not justa one-to-one
correspondence of the oppressedandthe oppressor. Hence,herrelentless g
criticismof socialistfeministsfor their overemphasis on class priority l
whicheffectivelyundermined the abilityto see the relationsof powerin
the area of genderrelations,and her sympathywith anarchismas an
expressionopposingpatriarchyand state interventionwith personal
emancipation (Takamure, 1930b,1930c,1931a).4Thejournalwas short-
livedandit was ominousthatthe yearof its termination, 1931, was the §
dawn of ultra-militarization of Japan,highlightedby its Manchurian l
aggression.
I DuringthePacificWarshewrote:
foragainstthosewhoblockouridealto maketheworldintoonefamily.There-
fore,thiswaris positivelyourJapanesewomen'stask.Wewomenencourage
ourson,ourhusband,ourolderbrotherandouryoungerbrotherto defeat[the
enemies].In thisgreatsacredwar,we haverisenup not 'despite'but'because'
* we arewomen.Letus remember thatwe Japanesewomenhavealwayshad
couragealongsidetenderness.
(NihonfujinNovember1944,quotedin Yamashita, 1988:277)
By this stage,it becomesclearto us thatTakamure's 'feminism'is of an
ethnocentricsort - a nativistfeminismadvocatingfemininelove for
* motherland. Thisappearsto be a greatshiftfromthe 'love'shewrotefor
Koreansin herearlierpoems.Is Takamure's transformation beyondour
comprehension? Or, is it predictablefromthe way she got involvedin
- feministpolitics?Washer sympathywith the poor and oppressedfalse?
After all, how are we to understandher compassionatedefenceof
Koreans?I hopeto considerthesequestionsby readinghertexts on the
issuesof loveandgender,withthe focuson Genesisof love.
AlthoughTakamure declarativelysuggeststhatromancebetweenmenand
womenis naturaland,becauseof theirnaturallove,we cando awaywith
themarriage system,we stillarenottoldaboutpossibilities andlimitations
of such a love, let alone 'natural Is
fidelity'. it born and
extra-socially
supra-historically?To opposethe conservative marriagesystemcontem-
poraryto heris one thing.But,to assumeas a foundationof thisopposi-
tion,a natural,primordial andbiologicalessenceis quiteanother- anda
veryreactionary oneat that.For,if allmenandwomencanactupontheir
'instinct'and'naturalfidelity',whereis thelocaleforcriticaldebateon the
state, class and other forms of power hierarchyshe so vehemently
denouncedin herearlypoems?
Takamure maternallovefromlovebetweenthesexes.Inthe
differentiates
latter,sheassignswomento a 'passive'role,mento an'active'role(1967a:
153). Lovebetweenmenandwomenis unequalbetweenthe two parties
(1967a:153);a mother'slove is equalto all childrenandall-encompass-
ing (1967a:109).At the sametimeandquitecontradictorily, shesuggests
thatwomenhavethe initiativein love affairsbetweenthe sexes,because
11
a of theirclosenessto nature(e.g. 1967a:121). Thus,womenwho arethe
X mistresses in love-making,
of natureareto takeinitiatiere butmustplaya
we couldreasonthis as Taka-
:,1 passiverolein loureitself.Sympathetically,
'D1 mure'ssuggestionof women'spassive,tacit control- behind-the-scene
o control- overloure-related matters.But,suchis not speltout and,also,
3U suchan approachcannotseemto be radicallyliberatingfor women.
:
- Woman-centrism
wasbornin Scandinavia
andGermany. l
* * * o
Lovefor Koreans . Z3
In earlierpoemswhereshetalkedaboutinequalityandinjustice,Koreans
werethe objectof sympathy.Shequotesin her autobiographythe diary
shewroteuponhearingof themassacreof Koreansin theaftermathof the
Kantoearthquake of 1923:1l
[thedayfollowingthequake]
2 September
* * - *
'Japanese-stylefeminism'
Takamure's oeuares have beenreadin manyways in Japanesefeminist
intellectualmilieu(e.g. Kanoand Horiba,1977; Kono, 1977; Terada,
1983).Whereascriticstendto synthetically judgeTakamure by incorpo-
ratingherwork,life andpersonality, and,becauseof thismethod,many l
effectivelyand inevitablyjudgeTakamuremoralistically and politically, [
Yamashita Etsuko'sworkmay deserveparticularattentionhere;despite
someobscurityin argument, it closelyanalysesTakamure'stextandoffers
an originaland powerfulcritique.A leadingfeministof Japan,Ueno
Chizuko,commentedon Yamashita's work as a 'challengeto a taboo
againstcritically
discussing' Takamure Itsuewhohadbeenwidelyregarded
as a popularfeministhistorian(Ueno,1994: 139) and OgumaEijigives
creditto Yamashita as the firstcriticeverto drawourattentionto Taka-
mure'sendorsement of heterogeneous originsof theJapanesenationand
its implications(Oguma, 1995:422). Given the endorsementof
Yamashita's work by thesecommentators includingUeno, it would be
appropriate to closethisarticlewitha critiqueof herview.
