Professional Documents
Culture Documents
(SFPIF this was being forwarded around last year, Im not sure who made it, but it looks like it is for Koppelman)
Federalism - Vertical distribution of government power
A government of enumerated powers - Why does federalism matter?
Promotes efficiency
2.
3.
Encourages experimentation
4.
Promotes democracy
5.
Prevents tyranny
7.
10.
11.
13.
8 (enumerated powers).
14.
15.
16.
Marshall 1819. Held that (1) Congress has the power to charter a bank, even though that power is not
specifically enumerated in USC; (2) Maryland has no power to tax that bank.
Doctrine of Implied Powers. Although the federal government may act only where it is affirmatively authorized
to do so by USC, the authorization does not have to be explicit. That is, by the doctrine of implied powers,
the federal government (especially Congress) may validly exercise power that is ancillary to one of the powers
explicitly listed in the Constitution, so long as this ancillary power does not conflict with specific Constitutional
prohibitions (e.g. those of the Bill of Rights).
Necessary and proper clause. This notion of implied powers is itself explicitly stated in the necessary and
proper clause of Art. I, 8: Congress may make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying
into Execution the specific legislative powers granted by Art. I, 8, or by other parts of the USC. McCulloch
was the first case to make an important interpretation of necessary and proper.
Setting of McCulloch. Congress chartered the second Bank of the United States in 1816. The Bank was
designed to regulate the currency and help solve national economic problems. However, it soon encountered
substantial political opposition, mostly as the result of the Panic of 1818 and corruption within the various
branches of the Bank. As a result, a number of states enacted anti-Bank measures.
17.
Structure of opinion. This opinion (one of most significant ever written by Marshall) had two main portions:
(1) a determination that the chartering of the Bank was within the constitutionally-vested power of the federal
government; and (2) a finding that since the Bank was constitutionally chartered, Marylands tax upon it was
unconstitutional.
Marshalls use of text and other modes of argument (AK). Marshall did not strictly rely on text for either part of
the decision. [the opinion here, like Hunters Lessee, was a lot more deferential to Congress than Marbury
was.]
18.
The
Constitutionality of the Bank. In concluding that the Bank was constitutionally chartered, Marshall first
disposed of the Marylands argument that the powers of the national government were delegated to it by the
states, and that these powers must be exercised in subordination to the states. Marshall concluded that the
powers come directly from the people, not from the states qua states.
20.
Grant need not be explicit. Marshall then turned to the issue of whether
the constitutional grant of the particular power (here, the power to charger a bank or a corporation) was
required to be made explicitly in the USC. Marshall concluded that particular powers could be implied
from the explicit grant of other powers: A constitution, to contain an accurate detail of all the
subdivisions of which its great powers will admit, and of all the means by which they may be carried
into execution, would partake of the prolixity of a legal code, and could scarcely be embraced by the
human mind . . . . We must never forget that it is a constitution we are expounding.
(a) Corporation allowed. More specifically, Marshall found that Congress had the power to create a
corporation (in this case, the Bank), if this was incidental to the carrying out of one of the
constitutionally-enumerated powers, such as the power to raise revenue.
(b) Necessary and proper clause. Marshall relied upon the necessary and proper clause as a
justification for Congress right to create a bank or corporation even though such a power was not
specifically granted in the USC. In perhaps the most significant part of the opinion, Marshall
rejected the contention that necessary meant absolutely necessary or indispensable. Instead,
he stated that: let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the constitution, and all
means which are appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, [and
which are consistent] with the letter and spirit of the constitution, are constitutional.
21.
22.
Conclusion. Marshall thus concluded that the act chartering the national bank was valid, because it bore a
reasonable relationship to various constitutionally-enumerated powers of the government (e.g. the power to
collect taxes, to borrow money, to regulate commerce, etc.)
AK Critique:
23.
What is left of the idea of enumerated powers after this opinion? How
reliable safeguard is the pretext proviso (64): Should Congress . . . adopt measures which are
prohibited by USC; or should Congress, under pretext of executing its powers, pass laws for
accomplishment of objects not entrusted to government; it would become painful duty of this tribunal,
should a case requiring such decision come before it, to say that such an act was not the law of the
land. But where the law is not prohibited, and is really calculated to effect any of the objects entrusted
to the government, to undertake here to inquire tint the degree of its necessity, would be to pass the line
which circumscribes the judicial department, and to tread on legislative ground.
24.
Why does Marshall think it important (58) to deny that USC emanated
(1) In constitutional interpretation, the framers intent is irrelevant to the extent that the ratifying states
did not know about it. Ratifiers of the USC the only people with the authority to make it into
binding law had no idea what went on in the Philadelphia Convention, and could not reasonably
be said to have ratified a legislative history of which they were unaware.
Federal immunity from state taxation. The Bank of the United States was immune from a Maryland tax against
it. Marshalls argument against the tax was purely structural.
25.
(a) USC structurally protects people from governmental abuse of powers by giving people control
over government.
(b) Tax is unconstitutional because citizens of other states (e.g. federal government) do not have
power to remove state legislature if tax becomes onerous.
26.
(a) Federal government is supreme and cannot be controlled by subordinate sovereign institutions.
(b) USC, and federal government, derive authority not from states, but rather from people. It is true
that states have sovereignty, but people took some of that sovereignty away and vested it in federal
government.
(e) The federal USC must be preserved against such state interference.
27.
Why is Maryland still allowed to tax the banks real property in
common with the other real property within the State?
(a) Evidently, because the interests of Maryland citizens are reflected in any such common tax; there
are political safeguards here that make the legislative process more trustworthy than the one that
produced a bank-specific tax.
Commerce clause
Three regulated categories under commerce clause
CHANNELS
Congress can regulate the use of the channels of interstate commerce. Thus Congress can regulate in a way
that is reasonably related to highways, waterways, and air traffic. Presumably Congress can do so even though
the activity in question in the particular case is quite intrastate.
INSTRUMENTALITIES
Congress can regulate the instrumentalities of interstate commerce, even though the threat may come only
from intrastate activities. Lopez. This category refers to people, machines, and other things used in carrying
out commerce. So, for instance, presumably Congress could say that every truck must have a specific safety
device, even if the particular truck in question was made and used exclusively within a single state.
SUBSTANTIALLY
AFFECTING COMMERCE
The biggest (and most interesting) category is that Congress may regulate those activities having a substantial
effect on interstate commerce. Lopez. Key question: what does it mean to substantially affect interstate
commerce? Lopez cites 3 factors (unclear as to what weight is assigned to each factor)
Activity is commercial. If the activity itself is arguably commercial, then it doesnt seem to matter whether
the particular instance of the activity directly affects interstate commerce, as long as the instance is part of a
general class of activities that, collectively, substantially affect interstate commerce. Thus, in the Wickard v.
Filburn type of fact pattern Ds own wheat-growing activities are in a sense commercial, but they are
entirely intrastate; however, when taken together with all other wheat-growing we have a substantial effect on
interstate commerce Congress can regulate even the solely-intrastate events.
Activity is not commercial. But if the activity itself is not commercial, then there will apparently have to be a
pretty obvious connection between the activity and interstate commerce. (We know from Lopez that the link
must be more obvious than the link between guns-in-schools and commerce, anyway). This is probably the
main legacy of Lopez.
Congress must make findings on regulated activitys impact on the national economy. Little deference to
Congress in this regard. SCt wont give much deference (as it used to) to the fact that Congress believed that
the activity has the requisite substantial effect on interstate commerce. SCt will basically decide this issue for
itself, from scratch. It certainly will no longer be enough that Congress had a rational basis for believing that
the requisite effect existed the effect must in fact exist to the SCts own independent satisfaction.
Traditional domain of states. If whats being regulated is an activity the regulation of which has traditionally
been the domain of the state regulation, and as to which the states have expertise, the SCt is less likely to find
that Congress is acting within its Commerce power. Thus education, family law, and general criminal law are
areas where the SCt is likely to be especially suspicious of congressional interference.
28.
National solution. However, the fact that the activity has traditionally
fallen within the states domain can be outweighed by a showing that a national solution is needed.
This would be so, for instance, where one states choice heavily affects other states. Activities
affecting the environment are an example, since air and water pollution migrate across state
boundaries.
29.
the strength of federalism is its ability to have each state serve as a separate laboratory performing its
own experiments.
Pre New Deal
GIBBONS V. OGDEN NEW YORK
STEAMBOAT MONOPOLY
Marshall 1824. This was the first major case construing the Commerce Clause. Although the Gibbons opinion
contained some discussion of the Commerce Clause as a limitation upon state powers, its principal interest is for
its broad-sweeping view of congressional power under that clause. [Discussion of Congressional power here
arguably is all dictum.]
Facts: Ogden acquired, by a grant from the NY legislature, monopoly rights to operate steamboats between NY
and NJ. Gibbons began operating steamboats between NY and NJ, in violation of Ogdens monopoly; Gibbons
boats were licensed, however, under a federal statute. Ogden obtained an injunction in a NY court ordering
Gibbons to stop operating his boats in NY waters.
Holding: Marshall found the injunction against Gibbons invalid, on the ground that it was based upon a
monopoly that conflicted with a valid federal statute, and thus violated the Supremacy clause. [Koppelman: the
relevant federal statute licensing vessels in coasting trade is clearly constitutional, though it is not clear as to
whether it is preemptive. Marshall probably stretched federal statute to get it to conflict with state policy.]
Broad view of commerce power: In reaching this conclusion, Marshall took a broad view of Congress powers
under the Commerce Clause. Under that clause, Congress could legislate with respect to all commerce which
concerns more States than one. Commerce included not only buying and selling, but all commercial
intercourse.
30.
31.
i. 10th Amendment no bar: Thus Marshall implicitly rejected the argument that the 10th
Amendment (which provides that the powers not delegated to the U.S. by USC, nor prohibited by
it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively.) acts as an independent limit on Congress
power to regulate interstate commerce.
Koppelman critique.
32.
33.
Marshall indicated that there were limits in CC, but future courts must
decide exactly what those limits are.
Interlude. From Gibbons until late 19th century, SCt had practically no occasion to consider Congress powers
under the Commerce Clause. There were many years during which Commerce Clause was not used
expansively. Slavery controversy limited possibilities for federal law because it was dangerous to suggest that
Congress could prohibit interstate shipment of slaves. It was not until enactment of the Interstate Commerce
Act (1887) [could penalize RRs for unjust charges] and the Sherman Antitrust Act (1890) that Congress powers
under the Commerce Clause were again seriously scrutinized by the SCt. When this scrutiny did occur, the
result was much more hostile to congressional power than it was in the Marshall Gibbons approach.
VS. COMMERCE
SUGAR
MONOPOLY
Fuller 1895. Federal government sued under the Sherman Antitrust Act to force a major sugar refiner (which
controlled 98% of sugar refining market) to divest itself of other refiners that it had recently acquired.
Holding: The SCt held that Congress could not, under the Commerce Clause, forbid a monopoly in
manufacture. The refinery was a manufacturing operation, and was therefore left to state control. A
monopoly on manufacturing was not subject to the Sherman Act. The fact that the refined sugar was eventually
sold in commerce was irrelevant, since the manufacturing operations relation to commerce was only
incidental and indirect. What was required was a direct logical relationship with Commerce.
Rationale. SCts rationale for its holding was the protection of states rights to regulate local activities. The
majority opinion contended that if the federal commerce power extended to all contracts and combinations in
manufacture, agriculture, mining and other productive industries, whose ultimate result may affect external
commerce, comparatively little of business operations and affairs would be left for state control. Thus, while a
monopoly may certainly affects interstate commerce, SCt held that the line must be drawn somewhere.
Role of Congressional intent. Intent seemed to play role in Fullers decision, but not clear exactly what role.
(derived from McCulloch v. Maryland stipulation)
Dissent - Harlan. Federal government should have power to regulate any subject that states could not
competently regulate. This vision would not eliminate concept of enumerated powers because SC has power to
decide whether powers exerted by Congress are constitutional.
SUBSTANTIAL
Other cases not long after Knight, without repudiating that case, followed an approach that was more hospitable
to congressional power. In these cases, congressional regulation was found to fall within the commerce power
so long as the activities being regulated had a substantial economic effect upon interstate commerce. That is,
these cases did not focus on whether the logical relationship between the activity and commerce was direct or
indirect, but rather, looked at whether the practical economic effects of the activity upon interstate commerce
were quantitatively substantial.
Houston, East & West Texas Railway v. U.S. Hughes 1914. Best known example of the substantial economic
effect approach.
Facts. Interstate Commerce Commission, after setting rates for transport of goods between Shreveport,
Louisiana and various points in Texas, sought to prevent railroads from setting rates for hauls totally within
Texas which were less per mile than the Texas-to-Shreveport rates. The Commissions theory was that
Shreveport competed with certain Texas cities for shipments from other parts of Texas, and that the lower Texas
intrastate rates were unfairly discriminating against the Texas-to-Shreveport interstate traffic. The railroads
countered that it was beyond Congress power to control intrastate rates of an interstate carrier.
Commission upheld. SCt rejected the railroads challenge, and upheld the ICCs right to regulate intrastate
charges, at least of interstate carriers. The opinion held that the commerce power necessarily included the right
to regulate all matters having such a close and substantial relation to interstate traffic that control is essential or
appropriate to the security of that traffic. The fact that the activity being regulated was intrastate did not place
it beyond congressional control, since the ultimate object was protection of interstate commerce.
Taft 1922. Test is whether issue at hand involves stream of commerce; Congress can regulate throat through
which current flows.
Chicago stockyards fall within stream of commerce. Reasoning here was driven by realism. Felt necessity
drives development of CC (as it does in other constitutional doctrines).
Problem with functional test seems to blur judicial/legislative decision-making. Functionalism/realism allows
SC to make up law, contrary to JR.
POLICE
POWER
Police power regulations and the commerce-prohibiting technique. In E.C. Knight, Congress attempted to
regulate local activities directly (e.g. sugar refinery monopoly). But Congress also developed a separate
technique; instead of regulating intrastate activities directly, Congress used the technique of prohibiting
interstate transport of certain items or persons. This commerce-prohibiting technique was used not only for
pure economic regulatory matters, but also for police power or moral regulation. During first two decades
of 20th century, SCt was substantially more sympathetic to this commerce-prohibiting/police power technique
than to direct regulation of intrastate affairs.
Harlan 1903. Facts. Congress passed the Federal Lottery Act, which prohibited the interstate shipment of
lottery tickets.
Holding. SCt upheld this statute, thereby allowing Congress to prohibit shipment of immoral objects in
interstate commerce. Majority opinion began on the assumption that lotteries were clearly an evil which it
was desirable for Congress to regulate; since Congress regulated only the interstate shipment of these evil
articles, it could not be said to be interfering with intrastate matters reserved for state control. Harlan argued
that prohibition is a subset of regulation.
Dissent. Contended that only commerce itself could be regulated, and that lottery tickets were not articles of
commerce. This holding leads to a slippery slope to regulation of anything (e.g. Child Labor Act)
Day 1918. SCt was relatively hostile to congressional interference with the employer-employee relationship.
Holding. By 5-4 vote, SCt struck down a federal statute which prohibited the interstate transport of articles
produced by companies which employed children younger than certain ages or under certain conditions.
Rationale. Power to regulate commerce does not mean power to stop commerce from moving. Congress
power to prohibit exists only if goods are not ordinary commodities. Majority distinguished this statute from
other police power/commerce-prohibiting statutes which the SCt upheld; in those cases, the SCt argued, the
interstate transportation being prohibited was part of the very evil sought to be prohibited (e.g. the prohibition
on the interstate shipment of lottery tickets, where the tickets themselves were viewed as evil.) Here, by
contrast, the goods shipped in interstate commerce were themselves harmless; it was only the employment of
child labor which was an evil, and this employment was not directly related to interstate commerce.
34.
Powers reserved to states. The majority reasoned further that if a
prohibition on interstate commerce were permitted in this situation, all manufacturing intended for
interstate shipment would be brought under federal control, encroaching unconstitutionally on the
authority of the states.
Holmes dissent. But it was the classic dissent by Holmes that in the long run became the more significant
opinion in Hammer. Holmes argued that so long as the congressional regulation falls within power specifically
given to the Congress (here, the power to regulate interstate commerce), the fact that it has a collateral effect
upon local activities otherwise left to state control does not render the statute unconstitutional.
35.
Koppelman.
36.
(1) C/A. Child labor poses disadvantages economically to other states. Majority responded USC
wanted to foster competition among states.
37.
(1) C/A. SC needed to establish lines to prevent Congress from exerting police power.
SUMMARY
OF PRE-NEW
DEAL
39.
interstate commerce.
40.
Intrastate transactions that are in stream of commerce, not those that
precede or follow that stream.
41.
42.
altogether.
Regulation did not include power to bar innocent items from commerce
The New Deal Crisis and the Rise of the Welfare State
Great Depression
43.
44.
45.
The New Deal threatened. Initially, SC refused to uphold congressional action. When Congress and FDR
began implementing New Deal in 1933, SCts view of congressional power under the Commerce Clause stood
in an ambiguous state. The commerce-prohibiting technique was of doubtful validity, in view of Hammer v.
Dagenhart. The validity of the effect upon commerce rationale was unclear: the Shreveport Rate Case
indicated that intrastate activity having a substantial practical effect on interstate commerce could be regulated;
but the Knight case suggested that there must be a direct and logical relationship between the intrastate
activity being regulated and interstate commerce. Within a few years, it became apparent that the Knight
rationale would carry the SCt., and that a majority of the SCt would strike down congressional regulation of any
area which the majority felt was reserved by the 10th Amendment to state control.
Hughes 1935. At issue was the validity of the National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA). The NIRA authorized
the President to adopt codes of air competition for various trades or industries; the codes regulated such items
as minimum wages and prices, maximum hours, collective bargaining, etc.
Facts. This case involved the conviction of Schechter Poultry Corp. on charges of violating the wage and hour
provisions of the NY Metropolitan Area Live Poultry Industry Fair Competition Code. Although the vast
majority of poultry sold in NY came from other states, Schechter itself bought within NY City, and resold its
stock exclusively to local dealers. The government argued hat Schechters conduct could constitutionally be
reached under the Commerce Clause, on the alternative theories that: (1) Schechters activities were within the
stream of commerce of the chicken trade (rationale of Stafford v. Wallace; and (2) Schechters activities,
though themselves completely local, substantially affected commerce (the rationale of the Shreveport Rate
Case).
Act held unconstitutional. SCt unanimously rejected both of the governments arguments, and held the NIRA
unconstitutional as applied to Schechter.
46.
47.
10
Facts. This case involved a challenge to the Bituminous Coal Conservation Act of 1935, which set maximum
hours and minimum wages for workers in coal mines.
Held unconstitutional. The Act was found not to be a valid use of the commerce power. The SCt returned to
the distinction (espoused in Knight) between production and commerce. Production, which was what was
being regulated here, was a purely local activity, even though the materials produced would nearly all
ultimately be sold in interstate commerce. Nor did the production directly affect interstate commerce; the
issue was not the extent of the effect produced on interstate commerce, but the existence or non-existence of a
direct logical relation between the production and the interstate commerce.
48.
Local evil. Furthermore, the SCt held, the issue was the link between
the employer-employee relationship (the precise matter being regulated) and interstate commerce; it
could not be said that this relationship had a sufficiently direct effect upon interstate commerce. Also,
the employer-employee relationship was a local relation, and whatever evils currently characterized
that relationship in the coal industries were all local evils over which the federal government had no
legislative control.
Dissent - Cardozo. The majority opinion did not give separate consideration to the validity of other aspects of
the Act, such as the setting of minimum and maximum prices on coal sales. Majority viewed these price rules
and wage-hour rules as being inescapably intertwined, so that the invalidity of the latter made the entire Act
invalid. But Cardozos dissent contended that (1) regulating wages may be necessary to protect interstate
commerce, and (2) at least the price rules were valid, even as applied to intrastate sales. He argued that the
prices for intrastate coal sales had such a direct impact on those for interstate sales that regulation of the latter
could not be successfully carried out without regulation of the former. Hughes agreed in separate opinion that
price regulations were valid, but argued that labor provisions were severable.
Modern Trend
Modern trend in SCts Commerce Clause analysis began in 1937 decision NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin Steel
Corp. Beginning with that case, SCt showed vastly greater willingness to defer to legislative decisions. Under
present doctrines, SCt will uphold commerce-based laws if SCt is convinced that the activity being regulated
substantially affects interstate commerce. In fact, in only one case since 1937 has SCt found that Congress
went beyond its Commerce Clause powers (Lopez). SCt expanded reach of Commerce power by recognizing
three theories upon which a commerce-based regulation may be premised: (1) an expanded substantial
economic effect theory; (2) a cumulative effect theory; and (3) an expanded commerce-prohibiting
protective technique.
ECONOMIC EFFECT
Hughes 1937. In pre-1937 cases, SCt had insisted upon a direct and logical relationship between the
intrastate activity being regulated and interstate commerce. However, beginning in NLRB v. Jones, the SCt
substantially relaxed the nexus required between intrastate activity being regulated and interstate commerce.
Facts. This case tested the constitutionality of the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 (NLRA). The case
involved the NLRBs attempt to prevent Jones & Laughlin (a large integrated steel producer) from engaging in
unfair labor practices by the discriminatory firing of employees for union activity.
NLRA upheld. Majority held that NLRA, as applied to Jones & Laughlin, lay within the commerce power. The
SCt noted that while Jones & Laughlin manufactured iron and steel only in Pennsylvania, it owned mines in two
other states, operated steamships on the Great Lakes, held warehouses in four states, and sent 75% of its product
out of Pennsylvania.
49.
11
substantial effect on interstate commerce. Therefore, labor relations at the Pennsylvania plants could
constitutionally be regulated by Congress. [this was essentially Cardozos dissent in Carter]
50.
Current of commerce rationale not needed: SCt expressly declined to
rely on the current of commerce theory. SCt indicated that current of commerce cases were
merely particular, not exclusive, illustrations of the commerce power.
51.
Koppelman. SCt did not abandon doctrinal notion that CC imposed limits, but argued that industrial-labor
relations have such a close and substantial relation to interstate commerce that their control is essential or
appropriate to protect that commerce from burdens and obstructions.
This case was decided two weeks after West Coast Hotel v. Parrish (and two months after FDR announced
court-packing plan), reversing itself and upholding minimum wage laws.
Good confusion. How broad is Congressional power? Was it labor industrial relations generally, or steel
industry in particular, that prompted decision?
EFFECT THEORY
Jackson 1942. This theory provides that Congress may regulate not only acts which taken alone would have a
substantial economic effect on interstate commerce, but also an entire class of acts, if the class has a substantial
economic effect (even though one act within it might have virtually no interstate impact at all). As a result of
this cumulative effect principle, it is not only the type of regulation sustained in Jones & Laughlin (regulation
of a large steel producer, where that producers labor problems would by themselves have a substantial effect on
interstate commerce) which may be regulated. Wickard is the furthest the SCt has gone in sustaining
Commerce-Clause powers, at least in the economic, as opposed to police power, area.
Facts. This case involved the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938, which permitted the Secretary of
Agriculture to set quotas for the raising of wheat on every farm in the country. The Act allowed not only the
setting of quotas on wheat that would be sold interstate and intrastate, but also quotas on wheat which would be
consumed on the very farm where it was raised. Wheat raised in excess of the quota was subject to a per-bushel
penalty.
52.
Home consumption. Filburn (P) owned a small farm in Ohio. He
challenged the governments right to set a quota on the wheat which he raised and consumed on his
own farm, on the grounds that this was a purely local activity beyond the scope of federal control.
Statute upheld. But a unanimous (SCt (whose composition had changed radically since days of Carter Coal
case just six year before) upheld the Act, even as it applied to home-consume wheat. SCt reasoned as follows:
53.
distinctions.
54.
Consumption has market effect: First, the consumption of home-grown
wheat is a large and variable factor in the economics of the wheat market. The more wheat that is
consumed on the farm where it is grown, the less wheat that is bought in commerce (e.g. from other
farmers), whether interstate or not.
55.
Cumulative effect: SCt argued that class of similarly situated people
of which Filburn was part has substantial aggregate effect on price of wheat and interstate commerce.
Ps own effect on the market, by his decision to consume wheat grown himself, might be trivial. But
this decision, taken together with that of many others similarly situated, is far from trivial. That is,
homegrown wheat supplies a need of the man who grew it which would otherwise be reflected by
purchases in the open market, and the home-grown wheat thus completes with wheat in commerce.
12
Protection of the interstate commercial trade in what clearly falls within the commerce power, and the
regulation of home-grown wheat is reasonably related to protecting that commerce.
Koppelman.
56.
57.
58.
- MINIMUM
WAGE
Minimum wage regulations upheld. SCt unanimously upheld the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, which set
minimum wages and maximum hours for employees engaged in the production of goods for interstate
commerce. The Act not only prohibited the shipment in interstate commerce of goods made by employees
employed for more than the maximum hours or not paid the prevailing rates, but it also made it a federal crime
to employ workmen in the production of goods for interstate commerce at other than the prescribed rates and
hours.
Direct ban upheld. SCt first upheld the direct ban on interstate shipments; it disposed of the argument that
manufacturing conditions are left for exclusive state control, by stating that the power of Congress over
interstate commerce [can] neither be enlarged nor diminished by the exercise or non-exercise of state power.
The 10th Amendment states but a truism that all is retained which has not been surrendered.
59.
Motive irrelevant. SCt also disavowed any interest in Congress motive: The motive and purpose of a
regulation of interstate commerce are matters for the legislative judgment upon the exercise of which the USC
places no restriction and over which the courts are given no control.
60.
Reasonable means to achieve end. Finally, SCt upheld the portion of the Act making it a crime to employ
workers engaged in interstate commerce in violation of the wage/hour provisions.
61.
Rationale. Given Congress right to impose direct prohibitions or
conditions on interstate commerce, Congress may choose the means reasonably adapted to the
attainment of the permitted end, even though they involve control of intrastate activities. Thus, the
outright criminalization of employer conduct was a reasonable means of implementing the ban on
interstate transactions.
62.
13
any way with it; then, the local activity itself could be prohibited as a means of implementing the ban
on interstate transactions. Realize that Lopez limits the extent to which Darbys holding here can be
utilized by Congress.
Civil rights cases and the commerce clause
HEART
OF
Clark 1964. Congress can regulate the local incidents of interstate commerce.