Accordingto Yamashita,Takamureis a postmodernfeministwho had
transcended westerndualismby fosteringJapanese-style
feminism,nihon-
gata feminizumu(Yamashita, 1988:100), whichgraspsthe worldnot as ; 21
> realitybutas relations.Thisworldof relationsis theworldof 'naturalness
E . . . of self-differentiation, 1988:100;
whichis pre-linguistic' (Yamashita,
, my emphasis).Thepre-linguistic feministsubjectaboutwhichI criticized
o Takamure becomesan affirmativeattributein Yamashita'sview:
2
3 She[Takamure] attemptsto justifythelocalparadigm thatis in accordanceto
> particular communities suchas Japan;theWesthasits logic,whereastheEast
hasits ownandthesearecoexistent.Fromthis,Japanhasits ownfeminisma
E postmodern feminismwhichsuitsits own ideology.Takamure thoughtthatit
W is justifiedto proposeor introducethisuniquefeminismof Japan.Wedo not
harreto mimicthe West.If we followthe principleof jinen [naturalness, a
Buddhistterm] at any rate,Westernwomenwouldbe freedfromthe meta-
physicsof the subjectandwouldbe liberatedin theworldof onenesswithout
splitbetweensubjectandobject.Forthepreparation of the arrivalof suchan
end,thoseof us, intelligentandwiseJapanese womenwouldmaketheworld's
firstproposal.Thisis Takamure's point
Actuallyhalfa centurylater. . . JuliaKristevaproposedontologicalfeminism.
Kristeara'sthoughton the liberating worldwheresubjectand objectare not
dividedfitstheBuddhist thoughton Zinen. Beforewe praiseKristevawe must
firstrecognizethesuperiority of Takamure's ideology.
* (Yamashita, 1988:105)14
Acknowledgement 3
I am indebtedto Kyeong-HeeChoi,NormaField,VeraMackie,Gavan
McCormack,TessaMorris-Suzuki, Helene Bowen Raddeker,Kalpana
Ram,MarkSelden,KenWellsandPhilipTaylor,fortheircomments,help
and support.The ToyotaFoundationfundedmy researchfor archival
investigations
andacquiring sources.Withouttheirfunding,this
secondary
researchwould not have been possible.An abbreviated versionof the
articlewas deliveredat theJapaneseStudiesAssociationof Australiacon-
ferenceinJuly1997.Comments andquestionswereveryhelpful.Also,the
paperbenefittedfrom criticaldiscussionin Colonialismand the New
WomaninJapanandKoreaworkshopin Humanities ResearchCentre,the
AustralianNationalUniversityin July 1997. The HumanitiesResearch
Centreand ToyotaFoundationfundedthe workshop.Finally,I wish to
thanktwo anonymous readersforFeministlteview, whosecomments were
bothsupportive andenlightening.
Notes
feminism
9 ForScandinavian anditsrelationto thewelfaresystem,seeOhlander '
(1991)andBlom(1991). lg
10 NancyFraser'sand LindaNicholson'scommenton biologicaldeterminism 2=
reliedon by radicalfeministssuchas Shulamith Firestone(1970)is relevant
here,inthatTakamure's approach is underpinned bya monocausal explanation
of 'nature'beinga givenstateof affairs,withan unchanging essenceimmune
in timeandspace(FraserandNicholson,1990:27-9). Theircri-
to transition
tiqueof NancyChodorow's notionof 'motherhood' as an all-encompassing
genderidentitywithoutpayingsufficientattentionto differentculturaland
socialcontextsincludingclassandethnicityis alsorelevant(Chodorow, 1978; |
FraserandNicholson,1990:30-1).
11 Whenin 1923Tokyowasshakenby a large-scale Japanesecivil-
earthquake,
thatKoreans
iansinTokyogot agitated,believing wereplanningto assaultthe
Japaneseor Koreanswere responsible for the quake.Followingthe quake,
Koreans weremurdered in tensandhundreds SeeWeiner
byTokyo'sresidents.
(1987).
12 The notionof performative comesfromJ.L.Austin(1972).Austinhimself,
according to PierreBourdieu, writingfroma moresociological pointof view,
did not pay attentionto the structure
socio-historical in which certainstate-
mentscanberegarded as havingperformativeeffect
(Bourdieu,1991: 107-16).
Althoughwritingfroma philosophical notionof 'performa-
position,Butler's
tivity'in termsof reiteration pointsbecomesverycloseto Bour-
of reference
dieu'sproposition whenappliedto concretesocialinstances.
13 Inherscholarlycareer,Takamure nevertheorizedthestateapparatuses.When
the statewas merelydismissedas 'artificial' was
andits historicalemergence
notsquarely confronted, of thenationwouldmerelyofferthe
the'naturalness'
serviceto thestate'spoliciesandambitions.
14 As with other semi-academicbooks in Japan,Yamashitatakes a lenient
Becauseof this,it is not easyto deter-
approachto citationandreferencing.
minewhichworkof Kristeva sheis focusingon.
15 JuliaKristevais, as Yamashita suggests,nottotallyunlikeTakamure: Writing
aboutChinesewomen,Kristeva makesreference and
to theoriginalmatriarchy
matrilineage in pre-Confucian China,women'sinitiativein love-making, the
holinessof thematernal andthe'maternal' aspectsof Chineseideographs (e.g.
Kristeva, Kristeva's
1977:49, 56, 61). Spivakcriticizes 'macrologicalnostalgia
forthe pre-historyof the East'on the basisof Kristeva's on |
lackof reflexivity
her own positionality as well as the ungrounded andexoti- I
romanticization
cizationof the 'eastern'other(Spivak,1988:Ch.9).
16 Toregardhiraganaas oralityleavessomequestions,sincehiraganais afterall I
a writingsystem.Wrieenknowledge,no maKerhow phoneticthe writing l; 27
> system concerned may be, is fundamentally different from knowledge in non-
z literate societies (see Ong, 1982; Goody, 1987).
o
D
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