Facts. P was a motel located in downtown Atlanta, which refused to rent rooms to blacks.
Contacts with interstate travel. The motel was near two interstate highways, derived 75% of its occupancy from
out-of-state guests and solicited business in national media.
Holding. SCt held that the motel could constitutionally be reached by the Civil Rights Act, under the
Commerce Clause. SCt took note of Congress findings that racial discrimination discouraged travel on the part
of a substantial portion of the black community, and that such discrimination discouraged travel on the part of a
substantial portion of the black community, and that such discrimination could therefore be regulated by
Congress in the aggregate. Furthermore, SCt held, the power of Congress to promote interstate commerce also
includes the power to regulate the local incidents thereof, including local activities in both the States of origin
and destination, which might have a substantial and harmful effect upon that commerce.
Police powers motive acceptable. Nor was the SCt troubled by the fact that Congress motive for this
legislation was not purely economic, but rather, principally moral and social.
Clark 1964. Demonstrates even more clearly SCts approval of the use of the Commerce Clause to reach what
seemed to be overwhelmingly local activities.
Facts. This case involved a Birmingham, Alabama restaurant called Ollies Barbecue. The restaurant was
relatively far from any interstate highway or train or bus station, and there was no evidence that any appreciable
part of its business was in serving out of state travelers. However, 46% of the food purchased by the restaurant
during the previous year had been bought from a supplier who had bought it from out of state. (Recall that the
Civil Rights Act applies to any restaurant a substantial portion of whose food has moved in commerce).
Application of Act upheld. SCt upheld the Act as applied to the restaurant. As in Heart of Atlanta case, SCt
observed that unavailability of accommodations dissuaded blacks from traveling in interstate commerce. The
SCt returned to the Wickard v. Filburn rationale. Even though Ollies itself was small, and the value of food it
purchased from out of state had only an insignificant effect on commerce, the restaurants discriminatory
conduct was representative of a great deal of similar conduct throughout the country, and this conduct in the
aggregate clearly had an effect on interstate commerce. Therefore, Congress was entitled to regulate the
individual case.
Deference to Congress findings. Nor did the fact that the bill contained no congressional findings about the
impact of restaurant discrimination on commerce render the Act unconstitutional. The SCt would not scrutinize
the facts to make a de novo determination of whether restaurant discrimination affected commerce. Rather,
where we find that the legislators, in light of the facts and testimony before them, have a rational basis for
finding a chosen regulatory scheme necessary to the protection of commerce, our investigation is at an end.
Such a rational basis was present here.
Koppelman:
63.
14
that racial discrimination is the factor?]: (1) Where Ollies Barbecue purchased its supplies; or (2) who
its customers are.
64.
This case was a stretch; these cases should be under 13th, 14th
amendments, rather than stretching CC. SC used CC because of favorable precedents (e.g. Wickard)
whereas Civil War precedents were bad.
65.
EFFECT
OF
LOPEZ
Its not clear whether Lopez would change the result in either Heart of Atlanta or Katzenbach. Katzenbach
seems to be the more constitutionally suspect of the two, in light of Lopez.
If the governments belief that businesses wont locate in areas with poor schooling (including schooling marred
by gunfire) wasnt enough of a connection to interstate commerce in Lopez, it may well be that Congress belief
that discrimination in accommodations dissuades blacks from traveling interstate wouldnt be enough either, if
todays SCt were revisiting Katzenbach.
On the other hand, the core activity being regulated in Katzenbach the furnishing of restaurant meals is
clearly commercial in a way that possessing a gun in a school is not.
On balance, Katzenbach would probably be decided the same way today, because of the more obviously
commercial nature of the activity being regulated.
Justice Jackson (Wickard) We have returned to Marshalls original understanding of CC as broad enough to
reach any activity that, together with other activities similarly situated, has substantial economic effect on
interstate commerce.
66.
C/A.
Marshall
never
contemplated
anything
like
modern
administrative state.
Professor Bruce Ackerman USC was effectively amended during New Deal, giving Congress what amounts to
general police power.
67.
68.
Every judge except Thomas accepts that Congress has a lot more power
than it did before New Deal, and that its power over national economy is plenary.
69.
C/A. There was no formal Article 5 Amendment in 1930s.
arguably, 1936 election accomplished Article 5s requirement of consent by supermajority.
But
Professor Lawrence Lessig Background culture has changed, making preexisting doctrinal categories look less
persuasive than they previously had, but basic idea of federalism remains part of USC.
70.
C/A. It is not clear that background cultural assumptions have changed
so much that SCs reversal of course was compelled. Abdications as well as assumptions of authority
need principled justification.
Justice Thomas (Lopez) New Deal was unwarranted abdication of judicial responsibility; preexisting case law
should not have been overruled, and its categories should be reintroduced into constitutional doctrine. C/A:
71.
72.
Even if SC did get con law wrong, returning to old categories would
dismantle much of federal government as we know it, with unpredictable consequences.
15
73.
Rehnquist 1995. SCt for the first time in 60 years invalidated a federal statute on the grounds that it was beyond
the Congress Commerce power. Statute struck down. By 5-4 vote, SCt struck down the statute.
Gun Free Schools. The statute was the Gun-Free School Zones Act of 1990, in which Congress made it a
federal crime for any individual knowingly to possess a firearm at a place that the individual knows, or has
reasonable cause to believe, is a school zone.
Little connection to commerce. The statute clearly had less explicit connection to interstate commerce than
most federal statutes premised on the Commerce power. For instance:
74.
No findings. The statute did not include any explicit findings by
Congress that the activity being regulated (possession of guns in schools) affected commerce.
75.
No jurisdictional nexus. Moreover, the statute did not include a
jurisdictional nexus. For instance, Congress could have made it a crime only to possess a gun that
had moved in (or otherwise affected) interstate commerce. [e.g. 1964 Civil, Rights Act regulates
restaurants that buy food a substantial part of which has moved in interstate commerce.] But here,
Congress banned even possession of a gun that had never traveled in, or even affected, interstate
commerce.
Substantial effect required on Commerce. The majority opinion first resolved a prior uncertainty, by holding
that it is not enough that the activity being regulated merely affects interstate commerce. Instead, the activity
must substantially affect interstate commerce.
Requisite effect not present. Then, the majority concluded that the possession of guns in schools had not been
demonstrated to substantially affect commerce.
76.
16
79.
Parade of horribles. Majority went on to describe some of the types of
federal regulation that would fall within the Commerce power, if the governments approach were
accepted: Congress could mandate a federal curriculum for local and elementary schools because
what is taught in local schools has a significant effect on classroom learning, and that, in turn, has a
substantial effect on interstate commerce. Similarly, Congress could . . . look at child rearing as
falling on the commercial side of the line, because it provides a valuable service namely, to equip
children with the skills they need to survive in the workplace. Such results would make the
Commerce power limitless.
80.
Concurrence - Kennedy.
81.
82.
Suggested that he and OConnor were less eager than Rehnquist to cut
back the SCts Commerce Clause interpretations. He said that he had some pause about joining the
majoritys opinion, and that this was a necessary though limited holding.
83.
i. Not commercial. But the activity being regulated here was not essentially commercial.
ii. Traditionally left to states. Furthermore, activities that had been traditionally left to the states to
regulate should be further off-limits to the federal commerce power than activities that had not
been so limited. Education was one of those traditional concerns of the states. To allow the
federal government to interfere would foreclose the States from experimenting and exercising
their own judgment in this area traditionally left to them.
Concurrence - Thomas. Substantial relation test allows Congress too much power. He wants to revive
manufacturing-commerce distinction.
87.
(1) SC should not presume to draw line between commerce and non-commerce.
17
Rational basis test. Test was whether Congress could have had a
rational basis for finding a significant (or substantial) connection between gun-related school violence
and interstate commerce. (The majority had not mentioned rational basis to the majority, the
question was whether there actually was a substantial connection, not merely whether Congress could
rationally have believed that there was.) With the issue formulated this way, Breyer had no trouble
concluding that the answer was yes.
89.
i. Contrary to case law. First, Breyer found that approach contrary to modern cases upholding
congressional action regulating activities that (in his opinion) had less connection with interstate
commerce than the guns-in-schools at issue here. For instance, he thought that a single instance of
racial discrimination at a local restaurant, found regulable in Katzenbach v. McClung, had no
greater connection with interstate commerce than the instance of gun possession being regulated
here.
iii. Stare decisis. Finally, Breyer believed that the majority was unwise to threaten . . . legal
uncertainty in an area of law that, until this case, seemed reasonably well-settled.
Dissent - Souter.
91.
Any rule for judicial review of commerce power that has teeth in it is
just like Lochner (states) and therefore is bad.
Nothing in CC compels judicial activism; SCt has no special competence in this area.
Reconciling Lopez with New Deal
Rehnquist establishes substantial effects test, yet approvingly cites Wickard, which gave Congress unlimited
power.
SC was reluctant to undo New Deal powers that Congress had, because they feared consequences thereof.
92.
New Deal Depression was national problem that states could not
94.
18
95.
Perez v. U.S. (1971). SC upheld federal statute outlawing intrastate extortion credit transactions.
Lopez cites Perez as example where intrastate commerce substantially affected interstate commerce.
Steven Calabresi
96.
We did not need grand and unified theory of commerce power in
order to decide this case. Lopez was not remotely a close case.
97.
We will worry about close cases when they come up and when new
body of CC case law has been assembled.
Lawrence Lessig
98.
There is no good way in principle to sustain lines that SC drew, most
especially line between commercial and non-commercial activity.
99.
As line is drawn in SC opinion, examples of what Congress cannot
reach (family law, school curricula) are all areas of local concern.
100.
101.
Thus, tools provided by Lopez will surely fail, even though aim of
protecting federalism is worthy.
Spending power
UNITED STATES V. BUTLER - BEYOND
ENUMERATED POWERS
Roberts 1936. Background: Prior to 1937, it was not clear whether Congress could spend for whatever purpose
it wished (so long as the general welfare was being served), or whether Congress could only spend in order to
carry out one of the other enumerated powers listed in Article I, 8. But Butler Court held that no such
limitation exists the spending (and taxing) powers are themselves enumerated powers, so Congress may spend
(or tax) to achieve the general welfare, even though no other enumerated power is being furthered.
Facts. This case involved the validity of the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933, a New Deal measure which
sought to raise farm prices by cutting back agricultural production. The scheme was to be carried out by
authorizing the Secretary of Agriculture to contract with farmers to reduce their acreage under cultivation in
return for benefit payments; the payments were in turn to be made from a fund generated by the imposition of a
processing tax on the processing of the commodity.
Holding. SCt invalidated AAA because (1) it pursued an unconstitutional end, namely federal regulation of
agriculture; and (2) it sought to purchase a compliance which Congress was powerless to command.
102.
Separate spending power. SCt first concluded that the power to tax
and spend for the general welfare existed as a power separate and distinct from the other powers
enumerated in Article I, 8. Thus the taxing-and-spending power stood on equal footing with, say, the
19
power to regulate interstate commerce. By this standard, there was no difficulty with the Agricultural
Adjustment Act.
103.
Not usable for regulation. But SCt rejected the contention that
Congress had an independent power to provide for the general welfare apart from the power to tax
and spend. Thus Congress may not regulate in a particular area merely on the ground that it is thereby
providing for the general welfare; it is only taxing and spending which may be done for the general
welfare. Otherwise, SCt noted, the federal government would be one of general and unlimited
powers, rather than enumerated and limited ones.
i. States rights infringed. Therefore, SCt concluded, Congress had no right to regulate areas of
essentially local control, including agriculture. Because Congress could not directly regulate
agricultural production, it also could not coercively purchase compliance with a regulatory
scheme.
20
Dissent - Stone. Stone contended that majoritys second argument is dead weight because all acts of spending
are such. Rejected majoritys distinction between conditional appropriations and spending premised upon
contracts. He pointed out that if Congress could constitutionally make payment to farmers on condition that
they reduce their crop acreage, it was absurd to hold that the measure becomes unconstitutional merely because
the farmer is required to promise to reduce the acreage.
Cardozo, 1937.
Reversed course; abandoned distinction between conditional appropriations and
appropriations requiring binding promises by the recipient.
Upheld provision of the Social Security Act which allowed employers to receive a credit against federal tax for
any contribution to a state-enacted unemployment plan. Even though the credit was given only where the state
passed a plan meeting congressionally-defined (certainly an arrangement having aspects of an agreement
between the state and the federal government), the plan was held valid, in view of the need to combat
employment, a federal problem.
Cardozo observed congressional action here was necessary because unemployment was a collective action
problem. [zqn is this functional argument a legitimate mode of constitutional argument?]
Cardozo purported to distinguish rather than overrule Butler, but distinguished it into oblivion.
DRINKING AGE
Rehnquist 1987. Held that there is little limit on conditional use of spending power. But how can this holding
be reconciled with Lopez?
Facts. Congress, in order to prevent drivers under the age of 21 from drinking, withheld federal highway funds
from states that permit individuals younger than 21 to purchase or possess in public any alcoholic beverage.
South Dakota attacked the statute on the grounds that this condition interfered with its own exclusive powers
under both the 10th and 21st Amendments.
Holding. SCt upheld the statute. Even if, arguendo, direct congressional setting of the drinking age for the
entire country would be unconstitutional, Congress indirect use of its conditional spending power to achieve
the same results is permissible. Only if, by the use of that conditional spending power, Congress induced the
states to pass laws that would themselves violate the constitutional rights of individuals would that
congressional action be unconstitutional. Thus, for example, a grant of federal funds conditioned on
invidiously discriminatory state action or the imposition of cruel and unusual punishment would be an
illegitimate exercise of the Congress broad spending power. Here, by contrast, if South Dakota responded to
Congress inducement by raising its drinking age to 21, the states action would not violate anyones
constitutional rights, so Congress attempt to persuade the state by use of its spending power is not
unconstitutional.
1981. Added limit to Congressional spending power in form of rule of statutory construction:
Rationale. It would be unfair (and perhaps unconstitutional) to impose obligation on state, following its
acceptance of federal funds, unless Congress spoke so clearly that we can fairly say that state could make an
informed choice.
21
These cases present question of powers on border between exclusive federal powers and concurrent powers.
DCC doctrine is an inference from Congressional silence. Any limitation imposed on state law by doctrine (i.e.,
SCt. strikes state statute) is waivable by Congress.
It is merely a presumption, a tool for interpreting
Congressional silence, given that there is no mechanism for Congressional review of state legislation. (Unlike
federal judiciary, Congress does not have to hear cases that come to it.)
Marshall. Seemingly of two minds regarding exclusivity of federal power over interstate commerce
Marshall left behind good confusion.
There is bright line distinction between intrastate and interstate commerce. Federal government had exclusive
power in interstate commerce. (even where federal government is silent, states cannot regulate)
However, perhaps inconsistently, Marshall also approved of local inspection and quarantine laws, which he
regarded as legitimate exercise of state police power.
1829. Marshall held state regulation establishing dam on stream was constitutional because as long as states do
not intend to obstruct interstate commerce state law is constitutional.
Cooley v. Board of Port Wardens (1851) Cooley test That which is by nature national
Cooley Test. Held that Congress has exclusive power to legislate on matters that are in their nature national, or
admit only of one uniform system.
However, it was clear from Cooley test that any state law clearly intended to obstruct interstate commerce (e.g.
benefit in-staters at expense of out-of-staters) will be struck down.
Based on distrust of states (Stone 294) combined with view that Congress is too busy to police the states
(Jackson 296).
Since no one else can be trusted to prevent abuses of state regulatory power, SCt must.
Koppelman: Even if this rationale makes sense pragmatically, does it explain why SCt has constitutional
authority to invalidate state laws on this basis? If authority is not explicit, does this mean that framers in
Philadelphia made a whopping error? If so, what ought SC do about it?
Facts. This case involved a NJ statute prohibiting the importing of most solid or liquid waste into the state. The
law was enacted in response to the use of NJ landfills for disposal of waste from cities in Pennsylvania and NY.
Several NJ operators and out-of-state users of the landfill sites (including Philadelphia) sued to have the statute
invalidated on the ground that it discriminated against interstate commerce.
Holding
104.
105.
(1) Simple Economic Protectionism, for which there is a virtually per se rule of invalidity.
22
(2) Incidental burdens on interstate commerce that are clearly excessive in relation to the local benefit
[a balancing test from Pike v. Bruce Church, Inc. (304)]. State bears burden of showing that
burdens on interstate commerce are incidental rather than intentional, and that local benefit is not
excessively outweighed by burden on interstate commerce.
106.
Stewart held NJs law was discriminatory on its face and therefore
flunked test of simple economic protectionism.
(1) Purpose unclear. The opinion declined to decide whether the main purpose of the statute was to
protect the states environment and its inhabitants health and safety (as NJ claimed) or to stabilize
the costs of waste disposal for NJ residents at the expense of out-of-state interests (as Ps claimed).
(2) Discriminatory means. However, it was unnecessary to decide this issue because the evil of
protectionism can reside in legislative means as well as legislative ends. Since NJ had chosen a
discriminatory means of furthering its objectives (whatever those objectives were), it was a
protectionist measure. That is, it imposes on out-of-state commercial interests the full burden of
conserving the States remaining landfill space. It is an attempt by one State to isolate itself from
a problem common to many by erecting a barrier against the movement of interstate trade.
(3) Per se rule of invalidity. In striking the statute, SCt suggested, though it did not explicitly state,
that the same virtually per se rule of invalidity which had previously been applied in cases of
protectionism should be extended to non-economic regulations such as the one at hand.
107.
Quarantine laws distinguished.
Stewarts opinion attempted to
distinguish quarantine laws (e.g. laws preventing the importation of diseased or otherwise dangerous
livestock or goods into a state), which had often been upheld by SCt. Such quarantine laws banned
importation of materials which, at the moment of importation, were hazardous. Here, by contrast, the
solid waste whose importation was prohibited by NJ endangered health (if at all) only when buried in
landfill sites, by which time there was no valid reason to differentiate between out-of-state and
domestic garbage.
Dissent - Rehnquist. Contended that quarantine law cases supported NJ law. He saw no reason why NJ may
ban the importation of items whose movement risks contagion, but cannot ban the importation of items which,
although they may be transported into the State without undue hazard, will then simply pile up in an ever
increasing danger to the publics health and safety. Dissent found it reasonable for NJ to guard against a
worsening of its own waste disposal problem by banning addition of out-of-state waste.
West Lynn Creamery, Inc. v. Healy Milk tax subsidizes in-state farmers
Stevens 1994. Facts. MA (1) taxed all milk sales within the state, and (2) used proceeds of tax to subsidize instate dairy farmers. Each part of program was probably constitutional.
Holding. Taken together, these provisions were unconstitutional, because entire scheme was intended to protect
MA farmers from competition of out-of-staters.
Concurrence - Scalia. This case marks outer boundary of DCC jurisprudence; subsidy standing alone would be
permissible even though economic effect of subsidy would be same as this statute.
Dissent - Rehnquist. Program here was constitutionally indistinguishable from any other subsidy. United
States v. Butler shows folly of attempting to limit spending power.
Historical modality
108.
Prevention of state protectionism was one of the underlying purposes of
USC, because one of principal defects of AOC was that they permitted such protectionsim.
109.
C/A. There is no evidence that Framers specifically intended that
judiciary invalidate laws that hadnt been prohibited by Congressional statute. Moreover, if text does
23
not support judicial power, this reinforces conclusion that Framers did not mean for judges to have this
power.
Textual modality
110.
111.
(1) If Congressional power is not absolutely exclusive, then is there a limited sphere of exclusive
power over Commerce?
(2) Cooley said yes in 1851, holding that Congress has exclusive power to legislate on matters that
are in their nature national, or admit only of one uniform system.
(3) But this categorys boundaries are hard to define. Moreover, this position leaves USCs text
behind, and is in realm of judicial gloss. Once one is willing to entertain Cooleys solution, one
has already conceded that (a) text is indeterminate and (b) it is legitimate to go beyond text.
(4) Thus, text does not support DCC doctrine. At best, it is permissive insofar as it does not prohibit
courts from assuming this power.
Structural modality
112.
It is inconsistent with overall constitutional scheme for states to be able
to enact protectionist laws that obstruct interstate commerce. It is not just original intent that is
thwarted by such laws; textual provisions enumerated above indicate a purpose to maintain free trade
among the states a purpose we would be entitled to infer even if we did not know the history.
113.
C/A. It is not clear that this purpose will be thwarted if federal courts
get out of DCC business. Maybe this is Congress job.
114.
Doctrinal modality DCC doctrine is well established in precedent, having been endorsed by Marshall himself.
However, question being addressed today is whether precedent is justified.
Ethical modality
115.
C/A. This argument has limitation: it says nothing about judicial role.
Prudential modality
117.
Bad things will happen if states are allowed to do whatever they want:
free trade will break down, trade wars will ensue, and political and economic consequences will be
bleak.
24
118.
to intervene.
C/A. If results are that bad, then Congress can probably be relied upon
119.
consequentialist reasoning.
Analysis
120.
If a state acts as a market participant rather than a market regulator (e.g. operates a business and sells goods)
then it may discriminate in favor of its own residents.
1980. When SD owned and operated a cement plant, it was constitutionally permissible (e.g. is free of DCC
limitations) for it to supply SD customers first before furnishing cement to out-of-state customers in times of
shortage.
10th Amendment - Implied limitations on congressional power National League of Cities v. Usery - Traditional government functions test
1976. Barred federal government from doing anything that would impair the states ability to perform their
traditional functions.
Holding. SCt held by 5-4 vote that 10 th Amendment barred Congress from making federal minimum-wage and
overtime rules applicable to state and municipal employees.
Rationale. Majority conceded that minimum-wage/overtime rules, as applied to state employees, clearly
affected commerce. Thus these wage/hour regulations could unquestionably be constitutionally applied to
private employers, under the commerce power. But when these wage/hour rules were applied to state
employees, they violated the independent requirement, imposed by the 10 th Amendment, that Congress may
not exercise power in a fashion that impairs the States integrity or their ability to function effectively in the
federal system.
Garcia v. San Antonio MTA - Overruled National League of Cities Minimum wage
Blackmun 1985. Facts. The issue here was whether the minimum-wage and overtime provisions of the federal
Fair Labor Standards Act (same statute at issue in National League of Cities) should apply to employees of a
municipally-owned and-operated mass-transit system. Under National League of Cities and cases later decided
under it, the issue translated into the issue: Is municipal ownership and operation of such transit system a
traditional governmental function?
Holding. SCt held that state governments are not immune from generally applicable federal laws [key phrase];
thus, federal government cannot pass laws singling out state governments.
121.
122.
25
Difficulty of line-drawing. Majority contended that the 8-year period following National League of Cities had
shown that it was difficult, if not impossible, to identify an organizing principle that would distinguish
between those functions that are traditional governmental functions and those that are not. For instance,
federal courts of appeal had held that the licensing of automobile drivers was a traditional government
function (as to which the 10th Amendment therefore protected state sovereignty from federal control), but that
the regulation of traffic on public roads was not.
Problem of subjectivity. An additional, but related problem was that the National League of Cities approach
inevitably led to judicial subjectivity. Any rule of state immunity that looks to the traditional, integral, or
necessary nature of governmental functions inevitably invites an unelected federal judiciary to make decisions
about which state policies it favors and which ones it dislikes.
Procedural safeguards. Yet, the majority insisted, its rejection of National League of Cities did not mean that
there are no limitations upon the federal governments right to use its delegated powers to impair state
sovereignty. However, state sovereign interests are protected by procedural safeguards inherent in the
structure of the federal system, not by judicially created limitations on federal power. [Wechsler-Choper
argument]
123.
Examples of structural protection. For instance, the requirement that
each state have two Senators, the fact that the states are given general control over electoral
qualifications for federal elections, and the fact that the states have a special role in presidential
elections by means of the electoral college, are all indications that the structure of the federal
government has been constitutionally arranged so as to protect state sovereignty.
Dissent. Four dissenters asserted that the majority approach effectively reduces the 10 th Amendment to
meaningless rhetoric when Congress acts pursuant to the Commerce Clause.
124.
Dissent - Powell.
(a) Contended that National League of Cities was correctly decided and that it articulated a workable
standard. The Garcia majoritys approach, by contrast, established no effective standard at all, in
Powells opinion. Powell was especially troubled by the fact that under the majority approach,
federal political officials, invoking the Commerce Clause, are the sole judges of the limits of their
own power. He contended that the majority position was inconsistent with the rule, in force since
Marbury v. Madison, that it is up to the federal judiciary to say what the law is with respect to
the constitutionality of congressional actions.
(b) As during Founding Fathers era, democracy is more effective at state/local levels where officials
are more accessible and responsive. Special interest groups significantly influence Congress with
campaign contributions such a political process that functions this way is unlikely to
safeguard sovereign rights of States and localities. Staffs in Congress are hardly as
accessible/responsive/mindful of local concerns as staffs in state and local government.
125.
Dissent - OConnor.
(a) Doubted whether structural or procedural factors would be enough to prevent Congress from
trampling upon state sovereignty. She observed that a number of recent changes in how Congress
works (e.g. the direct election of Senators, as well as the expanded influence of national interest
groups) had probably lessened the weight Congress gives to the legitimate interests of States as
States. This was all the more true in view of the unprecedented growth of federal regulatory
activity in the last two decades. True essence of federalism is that states have legitimate interests
which federal government must respect even though its laws are supreme. Thus, SCt cannot
abdicate its constitutional responsibility to oversee federal governments compliance with its duty
to respect legitimate interests of states.
(b) Not private litigant. OConnor believed that the majority was holding that the States as States
retain no status apart from that which Congress chooses to let them retain. The majority was
analyzing the constitutionality of congressional regulation of the states pursuant to the Commerce
26
power by asking only: would the same regulation be valid if enforced against a private party?
OConnor believed that it was wrong to equate a State with any private litigant for the purposes
of this analysis.
Koppelman. Does Blackmun or dissenting justices have better grasp of political reality?
One aspect of state sovereignty is a states ability to make and apply law, through legislative, judicial, and
administrative functions. Even after Garcia, there are limits to Congress right to interference with these state
legislative or executive processes, and Congress will violate the 10 th Amendment if it exceeds those limits. In a
pair of cases, SCt has held that the federal government may not: (1) compel a state to enact or enforce a
particular law or type of law (New York v. United States); or (2) compel state/local officials to perform
federally-specified administrative tasks (Printz v. U.S.)
DISPOSAL
OConnor 1992. Dramatically illustrates the principle that Congress may not simply force a state to enact a
certain statute or to regulate in a certain manner.
Regulatory scheme. Congress enacted the Low-Level Radioactive Waste Policy Amendments Act of 1985. The
Act attempted to force each state to make its own arrangements for disposing (either in-state or out-of-state) of
the low-level radioactive waste generated in that state. The Act tried to do this with three types of incentives:
(1) monetary incentives, by which each state that made such waste-disposal arrangements would receive
federally-collected funds, and states that didnt wouldnt; (2) access incentives, by which states that did not
make arrangements would be denied access to the few disposal facilities in existence before the Act was passed;
and (3) most significantly, the take title incentive, whereby any state which did not arrange for waste disposal
would be required to take title to the waste (upon request by the waste generator), and would be liable for
damages in connection with disposal of this waste.
New York attacks statute. NY, unlike most states, made little progress in solving its waste disposal problems,
because local residents of each community where the state proposed to put disposal sites fiercely objected. NY
then sued the federal government, arguing that all three of the provisions, especially the take title provision,
violated the 10th Amendment, by effectively forcing the state to regulate in a particular area.
10th Amendment found violated. Majority of SCt agreed with NY position as to one of the provisions. SCt
found that the take title provision violated the 10th Amendment: Congress may not simply commandeer the
legislative processes of the States by directly compelling them to enact and enforce a federal regulatory
program.
126.
Explanation.
NY was being put to the choice of two
unconstitutionally coercive regulatory techniques: either it could choose to regulate on its own by
making arrangements for disposal of waste generated inside the state, or be forced to indemnify wastegenerators against tort damages. Because Congress could not employ either of these methods alone, it
could not escape the problem by giving the state a choice between the two.
127.
Incentives allowed. But the other two incentives set forth in the
federal statute were allowable. The use of monetary incentives was a valid conditional use of the
federal spending power. Similarly, the denial of access to out-of-state facilities was a valid exercise of
Congress power to regulate interstate commerce.
27
OConnors concern about accountability. OConnors formalism is justified by realist concern for preserving
accountability: it may be state officials who will bear the brunt of public disapproval, while the federal
officials who devised the regulatory program may remain insulated from the electoral ramifications of their
decision. [C/A: federalism has political safeguards against this result: state officials can educate electorate
about true source of their burdens.]
Koppelman. It would be more effective to use Lopez argument that certain substitute areas are reserved to
states.
Dissent - White.
128.
Argued that this was not an instance where Congress was forcing its
will upon the states. Rather, Congress had responded to a request by many of the states to ratify a
compromise worked out among themselves, so that the waste-disposal problem could be solved. The
SCts refusal to force NY to accept responsibility for its own problem inevitably means that some other
States sovereignty will be impinged by it being forced, for public health reasons, to accept NYs lowlevel radioactive waste. I do not understand the principle of federalism to impede the National
Government from acting as referee among the States to prohibit one from bullying another.
129.
i. Koppelman: But White did not show that there was no other way for problem to be addressed
Dissent - Stevens. Formalist argument: Congress necessarily can do anything that was permissible under AC,
which gave Congress power to issue commands to states.
Alternative methods. Is Congress powerless to make each state deal with its radioactive waste (or any other
specific problem)? Probably not. Whites dissent suggests several methods that are apparently still open to
Congress, notwithstanding NY v. U.S.
130.
Spending power. First, Congress clearly may condition the receipt of
federal funds on a states solving the problem (provided that the funds in question have something to
do with the problem).
131.
Threat of regulation. Second, Congress could directly regulate the
conduct in question, and could therefore take the less drastic step of telling the states that this direct
regulation will follow if the states do not take care of the problems themselves.
132.
i. SC will impose more restrictions on spending power than it has in past 50 years; or
ii. NY, Printz will end up being toothless.
28
iii. Good Confusion: It remains to be seen whether this federalism-based limitation on Congress will
be expanded beyond these 2 cases (New York, Printz)
135.
OConnor did not conform with pre-New Deal Federalism. She did not
say there are substantive areas reserved to states (e.g. regulating radioactive waste), but rather that
states have reserved their procedural mechanisms.
136.
137.
Perhaps OConnor should have been bolder, as in Lopez, and hold that
substantive areas are reserved to states.
PRINTZ V. UNITED STATES BRADY BILL DONT NO
Scalia 1997. SCt held that Congress may not compel a state or local governments executive branch to perform
functions.
Brady Bills provision. In 1993, Congress enacted the Brady Bill, aimed at controlling the flow of guns. As a
temporary 5-year measure, the law ordered local law enforcement officials to conduct background checks on
prospective purchasers, until a national computerized system for doing these checks could be phased in. Printz
and Mack, country sheriffs in Montana and Arizona respectively, objected to the background-check requirement
and sued. They argued that under New York v. U.S., Congress could not force them to conduct background
checks on the federal governments behalf.
Decision. By 5-4 margin, SCt agreed with Ps. Majority noted that in NY v. U.S., SCt had said that the federal
government may not compel the States to enact or administer a federal regulatory program. Scalia then
concluded that the background-check portion of the Brady bill violated this prohibition; also violates separation
of powers by reducing powers of President.
138.
139.
Basis unclear. Its not clear whether Scalia believed that any particular
constitutional provision had been violated. He seemed to be relying on general, non-textual, principle
of state sovereignty, rather than on any specific clause (e.g. the 10th Amendment, which he referred to
only occasionally and in passing). But two concurring opinions specifically said that the backgroundcheck requirement violated the 10th Amendment.
Dissent - Stevens.
140.
First pointed out that the federal commerce power gave Congress the
authority to regulate handguns. He then concluded that this being so, the necessary and proper
clause gave Congress the right to implement its regulation by temporarily requiring local police
officers to perform the ministerial step of identifying persons who should not be entrusted with
handguns. This was especially true since Congress could have required private citizens to help with
29
such indemnification: The 10th Amendment provides no support for a rule that immunizes local
officials form obligations that might be imposed on ordinary citizens.
141.
SCt holding here will accomplish opposite of what it intends by
creating incentives for aggrandizement of federal power.
Dissent - Souter. Distinguished New York because state legislators are entitled to discretion in a way that state
law enforcement officials are not.
Dissent - Breyer. Comparative law shows that conscription of local officials is not necessarily oppressive.
[Scalias C/A: comparative law analysis is inappropriate once USC is already ratified.] Koppelman: who is
right here? Breyer: viewed SC as attempting to solve problem of reconciling national authority with local
autonomy.
142.
USC does not specifically prohibit Congress from doing what it did in
144.
145.
30
POSSIBLE MCCULLOCH
THEORY UNDERLYING
NEW YORK
AND
PRINTZ
McCulloch says that if MD can single out Bank for special taxes not borne by MD citizens generally, it can
unduly pressure federal government to have policy that it likes. But generally applicable taxes were okay.
Possibly, there is a corresponding nondiscrimination limit on ability of Congress to single out states for special
burdens that federal government need not bear. This theory may underlie New York and Printz.
NY and Printz distinguished from Garcia. Garcia seems to apply mainly to generally applicable federal
lawmaking; that case holds that where Congress passes a generally applicable law (e.g. minimum wage law that
applies to all or nearly all businesses), the 10 th Amendment does not entitle a states own operations to an
exemption, merely because it is a state that is being regulated along with all the other private entities. But
where the federal government tries to force a state or local government to enact legislation or regulation, or tries
to force state or local officials to perform particular governmental functions, this is not part of a generallyapplicable federal scheme, and is instead directed specifically at the states basic exercise of sovereignty: the
states right to carry out the business of government. NY and Printz say the federal government may not use
such coercion.
Stevens 1995. Nullified state law that imposed term limits on states representatives in Congress. Stevens held
that states cannot supplement qualifications laid down in Article I.
Significance. This case illustrates how tenuous the once-settled view of federal authority and the nature of our
Union is on todays SCt. The vote was so close! Justices who provided Thomas four votes remain on SC.
Facts. Voters of Arkansas modified the Arkansas State Constitution to prohibit any person from appearing on
the ballot for Congress from that state if he/she had previously served three terms in the House or two in the
Senate. This provision was similar to term limit provisions that had been adopted either by statute or state
constitutional amendment in 22 other states.
Formalist holding. Stevens and Kennedy argued that this holding follows from fact that Congress is national
institution and does not represent the states.
Formalist C/A by Thomas. Congress is an assembly of representatives from distinct political entities, who
retain reserved powers to prescribe qualifications for those representatives.
This debate gave rise to dispute, rare in SCs modern history, regarding nature of the federal union. Which side
has better understanding of sovereignty?
Realist perspective. Would any bad consequences result from term limits that USC sought to prevent?
Key Questions
146.
they joined Union?
147.
148.
(a) Stevens. McCulloch rejected idea that because USC was silent on question, states had reserved
power to tax the bank.
(b) Thomas. This makes most of McCulloch opinion surplusage, because MD would have lacked tax
power even absent conflicting federal law.
31
(c) Kennedy: cited McCulloch for proposition that the National Government is and must be
controlled by the people without collateral interference from states.
(d) Thomas C/A. But the people of each state retained their separate political identities. Voters of
AK act as citizens of AK, not as citizens of U.S.
149.
(a) Stevens/Kennedy: emphasized that the language that describes creation of new nation.
(b) Thomas emphasized language that describes continuing importance of state boundaries.
(c) In Term Limits, is Stevens or Thomas misreading McCulloch, or is Marshalls opinion ambiguous
enough to support either reading?
150.
(a) If states are as constrained as Stevens says, are they disabled from preventing prisoners or mental
incompetents from running for Congress?
(b) If Thomas is right that members of Congress are agents of their states, can states control their
representatives in other ways for example, by instructing them how to vote?
32
BIRDS
Holmes 1920. Treaty power implies an unspecified ability of Congress to agree to that which it cannot directly
legislate. [What if Congress had passed Gun Free Zones Act in order to comply with treaty?]
Facts. Congress attempted to regulate the killing of migratory birds within the United States. This statute was
struck down as not being within any enumerated congressional authority. A treaty was then enacted between the
U.S. and Great Britain, governing migration of birds between the U.S. and Canada; the act prohibited the killing
or capture of certain birds within the U.S. The state of Missouri claimed that the treaty invaded rights
guaranteed to it under the 10th Amendment.
Holding. The treaty and its regulations are valid, and do not violate any states 10th Amendment rights. The
treaty power is explicitly given to Congress, and thus furnished authority for this particular treaty. Furthermore,
migration of wild birds is a national problem, best dealt with by a national solution; therefore, no 10th
Amendment rights of individual states will be allowed to stand in the way of such a solution.
1948. The war powers impact on federalism has principally arisen in a context of economic regulations
promulgated during wartime. This case broadly construed Congress right to promulgate such economic
regulations as an adjunct to the war power. This case suggests that Congress war power implies ability to enact
domestic legislation that otherwise is ordinarily beyond its competence.
Facts. This case involved the constitutionality of the Housing and Rent Act of 1947, by which Congress sought
to impose rent controls because of the post-war housing shortage.
Holding. The SCt held that although actual combat had terminated, a state of war still technically existed.
Furthermore, the shortage directly resulted from the war; therefore, Congress could act to combat the shortage
under its power to take all necessary and proper steps to enforce an enumerated power (the war power).
1922. Holds that taxes as a pretext cannot be used for purposes that Congress could not pursue by direct
regulatory legislation.
Background. Recall Congress attempt to prohibit the shipment of products of child labor in interstate
commerce was struck down by the SCt in Hammer.
Facts. Shortly thereafter, Congress tried to achieve a similar result by enacting the Child Labor Tax Law of
1919, which imposed a federal excise tax of 10% of annual net profits on every employer of child labor in
specified industries. The constitutionality of this use of the taxing power was attacked in this case.
Act struck down. SCt invalidated the law, holding that it was really a penalty, not a tax. SCt conceded that
taxes are often enacted with incidental regulatory motives. But here, the taxs prohibitory purpose was clearly
paramount; for instance, the amount of the tax was not proportional to the extent to which child labor was used,
and the tax was only payable if the employer had scienter (e.g. only if he knew that the child was underage).
Since the measure was really for regulatory purposes, it had to be judged by the same standards as the original
Child Labor Law invalidated in Hammer; as such, the tax was invalid because it invaded regulatory areas left by
the 10th Amendment to the states.
Koppelman:
33
151.
152.
153.
But tax on guns near schools probably would not be upheld given
Lopez.
The guarantee clause and the reconstruction amendments
Disorganized-states theory:
(a) States never left union, but are without governments, which Congress can now provide via
guarantee clause.
(b) However, they continue to exist as states, and that remains a limit on Congressional power. This
theory underlies Military Reconstruction Act of 1867 and Texas v. White.
TEXAS V. WHITE
Texass newly reconstructed government sought to recover U.S. bonds that were in its treasury before Civil War,
and that rebel government had paid out in exchange for war supplies. The bonds were transferable only if
endorsed by Governor of Texas. Texas will not be readmitted into Union until 1870; when this case was
brought, Texas was under provisional government, under continuing military supervision, and had no
representation in Congress.
Issue. Was petitioner authentically state of Texas? Is this a suit in which state is a party, and thus subject to
SCs original jurisdiction under Article 3? SC ultimately ruled in favor of TX.
Holding. Yes. Secession was unconstitutional and Congress had power under Guarantee Clause to reconstruct
state governments.
VALIDITY
OF
13TH
AND
14TH AMENDMENTS
This legitimacy issue resembles that of New Deal. As shown by chronology below, how can 13A and 14A both
be part of USC? 13As ratification depended on votes of southern governments which were then declared void
by Congress and excluded from Union until they ratified 14A.
158.
Feb/Dec 1865. 13A ratified by Southern states at Johnsons insistence,
simultaneously with Congressional elections in South.
159.
Congress.
Dec 1865.
160.
June 1866. 14A proposed by (rump) Congress. Tennessee ratified in
July and was admitted to Congress; other 10 seceded states rejected and were excluded.
34
161.
Fall 1866.
Johnson, now allied with Democrats, argued
unconstitutionality of Southern exclusion from Congress and illegitimacy of 14A. 14A was central
issue in election. Sweeping victory for Congressional Republicans: more than 2/3 of both houses of
Congress (enough to override any presidential veto), every Northern state legislature, every northern
gubernatorial contest.
162.
March 1867.
Military Reconstruction Act
governments under military supervision. Cant get back in until they ratify 14A.
placed
Southern
163.
164.
impeachment.
Reconstruction is another keystone of Ackermans constitutional theory. As in 1787 and 1937, a radical change
in the nature of the federal government, achieved by legally questionable means, and ratified by a landslide
election.
THE
Amendments 13,14,15 all give Congress power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of
amendments.
However, given that Amendments 13,14,15 are self-executing, it is not clear what exactly Congress power to
execute them is. [Brown v. Board of Education did not invoke federal statute.]
Brennan 1966. Issue. How can Congress interpretation of 14th amendment legitimately differ from SCs?
Lassiter v. Northampton Election Board (1959) held that English-language literacy requirement did not violate
14th or 15th amendment. Then Congress enfranchised Spanish-speaking persons (largely New Yorkers) who had
completed 6th grade in Puerto Rico.
166.
167.
i. Substantive interpretation does not bind courts to one-way ratchet set by Brennan (e.g. Congress
has power to enforce, but not to dilute constitutional guarantees). However, under enforcement
does bind courts to one-way ratchet.
35
CITY
OF
Kennedy 1997. Landmark case in which SCt found that Congress has no right to specify substantive contours
of constitutional rights.
Holding. Congress could not use its 14 th Amendment enforcement powers to prevent local governments from
unintentionally burdening individuals religious freedom in certain ways. The decisions effect was to prevent
Congress from effectively overruling a prior SCt decision about the meaning of the Free Exercise clause.
168.
169.
1963-1990.
Compelling Interest Test (Sherbert v. Verner)
government regulations imposing substantial burden on exercise of religion were constitutional only if
justified by compelling state interest. Under this test, acts were periodically struck down.
170.
171.
172.
Result. SCt held that RFRA was unconstitutional. Majority said that Congress has been given the power to
enforce, not the power to determine what constitutes a constitutional violation. (In fact, even the three
dissenters agreed that Congress did not have the power to define substantive aspects of the 14 th Amendment.)
173.
174.
36
shall please to later it [citing Marbury v. Madison] Under this approach, it is difficult to conceive of a
principle that would limit congressional power. Shifting legislative majorities could change the USC
and effectively circumvent the difficult and detailed amendment process contained in Article V.
RFRA struck down. Majority then concluded that RFRA in fact modified the scope of the free exercise clause,
rather than merely enforcing that clause.
175.
176.
Dissent. Three justices dissented here. But even the three dissenters agreed that Congress cant expand or
contract the scope of constitutional guarantees, even the scope of the 14 th Amendment guarantees as to which
Congress has an explicit enforcement power. (These Justices dissented only because they disagreed with the
Smith decision, and therefore didnt believe that Congress was in fact modifying the scope of the Free-Exercise
clause from what these dissenters believed that scope should be.
Koppelman discussion. Issue. Can RFRA be justified under any of 3 possible defenses of Morgan?
177.
Substantive interpretation.
i. SC takes this up first and rejects this. Held Congress must not be permitted to advance its own
substantive interpretation of 14th Amendment, because under this approach it is difficult to
conceive of principle that would limit congressional power.
ii. SC rejected without discussion possibility that Congresss substantive disagreement should
occasion revisiting of Smith decision. SC casually rather casually invoked stare decisis. This was
hypocritical, given that Smith itself rejected large body of precedent; demonstrates that SC is not
bound by its own precedents when it does not want to be.
iii. SC did not consider possibility that it could retain power to review rationality of Congresss
interpretation of its own powers, as it did in Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co. (264).
178.
Remedial Interpretation:
i. SC accepts this interpretation; namely, that RFRA is merely device to prevent constitutional
violations that are recognized as such by Smith (intentional religious persecutions).
ii. But SC observes Congress has not documented/alleged contemporary religious persecution of
magnitude sufficient to justify such a sweeping statute.
iii. This implies that Morgan power contains requirement of proportionality: The appropriateness of
remedial measures must be considered in light of the evil presented. (23) This statute is beyond
Congresss powers because it is so disproportionate to evil presented.
179.
Under enforcement
iii. However, it would not be inconsistent with Scalias opinion here to say that Congress have
obligation, under free exercise clause, to place great weight on religious liberty and to enact
37
religious exemptions (e.g. Native American peyote users got their exemption from legislature after
judiciary rejected one). Thus, while it is inappropriate for judges to be doing balancing, Congress
could pass laws specifically carving out certain religiously-based exemptions from state laws.
iv. Problem with RFRA was that it instructed courts to balancing laws against religious beliefs as
under Smith, which Scalia said was inappropriate.
v. Under enforcement thesis allows Congress to step in where courts cannot go, but it does not
clearly say whether SC should defer to Congresss judgment about limitations of judicial
competence. Neither Smith nor Boerne courts explained whether/why SCs judgment about its
institutional competence was one of constitutional magnitude which Congress could not override.
Good Confusion. It is not clear what scope of Congressional power is in aftermath of Boerne. SC was less
deferential here to Congressional power than it was in the past, but it is difficult to say exactly how less
deferential.
Judicial efforts to protect the expansion of the market from assertions of local power.
Clearest limitation on state power supremacy clause. When state statute conflicts with federal statute,
federal statute preempts state statute.
Primary issue. Do states have the power to regulate in certain areas that are within federal power?
Threshold question. Is subject matter of regulation one that Congress can regulate? If yes, then two possible
questions arise:
180.
181.
Concurrent powers (either states or federal government can act independently of other): taxation
Shared powers (neither states nor federal government can act independently of the other): amend the USC.
Powers nobody has: the power to set up custom house on an internal state border, to enact an ex post facto law
or bill of attainder.
Preemption
182.
38
183.
Conflicting regulations. It may be impossible to comply with both
laws, or state law my frustrate purposes of federal statute.
i. Example: Perez v. Campbell (1971): AZ statute suspending drivers license of people who have
not satisfied judgments against them in accident cases conflicted with federal bankruptcy law,
which relieves debtor of duty to satisfy judgment.
184.
i. There is some ambiguity about what constitutes a field. Definition of field is often
determinative of cases, and doctrine does not make clear how SC resolves this problem of
characterization there is judicial discretion in identifying breadth of field.
THE PRIVILEGES
AND IMMUNITIES
CLAUSE
OF
ARTICLE IV
PIC of Article IV. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the Privileges and Immunities of Citizens
in the several States.
In any case in which out-of-staters are discriminated against by the state acting as a market participant, the
statute may be vulnerable to an attack based on PIC.
SCt has held that there is no market participant exception to PIC. Facts. Camden ordinance required that at
least 40% of employees of contractors and subcontractors on city projects be Camden residents.
Grounds for distinction of commerce clause. Commerce clause challenge to this kind of discrimination had
previously been rejected by SCt under market participant exception, which held that state can burden
interstate commerce when it does so in its capacity as a participant, rather than as regulator of market.
Majority reasoned that the rationale for a market participant exemption in the PIC context was not nearly as
strong as in the Commerce Clause context. The Commerce Clause deals only with regulation, and a state acting
as market participant is simply not regulating. But PIC bars any type of state conduct, regulatory or
otherwise, which discriminates against out-of-staters on matters of fundamental concern.
Holding: SCt held that Camden statute was discrimination against out-of-state residents.
185.
(1) Did the law burden a privilege that is sufficiently fundamental to be protected by the clause? [yes,
because pursuit of common calling is a fundamental privilege.]
(2) Is there substantial reason justifying the difference in treatment? [need to remand case for
findings of fact on this question.]:
(a) SCt emphasized that ban on discrimination against out-of-staters is not absolute; all that is
required is that there be a tight fit between the particular discrimination used and a significant
evil that the state is combating.
(b) Here, Camden claimed that it was attempting to reverse wide-spread local unemployment and
middle-class flight. SCt remanded to TC for consideration of whether this was an
appropriate purpose, and whether the particular discriminatory measure chosen was
39
sufficiently closely linked to attainment of that objective. But SCt implied that, especially
since the City was spending its own funds, the City would prevail if it could show that
emigration was indeed a peculiar source of the Citys economic decline.
Dissent - Blackmun. PIC did not prohibit discrimination among state residents because Elys process theory
(45, and Stones long quotation on 294) did not indicate any representational failure that warranted judicial
intervention.
1985. Held that some discrimination against out-of-staters, even if consented to by Congress under CC, may
still violate equal protection clause of 14th Amendment.
FACIALLY
Problem. Both cases below agree that proof of discriminatory impact can be a basis for a claim of
discrimination, but differ on whether discrimination has been proven. Not clear what discrimination means.
If it does not mean discriminatory purpose (Hunt), and it is not demonstrable simply by discriminatory impact
(Exxon), then what else could it mean?
Stevens 1978. A statute which is evenhanded on its face may nonetheless turn out to be disproportionately
burdensome to some or all out-of-state businesses. Where this disproportionate impact is truly accidental, and
does not directly derive from the fact that the burdened firms are out-of-staters, SCt will normally uphold the
statute. This is what happened here.
Facts. Maryland passed a law prohibiting oil producers or refiners from operating retail gas stations in
Maryland. The law was enacted because of evidence that gas stations operated by producers and refiners had
received preferential treatment during the 1973 oil shortage. Since no gas is produced or refined in Maryland,
the rule against vertically-integrated operations affected out-of-state companies exclusively. Conversely, the
vast majority (but not all) of the non-integrated retailers, who were not harmed and were probably helped by the
statute, were in-state business people.
187.
Statute upheld. SCt upheld this statute (forbidding any producer or refiner of petroleum products from
operating a retail gas station) against each of these attacks:
188.
No discrimination. First, majority held that statute did not discriminate
against interstate commerce. Most significantly, not all out-of-state companies were affected by the
statute; Sears Roebuck, for instance, was an out-of-state company which was selling gas at retail
within Maryland, yet was not involved in refining it and was therefore not affected by the statute. The
mere fact that the entire burden of the statute fell on some out-of-state companies was insufficient to
establish that interstate commerce was discriminated against.
189.
Not burdened. Similarly, SCt found that interstate commerce was not
impermissibly burdened by the statute. The opinion conceded that the statute might cause sales
volume to shift from refiner-operated stations to independent dealers. But, SCt held, Commerce
Clause protects the interstate market, not particular interstate firms, from prohibitive or burdensome
regulation. Furthermore, SCt noted, in all probability the same percentage of gasoline would come
from out-of-state suppliers after the statute as before it (e.g. 100%), so that the flow of goods in the
interstate market would not be decreased.
40
190.
Dissent - Blackmun.
191.
Protectionist device. Viewed statutory scheme as a protectionist device
designed to protect in-state retail service station dealers from the competition of out-of-state
businesses. More than 99% of local retailers were protected from competition by more than 98% of
interstate retail gas stations.
192.
193.
Burger 1977. Invalidated NCs law requiring that closed containers of apples shipped to state from elsewhere to
bear either USDA grade or no grade at all.
Facts. North Carolina required that all closed containers of apples shipped into or sold within the state bear the
applicable U.S. grade or no grade at all. A group of Washington state apple growers attacked the North Carolina
statute, since it prohibited the display in NC of Washingtons stringently-policed apple grades. The Washington
manufacturers had to either obliterate the printed labels on containers shipped to North Carolina, or repack
apples bound for NC in special containers.
Holding:
194.
i. NCs statute discriminated against Washington apple growers in that Washington apple growers,
but not NC apple growers, have to bear additional costs by altering their marketing practices.
Washington growers had to repack their apples or obliterate their labels, whereas NC growers
were unaffected.
(1) C/A. However, this is precisely the disparate impact argument rejected by SC in Exxon.
ii. Regulation stripped away Washingtons competitive and economic advantage that it has earned
for itself. Whereas NC had no grading requirements at all, Washington State had very strict ones;
the NC statute hurt Washington by stripping from it the competitive advantages it had earned
through its rigorous and well-known inspection and grading system.
(1) C/A. What is earned about Washingtons advantage? If there is national acceptance of
Washington standard, why hasnt FDA regulation changed?
41
iii. The law has an insidious leveling effect on the heretofore free market forces at work.
(1) C/A. But why is the market created by Washington states participation free, while NC
regulation isnt.
195.
Intentional. SCt attached substantial weight to the fact that the NC
scheme was apparently intentionally discriminatory. There was evidence that it was the NC apple
growers who were responsible for the passage of the statute. Also, the states declared purpose for the
statute (to safeguard consumers against fraud) was suspect, since (1) the statute applied only to labels
of closed shipping containers, and retail sales are generally not made while the apples are still in their
shopping containers; and (2) the state permitted the sale of apples with no grading at all. [note: this
differs form AKs analysis above. Check this out!!]
196.
Balancing test. Finally, SCt applied a balancing test, and concluded
that the burdens on interstate commerce far outweighed the limited benefit to NC consumers. As part
of this balancing, the SCt considered the availability of non-discriminatory alternatives (e.g. permitting
out-of-state growers to utilize their state grades only if they also mark the applicable federal labels on
the containers).
197.
Significance of discrimination. SCt claimed that the probably
intentional nature of the discrimination was not dispositive of SCts analysis, and that the same result
would have followed even if the hardship on Washington producers was truly an incidental by-product
of a scheme intended to protect consumers (which the SCt doubted). Nonetheless, it seems clear that
the presence of an intent to discriminate weighed heavily in the SCts balancing process.
42
198.
Separation of Powers.
judicial branches.
199.
Historical Context
200.
These devices were not present in AOC, but got added in USC in order
to ameliorate expansion of central power.
201.
These two devices and federalism are the two big restraints on federal
government: which is more important?
Federalist 47(Madison)
202.
203.
risk tyranny.
Federalist 48 (Madison)
204.
As with federalism, point of SOP and CAB is to protect individuals, not institutions.
205.
Various checks secure realm of private liberty by preventing
government from becoming strong enough to invade those liberties.
206.
promote those liberties?
Political Safeguards argument (JR is unnecessary because each of these institutions can take care of itself.)
Does this have more or less persuasiveness here than in context of federalism?
Formalism separation of powers doctrine is governed by relatively clear rules that demarcate separate spheres
of governmental authority.
207.
208.
Some formalists argued that SC has good reason to decide cases in
formalist way so as to ensure against various problems presented by modern legislative initiatives,
even if formalism is not defensible historically.
43
Functionalism advocates more fluid approach that prohibits an aggrandizement of power or undue
mingling of functions, but that allows some overlap and is more receptive to changing boundaries so as to deal
with changing situations.
209.
Flaherty originalist defense for flexible approach to separation of powers: Judiciary should not be shielding
presidency (most powerful office in nation) from congressional regulation.
211.
i. Founders took balance very seriously. Thus, given rise of administrative state, congressional
regulation of executive branch is more crucial than ever before.
ii. Contrary to usual assumptions, Founders sought to tame, not further empower, those divisions of
government claiming special responsiveness to electorate. Thus, need for congressional regulation
is necessary precisely because of modern presidents claim to electoral accountability.
214.
215.
44
Judicial review
Marbury v. Madison Supreme Court review of congressional statutes
Marshall 1803. Which branch of the federal government shall have the final say in interpreting the USC?]; this
case held unconstitutional one provision of Judiciary Act of 1789. This was pivotal case in constitutional law
because it established judicial review, the power of federal courts to declare statutes unconstitutional.
Historical background: There was a political struggle between John Adams and the Federalists, and his
successor Thomas Jefferson and the Republicans. Just before leaving office, Adams appointed a number of new
judges, including several justices of the peace for D.C. Commissions for these justices of the peace had been
signed by Adams, but not yet delivered by the time he left office. Jefferson Administration then refused to
honor the appointments for which commissions had not actually been delivered prior to the end of Adams term.
Subject of suit: Several of the would-be justices of the peace, including William Marbury, brought suit directly
in the SCt. They sought a writ of mandamus compelling Jeffersons Secretary of State (James Madison) to
deliver their commissions.
Marshalls decision: Marshall decided Marbury did have a right to his commission, and there is a remedy for
the violation of this right, but Marshall dismissed the case for lack of jurisdiction because the SCt was not the
correct court to provide that remedy.
216.
217.
218.
219.
(a) Judiciary Act allows: The then-effective Judiciary Act provided that the SCt would have
jurisdiction to issue . . . writs of mandamus . . . [to] persons holding office under the authority of
the U.S. Thus the Act itself explicitly authorized the relief being sought by Ps.
(b) At odds with USC: However, Marshall concluded that this grant of jurisdiction was in conflict
with Article III. 2, of USC, which grants the SCt original jurisdiction only [i]n all Cases
affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be
Party. Since issuance of mandamus is not among the types of cases as to which original
jurisdiction is conferred on SCt, the congressional statute was at odds with the USC.
220.
(a) USC is paramount: The very purpose of a written constitution is to establish a fundamental and
paramount law. It follows from this that any act of the legislature repugnant to USC must be void.
45
(b) Who interprets: It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what
the law is. That is, it is the court, and not the legislature, which must make the determination
whether, in a particular case, an act of Congress is in conflict with the USC. To deny the
permissibility of judicial review of the constitutionality of a congressional statute would be to say
that this courts must close their eyes on the USC, and see only the law. This doctrine would
subvert the very foundation of all written constitutions.
221.
(a) SCt was only branch of government that could make constitutional decisions.
(b) Congress and the president were obligated to follow SCts interpretations.
Critique. In order to exercise judicial review in this case, Marshall found it necessary to stretch his reading of
both 13 and Article III. Unless both of these texts were read in the way that Marshall read them, there is no
conflict between them, and therefore the case would not present an occasion for SCt to exercise power of
judicial review. In each case, Marshall rejected without discussion or explanation the reading of the provision
that would avoid the constitutional conflict.
222.
223.
Marshall stretched USC Article III to say original jurisdiction could not
exist for writs of mandamus. Article III, 2 can be read either as forbidding Congress from adding to
SCts original jurisdiction (USC describes maximum amount of original jurisdiction that SCt can
possess) or as permitting Congress to add to SCts original jurisdiction (by one reading of the
exceptions clause, Congress has power to grant Court original jurisdiction over cases over which it had
appellate jurisdiction under USC).
Who determines constitutionality? Most critics concede that the USC is superior to statutes and that where
there is a conflict, USC must be respected. However, critics argue that nowhere in the USC is it stated that the
courts, not Congress, ought to decide whether a given statute does in fact conflict with USC.
Interpretations just reviewed look like pretty transparent manipulations of legal sources, hardly the work of a
great legal mind.
The part of Marbury that has lasted is the part establishing judicial review. Logic below continues to be
followed by modern courts. It is the theoretical foundation of judicial review.
224.
225.
any statute that conflicts with USC is therefore not the law;
226.
227.
conflicts with USC.
Judicial supremacy:
228.
46
229.
Other interpreters of the USC also matter. Note, for example, Lincolns
first inaugural address. His holding that the union is indissoluble had more important historical
consequences than any decision in the history of the SCt.
What do you think of power of judicial review established by Marbury a power that is nowhere specified in
USC?
230.
Is it appropriate for SCt to declare congressional legislation
unconstitutional? How about state legislation?
231.
Ought Congress and President defer to SCts interpretations of USC?
Ought state governments do so?
232.
Story 1816. Upheld as constitutional 25 of 1789 Judiciary Act, which allowed SCt to hear appeals of
constitutional issues decided by highest court of a state. (court reversed contrary conclusion of Virginia Court
of Appeals)
Background. In Marbury, SCt held that it had the power to review acts of Congress for constitutionality. In
Martin, SCt confronted similar, and perhaps even more important question, of whether SCt is constitutionally
authorized to review the constitutionality of state court decisions.
Virginias argument. This case involved the issue of whether a particular Virginia statute conflicted with a
federal treaty. The Virginia courts took the position that if litigation commenced in state courts, then it was up
to the state court to say whether the state action violated the federal USC, and the SCt had no right to review
whatever conclusion the state court reached.
Holding. SCt flatly rejected Virginia courts view, and held that the SCt could review the constitutionality of a
decision by a states highest court. Judiciary Act 25, giving SCt appellate jurisdiction over cases pending in
state courts, is supported by letter and spirit of USC.
Components of Storys argument: Story started by nothing that Article III, 2 of USC gave SCt jurisdiction over
all constitutional cases, regardless of their origin. Story relied on:
235.
236.
(a) Sovereignty argument rejected: Virginia courts assertion that it was sovereign was rejected, on
the grounds that the federal USC cut back upon state sovereignty in numerous respects. There was
no reason to presume that state judiciaries were immune from this set of limitations.
237.
47
(a) There is a need for uniformity in decisions throughout the nation interpreting the USC: If there
were no revising authority to control these jarring and discordant judgments, and harmonize them
into uniformity, the laws, the treaties and the USC would be different in different states . . . The
case, not court, gives jurisdiction. It is clear that state courts would hear cases that involve USC,
federal laws, treaties, etc.
238.
239.
240.
241.
even appropriate?
242.
(a) Is it argument against the sort of departmentalism advocated by Easterbrook, Jefferson, Madison,
Jackson, and Lincoln?
(b) How do claims of Cooper v. Aaron compare with those of Lincolns inaugural?
(c) Under Meeses departmentalist theory, how can it be flatly claimed (as Meese does at 56) that the
executive branch is bound to enforce a court order? If uniformity in decision is important here,
why doesnt it justify the dictum in Cooper v. Aaron?
Judicial exclusivity
Cooper v. Aaron - Federal judiciary is supreme SCt binds states
Facts. Arkansas state officials claimed that they were not bound by a lower federal court desegregation order.
Dictum(?)/Holding. SCt went out of its way to state that the federal judiciary is supreme in the exposition of
the law of the Constitution, and that the SCts interpretation of the USC is binding on state legislatures and
executive and judicial officers.
Two perspectives
243.
reluctance.
244.
exercise JR.
History of JR
245.
Dred Scott (1857) invoked as example of judicial overreaching. SC
held that blacks could not be citizens of U.S., and that Congress had no power to exclude slavery from
territories.
48
246.
247.
Lochner (1905)
(a) Cited as example of judicial overreaching. SC held maximum hour laws violated peoples rights
to be free from economic regulations.
(b) Generally, during New Deal, SC collided with Executive and Congress, which promulgated
sweeping regulations that SC overruled.
249.
Most important piece of constitutional interetation in U.S. history Lincolns first Inaugural: I hold that in
contemplation of universal law, and of the USC, the Union of these States is perpetual. This seems to qualify
judicial supremacy.
250.
251.
Lincolns argument works if and only if there was some overriding moral imperative not found in USC, such as
need to prevent spread of slavery.
252.
253.
Because judicial branch can only hear cases, branch is not very
255.
49
257.
258.
Appellate Jurisdiction
(3) Federal judicial power extends to diversity jurisdiction, whose minimal required amount ($75K) is
set by Congress. The minimum amount for diversity jurisdiction was raised to $75K effective
1/17/97.
Ex Parte McCardle - Congressional control of appellate jurisdiction
1869. SCt affirmed that Congress does indeed have at least some power to control the boundaries of the SCts
appellate jurisdiction.
Facts. McCardle was imprisoned by a military government imposed by Congress as part of post-Civil War
Reconstruction. He brought a habeas corpus action in federal circuit court, charging that the Reconstruction
Acts under which he was imprisoned were unconstitutional. The circuit court rejected his claim, and he then
appealed under an 1867 Congressional statute, authorizing the grant of habeas corpus by federal circuit courts
and also authorizing appeal to the SCt in such cases.
Congress restricts appeal. After SCt heard arguments in this case, but before it handed down its decision,
Congress passed a law repealing the portion of the 1867 Act which allowed appeals to the SCt. (Congress did
this out of fear that the SCt would hold that the Reconstruction Acts were unconstitutional). Thus Congress
purported to deprive the SCt of its right to decide the McCardle case and any other habeas corpus case coming
to it by appeal form the circuit courts.
Holding. SCt upheld Congress restriction of the SCts jurisdiction. Opinion noted that the appellate
jurisdiction of SCt is conferred with such exceptions and under such regulations as Congress shall make. The
limitation enacted by Congress here was such an exception. Therefore, it had no jurisdiction to decide the case.
259.
This case, which seems to hold that Congress has unlimited power to
strip SCt of its jurisdiction, is pure text, but does structure and prudence cut another way?
260.
It depends on how broad the holding is. It might be that Congress can
restrict jurisdiction only if theres some other way of getting to the SCt with ones constitutional claim.
(a) The 1789 Judiciary Act gave federal courts the power to issue writs of habeas corpus to federal
prisoners; 1867 Act let federal courts issue writs to any court, state or federal.
(b) McCardle didnt plead the 1789 Act; after he sued, Congress repealed the 1867 Act. (83)
Limited withdrawal. Observe that in the statute involved in McCardle, Congress was not completely
withdrawing the SCts right to hear habeas corpus cases. Rather, it was withdrawing that right only where the
SCt got the case by appeal from the lower courts; under the jurisdictional statutes of the time, an original
petition for habeas corpus could be commenced in the SCt itself. Furthermore, even if only the lower courts
had jurisdiction, this would still not leave the litigant without the possibility of federal habeas corpus relief; the
lower court decision would simply be final.
Some argue this case showed Congress usurpation of authority by preventing SCt from exercising JR.
261.
50
262.
263.
1872. Limited Congressional power approved in McCardle. How? Perhaps Congress can control jurisdiction,
but it cant instruct the SCt how to decide cases. But its not altogether clear what Klein holds.
Good confusion
Congressional power to strip SCt of its jurisdiction remains uncertain. Doubts about the constitutionality of
jurisdictional limitations partially account for Congresss failure to adopt such statutes. This is because many
people accept structural argument that SCt must check Congress when it violates USC.
SCt cannot issue advisory opinions. It must wait for an actual controversy to appear before it before it can
decide a constitutional question. This fact may assuage our worries about the possibility of judicial tyranny, and
so may help to justify judicial review.
On the other hand, case/controversy requirement may cut in the other direction. James Bradley Thayer
famously argued that this limitation of judicial power entailed an obligation of the judiciary to defer to the
legislature. Here is his argument:
264.
It is only as litigation springs up and raises the point of
constitutionality, that any question for the courts can regularly emerge.
265.
Thus, it may be that the mere legislative decision will accomplish
results throughout the country of the profoundest importance before any judicial question can arise or
be decided.
266.
It is plain that where a power so momentous as this primary authority
to interpret is given, the actual determinations of the body to whom it is intrusted are entitled to a
corresponding respect; and this not on mere grounds of courtesy or conventional respect, but on very
solid/significant grounds of policy and law.
267.
Judiciary may well reflect that if they had been regarded by the people
as the chief protection against legislative violation of the USC, they would not have been allowed
merely this incidental/postponed control. They would have been let in, as it was sometimes
endeavored in the conventions to let them in, to a revision of the laws before they begin to operate.
268.
Koppelman.
Marbury answer this argument?
Standing
Background
269.
standing.
270.
In order to be able to compel judicial decision, a litigant must have a
legally cognizable stake in the controversy. If a federal court decision will not redress an injury, either
because what is complained of is not an injury or because the decision will have no effect, then the
decision would be an advisory opinion.
51
271.
272.
Standing Requirements. Standing has constitutional and prudential components which must be satisfied to get
into any federal court (98-99). Prudential components can be overruled by statute; constitutional components
cannot be overruled by statute.
273.
Constitutional
(a) P must allege that he has suffered or imminently will suffer an injury
(b) P must allege that injury is fairly traceable to Ds conduct,
(c) P must allege that a favorable decision is likely to redress the injury.
274.
Prudential modality
OConnor 1984. Dismissed, for lack of standing, a suit by parents of black school children who claimed that
the IRS had not fulfilled its duty to deny tax-exempt status to racially discriminatory private schools.
Tax breaks for discriminatory private schools. P will generally find it hard to establish the cause-in-fact aspect
of standing for a claim that tax breaks have caused some third party not before the court to injure him. The
difficulty of establishing standing for such a claim was illustrated when SCt found the cause-in-fact requirement
unsatisfied in a case in which parents of black public school pupils attacked the IRSs grant of tax-exempt status
to discriminatory private schools.
Facts. Parents claimed that the tax breaks enabled discriminatory private schools to offer cheaper tuition, thus
inducing more parents of white students than would otherwise be the case to withdraw their children from the
public schools to place them in these private schools. These withdrawals in turn deprived the black students of
their constitutional right to attend integrated public schools.
Holding. By 5-3 vote, SCt concluded that the line of causation from the IRSs conduct to the continued
segregation of the public schools was so attenuated that the latter was not fairly traceable to the former.
Government aid to racially discriminatory schools caused too abstract a harm to be cognizable. The impact of
the allegedly improper exemption on school desegregation was too speculative a harm.
275.
Speculative elements. For there to have been standing, the parents
would have had to make 3 showings: (1) that there were enough racially discriminatory private
schools receiving tax exemptions in Ps communities for withdrawal of those exceptions to make an
appreciable difference in public-school integration, (2) that a significant number of schools would, if
threatened with loss of the tax exemption, change their policies; and (3) that a significant number of
parents of children attending such schools would transfer their children to public school if the
exemption were withdrawn. According to the majority, Ps had not alleged any of these three elements.
52
276.
AK. Constitutional requirements, especially causation, are difficult to satisfy where P seeks to change state of
world (e.g. desegregate schools) and action is not typical C/L action.
Dissent - Brennan. Case has standing because it is clear that there would be at least some degree of
desegregation if SC held against IRS.
Exception to rule of no taxpayer standing (Flast v. Cohen, 1968). Taxpayer standing exists where there is a
logical nexus between the status [of taxpayer] and the claim.
277.
278.
Separation of powers. SCt has several times stated that the standing requirement reflects the idea of separation
of powers:
279.
280.
281.
53
USC is judicially under enforced. The standing requirement means that even if there is a constitutional
violation, there may be no redress in federal court. This conclusion strengthens Sagers claim (56) that the USC
is judicially under enforced.
LUJAN V. DEFENDERS
OF THE
Scalia 1992. SCt denied standing to a public interest group that sought to question an interpretation of the
Endangered Species Act.
Must be actual or imminent. The injury in fact must be actual or imminent. Thus, if the threatened harm
is far in the future, or too speculative, the actual or imminent element will not be satisfied, and standing will
not be found.
Facts. Ps challenge certain federal agency action that will have the effect of endangering certain species abroad.
D (U.S. government) argues that the Ps do not have standing. Ps retort that they have in the past, and will
again, travel to the habitats of the potentially affected species, in order to observe/study those species.
Holding:
282.
Scalia held that Ps cannot sue because they are not the objects of the
government action. Ps have not shown the requisite actual or imminent harm. Such someday
intentions without any description of concrete plans, or indeed any specification of when the
someday will be do not support a finding of the actual or imminent injury that our cases require.
283.
Concurrences.
284.
285.
Dissent - Blackmun. Argued that the plurality opinion invited executive lawlessness and made unfounded
assumptions about causation.
ITEM VETO
Rehnquist 1997. Dismissed, for lack of standing, a challenge to the Line Item Veto Act brought by six members
of Congress.
Majority. No interest in avoiding institutional loss of power. SCt held that the abstract dilution of
institutional legislative power is not sufficient injury to permit standing.
286.
Members of a political body, such as a legislature, do not have standing
to litigate against an action that they say takes away the political power of that body.
287.
Thus members of Congress who unsuccessfully voted against a bill
allowing line-item by the President were held not to have standing to litigate the constitutionality of the
resulting statute, where their only claim was that the bill causes a type of institutional injury (the
diminution of legislative power), which necessarily damages all Members of Congress, and both
Houses of Congress equally.
288.
Rationale. Majority reasoned that P congressmen were not alleging
injury to themselves as individuals, merely injury to the position of Member of Congress. And the
54
institutional injury they alleged was wholly abstract and widely dispersed. Therefore, the Ps did not
have the concrete and particularized interest required for standing.
289.
Concurrence - Souter. Wants to keep SCt out of what is essentially an inter branch controversy.
Dissents.
290.
Stevens. Thought that this law denies every member of Congress his
right to vote on the measures that ultimately become law.
291.
ON CASES
Deep problem with standing doctrine is the difficulty of discerning what constitutes injury. As Easterbrook
noted on 105, bystanders may have vital interests in whether the police are doing their jobs or not. Because
we all have real interests in living in a certain kind of world, the standing question tends to get tied up with the
underlying question of the merits of Ps claim.
Example: I am outraged because I know that, in a house down the street, A is showing a pornographic movie to
B, which B is watching with avid interest. Do I have a right to complain, or am I a mere meddlesome
busybody? It depends.
292.
cognizable than if
293.
B is an adult married to A.
Standard C/A:
i. Standing is an Article III requirement, and courts just need to do the best they can.
ii. AK: is that a necessary reading of Article III? Cases here seem to impose standard that is more
strict than requirements from plain language of Article 3. This is because of SCs conception of
55
judiciarys role: courts must address constitutional issues and violations of law only where
specific people are injured.
Political question doctrine
Some big constitutional questions never get to court (e.g. secession). Should SCt ever refuse to decide a
political question that is properly presented to it because it is not SCts role to decide such constitutional
questions? Political question doctrine is not frequently invoked; but do be aware that cases come up.
OF THE
TENNESSEE ASSEMBLY
Brennan 1962. Background. Classic description of political question doctrine. This case set forth the modern
SCts approach to political questions. SCt held that the constitutionality of legislative apportionment schemes is
not a political question. Thus, SCt evaluated Tennessees apportionment scheme for electing representatives,
thereby paving the way for the SCts one person, one vote ruling.
SCt announced a series of factors, at least one of which must be present in order to make an issue a nonjusticiable political question. Each of these factors relates in some way to the separation of powers. [Realize
that the black letter law here is mushy here, so we examine other cases].
Contrast these factors with Marshall in Marbury, who thought that political questions were those about which
USC simply had nothing to say (25).
In Baker, it is not clear where the limits are. These are not bright-line factors. Consider question whether 27 th
amendment is part of USC.
Factors:
297.
Commitment to another branch.
A textually demonstrable
constitutional commitment of the issue to a coordinate political department (e.g. to Congress or to the
President).
298.
Lack of standards. A lack of judicially discoverable and manageable
standards for resolving the issue.
299.
Unsuitable policy determination. The impossibility of deciding [the
issue] without an initial policy determination of a kind clearly for non-judicial discretion.
300.
Lack of respect for other branches. The impossibility of a courts
undertaking independent resolution without expressing lack of the respect due coordinate branches of
government.
301.
Political decision already made. An unusual need for unquestioning
adherence to a political decision already made.
302.
Facts. Challenge was to the apportionment of the Tennessee Assembly, which had not been reapportioned in 60
years, despite a state constitutional requirement of representation based on population, and despite significant
changes in population over the years.
Holding. SCt concluded that the claim, which was the malapportionment violated the Equal Protection Clause,
did not present a political question.
303.
56
304.
Rationale. SCt reasoned that not all cases involving politics present
non-justiciable political questions. The SCt listed a catalogue of political factors, at least one of
which had always been present in true political-question cases. The equal protection claim here did not
involve any of these factors. For instance, the issue had not been textually committed by the USC to
another branch of government; nor were judicially discoverable and manageable standards for
resolving it lacking.
305.
Not Guaranty Clause claim. SCt rejected claim that issue here was a
non-justiciable political question under the republican form of government (or guaranty) clause
[Article IV, 4]. (SCt conceded that guaranty clause claim would not be justiciable). What makes
Guaranty Clause claims non-justiciable political questions is that they involve the relations between
the judiciary and the other branches of the federal government, not the relations between the judiciary
and the states (the relation at issue here).
57
Dissent - Frankfurter. Argued that the claim here was really a Guaranty Clause claim masquerading under a
different label and contended that the Ps claims that their votes had been diluted by malapportionment could
not be adjudicated unless the SCt first defined a standard of reference as to what a vote should be worth. To
do that, the SCt would have to choose among competing bases of representation ultimately, really among
competing theories of political philosophy . . . This was not a suitable judicial function.
CLAUSE NON-JUSTICIABLE
Holding. It is not SCs job to decide which is lawful government of Rhode Island; Congress has that power.
This is a question of policy. It would create anarchy for court to overrule presidents decision to militarily
intervene. [USC, Article 4 U.S. shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of
Government.]
Always ask in political question case: is this case like Luther v. Borden?
WHY
Judicial review is undemocratic. Redish. Maybe this is right, but it does not distinguish political questions
from any other questions that might be presented for judicial review. In a constitutional regime, a majority may
not be permitted to do everything it wants to do.
It is hard to resolve some questions in a principled way. Redish. Again, there are some quite difficult questions,
such as the meaning of due process or equal protection, that SCt has little reluctance to take on if it thinks
the job worth doing. Some questions are matters of discretion, but these are clearly identified in the text.
When USCs framers intended that one of the political branches has discretion to act without principles, the
document effectively says so, by vesting decision making power in those branches without simultaneously
indicating how that power must be exercised. But if the document provides, for example, that it is Congress
province to declare war, one may ask why it is appropriate for the courts, interpreting and enforcing the
document, to overrule USCs allocation of power by concluding that the conduct of military affairs, even to the
point of waging war, must lie in the executives uncontrolled discretion.
Judges are not politicians, and cannot understand the broader political situation in which their decisions operate,
so they should defer to those who can assess the practical consequences of their decisions. Redish. This, once
more, proves too much. If the constitutional limitations on majoritarian power are to mean anything, at some
point the judiciary must be able to question the political branches assertion of factual necessity.
Court orders might be ignored by the political branches. Redish. But this is not a real danger in many of the
political question cases, and even when it is, it is not clear that the judiciary enhances its authority by slinking
away before the confrontation has a chance to occur.
White 1986. SCt held that claims of unconstitutional gerrymandering are justiciable. SCt found that there were
indeed judicially discernible and manageable standards by which political gerrymander cases [may] be
decided. Such claims involve the adequacy of representation and are therefore no different in a general sense
from claims involving population apportionment, found to be justiciable in the Reynolds one man one vote
decision.
GERRYMANDERING JUSTICIABLE
NON-JUSTICIABLE
Rehnquist 1993. This case strongly indicates that most controversies relating to impeachment will be found to
fall within the committed to other branches category and thus to be non-justiciable political questions.
58
Facts. After Judge Nixon was convicted of making a false statement to a federal grand jury, he was impeached
by the House. Instead of trying him before the entire Senate, however, Senate referred the articles of
impeachment to a committee, which then reported to the full Senate, which did not itself take any evidence.
Nixon was convicted by the full Senate, and sought judicial review of the manner in which the Senate tried him.
Argument. Nixon argued that the Senate, by having a committee rather than the full Senate hear the evidence,
violated the requirement of Article I, 3, Clause 6 that the Senate try all impeachments.
Held non-justiciable. But the SCt held that Nixons argument presented a non-justiciable political question.
SCts argument seemed to be that, because impeachment is a check on the judiciary, the judiciary ought not to
review it.
306.
SCt relied mainly on the plain text of the Senate Impeachment Clause,
which provides that the Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. SCt interpreted
this reference to sole Power, along with the history behind the provision, to mean that the Senate, not
the courts, should determine what procedures could validly constitute a trial.
307.
The SCt also reasoned that a lack of finality problem dictated that the
courts not hear Nixons claim: Opening the door of judicial review to the procedures used by the
Senate in trying impeachments would expose the political life of the country to months, or perhaps
years of chaos, especially if it were the President who was being impeached.
Concurrence.
308.
White. Thought the matter was jusiticiable, but that Nixon lost on the
merits.
309.
USC
What does this imply about 27th amendment? Is it part of USC or not?
310.
311.
312.
USC.
This case suggests that political question doctrine extends to deciding what the Constitution is.
TIMING
AND CERTIORARI
59
Article II, 1 Vests the executive power in the President of the United States.
Article III, 3 Provides that the President shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed.
Does above language impose duty on president to execute any law that Congress adopts, or does it grant a
power to president to decide how laws will be executed?
Executive-Legislative conflicts
YOUNGSTOWN SHEET & TUBE V. SAWYER - THE STEEL SEIZURE CASE
Black 1952. Despite its willingness to infer existence of broad presidential authority, SCt has adhered to one
over-arching limitation on presidential power: the President may not make laws; he may only carry them out.
Facts. During Korean War, President Truman sought to avert a strike in the nations steel mills. He therefore
issued an executive order directing his Secretary of Commerce to seize the mills and operate them under federal
direction. Congressional approval of the seizure order was not requested. The steel companies sought an
injunction to prevent the seizure.
SCt. Struck down seizure. SCt struck down the seizure order, concluding that it was an unconstitutional
exercise of the lawmaking authority reserved to Congress. Although the decision was 6-3, four of the six
Justices on the majority side wrote separate concurring opinions, making it difficult to summarize the doctrine
of the case.
Blacks opinion. This is a legislative and not an executive act, and therefore the president cannot do it. Black
flatly stated that the Presidents seizure order, coming as it did without the consent of Congress, was a clear
usurpation of congressional lawmaking power. The order could not be justified under the Commander-inChief power; the taking of private property in order to keep labor disputes from stopping production of war
material was too far removed from the actual theater of war in which the President had the right to set policy.
Nor could the seizure be justified under the Presidents power to see that the laws are faithfully executed the
very language of the clause shows that the President must merely carry out the laws, not make them.
Concurring opinions. These opinions attached principal importance to the fact that Congress had previously,
and repeatedly, explicitly rejected plant seizure as a means of handling labor disputes.
315.
316.
i. where the President acts pursuant to express or implied authorization of Congress, in which case
his authority is at a maximum. (he acts for entire federal government, and exercise all of the
power that the federal government has).
ii. where the President acts in the absence of either a congressional grant or denial of authority, in
which case there is a zone of twilight in which he and Congress may have concurrent authority,
or in which its distribution is uncertain. President still has some independent power, the scope of
which cannot be defined by abstract theories:
60
iii. Where the President acts in contradiction to the express or implied will of Congress; President acts
only if the subject is one that Congress has no authority to act upon. In this case, his power is at
its lowest ebb. Jackson felt that the steel seizure fell into this third category, and that it could
therefore not be constitutionally justified.
(1) Inherent presidential power asserted here is dangerous because it is inherently limitless.
Allowing such inherent authority improperly amends USC.
(2) Why did Jackson approve vast expansion of Congressional powers in Wickard v. Filburn, but
not here?
(3) Probably because legislative process is so cumbersome. Because legislative action is so hard
to obtain, Congress is less dangerous than president.
317.
Douglas. This order seized property; property cannot be taken without
compensation (5th amendment); only Congress can appropriate money to compensate for taking
property; therefore only Congress (and not president) can authorize seizure of this sort.
Dissent - Vinson. Contended that temporary seizure was justified because of the emergency nature of the
situation, and in order to preserve temporarily the status quo until Congress could act.
HOSTAGE SETTLEMENT
Rehnquist 1979. Overview. Congress may sometimes be found to have impliedly acquiesced in the Presidents
exercise of power in a certain area. Where such acquiescence exists, this fact may be enough to tip the balance
in favor of a finding that the President acted within the scope of his constitutional authority. SCt relied on such
a theory in of implied congressional acquiescence in upholding President Carters power to take certain actions
for the purpose of obtaining the release of American hostages from Iran.
Facts. As part of the settlement of the Iranian hostage situation, President Carter took a number of actions
affecting the claims of American creditors against Iran. The action which posed the most difficult constitutional
issue was his suspension of all contractual claims against Iran then pending in American courts; such claims
were to be later arbitrated by an international tribunal.
Suspension upheld. SCt upheld agreement with Iran that provided that all legal proceedings in U.S. involving
claims against Iran would be transferred to Iran-United States Claims Tribunal. SCt found that the claims
suspension was within the Presidents constitutional authority. While Congress had never explicitly delegated
to the President the power to suspend such claims, it had implicitly authorized that practice by a long history of
acquiescing in similar presidential conduct. (For instance, Congress had implicitly approved the use of
executive agreements between the President and foreign powers to settle all claims.)
Limited scope. SCt Carefully stressed the limited scope of its holding. It was not holding that the President has
constitutional authority to settle or suspend all claims; the SCt was simply deciding that where such settlement
or suspension is a necessary incident to the resolution of a major foreign policy dispute, and Congress has
acquiesced in that type of presidential action, the action will be deemed within the Presidents constitutional
authority.
Not dispositive. In any event, the fact that Congress has impliedly consented to Presidential action will almost
certainly not by itself bring the action within the scope of his constitutional authority; it will merely be a factor
in the analysis of close cases. In Dames & Moore, the Presidents general executive authority in foreign policy
matters (and perhaps his Commander-in-Chief powers) were probably also part of the equation.
318.
61
319.
Note also, in this context, that Lincolns Emancipation Proclamation freed all slaves w/o compensation for
slaveholders, in those parts of U.S. which were in rebellion. Justifications provided by Lincoln:
320.
best subdue enemy.
Military Necessity. President has right to take any measure which may
321.
Duty to preserve Union. Any act which would normally be
unconstitutional became constitutional if it was indispensable to preserving USC through preserving
union.
These cases show tension between constitutional legality vs. imperative of politics (e.g. formalism vs. realism).
322.
Government must have capacity to respond to emergency, and
president more than any other branch, can respond instantly to needs of moment.
323.
are of presidential power?
If this is so, then how can law possibly specify in advance what limits
324.
the country?
(a) If yes, then doesnt president have responsibility, under some circumstances, to disobey USC?
(b) Jefferson may have endorsed this view in defense of Louisiana Purchase. Military Necessity must
overcome any constitutional obstacles.
TAPES
Burger 1974. Several presidents (including George Washington) have invoked what they described as the
doctrine of executive privilege to justify their refusal to disclose information which they claimed to be
confidential. The only SCt case to give any definitive scope to the doctrine of executive privilege was U.S. v.
Nixon, the famous Watergate Tapes case.
Facts. In March 1974, a federal grand jury indicted seven Nixon aides on charges of conspiracy to obstruct
justice and other Watergate-related offenses. The president was named as an unindicted co-conspirator. The
Watergate Special Prosecutor then persuaded the federal trial court to issue a subpoena duces tecum to the
president requiring him to produce various tapes and documents relating to certain meetings involving the
president; these documents and tapes were to be used during the trial of the indictments. The president released
transcripts of some of the tapes, but refused to produce the tapes themselves, and moved to quash the subpoena.
The trial court rejected the presidents claim of privilege, and the matter was heard by the Supreme Court on an
expedited basis.
Holding. In unanimous decision, although SCt upheld the general doctrine of executive privilege, SCt held that
in this case, the privilege did not apply, and ordered the president to comply with the subpoena.
325.
Court, not President decides. First, SCt rejected presidents claim that
the separation of powers doctrine precludes judicial review of a Presidents claim of privilege. The
SCt quoted Justice Marshalls statement in Marbury v. Madison that it is the duty of the judicial branch
to say what the law is. Thus, the Court, and not the President, must evaluate claims of presidential
privilege.
62
326.
Privilege Exists. SCt then held that there was indeed a privilege for
confidentiality of Presidential communications in the exercise of Article II powers. The SCt noted
that confidentiality was required by the fact that those who expect public dissemination of their
remarks may well temper candor with a concern for appearances and for their own interests to the
detriment of the decision-making process. Therefore, the SCt concluded, the privilege of
confidentiality can be said to derive from the supremacy of each branch within its own assigned area
of constitutional duties. The privilege is fundamental to the operation of Government and
inextricably rooted in the separation of powers under USC.
327.
Privilege only qualified. However, SCt rejected Presidents claim that
executive privilege was absolute. At least where the claim of privilege was (as in the present case) a
general one, and not related to a particular need to protect military, diplomatic, or sensitive national
security secrets, the Court held that the privilege was merely a qualified one. As such, it was
outweighed by the need to develop all relevant facts in a criminal trial. Rationale:
(1) Article III Argument. SCt observed that both Presidents claim of privilege, and the criminal
justice systems need for access to all relevant evidence, were of constitutional dimension.
However, the latter outweighed the former, in part because the SCt did not believe that the
possibility of infrequent subpoenas like the one here would often have an adverse impact on the
candor of discussions to which Presidents are parties.
(2) Rights of Defendants. Moreover, D in criminal trial has right to subpoena witnesses; he cannot be
deprived of liberty without due process of law, and to guarantee these Ds due process, court must
be able to consider relevant evidence.
328.
Counter arguments to SCts holding in Nixon that separation of powers doctrine did not preclude judicial
preview of presidents claim of privilege.
329.
Gunther C/A.
Burger misused Marbury here and conveyed
misleadingly broad view of judicial competence, exclusivity, and supremacy. There is nothing in
Marbury precluding constitutional interpretation which gives final authority to another branch.
330.
331.
Koppelman C/A (1). Does SCts holding here mean that President is
obligated to comply with SCts order, even if he thinks that executive privilege is absolute? Given that
presidency was at one of its weakest points in American history, this was unusually convenient
opportunity to assert judicial supremacy. Relevance of this precedent to presidential privilege in more
normal times is doubtful.
332.
Koppelman C/A (2). SCt should not have granted certiorari before
Circuit Court could review district courts decision. While waiting would have been stressful, such
stress was contemplated by USCs impeachment procedures.
i. Congress had also subpoenaed tapes, so there was a constitutionally contemplated process of
review already underway. (failure to obey subpoena was basis of third article of impeachment.)
ii. Congress need for information was much stronger than Jaworskis.
63
Was Nixons position here different from positions of Jefferson and Lincoln about presidential power to
interpret USC independently of courts?
In other contexts, courts have sometimes held that executive branch decisions about how to enforce law are
unreviewable (using take Care clause for support). (Heckler v. Chaney, 1985; failure of FDA to regulate
drugs used in human executions is not subject to judicial review under Administrative Procedure Act).
333.
Note that although President lost Nixon case, the presidency may have won a great victory. After all, for the
first time, decision established the existence of executive privilege. The question whether USC implicitly
created such a privilege had for a long time been subject of heated debate among Congress, President, and
academic commentators.
What are the limits of privilege recognized in Nixon? Nixon Court held that the privilege was presumptive,
not absolute, and that it could be overcome by the interests of the criminal justice system. This is clearly a
balancing test.
335.
337.
64
339.
Thus, SCs adoption of legally broader position narrowed the political
consequences of its decision.
341.
342.
SECURITY INTERESTS
1977 Congress sought to obtain information from D concerning wiretaps ordered by executive branch. SCt
rejected executives claim that national security barred the subpoena and held that USC does not confer on
executive absolute discretion in area of national security, and that USC confers on Congress powers equally
inseparable from national security.
LEGISLATIVE INVESTIGATIONS
AND
CIVIL PROCEEDINGS
1974. Under what circumstances may president successfully claim executive privilege where House/Senate
committee seeks material in connection with investigation into certain conduct by President and his
subordinates?
Dellums v. Powell
65
1977. Presidential privilege was outweighed in a civil action brought by people who alleged they had been
unconstitutionally arrested during demonstration on Capitol Hill.
LOWER
LEVEL OFFICIALS
In 1983, EPA Administrator Anne Gorsuch Burford asserted executive privilege as basis for resisting disclosure
to U.S. Senate of law enforcement files regarding possible criminal investigations.
Argument is that EPA Administrator is merely an agent of president, and acts with presidents
powers/responsibilities. Thus, if president can claim executive privilege, then so can EPA Administrator, as
long as president directs her to do so.
Do you agree?
Presidential immunity
It is frequently argued that impeachment is exclusive sanction for improper conduct by sitting president. (is
there structural argument for this view, based on USC text?)
Note that USC does not create any express presidential immunity from judicial process.
344.
345.
acts by president?
346.
exclusive route?
347.
Note that while Truman was not named defendant in Youngstown, his
order was in fact subject of SCs injunction.
Mississippi v. Johnson
1867. SC refused to hear suit attempting to enjoin presidents enforcement of reconstruction laws. SC
concluded that courts did not have power to issue injunction against president, given difficulties of enforcement
and alternative route of impeachment.
Nixon v. Fitzgerald
Powell 1982. The President has absolute immunity from civil liability for his official acts. SC held by 5-4 vote
that Nixon was immune from action for damages from P claiming he was discharged from government position
because he exercised his right to freedom of speech.
348.
SC reasoned that prominence of presidents office makes president easy
target for suits for civil damages; vulnerability to such suits would distract president from his public
duties to detriment not only of presidency as office, but also the nation.
349.
In response to suggestion that absolute immunity would leave nation
unprotected against presidential misconduct, SC argued that numerous safeguards are already in place:
impeachment, scrutiny by press, Congressional oversight, desire to win re-election, need to maintain
prestige as element of influence, presidents concern for historical stature.
350.
SC left open question whether Congress might constitutionally subject
president to liability for damages.
351.
White Dissent:
66
(1) Speech and Debate Clause (which provides protection for members of Congress) has no
counterpart in USC giving any sort of immunity to members of Executive Branch. Thus, any
presidential immunity is derived from constitutional separation of powers and public policy.
(2) Courts had previously held that president was not immune from suits for injunctive relief or other
sorts of judicial process.
(3) President should have same remedial obligations toward those whom he inures as any other
federal officer. Result of this rule should be to deter unconstitutional, or otherwise illegal,
behavior.
Harlow v. Fitzgerald
1982. Nixon v. Fitzgerald ruling above should not be extended to presidential aides.
Clinton v. Jones
What is the implication of Nixon v. Fitzgerald for the adjudication of claims of presidential misconduct that do
not relate to service in office? SC rejected presidents claim of temporary immunity from civil suit while he is
in office.
Stevens (majority. Unpersuaded that effective performance of presidents office will be impaired, because he
deems case highly unlikely to occupy any substantial amount of presidents time.
Breyer Concurrence. Trial judge may have good reason to postpone trial date if president offers reasoned
explanation for necessity of such postponement.
Koppelman. Does the Lewinski matter have any relevance to our assessment of the result reached by the SCt
here?
LAW
VERSUS POLITICS
Gunther. SCs Nixon decision substituted legal judgment for what was really a political judgment capable of
being made by House through impeachment process.
Note that in Nixon and Youngstown, SC was not called upon to decide whether final determination of
constitutional scope of executive power should be in judicial hands. In both cases, political constraints
prevented president from asserting more expansive interpretations of Article II. Thus, in both cases, politics,
rather than law, were ultimate determinant of presidents Article II authority.
Brennan 1977.
SC sustained statute instructing Administrator of General Services to return
documents/recordings to Nixon that were private in nature and to determine terms of public access for those
documents that were retained. SC rejected Nixons assertion that statute violated separation of powers and that
potential disclosure of communications would adversely affect ability of future presidents to obtain candid
advice. There is no reason to believe that restrictions on public access to be articulated by regulation will not be
adequate to preserve executive confidentiality.
352.
67
LAW
AS POLITICS
Do Nixon and Youngstown support idea that judicial enforcement of USC provides bulwark against dictatorial
executive overreaching? or
Did Youngstown, Nixon, and Dames & Moore decisions merely ratify judgments previously made by country
through political processes?
Impeachment
House may impeach president, and remove him from office, for Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and
Misdemeanors. (USC, Art. II, 4)
Andrew Johnson is alone among Presidents in having been impeached; he escaped conviction by a single vote.
Key question: what is the meaning of the phrase high Crimes and Misdemeanors? May the president be
impeached for activities that are not criminal offenses?
354.
Legislative Discretion an impeachable offense is whatever a majority
of House considers it to be at given moment in history. (Gerald Ford)
355.
Crimes no impeachment will lie except for a true crime or breach of
common or statute law, which would be subject of indictment. (Dwight)
356.
Words of Art High crimes and misdemeanors do not have roots in
ordinary criminal law. Charges drawn from impeachment cases disclose that impeachable conduct was
patently not criminal in ordinary sense. But Framers intention was to preclude resort to
impeachment of president for petty misconduct. (Berger)
Should JR of decisions to impeach be available when president maintains that charged conduct did not amount
to high Crimes and Misdemeanors? [See Nixon v. United States (1993)]
358.
Article II conduct violating constitutional rights of citizens and
impairing administration of justice (crime theory)
359.
Article III failure without lawful cause to produce papers and things
as directed by subpoenas issued by House Committee on Judiciary. (seems that all 3 theories apply
here)
68
Burger 1983. Majority. SCt held that a typical one-house legislative veto was unconstitutional because it
violated both Presidents veto power and the bicameral structure of Congress. If the House or Senate wants to
reserve power to undo the action of an administrative agency, both houses will have to pass the same bill and
present it to the President for a possible veto.
Facts. Article I, 8 of USC gives Congress the right to establish rules of naturalization and, by implication,
immigration. Congress has always possessed, and has frequently exercised, the power to allow an alien who
would otherwise be deportable under existing immigration rules to remain in the country; typically, this has
been done by means of a private bill applicable to one or a few particular aliens. In an effort to relieve itself
of the burdens of considering numerous private bills, Congress delegated to the Attorney General, in the
Immigration and Nationality Act, the authority to suspend deportation of aliens in certain situations. However,
in order to retain some control over this delegated power, Congress reserved to itself a legislative veto over each
decision by the Attorney General suspending deportation. The veto could be exercised by a resolution passed
by either house within a certain time after the Attorney Generals decision to suspend deportation. Chadha, the
plaintiff, was one of several aliens as to whom the House of Representatives used its veto power to reverse the
Attorney Generals suspension of deportation.
Veto Provision Stricken. SCt struck down this legislative veto as a violation of two distinct constitutional
requirements. First, the veto violated the Presentment Clause (Art. I, 7, cl. 2) which requires that every bill be
presented to the President for his signature, so that he may have the opportunity to veto it. Secondly, this
particular veto provision, since it could be exercised by a single house, violated the bicameral requirement of
Article I, 1 and 7, by which both houses must pass a bill before it can become law.
Essentially Legislative Act. The real issue in the case was whether the Houses issuance of the legislative veto
here itself constituted the exercise of legislative power. Not all acts by a house fall into this category, and only
the ones that do require presentment and bicameral approval. However, in the Courts view the overruling of
the Attorney Generals decision on a deportation matter did constitute the exercise of legislative power, since it
had the purpose and effect of altering the legal rights, duties, and relations of persons . . . outside the legislative
branch.
Consequently, Congress could reverse the Attorney Generals decision on a deportation matter only by passing a
law, in the constitutionally-prescribed manner (passage by both houses, presentment to the President and either
signature by him or the overriding of his veto). The fact that the legislative veto mechanism may be a more
efficient means of controlling administrative action was irrelevant.
Two-House Veto Provisions. In the vast majority of instances, legislative veto clauses allowing a veto only
where both houses act concurrently are just as unconstitutional as a single-house veto provision, since both
types of clauses deprive the President of his veto power.
Koppelman critique.
360.
361.
69
Dissent - White. White and Rehnquist dissented. Main dissent was White, who argued that a houses use of the
legislative veto was simply not the functional equivalent of passing a law. The legislative veto no more allows
one House of Congress to make law than does the presidential veto confer such power upon the President.
362.
363.
Dissent - Rehnquist.
364.
Doctrine of
i. In determining whether the invalid portion of a statute may be severed from the valid portion, the
question is whether the legislature, if partial invalidity had been foreseen, would have wished the
statute to be enforced with the invalid part excised or rejected altogether.
ii. An entire statute should be invalidated if, by sustaining only a part of the statute, the purpose of
the act is changed or altered.
iii. Residue of statute should be upheld, on other hand, if it is independent of the invalid portion and .
. . form[s] a complete act within itself.
iv. There is a presumption that a legislative body generally intends its enactments to be severable,
especially in the case where it will preserve the constitutionality of the enactment.
v. Application to Chadha:
(1) Question is whether Congress would have given this broad authority to executive branch even
if it had retained no means of controlling executive branchs exercise of that authority.
(2) This question may be unanswerable, which is why majority and dissent arrive at different
answers to it.
70
GENERAL
CRITIQUE BY
KOPPELMAN
None of opinions address whether legislative veto was actually an effective tool for checking administrative
agencies.
366.
It is not clear that decision has had much effect on actual practice.
368.
370.
ACTIONS APPROVED BY
USC
There are four actions that USC permits a single house to take, without possibility of presidential veto.
[Houses power to initiate impeachments, Senates power to conduct trials following impeachment, Senates
power over presidential appointments, and Senates power to ratify treaties.]
In these four situations, a single-house legislative veto would presumably be constitutional. For instance, since
Senate alone is given power to approve/disapprove presidential appointments, Senate could presumably pass
resolution that all presidential appointments shall be deemed approved by Senate if that body does not vote to
reject them within a certain period of time. However, such a provision might be attacked on the theory that it
delegates to Executive Branch powers which must be affirmatively exercised by Senate itself.
CHADHA
IN CONTEXT
- LEGISLATIVE
The legislative veto is one of a number of means by which Congress has attempted to control administrative
agencies to which Congress had delegated substantial discretionary authority.
371.
Hearings. Congressional committees/subcommittees hold oversight
hearings; publicity may lead to informal pressure for changes in executive policy.
372.
Appropriations Rider.
An attachment to an authorization of
expenditure of federal funds that prohibits agency from engaging in certain courses of conduct.
373.
Budget. Similarly, Congress can simply increase/decrease a given
agencys budget in the annual appropriations process to express its views on the agencys mission and
whether more or less enforcement is desirable.
374.
Sunset Legislation. Provides that agency authority will terminate after
certain period unless Congress reenacts substantive statute.
375.
Ordinary Legislation modifying agencys authority. Repeal of agency
authority, through ordinary legislation, to engage in particular course of conduct. Even more extreme,
Congress might rewrite statute itself to limit agency authority.
71
THE
REACH OF
CHADHA
Should Chadha apply to all legislative vetoes? Two cases below involving independent agencies confirm
Whites suggestion that the reach of Chadha is quite broad.
1983. SCt summarily affirmed, on authority of Chadha, a decision invalidating legislative veto as applied to
certain Federal Energy Regulatory Commission regulations of natural gas pricing.
1983. SCt summarily affirmed decision invalidating legislative veto as applied to rulemaking by FTC. This
case involved a two-House veto, in which both Houses of Congress must agree before any veto can become
effective.
RETURN TO THE TEXT?
Chadha decision might fit within category of interpretivist or originalist approaches to USC in that decision
considers USC as self-contained, with clear answers to at least some problems.
White complained that this approach was inconsistent with its previous flexible attitude toward separation of
powers disputes. If this is true, should we consider SCts analysis here nave and mechanical, or an honest
adherence to USCs text and underlying intent?
Perhaps we could argue that in light of enormous expansion of the bureaucracy, application of the framers
views on distribution of national powers counseled in favor of, rather than against, the legislative veto
arrangement.
FUTURE
DIRECTIONS
The executive does not merely enforce the law, but also makes it. What consequences should this have for
separation of powers? What solutions are available for this problem:
376.
379.
72
The basic idea of separation of powers as applied to Congress is that the maker of the law should not control
how the law is applied; it must be applied equally to everyone. Separation of powers is bound up with the
notion of rule of law.
381.
Article II vests executive power in one person (unlike the legislative and judicial powers). Power is vested in
the President, not in subordinate officials. Framers rejected notion of a plural executive. (Federalist No. 70).
384.
Unitary executive helps to ensure (1) expeditious action, (2)
coordination, and (3) accountability.
385.
USC does not explicitly resolve the question whether Congress may immunize subordinate officials from
presidential control.
Would a statute making the EPA free from interference by the President under the Necessary and Proper
Clause? Would this statute be inconsistent with framers decision to create unitary executive, e.g. vest all
executive power in one person?
Taft 1926. This case suggested that agencies must be subject to presidential control, in order that the
bureaucracy be kept politically accountable.
SCt held that a statute which limited Presidents ability to remove a postmaster was unconstitutional under
Article II. SCt here relied on several conclusions:
386.
performed by the President;
387.
Under the take Care clause, it is the President, not his subordinates,
who must take care that the laws be faithfully executed; and
388.
officials.
389.
73
THE
The two cases below recognize a congressional power to create independent agencies governmental entities
that are free from presidential removal power, and to some uncertain degree, presidential power to supervise
and control the decisions of their officers. (e.g. Federal Trade Commission, Federal Energy Regulatory
Commission, Federal Communications Commission)
1935. Decided during a time of great faith in bureaucratic expertise, held that an agencys proper functioning
will be impaired if it is too vulnerable to political interference.
SCt unanimously upheld a statute limiting the Presidents authority to remove members of the FTC; such
members could be removed by the President for inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office.
SCt distinguished this case from Myers by noting that Myers involves purely executive officers restricted to the
performance of executive functions.
In contrast, FTC is an administrative body created by Congress to implement legislative policies in accordance
with legislative standard in the statute, and to perform other specified duties as a legislative or judicial aid. FTC
acts in part quasi-legislatively and in part quasi-judicially.
1958. Held that, although statute creating the War Claims Commission was silent on the question of removal,
the commissions adjudicatory nature implied a limitation on Presidents power to remove.
1976. This is the principal modern case on the Appointments Clause. SCt invalidated the composition of the
Federal Election Commission (FEC), established by the Federal Election Campaign Act.
The Act provided that a majority of the FECs members were to be appointed by the President Pro Tem of the
Senate and the Speaker of the House.
Congress gave the FEC broad powers to enforce the Act, including the right to bring civil actions against
violators. Congress also gave the FEC extensive rule-making authority.
Holding. SCt held that the tasks performed by the FEC were executive in nature, and could only be exercised
by Officers of the United States. Since Congress had no constitutional right to appoint such federal officers,
the FEC as presently constituted was invalid, and could not exercise most of its statutory powers.
391.
ASSESSMENTS OF
AND
BUCKLEY.
Analysis. Note that Myers, on the one hand, and Humphreys Executor and Wiener, on the other hand, point in
opposite directions.
392.
Should there be a unitary executive?
government be subject to presidential control?
393.
the president?
74
After the decline of the non delegation doctrine, it is arguable that Humphreys Executor makes things worse:
not only cant agency rulemaking decisions (which have the force of law) be laid at the feet of Congress; they
cant be laid at the feet of the President, either. Humphreys Executor creates a headless fourth branch of
government subject to the control of none of the three constitutionally recognized branches. The result is
unchecked bureaucratic power.
394.
Together with commerce power, does this mean that the U.S. is run by
an oligarchy that is immune to democratic control? Even if the answer is yes, should we care if the job
of regulation is being performed well? If job of regulation is being done badly, can Congress do
anything about that?
395.
Humphreys Executor was a necessary response to the growth of administrative agencies and the grant of
legislative and judicial functions to those agencies.
396.
Myers and Buckley are based on a formalistic effort to catalogue those functions that are necessarily executive
in character.
398.
399.
Moreover, Congress is under no obligation to create subordinate bodies
in the first place, so it follows that when Congress chooses to create these bodies, it is under no
obligation to make their members subject to presidential control.
Bowsher v. Synar - Good-bye Gramm-Rudman
Burger 1986. This case invalidated the Gramm-Rudman Act because the Act violates the separation of powers.
Congress may not reserve to itself the power to remove an executive officer for cause, at least where the
definition of cause is fairly broad.
Facts. The Gramm-Rudman Act, Congress attempt to reduce federal budget deficits, set a maximum deficit
amount for each of the fiscal years 1986-1991. The size of the maximum allowable deficit was reduced each
year, until it was to become zero in 1991. In any year in which the deficit exceeded the maximum deficit
amount, the Act required across-the-board cuts in federal spending to meet the targeted amount. These cuts
were automatic in the sense that they were essentially pro-rata (half to defense programs and the other half to
non-defense programs).
400.
Role of Comptroller-General. The Act gave a key role to the
Comptroller General of the U.S. in carrying out the automatic cut provisions. The Comptroller was to
review budget estimates given to him by two federal agencies, and then submit to the President a report
stating on a program-by-program basis how much needed to be cut. The President was then required
to issue an order mandating the reductions specified by the Comptroller. Congress could then, by
special legislation, reduce spending to eliminate the need for some or all of the cuts; if it did not do so,
the cuts called for in the presidential order were to be automatically carried out.
401.
Right to Remove Comptroller. By separate, much older, legislation,
Congress reserved to itself the right to remove the Comptroller General from office for five specified
reasons (permanent disability, inefficiency, neglect of duty, malfeasance, or a felony or
conduct involving moral turpitude.) In the 80-odd years since the post of Comptroller General was
75
established, Congress had never exercised, or even made a serious move to exercise, this removal
power.
Statute struck down. By a 7-2 vote, SCt struck down the automatic-reduction provisions of the Act. In doing
so, the SCt applied the following reasoning:
402.
403.
Executive powers may not be vested by Congress in itself or its agents,
because Congress is limited to legislative rather than executive functions.
404.
Congress;
405.
Therefore, the Comptroller may not constitutionally exercise the
executive powers given to him in the Act, and
406.
The Acts automatic budget reduction mechanism, which is based on
the Comptrollers exercise of his executive powers, must be invalidated.
Nature of Removal Power. The most novel aspect of majoritys reasoning is its assertion that the retention by
Congress of the right to remove an executive officer for certain specified types of cause converts that officer
into an agent of Congress. The majority stressed that several of the types of cause (inefficiency, neglect of
duty, and malfeasance) are very broad and, as interpreted by Congress, could sustain removal of a
Comptroller General for any number of actual or perceived transgressions of the legislative will. Also, it was
not clear to the majority that there could be judicial review of any removal. Furthermore, there was evidence
that both Congress and the Comptroller General himself view him as being an office of the Legislative
Branch.
Concurrence - Stevens, Marshall. Agreed with majority that Comptroller was an agent of Congress. But they
disagreed that it was Congress right to remove him that made him such rather, it was the fact that the bulk of
his duties are directed at, and for the benefit of, Congress instead of the executive branch.
407.
The concurring justices sharply disagreed with the majoritys view that
the powers exercised by the Comptroller under the Act are executive. They believed that these powers
were legislative, because they involved the making of broad policy determinations. Consequently,
just as Congress could not delegate part of its legislative authority to the Attorney General for
deportation decisions (as SCt held in Chadha), so it could not delegate these powers to the Comptroller
General. In particular, these legislative functions could only be carried out via the passage by both
Houses of a law that is then signed by the President (bicameral and presentment requirements of USC).
Dissent - White. White argued the majority opinion was too formalistic and ignored the realities of the problem
that Congress is trying to address.
408.
The SCts technical argument has nothing to do with the concerns that
underlie the separation of powers. The constitutional test should be whether the Act so alters the
balance of authority among the branches of government as to pose a genuine threat to the basic
division between the lawmaking power and the power to execute the law.
409.
410.
Whites reasoning here was much like that of his dissent in Chadha. It
avoids the vices of formalism, but it id not clear whether White has any theory of separation of powers
that could predictably determine whether, in any given case, there has been a violation.
76
One commentator suggested that the Gramm-Rudman act does not and cannot reduce legislative power to
spend. Specifically, under the Act, if Congress and the President prefer to evade the consequences of automatic
budget cuts, they may readily do so.
Why didnt Congress simply enact an ordinary law accomplishing the result it favored instead of proceeding
indirectly through the Gramm-Rudman Act.
AND
BOWSHER
While these two cases both invalidated innovative schemes designed to preserve congressional control of
delegated authority, the two decisions utilize different approaches.
Chadha. Invalidated statute (legislative veto) because it failed to comply with presentment and bicameral
requirements for enactment of statutes. Problem with this approach is that in absence of legislative veto,
Chadhas deportation status would be determined by INS, yet the INSs decision also fails to comply with
bicameralism requirement.
Bowsher. Avoids this difficulty by reversing the analysis; SCt treated Comptroller Generals budget-cutting
authority not as legislative, but rather as executive power. SCt. Held that Congress unconstitutionally trenched
on executive authority by vesting this authority in an officer under legislative control.
MORRISON
AND
BOWSHER
Koppelman: Taken together, these cases are puzzling. According to what account of separation of powers does
the law challenged in Bowsher present a danger to the constitutional plan, while no such danger was presented
in Morrison or Mistretta?
411.
412.
77
According to this view, while Congress may make some executive officers independent, Congress may not itself
control them. Thus, this shields administrative officers from accountability to either of the popularly elected
branches of government.
KOPPELMAN
ON
MORRISON
AND
MISTRETTA
Two concerns regarding separation of powers: (1) concentrated power, (2) unaccountable power.
In these two cases, while majority concerns itself primarily with concentrated power, Scalias dissent concerns
itself primarily with unaccountable power.
NON-PRESIDENTIAL
APPOINTMENTS
Exactly when can cross-branch appointments be made? Since Morrison, the SCt. Has rejected three additional
constitutional challenges to non presidential appointments.
Blackmun 1991. Held that the appointment of special trial judges by the Tax Courts chief judge did not violate
the appointments clause. The special tax judges had sufficient discretion/importance to be inferior officers to
whom the appointments clause applied. Although the Tax Court was not an Article III court, its exclusively
judicial role qualified it as a Court of Law within the meaning of the appointments clause
Rehnquist 1994. Held it was not unconstitutional for the Judge Advocate General to appoint military judges to
serve on special and general courts martial. Although the officers in question received judicial assignments
from the Judge Advocate General, rather than the President, they had already been appointed as commissioned
officers by the President.
1997. SCt upheld authority of Transportation Secretary to appoint civilian members of Coast Guard Court of
Appeals. Inferior officers are officers whose work is directed and supervised at some level by others who
were appointed by presidential nomination with the advice/consent of Senate. SCt held that civilian judges on
Coast Guard Court of Appeals were inferior officers who could be appointed by head of department because
they were supervised by JAG and by Court of Appeals for Armed Forces.
AND
MISTRETTA
DISSENTS
In Bowsher and Mistretta, Scalia objects to results reached by SCt because they permit Congress to establish
arrangements that minimize political accountability.
413.
414.
415.
78
CONGRESSIONAL
CHADHA
AND
BOWSHER
Buckley court upheld FEC Act insofar as powers that it delegated to FEC were essentially of an investigative
and informative nature, falling in the same general category as those which Congress might delegate to its own
committees.
416.
417.
Consider possibility that centralization of executive power actually weakens the presidency. If this is the case,
then in order to strengthen the presidency, perhaps there should be selected cutbacks in direct presidential
oversight of agencies, and select creation of commissions that operate with less direct presidential control.
Stevens 1991. This case illustrated the Presentment Clause (giving President opportunity to veto any bill) and
the bicameral requirement (whereby both Houses must pass a bill before it can become law). SCt held that if a
review board (or other oversight board) staffed by Members of Congress is carrying out what are properly
viewed as legislative functions, the boards own actions must be approved by both Houses and presented to the
President for his veto.
Facts. Congress passed a statute saying that Dulles and National Airports would be transferred from the federal
government to the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority, provided that the Authority set up a Board of
Review composed of nine Members of Congress. The Board of Review would have veto power over any
decisions made by the Authority. Challengers to the Act argued that if the Board of Review were set up with
that composition, Members of Congress would in effect be administering the airports, a function entrusted to the
Executive Branch.
Board struck down. SCt agreed that the creation of the Board staffed by Members of Congress would violate
separation of powers principles. SCt did not decide which of two constitutional violations would occur, but did
decide that one or the other would definitely occur:
418.
419.
Dissent - White. Board is a creature of state law, and separation of powers does not apply to state laws. More
generally, the SCt shouldnt worry so much about legislative encroachment. These days, the executive is the
more dangerous branch of government.
420.
79
Under current doctrine, there are very few, if any, constitutional restraints on Congresss power to delegate.
Historical conventional understanding that Congress is exclusive lawmaker no longer reflects reality. In
every industrialized nation, administrative agencies (part of executive branch) have been granted considerable
lawmaking power.
Possible reasons why Congress delegates broad discretionary power to administrative agencies:
422.
423.
424.
Severe political costs to precise solutions of problems; no such costs
attach if Congress merely identifies problem and asks administrators to solve it.
425.
(1) Framers created sharp divisions between legislative and executive authority in order to make such
interference difficult.
(2) Framers left questions about substantive ends of government to democratic processes.
NON-DELEGATION
DOCTRINE
Article I, by vesting legislative power in Congress, imposed constraints on Congresss authority to delegate that
power to others. This doctrine was thought to serve several functions:
429.
Ensured that fundamental policy choices would be made by legislature
and not by officials w/in executive branch (less accountable).
430.
431.
enforcement process.
NON-DELEGATION
AND
OF
1933 (NIRA)
NIRA sought to permit representatives of labor and management in each industry to design codes of fair
competition in order to stabilize wages and prices. Following two cases are only decisions that invalidated federal
statutes on non-delegation grounds in nations history.
Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan
80
1935. SC invalidated provision of NIRA authorizing president to prohibit, as part of petroleum code,
transportation in interstate commerce of oil produced in violation of state-imposed production quotas. SC
argued that statute did not supply standards that would tell president when to exercise power.
1935. SC invalidated live poultry code which contained maximum hour and minimum wage provisions and
prohibited various practices said to be unfair methods of competition. It is unconstitutional for Congress to
delegate lawmaking authority regarding what constitutes fair competition to trade/industrial associations.
DEMISE
OF NON-DELEGATION DOCTRINE
The growth of administrative state killed the non-delegation doctrine. Non-delegation has all but disappeared as
constraint on delegation of authority to administrative agencies.
433.
434.
Statutes authorizing regulation of unreasonable risks or administrative action in the public interest appear
immune from attack.
On rare occasions, non-delegation doctrine is invoked as aid to statutory construction: fear of broad delegation
is reason to construe administrative authority narrowly.
Schecter itself has not been overruled, and massive delegation of authority as in that case might be struck down
today. But non-delegation doctrine has not been invoked in modern cases, notwithstanding breadth of
delegations to administrative agencies.
1971. Court upheld statute authorizing president to impose wage/price controls on ground that implicit
standards of borad fairness and avoidance of gross inequity were sufficient. Key factors: temporary
character of delegation, president could not discriminate unreasonably among industries, implicit requirement
that president come up with standards to limit his own discretion.
1991. Controlled Substances Act authorized Attorney General to make criminal manufacture, possession, or
distribution of any dug that met statutory criteria relating to history and current pattern of abuse and risk to
public health. SC rejected non delegation doctrine challenge to this Act.
Kennedy 1996. Statute stipulated that punishment which a court-martial may direct for an offense may not
exceed such limits as President may prescribe for that offense, and that court martial may, under such
limitations as President prescribes, adjudge any punishment not forbidden by statute, including death penalty.
SCt rejected argument that statute failed to establish intelligible principle guiding Presidents discretion and
thus violated non delegation doctrine. SCt argued that guidance telling President how to formulate regulations
was not needed because delegation was set within certain boundaries and because President is Commander in
Chief.
ARGUMENTS
D. Schoenbrod
81
Delegation allows legislators to claim credit for benefits which a regulatory statute promises yet escape blame
for burdens it will impose because they do not issue laws needed to achieve those benefits.
USC prohibits delegation of legislative power. Since New Deal, SC has argued that delegation decision should
be left to Congress and president because Congresss concern for its power will prevent it from delegating too
much. This reasoning is simplistic; in reality, Congress enhances its power by delegating.
1980. Case involved interpretation of OSHA statute. First provision defined occupational safety and health
standards as those reasonably necessary or appropriate to provide safe or healthful employment. Second
provision required Labor Secretary to set standard which most adequately assures, to extent feasible, on basis
of best available evidence, that no employee will suffer material impairment of health.
Plurality concluded that reasonably necessary or appropriate language required Secretary to show significant
risk before undertaking to regulate.
435.
Distribution of the franchise and other political rights is irrelevant unless important policy choices are made by
elected officials.
438.
In many government endeavors, it is inherently impossible to identify particular course of action to be adopted.
There are many institutional constraints on Congresss ability to specify regulatory policy in meaningful detail.
Judicial enforcement of non delegation doctrine is problematic because judgment as to degree of policy
specificity that is possible in given case is quite subjective.
82
Article III Congress exists but only as consensual body. Congress has all legislative authority but should limit
itself to broad grants of unstructured authority to president.
Article IV There exists separate administrative branch composed of persons whose right to govern is based on
(1) delegation of powers from Congress and (2) authority inherent in expertise.
Article VII Actual policymaking comes not from voter preferences or congressional enactments but from
process of tripartite bargaining between administrators, Congress members, and representatives of interest
groups.
STRUCTURAL
STATUTES
If non-delegation doctrine is not revived, and if it is impossible for Congress to set forth clear standards to
govern decisions by administrative agencies, are there alternative means by which Congress might establish
original position as lawmaker?
Congress has sporadically attempted to reassert its authority by enacting structural or quasi-constitutional
statutes.
Legislative Veto A legislative veto provision is typically included as part of a congressional statute delegating
certain powers to federal agencies. The legislative veto allows one or both houses of Congress to pass a
resolution invalidating decisions made by administrative agencies. The resolution is not presented to the
President (as a statute must be), and President does not receive an opportunity to veto the resolution.
439.
The legislative veto enabled Congress to retain some control over the
authority which it broadly delegated to president.
440.
441.
Structured prosecutorial decisions when wrongdoing is alleged against high executive officials by mandating
appointment of independent counsel.
443.
funds,
444.
445.
Attempted to control presidents use of armed forces by enacting War Powers Resolution.
83
448.
449.
Sutherland 1936. Facts. A joint resolution of Congress authorized the President to ban the sale of arms to
countries engaged in a particular conflict. FDR proclaimed such an embargo, and Curtiss-Wright was charged
with conspiring to sell arms to Bolivia, one of the countries to which the embargo extended. Curtiss-Wright
challenged the joint resolution as being an unconstitutionally broad delegation of legislative power to President.
Upheld by SCt. SCt upheld the resolution, and the resulting presidential embargo. SCt stressed the very
delicate, plenary and exclusive power of the President as the sole organ of the federal government in the field of
international relations. The need for negotiation, plus the Presidents special access to sources of information,
required a degree of discretion and freedom from statutory restriction which would not be admissible were
domestic affairs alone involved. Here, for instance, President would be better able than Congress to determine
whether Bolivia was in fact engaged in the conflict. Thus the delegation to the President was not overly broad,
regardless of whether such delegation would be permissible with respect to a domestic issue (a question which
SCt did not decide).
SCt here claimed that a political society cannot endure without a supreme will somewhere. Is this true? Is it
truer of foreign rather than of domestic affairs? If it is true, then why does Congress have all the foreign affairs
powers enumerated in USC. [see below]
Why does SCt here believe that the President is the sole organ of the federal government in the field of
international relations?
Text. But USC text does not make President the sole organ of federal government. USC text vests in Congress
a number of foreign affairs powers: power to declare war; power to regulate commerce with foreign nations;
power to raise/support armies, power to provide/maintain navy; power to provide for
organizing/arming/disciplining militia; and power to make rules for calling forth the militia to repel invasions.
History. First, the history is ambiguous and thus only arguably supports SCts conclusion here. Second, it is
not clear that historical practices are a valid basis of constitutional argument if such practices involved
usurpation original allocation of constitutional authority.
84
SCt also made functionalist argument by asserting that only the President can know the conditions which
prevail in foreign countries, has confidential sources of information, and can maintain secrecy.
This argument parallels argument for delegation of legislative power to executive in domestic affairs.
SCts functionalist conception of the executive adopted here is ironic since at the same time SCt was
invalidating much of the New Deal on formalist grounds. SCt wanted a foreign policy that would be vigorous
and interventionist, while preventing domestic policy that would be vigorous and interventionist.
How valid are such functionalist arguments in constitutional interpretation? Are these arguments independent
from controversial political judgments about appropriate role of federal government?
ALLOCATION
USC is ambiguous on allocation of war making power as between President and Congress.
450.
President is made commander-in-chief of armed forces; no doubt that
framers intended President to play principal role as representative of U.S. in relations with other
nations.
451.
452.
Does inherent presidential power include the power to send troops into
combat abroad and to keep them there without Congressional authorization? If so, what is the practical
significance of Congress Article I power to declare war?
453.
How can vesting of power to declare war in Congress be reconciled
with presidential necessity that president be able to respond to emergencies?
454.
For that matter, how can judicial protection against racial
discrimination, or of private property, or of freedom of the press, be reconciled with that necessity?
Approaches toward reconciling these provisions
Evidence shows that framers believed President should be able to act to repel sudden attacks. But in other
contexts, President could not initiate war without a congressional declaration.
In modern circumstances, notions of repel sudden attack and war mean something different from what they
meant for framers. Here are some different views on this issue:
455.
Underlying constitutional language is long-range purpose authorizing
President to protect Americans from external force in an emergency. Given increasing mobility of
weapons, President may sometimes conclude that offense is the best defense. Though his
characterization may be debatable, President must necessarily be accorded a broad discretion. (Ratner)
456.
85
country to a trial of force. Two reasons for requiring Congress (not President) to approval declaration
of war:
Grier 1863. At issue was the lawfulness of President Lincolns proclamation establishing a blockade of
southern ports after the secession of the southern states.
SCt upheld the blockade on grounds that a state of war existed between northern and southern sates. By Acts of
Congress, President is authorized to use military/navy in case of invasion by foreign nations and to suppress
insurrection against government of State or United States.
Koppelman. What practical difference is there between Congressional power to declare war and presidential
power to recognize that a state of war exists? When, if ever, is the president obligated to get Congress
permission before he takes military action? What is a war, anyway?
1971. SCt held that USC required participation on part of Congress for Vietnam War, but that Congress had
provided sufficient authorization to the President.
Ely make functionalist argument that courts should have been more receptive to lawsuits here because in realm
of war, Congress seldom has either the incentive or the moral standing to do anything about an unconstitutional
war.
1990. District court said in dicta that an offensive entry into Iraq by several hundred thousand U.S. servicemen
could be described as a war within the meaning of the USC, and that in principle, an injunction may issue at
request of members of Congress to prevent conduct of war which is about to be carried on without
congressional authorization.
Congress passed a joint resolution authorizing use of American military force against Iraq after 1/15/91 as long
as President determined/reported to Congress that all diplomatic efforts had failed. Was this resolution
sufficient to constitutionally authorize Operation Desert Storm? Two views:
459.
460.
Yes, it is difficult to see what additional accountability would have
been gained had the resolution been styled as a declaration of war.
UN peacekeeping or peace enforcement
Recently, President has authorized use of American forces in UN-sponsored military actions in Bosnia, Haiti,
and Somalia without obtaining prior congressional approval.
Whether or not prior congressional approval is constitutionally required depends on character and risks of war
in each mission.
461.
authorization.
462.
Peacekeeping missions pose little risk of hostilities; while Congress can
impose limitations, President can argue that no authorization is necessary because analogous to
presidential peacetime troop deployment.
463.
Peace enforcement missions.
hostilities are involved on a limited scale.
86
Background. Before enactment of resolution, President had considerable discretion in use of military force to
accomplish foreign policy objectives. Resolution was enacted after Vietnam and Watergate to define and
enlarge the congressional role in use of military power.
Summary. Requires President in every possible instance to consult with Congress before introducing U.S.
armed forces into hostilities or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by
the circumstances. Presidents ability to conduct hostilities without affirmative authorization from Congress is
limited to at most 90 days. Whenever American forces are engaged in hostilities without Congressional
authorization, such forces shall be removed by the President if the Congress so directs by concurrent
resolution.
Interpretation Issues:
464.
What does act mean by introduction of U.S. armed forces into
hostilities? When is imminent involvement in hostilities clearly indicated by the circumstances?
465.
466.
USC gives President authority to introduce armed forces into hostilities without congressional declaration of
war.
In cases of effort to repel sudden attack, resolution allows congressional role where such a role is
constitutionally proscribed.
Rostow argues there is nothing constitutionally illegitimate about undeclared wars; U.S. fought them
frequently in 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries. This resolution would turn clock back to Articles of Confederation
and destroy presidency.
Resolution merely restores constitutional balance that had been upset by long period of congressional inactivity
before its passage. Resolution allows Congress to ensure there is no undeclared war.
If anything, resolution allows President to wage war without declaration in far too many circumstances.
Mere historical acquiescence by Congress in Presidents exercise of war does not by itself prove that Congress
lacks authority to exercise of that power when it gathers wisdom/courage to do so.
Many commentators agree that resolution has been ineffective in constraining executive discretion.
Congress reduced resolutions effectiveness by failing to address two new types of military action arising during
1980s:
467.
Covert wars. Resolution covers U.S. Armed Forces but not private
activities of former CIA operatives. (e.g. Oliver Norths operatives)
468.
Short-term military strikes.
resolutions 60-day time limit (e.g. Grenada and Panama)
87
469.
Ironically, resolution has also failed to prevent even type of creeping
escalation that it was expressly enacted to control: e.g. U.S. troops in Lebanon and American ships
patrolling Persian Gulf.
470.
Yes, as long as Congress still has the will to be held accountable. (Ely)
471.
No. No modification of the resolution will in itself ensure that
collective judgment of both Congress and President will apply to introduction of U.S. Armed Forces
into hostilities. No statute is even required for members of Congress to have the insight and courage to
stand up to Presidential exercise of war. (Glennon)
THE CONSTITUTION
WITHOUT COURTS
WAR POWERS
AND
BOLAND
Both War Powers Resolution and Boland Amendments represented efforts by Congress to utilize self-help in
enforcing constitutional boundaries. Does experience here suggest that judicial review is essential to
constitutional government in this area?
Actually, note that SCt has regularly tipped the balance of foreign policy making power in favor of the
president, both on the merits or on justiciability grounds.
Article II, 2 of USC grants to President the power by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make
Treaties, provided two thirds of Senators present concur, and Article V, 6 makes all Treaties made, or which
shall be made, under the Authority of the U.S., the supreme law of the land.
Conflict of Laws
475.
If treaty is inconsistent with U.S. law, the one last in date will control
the other, provided always the stipulation of the treaty on the subject is self-executing. [Whitney v.
Robertson (1888)].
476.
Treaty must be a bona fide agreement between states. For example,
U.S. cannot write into a treaty with Canada a uniform divorce law for U.S.
EXECUTIVE AGREEMENTS
Although there is no express constitutional authority for executive agreements, USC indirectly recognizes
possibility of non-treaty international agreements in Article I, 10, which prohibits states from entering treaties
but authorizes them to enter an Agreement or Compact with a foreign Power with consent of Congress.
88
Upheld constitutionality of presidential action taken pursuant to an executive agreement with Iran only after
finding congressional authorization for (or at least acquiescence in) Presidents decision. Deal to settle claims
as part of the Iran hostage release.
1937. Upheld terms of executive agreement surrounding U.S. recognition of Soviet Union, even though
agreement was reached without prior congressional authorization. SCt relied heavily on Presidents express
constitutional authority to receive Ambassadors.
Can the President act unilaterally in cases where he lacks express constitutional authority? According to
Henkin, we must conclude that there are agreements which President can make on his sole authority and others
which he can make only with consent of Senate, but neither Belmont nor anyone else has told us which are
which.
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE
AGREEMENTS
Approved by simple majorities of both Houses of Congress, rather than by a two-thirds majority of Senate.
(e.g. NAFTA, GATT).
477.
During 1970s, Nixon claimed the authority under article II powers to impound funds previously authorized by
Congress.
Congress responded by passing Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 governing two
kinds of impoundment.
478.
Deferrals of budget authority were permissible only to provide for
contingencies, achieve savings made possible by changes in requirements or greater efficiency in
operations, or as specifically provided by law.
479.
Rescission of budget authority (decision that all or part of any budget
authority will not be required to carry out full objectives/scope of programs) proposal to rescind will
not take effect unless within 45 days after notification, Congress has enacted a rescission bill
rescinding all or part of the amount proposed to be rescinded.
89
482.
problem?
LINE
If Act has little legal effect, why has it been successful in resolving the
ITEM VETOES
For many years, Presidents have sought from Congress the authority to veto specific spending provisions (a
specific line item) included within comprehensive legislative appropriations.
If line item veto did have legal consequences, is it constitutional for Congress to rewrite the veto procedure
outlined in Article I? Would the rescission authority granted to president be sufficiently constrained to avoid a
non delegation doctrine attack?
UNFUNDED
MANDATES
Federal legislation imposing costly requirements on the states without providing funds to pay for them.
1992. SCt held that when unfunded mandates were directed solely to the states and were not part of generally
applicable laws, they might under some circumstances violate 10th Amendment.
Purports to further limit power of federal government to impose unfunded mandates. Bills imposing more than
$50M/year mandate on state governments are subject to a point of order.
485.
Does this Act have any legal effect, in light of the fact that either House
could overrule a point of order?
486.
In 1995, House implemented provision in Contract with America by adopting a rule requiring 3/5 majority of
those present/voting to pass increase in income taxes. Is this rule constitutional?
Unconstitutional by Chadha because it changes method of enacting ordinary legislation without a formal
constitutional amendment.
Constitutional for two reasons: (1) USC fails to specify proportion necessary to pass a bill, (2) USC delegates
authority to each House under Rules of Proceeding Clause.
CONSTITUTIONAL
90
Rehnquist 1988. Until 1988, the rule seemed to be that if a purely executive officer had been appointed by the
president, Congress may not limit the Presidents right to remove that officer.
But in a case upholding the Ethics in Government Act, a post-Watergate statute setting up a system of special
prosecutors to investigate alleged wrongdoing by executive officials, SCt seems to have changed this rule. Rule
now seems to be that Congress may limit the Presidents right to remove even a purely executive officer, so long
as the removal restrictions are not of such a nature that they impede the Presidents ability to perform his
constitutional duty.
Facts. The statute in Morrison required the Attorney General to investigate any allegations of wrongdoing
against certain high level members of the Executive Branch (including members of the Cabinet), and to apply to
a special federal court (the Special Division) for the appointment of a special prosecutor if he found
reasonable grounds to believe that further investigation or prosecution is warranted. Once the special
prosecutor was appointed, she could only be removed by the Attorney General, and only for good cause,
physical disability, mental incapacity, or any other condition that substantially impairs the performance of [her]
duties.
491.
SCt rejected claim that the Act violated Article II, 2s appointments
clause. The independent counsel is an inferior officer, not a principal officer who must be appointed
by the president. This is because: (1) the independent counsel can be fired by the attorney general
(although only if certain conditions are met), (2) the independent counsel performs very limited duties;
(3) the independent counsel has only limited jurisdiction; and (4) the independent counsel has a limited
tenure.
492.
493.
the SCt also held that neither the removal provisions nor the act taken
as a whole so restricted the Presidents powers as to violate the separation of powers principle.
i. Removal Provision. Because the Attorney General could terminate the special prosecutor for
good cause, the Executive Branch retains ample authority to assure that the counsel is
competently performing her statutory responsibilities.
ii. Law taken as a whole. Similarly, the Act taken as a whole did not unconstitutionally take away the
Presidents executive powers, even though his freedom to control the special prosecutor was
somewhat limited. True, the President could not select the prosecutor, determine her jurisdiction
or remove her except for cause. But the Act reserved to the President the right to decide whether
to apply for appointment of a prosecutor, imposed on the prosecutor the obligation to abide by
Justice Department policy except where not possible, and as noted, allowed the Attorney
General to remove her for cause. These powers gave the Executive Branch sufficient control
over the [special prosecutor] to ensure that he President is able to perform his constitutionally
assigned duties.
91
Koppelman critique. Majoritys interpretation of the inferior-officers clause is puzzling. To whom, precisely, is
the independent counsel inferior? He usually stays in office longer than most cabinet secretaries, and he gets to
investigate the president. Does investigating the president not interfere with his authority?
Dissent. Scalia contended that the separation of powers principle required that the President maintain complete
control over the investigation and prosecution of violations of law. Since even by the majoritys reasoning the
Presidents control over the special prosecutor was curtailed, in Scalias view the Act was clearly a violation of
the constitutionally-required separation of powers.
494.
495.
496.
497.
92
Significance. Morrison seems to have major significance for the separation of powers doctrine. It is hard to
imagine a more purely executive function than the right to investigate and prosecute violations of the law. The
case thus seems to stand for the proposition that the Executive Branch may be deprived of the power to appoint,
and the untrammeled power to remove, an inferior officer, even where the appointment relates to purely
executive powers. Apart from the issue of restricting the Presidents right of removal, the case seems to herald a
Court that will view even fairly substantial interference with the Presidents ability to exercise unfettered
control over executive functions as violating the separation of powers.
Top Level Officers. It is not clear whether the rationale for Morrison would even allow Congress to limit the
Presidents right to appoint or remove principal officers of the U.S. such as cabinet officers. Recall that the
Morrison court determined that the special prosecutor was an inferior officer rather than a principal officer.
It probably continues to be the case after Morrison that Congress may not take away the Presidents right to
appoint such principal officers the Presidents right to make such appointments seems directly/unequivocally
guaranteed by the Appointments Clause of Article II. Also, even post-Morrison, the Court would probably be
much less willing to allow Congress to limit the Presidents right to define the duties of such principal officers,
or to allow Congress to limit the Presidents right to discharge such an officer.
Blackmun 1989. Sentencing Commission does not violate separation of powers. Congress has considerable
flexibility to assign judicial branch tasks that might be considered law-making ones as it sees fit, at least where
the subject matter relates to the role of the courts.
Congress set up the U.S. Sentencing Commission to develop mandatory guidelines that federal judges would
have to apply in setting sentences for federal crimes. Congress provided that of the seven voting members (all
to be appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate), at least three must be federal
judges. Plaintiffs claimed this was an unconstitutional delegation of law-making power to the Judicial Branch.
That is, Congress was assigning to the judges on the Commission not the job of interpreting the law (proper
judicial role) but the job of making sentencing policy, a classic legislative function.
Delegation attack rejected. SCt here was troubled by the requirement that three of the seven presidential
appointees to the Commission be judges, but the requirement is somewhat supported by history and (because
the powers are administrative rather than judicial in nature) is not barred by the structure of the USC:
498.
SCt. Rejected the claim of unconstitutional delegation of law-making
authority to the Judicial Branch. It is true that non-judicial duties may generally not be given to the
Judicial Branch. But there are some exceptions, and this was one. Because the judiciary plays the
major role in sentencing, allowing some judges to participate in the making of guidelines for sentences
does not threaten the fundamental structural protections of the USC.
499.
SCt. Also rejected a second argument that the judiciarys entanglement
in the political work of the Commission undermines public confidence in the disinteredness of the
Judicial Branch. Since the sentencing process itself is carried out by the Judicial Branch, allowing
judges to help set the guidelines is an essentially neutral endeavor and one in which judicial
participation is peculiarly appropriate.
Dissent - Scalia. This was a pure delegation of legislative power to the Judicial Branch, and as such violated
separation of powers principles. Commission gets to decide how long individuals will have to go to jail for
certain crimes, narrowing the range of sentencing discretion specified by Congress. Power this broad needs to
be accountable.
501.
93
502.
Has it created so many checks that [recall here debate between
Jefferson and Madison about value of stability in government]
What consequences does growth of administrative state have on these issues? Perhaps these developments
suggest that original understandings of separation of powers must be radically changed.
Institutional issues.
503.
504.
What has been the effect of structural legislation such as the Unfunded
Mandate Reform Act or the War Powers Resolution?
505.
Consider possibility that USC has played surprisingly small role here.
506.
Does the process of bargaining between Congress and executive branch
provide sufficient safeguard against abuse?
Is there a good reason for supporting a particular allocation of power that is not grounded in the belief that over
a range of cases, the allocation is likely to produce sound policy?
507.
94
Individual rights
Overview
Distinguished from federalism and separation of powers. Rather than demanding that government is structured
in a certain way, the judiciary intervenes directly to invalidate laws that violate certain protected rights.
Original conception did not give much of a role to federal courts in this area: the principal guarantor of
individual rights was the limitation of the power of the federal government. [but even during this period, states
were subject to federal court supervision via the Contracts Clause]
The recent tendency in constitutional law has been to emphasize rights strategies rather than institutional
strategies, though some recent cases (e.g. U.S. v. Lopez and New York v. United States) suggest a partial reversal
of this trend.
But realize that even the rights strategy is an institutional one, inasmuch as it depends on the SCt to act as the
guarantor of rights. Thus, as with all institutional strategies, the question arises whether the institution will
perform according to plan and carry out the function that it was hoped that it would perform. There are two
possible types of failure:
511.
512.
Individual rights should be evaluated through the lenses of federalism and separation of powers.
513.
Federalism. Whenever a court finds that a new right exists, that court
prevents states from experimenting, and arriving at different solutions, with respect to that right. It
imposes uniformity and suppresses diversity.
514.
(1) why the decision whether to recognize that right should be made at a national, rather than a local,
level; and
(2) why the SCt, rather than Congress, ought to be the federal actor who decides whether to impose
that right on the states.
95
Equal protection
UTILITY
Many of the rights asserted under privacy are better asserted as equality claims (e.g. abortion, gay rights in
Bowers v. Hardwick).
In both cases, it is relevant that these are groups of people who have been historically discriminated against.
EPC does not have problem of privacy as a right: namely, that people doubt whether such a right exists in USC
(e.g. notion that substantive due process does not exist).
The equal protection rights asserted by women and gays are parasitic on reason why blacks are entitled to equal
protection.
RACE
AND THE
CONSTITUTION
516.
AND THE
520.
William Lloyd Garrison famously wrote that, because the USC
specifically protected slavery, it was a covenant with Death and an agreement with Hell. Was
Garrison right?
521.
John Hart Ely. Slavery was a substantive value protected from ordinary
legislative process by the original USC.
State v. Post
NJ, Nevius 1845. NJ SCt held that the states 1844 constitution, which includes a clause making all persons
free and equal, does not make slavery unconstitutional, and thus an 1804 statute providing for the gradual
emancipation of slaves remains in effect.
Rationale. Court reasoned that no one is absolutely free. In a civilized state, all residents give up a portion of
their freedoms in exchange for the benefits of civilization. Freedom, then, must be looked at in the context of
its society. At the time the NJ constitution was adopted, slavery was an accepted party of society, and was not
considered incompatible with a free society. This court was not inclined to change that view.
Koppelman.
522.
523.
equal clause more broadly?
Would the court have exceeded its power had it read the free and
96
524.
525.
correctness?
526.
The court here criticized some of the parties arguments as rather
addressed to the feelings than to the legal intelligence of the court. Do feelings have no appropriate
place in legal reasoning?
Dred Scott v. Sanford
Taney 1857. Facts. Scott was born a slave. He had been taken from Missouri to Illinois, a free state, by his
master. Scott was taken to several other free states or territories. Scott was then taken back to Missouri (slave
state), and sold to Sanford. Scott then sued for his freedom, contending that his having been taken into free
states made him free. Jurisdiction was predicated on diversity of citizenship.
Two holdings.
527.
Dred Scott was not a citizen of a state. Citizens, for constitutional
purposes, refers to the sovereign people of the U.S. as they were understood to be at the time of the
USCs adoption. At that time, the Negro was considered to be an inferior class, one having no inherent
liberty or property rights. A state may confer rights upon individuals living in it as it sees fit. It
cannot, however, confer rights as a U.S. citizen by virtue of state law. The fact that in Illinois Scott
could not be a slave does not alter the fact that Illinois ability to make Scott a free man extends no
further than its borders and does not confer upon Scott rights and privileges of U.S. citizenship.
Therefore, Scott was not a citizen of a state in U.S. constitutional sense, and therefore the SCt had no
jurisdiction over the case.
528.
SCt went on (in dicta?) to hold that the Missouri Compromise of 1820,
which barred slavery from any territory north of the 36:30 latitude, violated the due process clause of
the 5th Amendment.
(1) Note that if Bill of Rights were applicable to all states at the time, then Dred Scott would apply
everywhere. However, since Bill of Rights did not apply to the states, Dred Scott did not apply in
free states like Massachusetts.
Dissent - Curtis. Disputed Taneys account of the framers intent. Curtis argued that at the time the USC was
ratified, a number of Northern states had black citizens, who voted on ratification. It would be strange, if we
were to find in that instrument anything which deprived of their citizenship any part of the people of the United
States who were among those by whom it was established.
Historical Context by Koppelman. SCt here was attempting to solve the most divisive political issue of the day:
whether individual territories should be permitted to abolish slavery.
529.
SCts intervention here was not necessarily countermajoritarian.
President James Buchanans 1857 inaugural address described slavery in the territories as a judicial
question, which legitimately belongs to the SCt of the United States. Nothing would have made
Buchanan unhappier than a SCt holding that slavery was a question for the political branches.
530.
divisive issues?
531.
AND RETREAT
97
Strong 1879. Invalidated Virginias law barring blacks from juries. Facts. A state statute provided that all
white male persons who are twenty-one years of age who are citizens of this State shall be eligible to serve as
jurors. P, a black, is convicted of murder by a jury from which all blacks have been removed pursuant to this
statute.
Holding. Act on its fact discriminates against blacks, and therefore violates the Equal Protection Clause.
Note. Where a law is found to discriminate on its face, the SCt will not require that it be shown to have had
an actual discriminatory impact in the case at hand. Thus, in Strauder, P was not required to show that he
would not have been convicted by a jury containing blacks, or even to show that some blacks would have been
seated on the jury had the statute not been in force. The mere risk of discriminatory impact was sufficient,
given the facial discrimination.
Koppelman
532.
533.
Note how limited the pool of potential jurors may be, according to
Strong. There is, for example, no problem with excluding women. Then again, there is some textual
warranty for this sex discrimination (the 14 th amendment itself specifically countenances the exclusion
of women from voting.)
534.
To what extent does the SCts conclusion here flow from the text of the
14th Amendment?
(1) Why does Strauder have standing to challenge the exclusion of blacks from his jury how was he
harmed by being tried by an all-white jury?
(2) Can one denounce racial classifications because they rest on irrelevant or nonexistent distinctions
and simultaneously assert that outcomes would be different if the perspectives of the excluded
group were recognized? (Brest and Levinson)
535.
weight:
536.
How important is the SCts conclusion that the freed slaves were
abject and ignorant? If that conclusion were wrong, would the case come out differently?
Plessy v. Ferguson Separate but equal Railroad cars
98
Initially, SCts view was that separate but equal treatment did not violate equal protection. SCt upheld a
Louisiana law requiring segregation of railroad passenger cars; a law calling for separate-but-equal
accommodations for white and black railroad passengers.
Rationale. Majority reasoned that laws such as this one related only to social equality, not to political or civil
equality. Brown concluded that the 14th Amendment mandates political, not social, equality. The object of
the amendment was undoubtedly to enforce the absolute equality of the two races before the law, but in the
nature of things it could not have been intended to abolish distinctions based upon color, or to enforce social, as
distinguished from political equality. SCt held that social equality was not a goal of the Equal Protection
Clause, and could be attained only through voluntary action by individuals, not by statutes.
537.
Not badge of inferiority. Moreover, the law itself did not stamp . . .
the colored race with a badge of inferiority. If African Americans felt inferior under the law, it is not
by reason of anything found in the act, but solely because the colored race chooses to put that
construction upon it.
Dissent - Harlan.
538.
The distinction between social and political equality, and the exclusion
of the former from antidiscrimination concerns, is taken for granted by the sole dissenter as well:
Every true man has pride of race, and under appropriate circumstances when the rights of others, his
equals before the law, are not to be affected, it is his privilege to express such pride and to take such
action based upon it as to him seems proper.
539.
However, the first Justice Harlan argued that the law here did indeed
violate equal protection. Although it appeared facially neutral, every one knows that it had its origin
in the purpose, not so much to exclude white persons from railroad cars occupied by blacks, as to
exclude colored people from coaches occupied by or assigned to white persons. The statute therefore
interfered with the personal freedom of African Americans.
540.
541.
(1) Our USC is color-blind, so that the government is centrally prohibited from classifying on the
basis of race, or
(2) is it his claim that There is no caste here, so that the problem is the underlying political reality.
(3) These two different readings may have very different implications for, for example, affirmative
action. Some have argued that Harlan meant his color-blind remark to include benign or
reverse discrimination based on race.
542.
On the one hand, we can argue that Plessy was rightly decided because
the 14th Amendment protects political, not social, equality. In accordance with the Locher method of
evaluating laws, the law at issue in Plessy was constitutionally valid because it did not deny anyone the
right to use, control, or dispose of his property. The law requiring segregated railroad cars imposed a
badge of inferiority on blacks only to the extent that blacks believed this to be the case; thus, the law
did not violate Strouder.
99
543.
PROTECTION METHODOLOGY
STRICT SCRUTINY
Held that the interment of Japanese-Americans was justified by military necessity. This case was the first to set
forth the strict scrutiny standard for laws that discriminate on the basis of race.
Background. This was the last case in which a racial or ethnic classification survived strict scrutiny. Ironically,
this was the first case in which race was explicitly referred to as a suspect criterion.
Facts. This case involved a post-Pearl Harbor military order excluding all persons of Japanese ancestry from
certain areas of the West Coast, and resulting in their effective imprisonment. The order was applied against
citizens as well as non-citizens.
Holding. SCt upheld the order, despite its suspect nature. It did so on the theory that there was a compelling
need to prevent espionage and sabotage, and that there was no practical and sufficiently rapid way for the
military to distinguish the loyal from the disloyal.
Concurring Frankfurter. Actions may be legal when they occur during war time even though they would be
illegal during peace. A distinction needs to be made, but the USC must allow for the military to act like a
military. To recognize that military orders are reasonably expedient military precautions in time of war and
yet to deny them constitutional legitimacy makes of the Constitution an instrument for dialectic subleties not
reasonably to be attributed to the hard-headed Framers, of whom a majority had actual participation in war.
Koppelman. The SCt did not seem to scrutinize the classification very strictly here. It accepted the assertion of
military necessity without many questions. Should it have done more? Jacksons dissent suggests that the SCt
could never be competent to evaluate such a claim. If he is correct, when would strict scrutiny be appropriate?
Korematsu should be an easy case It HAS to be unconstitutional!! Jacksons dissent is the best answer out of
a batch of bad choices.
Dissent:
544.
545.
Jackson.
(a) Observed that no attempt was made anywhere in the U.S. to exclude German or Italian aliens (thus
suggesting that the order was based at least in part on racial prejudice, though Jackson did not
explicitly so charge).
(b) Said, let the military be the military. He would not uphold the order even if it is justified by
military necessity. If Jackson is right that the judiciary should not worry about military necessity,
then is the SCts decision a good reason for the military to obey its order?
100
OVERVIEW
Equal protection clause of 14 th Amendment states that no State shall deny to any person within its jurisdiction
the equal protection of the laws.
SCt has interpreted this provision as prohibiting arbitrary discrimination, or treating similar things dissimilarly.
Minimal Scrutiny Test. Without more, this produces a very deferential standard of judicial review. The
general rule is that legislation is presumed to be valid and will be sustained if the classification drawn by the
statute is rationally related to a legitimate state interest. (City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center 1985)
Strict Scrutiny Test: Because this stress on mere rationality threatens to transform the clause into a minor
protection against legislative carelessness (and according to Robert Nagel, perhaps not even against that, since
any statutes terms suggest a purpose that the statute rationally serves), the clause has been given teeth in cases
where the challenged classification is based on race:
546.
All legal restrictions which challenge the civil rights of a single racial
group are immediately suspect. (Korematsu v. United States, 1944)
547.
Quasi-suspect standard. In the 1970s, SCt devised a third, intermediate level of scrutiny: classifications based
on sex (Craig v. Boren, 1976) or illegitimacy (Mathews v. Lucas, 1976) are what has been infelicitously called
quasi-suspect; they will survive equal protection scrutiny to the extent they are substantially related to a
legitimate state interest. (Mills v. Habluetzel, 1982).
550.
SCt has not, however, explained how it is determined whether a given
type of classification is suspect or quasi-suspect.
551.
Moreover, it has been noted that the insistence on close fit between
means and end, varying in strictness with the level of scrutiny, has only an indirect relation to the evils
of racial oppression against which the clause was originally enacted.
Disproportionate impact. As for cases in which a law does not overtly employ a suspect classification, but
disproportionately harms blacks, SCt has said that there is no constitutional violation unless the legislators were
motivated by discriminatory intent. (Washington v. Davis, 1976)
552.
101
more rigid scrutiny. Pressing public necessity may sometimes justify the existence of such restrictions;
racial antagonism never can.
554.
(a) This view draws its power from the fact that the idea of equality does not entail that any specific,
substantive right should be guaranteed.
(b) As John Hart Ely, the leading scholarly exponent of the theory that the 14 th Amendment is
concerned primarily with prejudice infecting the legislative process, puts it: unconstitutionality
in the distribution of benefits that are not themselves constitutionally required can intelligibly
inhere only the way that distribution was arrived at.
Intent, then, obviously plays an important role in at least one part of the SCts equal protection doctrine the
part that deals with suspect classifications. [For a long time, confusion has reigned as to whether motive
mattered at all in determinations of the constitutionality of law. SCt has often stated that legislative motive is
not subject to judicial review, but it has also handed down many important decisions that can be explained only
in terms of motive. Washington v. Davis may have ended this confusion, at least to the extent of declaring
conclusively that motivation is relevant.]
Ely has argued, moreover, that even the formalistic, levels-of-scrutiny approach that applies to suspect or quasisuspect classifications is best understood as a handmaiden of motivation analysis: Racial classifications that
disadvantage minorities are suspect because we suspect that they are the product of racially prejudiced
thinking of a sort we understand the 14 th Amendment to have been centrally concerned with eradicating. Even
if a challenger cannot prove the discriminatory intent behind a statute, a classification that in fact was
unconstitutionally motivated will nonetheless thanks to the indirect pressure exerted by the suspectclassification doctrine find itself in serious constitutional difficulty. For an unconstitutional goal obviously
cannot be invoked in a statutes defense. That means, where the real goal was unconstitutional, that the goal
that fits the classification best will not be invocable in its defense, and the classification will have to be
defended in terms of others to which it relates more tenuously. The special scrutiny that is afforded suspect
classifications insists that the classification in issue fit the goal invoked in its defense more closely than any
alternative classification would. There is only one goal the classification is likely to fit that closely, however,
and that is the goal the legislators actually had in mind. If that goal cannot be invoked because it is
unconstitutional, the classification will fall. Thus, functionally, special scrutiny, in particular its demand for an
essentially perfect fit, turns out to be a way of flushing out unconstitutional motivation, one that lacks the
proof problems of a more direct inquiry and into the bargain permits courts (and complaints) to be more politic,
to invalidate (or attack) something for illicit motivation without having to come right out and say thats what
theyre doing.
Koppelman. Is this a sensible way to proceed? Is inappropriate classification the central wrong that the 14 th
Amendment ought to be concerned with?
THE
ATTACK ON JIM
CROW
102
Warren 1954. SCt explicitly rejected the separate but equal doctrine, at least insofar as public education was
concerned.
Holding. SCt held that (1) public education is so important today that it must be provided on equal terms, (2)
racially segregated education is per se not equal because black children get worse educations in segregated
schools, and therefore (3) segregated schools are unconstitutional.
Rationale. SCt reasoned that even where all-black and all-white schools were equal in terms of tangible
factors, intangible factors necessarily prevented children who were restricted to all-black schools from receiving
equal educational opportunities. In particular, racial segregation generates [in African American students] a
feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community that my affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely
ever to be undone. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal. [SCt reasoned this way because it
did not want to impugn the motives of southern state legislatures.]
555.
Expert Opinion:
(a) What does footnote 11 imply about the basis of the decision?
(b) In reaching this conclusion, SCt relied on findings of psychologists and educators who had
concluded from their research that segregation gave African American pupils a sense of inferiority,
which in turn impaired their motivation to learn and their success at learning.
(c) If the sociological evidence now pointed in a different way, would the constitutional result
change? SCts empirical claim was very contested; weakest component of SCts argument.
556.
Koppelman. This case is arguably at the center of the modern constitutional law canon.
557.
558.
Does Warrens opinion identify the aspect of the case that gives it its
enduring power? Would it have been better if the SCt had been as intellectually honest as Charles
Black was in defense of that decision?
559.
(a) True reasoning of Brown: 14th Amendments neutral principle is that blacks cannot be
discriminated against or disadvantaged. There is something deeply unconstitutional about a
system of racial hierarchy/segregation that extends beyond the schools.
103
Applied similar reasoning of Brown regarding 14th Amendment to the federal government, and seemed to
incorporate the 14th Amendments equal protection clause into the 5th Amendment.
According to Guido Calabresi, this case, not Korematsu, is the decision that caused Justice Black the deepest
pangs of conscience at the end of his life.
561.
562.
563.
(1) Only justification offered in opinion was that it would be unthinkable that the states should be
forbidden to segregate and the federal government allowed to.
(2) This was indeed unthinkable as matters of morality and politics. Most certainly, Congress would
not and could not have permitted that ugly anomaly to persist, and would have had to repeal
D.C.s segregation statutes. But there is no way to justify Warren Courts revision of USC to
accomplish its reforms.
564.
565.
566.
Warren 1955. Background. SCt in Brown I, by pronouncing official segregation to be a violation of equal
protection, did not by that pronouncement alone do much to modify the actual educational patterns of Kansas or
any other state. It has only been by a long series of implementation decisions that a significant reduction in
school segregation has come about.
The first of these implementation decisions was a continuation of Brown itself. In Brown II, SCt did several
significant things:
567.
Lower federal courts. It gave the federal district courts primary
responsibility for supervising desegregation because of their proximity to local conditions and the
possible need for further hearings.
104
568.
Equitable principles. The SCt gave no precise guidelines for carrying
out desegregation. Instead, it directed the district courts to use general equitable principles.
569.
(1) A plaintiff whose constitutional rights have been violated by state action would normally be
entitled to immediate relief. But, apparently because it feared the chaos and violence that might
develop if attempts were made to carry out desegregation instantly, SCt authorized the district
courts to take into account the public interest in eliminating desegregation in a systematic and
effective manner.
(2) SCt held that school desegregation should proceed, not immediately, but with all deliberate
speed, in order to enable authorities to cope with complexities arising from the transition to a
system of public education freed from racial discrimination. Among the factors the SCt deemed
relevant was the physical condition of the school plant. However, the burden of proving any
need for delay was placed upon the school boards.
ii. If Wasserstrom is right, what does that imply about the judiciarys supposed role as neutral
umpire of the political process, policing that process for invidious racist influence?
Casebook notes make clear that Brown accomplished little until Congress and Presidency decided to put their
own weight behind school desegregation.
570.
571.
Washington v. Davis
573.
This finally resolved what was left ambiguous in Strauder: the core
wrong that the equal protection clause prohibits is discriminatory purpose.
574.
Upshot of present doctrine is that discriminatory impact alone cannot
violate equal protection clause, but (see the cases cited above) it may violate dormant commerce
clause. Do these rules, taken together, make sense? Why should impact matter more in commerce
context than in context of race?
105
Facts. This case involved a suit brought by a unsuccessful black applicants for positions as Washington, D.C.
policemen. They had failed a written test of verbal ability and reading comprehension, which blacks failed for
times as frequently as whites. Ps claimed that this differential impact made the hiring process violative of equal
protection even though those who composed or selected the test had no intent to discriminate against blacks.
(Ps also produced evidence suggesting that performance on the test did not necessarily correlate with job
performance.)
Holding. SCt held that racial discrimination violative of the Equal Protection Clause exists only where it is a
product of a discriminatory purpose. While a showing of disproportionate racial impact is certainly one factor
in ascertaining intent, it can never by itself be sufficient to prove discriminatory intent. Here, other facts,
including the D.C. Police Departments affirmative efforts to recruit more black policemen, negated any finding
of a discriminatory purpose in the use of the test (which was used throughout the Federal Civil Service).
575.
Comparison to Title VII. SCt conceded that under Title VII of 1964
Civil Rights Act, a hiring practice which disqualifies a substantially disproportionate number of blacks
will be stricken, even without a showing of discriminatory intent. But SCt declined to establish a nointent standard where the source of the discrimination claim was simply the Equal Protection Clause,
as distinguished from a specifically-worded congressional statute.
576.
Rationale. SCt was especially concerned that absence of an intent
requirement might invalidate a whole range of tax, welfare, public service, regulatory, and licensing
statutes that may be more burdensome to the poor and to the average black than to the more affluent
white. In a footnote, the SCt listed numerous statutory schemes that might be open to attack under
such a standard, including such items as sales taxes, bridge tolls, minimum wage laws and professional
licensing requirements.
Koppelman
577.
SCts decision was heavily driven by concerns about the institutional
limitations of the judiciary. (this notion expressed directly above)
578.
Do these concerns justify the conclusion that, absent discriminatory
intent, there can be no constitutional violation whatsoever?
iii. Koppelman: because SCts approach promises only that decision makers will act with pure
hearts, it implies that the only harm that the USC recognizes is the harm caused to the souls of
white people when they commit sin of racism.
(2) By requiring that any civil rights claimant show that he is the individual victim of intentional
discrimination, the perpetrator perspective allows the SCt to say that Black Americans can be
without jobs, have their children in all-black, poorly funded schools, have no opportunities for
decent housing, and have very little political power, without any violation of anti
discrimination law.
106
(3) Instead, anti discrimination law should be based upon the victim perspective, which would
ask in each case whether the particular conditions complained of, viewed in their social and
historical context, are a manifestation of racial oppression. Rather than searching for a guilty
perpetrator, such perspective would entail a demand for results. From victim perspective,
the problem will not be solved until the conditions associated with it have been eliminated.
To remedy the condition of racial discrimination would demand affirmative efforts to change
the condition.
(4) Is this a judicially-manageable view of 14th Amendment? How would one know when
amendment was violated?
Privileges or immunities 14th Amendment
Text. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of
U.S.
Miller 1873. Held that a law granting a slaughtering monopoly in New Orleans did not violate the Privileges
and Immunities of other butchers whose business was harmed by the law.
Ps argument:
579.
pursue a calling;
580.
582.
federal citizenship;
583.
584.
therefore
the right to pursue a calling is not derived from federal citizenship; and
585.
Analysis.
586.
587.
107
SLAUGHETER-HOUSE
Part of the reason may be that modern judges are less confident than Field and Bradley were that they can
determine which rights are fundamental, and so they shy away from the broad and vague power that PIC seems
to confer.
On the other hand, because of the strengthening of the other provisions of the 14 th Amendment, the parade of
horribles that Miller sets forth (797) pretty accurately describes the regime we now inhabit:
588.
589.
Specific result of Slaughter-House was reversed de facto during the Lochner era, when SCt protected economic
liberty via the due process clause.
590.
591.
Incorporation controversy involves lengthy debate over whether the bill of rights is applicable to the states.
Present law holds that only certain provisions apply to the states, but SCt has now incorporated almost all of the
bill of rights into the 14th Amendment.
Note the importance of fear of judicial discretion in this debate. Black-Frankfurter debate:
592.
Black and Frankfurter (both FDR appointees) agree that such discretion
must be limited, but they disagree on how the thing is to be accomplished.
593.
discretion.
594.
108
OF
BALTIMORE
Marshall 1833. Not applicable to the states. SCt held that, although the word Congress only appears at the
beginning of the First Amendment, the entire Bill of Rights were not directly binding upon state governments.
The Bill or Rights applies only to the federal, and not to state, action.
Reasoning. Marshall supported his argument by reference to text, history, structure, and consensus. Marshall
reasoned that had the framers of the Bill of Rights Amendments intended them to be limitations on the powers
of state governments, they would have expressed that intention in plain and intelligible language. This
conclusion has generally been accepted as being historically justified.
Curtis 1856. Construing the due process clause of the 5 th Amendment, this case held that the meaning of due
process must be ascertained by reference to those settled usages and modes of proceeding existing in the
common and statute law of England.
On this reading, the ambiguous textual provision incorporates by reference certain traditions of fairness, and
guarantees that those traditions will not be violated.
1908. Pointed to a less historical approach to the fundamental-liberties question, asking whether the asserted
right inheres in the very idea of free government.
Here, the source of the SCts reasoning appears to be political philosophy rather than history: the great first
principles in the social compact invoked by Justice Chase over a century earlier in Calder v. Bull.
JEOPARDY
Cardozo 1937. Continued the philosophical approach of Twinning, asking whether the asserted right is of the
very essence of a scheme of ordered liberty, so that there could not be a fair and enlightened system of justice
without it.
However, he also gestured toward history by mentioning the tradition and conscience of our people as to be
ranked fundamental.
Cardozo expressly adopted the idea of a hierarchy of rights, with only the most highly valued rights being
enforceable by the federal courts.
The right at issue in Palko, the ban on double jeopardy, was found not to be sufficiently fundamental (at least in
the way the ban was violated here, by permitting the state to appeal from an acquittal in a criminal case and then
to retry the D.)
DISSENT
- TOTAL
INCORPORATION
1947. Total incorporation view. This case was notable mainly for Blacks dissent, in which he set forth the
case for total incorporation. Namely, that all of the guarantees specified in the Bill of Rights are made
applicable to the states by the 14th Amendments Due Process Clause. He did not want SCt to have the power to
pick and choose which rights are more fundamental.
Frankfurter invoked the historical modality, which turned on those canons of decency and fairness which
express the notions of justice of English-speaking peoples.
DUNCAN V. LOUISIANA
109
White 1968. Held that the Sixth Amendment right to a jury trial applies to the states. It moved away from the
political philosophy approach, which investigated imaginary and theoretical schemes, and asked instead
whether . . . a procedure is necessary to an Anglo-American regime of ordered liberty.
Perhaps one can imagine a fair system of justice without jury trials, White argued, but American criminal
processes have developed in connection with and in reliance upon jury trials.
Duncan formulation seems to be neither historical nor philosophical, but a hybrid. It asks whether, given the
system we have inherited, liberty is possible unless citizens have the asserted right.
STATE
Marshall 1810. Holding. Held that a state cannot abrogate its own contracts, even if the contracts were the
product of corruption.
It thus did exactly what Brennan worried about in United States Trust v. New Jersey: although the voters threw
the rascals out, those same rascals might perpetuate their policies simply by locking them into binding
contracts. (1640)
Historical background. This was one of the most important decisions of the Marshall Court, and it had an
interesting history. Bribery that led to land sale was open and notorious. One legislator went so far as to
respond to criticism that he was selling his vote for $600 when his colleagues were getting $1,000 by saying
that it showed he was easily satisfied and was not greedy. When one of the sale bills was passed, only one of
the legislators voting for it had not been bribed. On the other hand, since the land was clouded by claims from
Spain, the federal government, and Indian tribes, it is not clear that the land was worth more than the
speculators paid for it. It is unclear as to whether the purchasers (as Marshall assumes) had no notice of the
fraud; it is clear that the suit was collusive in that both parties shared a common interest in having the land title
upheld.
Reasoning.
595.
Both argued that the social contract prevented government from seizing
Significance. This was arguably the most important case in 19th century Constitutional Law (C. Peter McGrath).
598.
Until near the end of the 19th century the contract clause was the major
constitutional limitation on state legislatures in a period when the states were the source of most laws
regulating business interests.
599.
Between 1810 (year of Fletcher v. Peck and 1889 the contract clause
was invoked in almost 40% of all cases challenging the validity of state legislation. In 75 decisions,
nearly of the total number voiding state laws, it was the justification for declaring the legislation
unconstitutional.
600.
Constitutionally, the 19th century was the century of the contract clause.
110
1827. Held that states are able to prescribe terms for contracts not yet in existence at the time legislation is
enacted.
Majority held that the contracts clause only prohibits states from modifying contracts already in existence at the
time of legislation. States remain free to prescribe rules that limit the ability to enter into certain contracts in the
future.
Thus, a bankruptcy law (which establishes procedures for releasing an insolvent person from contractual
obligations) may not retroactively diminish the obligation of contracts that were already in existence when the
law was passed, but such a law could restrict the obligation of contracts made in the future.
Marshalls only constitutional law dissent unsuccessfully attempted to establish the Lochner principle a century
early.
1798. Prohibition on ex post facto laws (Article I, 10) applies only to criminal laws. First case where
historical source is relied on to make constitutional argument.
This decision was a seriatim opinion, of kind that Marshall eventually managed to do away with. There was no
majority opinion; each judge wrote for himself. All judges reached same conclusion, but by very different
routes. Common Holding: USC prohibits ex post facto laws, which in context of USC includes only criminal
laws.
Chase
601.
602.
(a) Law in question did not directly take property from A and give it to B. Moreover, historically,
legislatures functioned as legislative, executive, and judicial branches.
(b) Thus, since CTs law here does not violate principle of free republican government law should
not be invalidated.
Iridell. Disagreed with Chase, not because such philosophical views were mistaken, but because they invited
too broad a field for judicial discretion: The ideas of natural justice are regulated by no fixed standard: the
ablest and the purest men have differed on the subject. No one can agree what principles of natural justice are
courts should not impose their views on legislatures.
Significance of debate.
603.
This debate shows how questions of what (courts should say that) the
constitution is are intertwined with questions of how the constitution is to be interpreted and who the
interpreter is to be.
604.
605.
(a) Natural justice, a transcendent standard that applies to all forms of government, isnt exactly the
same thing as the vital principles in our free republican governments.
111
(b) The latter is a local phenomenon, having to do with the kind of government that we have around
here. This debate thus anticipates the traditions vs. political theory debate in the discussions of
selective incorporation (806-811).
Historical modality. Several judges thought that the language, taken literally, supported petitioners claim, but
they concluded that original intent overrode the literal text. Thus Blackstone and other British sources relied
upon by the framers ended up being treated as if they were part of USC.
HOME BUILDING
AND
Hughes 1934. Facts. This case involved an emergency modification of debtors obligations. A Minnesota
statute, enacted at the height of the Depression, postponed mortgage foreclosures and extended periods of
redemption. The statute permitted courts to give extensions from mortgage foreclosure sales, if the mortgagor
paid all or a reasonable part of the propertys fair income or rental value. The measure was intended to apply
to mortgages issued prior to the date of the law (e.g. the statute was retroactive).
Holding. SCt upheld the law; although what Minnesota had done appeared to be a paradigm violation of the
Contracts Clause, SCt refused to invalidate the law.
606.
Right to protect public interest. SCt upheld statute on the theory that
the state had at least the right to temporarily delay enforcement of a mortgages literal terms, where
vital public interests would otherwise suffer. In view of the enormous economic emergency which
gave rise to the statute, the modification was a limited and reasonable one. SCt stressed that principal
remained due, interest continued to run, the right of foreclosure would ultimately be restored, and the
statute would (SCt assumed) be rescinded once the economic emergency was over.
607.
608.
609.
i. In the 19th century, the rights and interests of the state itself were involved, as it seemed, only
indirectly and remotely, if they were thought to be involved at all.
ii. However, in modern times, the welfare of the social organism in any of its parts is bound up more
inseparably than ever with the welfare of the whole. Laissez-faire theory is inadequate for
economic life today.
iii. Statute in question is not designed to further either individual or class interests, but rather the good
of the state by maintaining the economic structure on which the good of all depends. This
attainment of this august and impersonal end will not be barred by obstruction of a contract set
up along the way.
112
MODERN
AK
ANALYSIS
Later cases indicated that the Contracts Clause is not entirely dead, but that states may abrogate contracts, their
own or others, if they do so for reasons that the SCt is persuaded are good ones (and the SCt has been pretty
deferential toward the states reasons, though not absolutely so).
AK Analysis. Should SCt be doing more with the Contracts Clause than it has been doing?
610.
One argument against the Fletcher rule (providing that states must be
held to their own contracts) is that states can enter into some pretty loony contracts, which they may
later have excellent reasons to want to get out of.
611.
113
Why, in the period from Reconstruction through the New Deal, did the SCt focus so much on freedom of
contract as the central liberty protected by the 14th Amendment?
NO
Peckham 1905. Facts. This case involved a NY law that limited the hours a bakery employee could work to 10
per day and 60 per week.
Holding. SCt struck down this law as an abridgment of liberty of contract , and therefore a violation of the
Due Process Clause of the 14th Amendment
State offered two defenses of statute. (1) It was a valid labor law. (2) It protected the health and safety of the
workers.
Not valid labor law. SCt quickly rejected the labor law justification for the statute. The police power extended
only to protection of the public welfare. The readjustment of bargaining power between bakery employees
and their employers, the SCt implied, was not of sufficiently public (as opposed to private) concern, especially
in view of the laws infringement of the liberty of contract. (The SCt suggested that if bakers were not as
intelligent as other workers, or for some reason needed unusual protection, the statute might be valid as a labor
law; but the SCt found no reason to believe that bakers as a class needed such special protection.
Not safety or health measure. Nor did the SCt accept the health and safety rationale advanced for the statute.
The SCt did not find bakers to be an especially endangered group (as it had found miners to be in a case a few
years previously). And long working hours did not affect the public health and safety by making the baked
goods less fit to eat. In any event, the SCt indicated, any interest the state had in guarding the wholesomeness
of the baked goods could be satisfied by measures which interfered less with freedom of contract (e.g.
inspecting premises, requiring that washrooms be furnished, etc.)
Legislatures motives suspected. Majority clearly disbelieved that the legislature had in fact acted in part for
safety and health reasons. The laws natural effect was to regulate labor conditions, not to protect anyones
health and safety. SCt thus implied that only the legislatures actual motive, not a hypothetical motive, would
be looked to in evaluating a statute subjected to substantive due process attack.
No deference to legislative fact finding. Another key element of the SCts holding was its refusal to defer to
legislative findings of fact. SCt insisted on reaching its own conclusions on the factual issue of whether the
health and safety of bakers, or of the bread-eating public, needed special protection. For instance, SCt stated
that in our judgment it is not possible in fact to discover the connection between the number of hours a baker
may work in the bakery and the healthful quality of the bread made by the workman.
Dissent
612.
Harlan. Argued that there was enough evidence that the statute would
promote the health and safety of bakers that the legislatures judgment on this issue should have been
accepted.
613.
Holmes. Contended that SCt had no right to impose its own views
about correct economic theory on legislatures. He made one of the most famous remarks in
constitutional law: The 14th Amendment does not enact Mr. Herbert Spencers social statics, a
reference to a then popular social Darwinism/laissez faire theory. Holmes went on to say that a
constitution is not intended to embody a particular economic theory, whether of paternalism and the
organic relation of the citizens of the state or of laissez faire. Liberty, as the term is used in the 14 th
Amendment, should be found to be violated only when a rational and fair man necessarily would
admit that the statute would infringe fundamental principles as they had been understood by the
traditions of our people and our law. By that test, the statute was valid.
AKs lecture on Lochner
114
Liberalism. Idea of fundamental rights that is a recurrent theme in constitutional law is an artifact of liberalism ,
the political philosophy that holds that the purpose of government is not the promotion of religious, moral, or
martial virtue, but rather peace, prosperity, intellectual progress, and personal liberty. This philosophy has
dominated American political thought since DI, which states that the protection of liberty is the purpose of
government.
Evolution of meaning of liberalism. Basic concept, then and now, was that the individual was autonomous
within a certain sphere which government could not violated. But it has been understood differently at different
times.
614.
615.
616.
617.
John Hart Ely observed that the Lochner line of cases are now
universally acknowledged to have been constitutionally improper.
618.
How could SCt have gone so far wrong? Is there a charitable reading
of the opinion that can explain how it was persuasive to generations of lawyers? yes! Examine
Civil War Era and beyond.
After Civil War. Defense of property rights really took off in the SCt after the Civil War in the now infamous
Lochner line of cases.
619.
620.
North. In the North, it was believed, there was virtually limitless social
mobility. According to Lincoln, The man who labored for another last year, this year labors for
himself, and next year he will hire others to labor for him. In this view, which at the time reflected
economic reality, the government could best promote prosperity by getting out of the way and
respecting peoples rights.
621.
115
622.
Virtues of abolition. What abolition promised for blacks was a
fundamental change in the slaves relationship to property: blacks would have the same right to
acquire and sell property and labor that whites had long taken for granted. It was in this context that
i. Justice Field wrote in Slaughter-House dissent that PIC protects right to pursue lawful
employment in a lawful manner, and
ii. Bradley wrote that the right to choose ones calling is an essential part of that liberty which it is
the object of government to protect.
iii. Modern view (14th Amendment does not protect freedom of contract) is reflected only in Millers
opinion, which read PIC out of USC altogether.
Civil War makes Lochner look less crazy
625.
Peckham had a good textual and historical basis for his Lochner holding:
627.
628.
He wrote that the right to purchase and sell labor is part of the liberty
629.
Peckham did not keep USC in tune with the times. Justice Sutherland,
who was wholly in sympathy with Lochner, wrote in dissent in West Coast Hotel v. Parrish (not in
casebook) that the meaning of USC does not change with the ebb and flow of economic events.
630.
Peckham was sincere, at least in his intentions, when he said that This
is not a question of substituting the judgment of the court for that of the legislature. (818)
631.
But the Lockean vision that animates Peckham points him toward structural and ethical modalities, so that
reliance on moral and political philosophy (and more accurately, his particular political theory) immediately
appears most appropriate. This approach in turn led him to balancing, and it is because he balances that he is
charged by later generations with importing his own values into USC.
632.
116
633.
Liberty could be limited by the police powers, the powers enjoyed by
governments of general jurisdiction (unlike the government created by USC, whose powers are limited
and enumerated) to protect public health, safety, and morals.
634.
635.
636.
640.
Argued there was a reasonable basis for the legislation, but the court is having none of it.
SCt had recently sustained an 8-hour law for miners (Holden v. Hardy), but courts had traditionally regarded
mining as ultrahazardous. Miners were an exception to the rule that adults were presumed competent to take
care of themselves in the marketplace.
Women were also an exception. In Adkins v. Childrens Hospital, the majority (and not Holmes) was the
advocate of womens equality.
641.
642.
Harlan simply thought that the state had met its burden of proving the
117
It was not clear from Holmes dissent whether any infringement of economic liberty, per se, would violate USC
in his view.
Courts should simply defer to the legislatures expertise, unless (but this is a big unless) it can be said that a
rational and fair man necessarily would admit that the statute proposed would infringe fundamental principles
as they have been understood by the traditions of our people and our law. It is not clear whether Holmes was
interested in doing anything with this escape hatch.
Depends on whether we think that redistribution is a legitimate governmental purpose. There are different
conceptions of contract; property rights can be defined in many different ways.
Inequality is a natural result of private property: In fact, maximum hours laws tended to redistribute wages to
workers, who had to be paid a subsistence wage no matter how long they worked. A reduction of hours thus
often meant a de facto increase in the hourly wage. SCt thought that it is impossible to uphold freedom of
contract and the right of private property without at the same time recognizing as legitimate those inequalities of
fortune that are the necessary result of the exercise of those rights. (Coppage v. Kansas).
Private property and redistribution are not mutually exclusive. It is certainly logically possible to think that
property and contract produce great social wealth and so should be protected, but that those who gain from
these institutions ought to share their gains with those who lose (and who would have done better under
different economic arrangements).
One explanation as to why there has been no organized working-class political party in U.S. (as there has been
in most other advanced industrial countries) is that U.S. has had a stronger judiciary; judicial intervention made
collective political action futile here.
Law was abandoned as instrument of social transformation, and instead labor attempted to win gains through
collective bargaining on an industry-by-industry basis, with gains predictably concentrated among the most
skilled workers in key, bottleneck industries such as coal, steel, and autos.
Predictable consequence was a smaller and smaller proportion of labor was organized, and an increasing lack of
sympathy for labor movement, because that movement was generally understood to benefit only a privileged
few.
What you think of Lochner ultimately depends on what you think of the marginalization of labor in American
politics.
Held that government could regulate private property that was affected with a public interest.
The
boundaries of this category were, of course, highly contestable, and this exception started to swallow the rule in
Nebbia v. New York.
Women were a special class who were entitled to special protection from the market, and thus maximum-hours
laws were permissible as applied to them. This escape hatch had a price (Forbarth):
643.
Constitutional segmentation of labor into a dependent class of
children, women, and men in certain dangerous or especially vulnerable callings, and an independent
118
class of free adult workers who ought not to rely on state paternalism helped fragment not only
labor legislation but also workers group identity.
644.
The courts relative hospitality toward hours laws for women and
children encouraged and ratified within labor circles a gender-based division of the working class. The
labor movement had once favored universal hours laws, signifying its class-wide constituency; now
it supported hours legislation for those dependent groups now deemed outside the movement,
because they could not look after themselves through collective self-help.
Examine Adkins v. Childrens Hospital again when we turn to sex equality cases.
Hughes 1911. Showed the attractive side of Lochner logic. Still good law.
This case constitutionalized the old rule that personal service contracts cannot be enforced by ordering specific
performance.
Dissent - Holmes. Argued that this interfered with the freedom of contract of black laborers, and would
ultimately make them worse off.
The legal system connived with the planters to keep the blacks in
i. Those not already under contract could be arrested on any of a number of vague charges failing
all else, vagrancy whereupon they would only be able to pay their fines by signing labor
contracts and getting advances; the alternative as the chain gang, where annual death rates for
prisoners were staggering typically around 20% and in some places approaching 50%.
ii. Enticement statutes established the proprietary claims of employers to their Negroes by making
it a crime to hire away a laborer under contract to another man. Sometimes, if white farmers
were short of hands at harvest, the police would simply sweep through the streets arresting every
able-bodied black they saw.
This historical background made Bailey a very easy case, but also diverted attention from the deep problem in
contract theory that Holmes perceived:
647.
648.
vindication of liberty?
119
Roberts 1934. Holding. SCt sustained a NY regulatory scheme establishing minimum and maximum prices for
mil during the Great Depression.
Nebbia recognized some redistributive ends as permissible. SCt did not explicitly reject the Lochner
philosophy. However, the majority noted that due process required only that the law shall not be unreasonable,
arbitrary or capricious, and that the means selected shall have a real and substantial relation to the object sought
to be attained. A state was free to adopt whatever economic policy may reasonably be deemed to promote
public welfare, and to enforce that policy by legislation adapted to its purpose.
Broader than public interest businesses. Majority also explicitly rejected the contention that only businesses
involving a special public interest, such as utilities or monopolies, could be subjected to governmental price
regulation.
Significance. Nebbias requirement of a substantial means-end relationship was essentially the test of Lochner.
But the Nebbia Court was clearly determined not to impose upon legislatures its own views about correct
economic policy, as the Lochner Court had done. On the other hand, this case was less clear in its abandonment
of the previous framework than West Coast Hotel Co.
DEATH OF
LOCHNER FEMALE
MINIMUM WAGE
Hughes 1937. SCt explicitly overruled one of the major Lochner-era precedents.
Holding. SCt upheld a state minimum wage law for women, and thereby explicitly overruled the Adkins case.
SCts argument turned, not on judicial usurpation, but on the substantive justice of minimum wage legislation.
The language denouncing a subsidy to unconscionable employers departs from the assumption that the
common law baseline is a natural fact rather than a government creation. With this decision, Lochner was
clearly dead.
SCt mentioned the states interest in protecting the health of women. But it gave substantial weight to the
states interest in redressing womens inferior bargaining power as well. SCt conceded that the minimum wage
law interfered with freedom of contract, but unlike Adkins (or Lochner), the decision concluded that a
readjustment of economic bargaining power in order to enable workers to obtain a living wage was a legitimate
limitation on that freedom of contract.
MILK
Stone 1938. A presumption of constitutionality would be applied in the case of an economic regulation
subjected to due process attack.
Holding. SCt sustained against a due process attack a federal prohibition on the interstate shipment of filled
milk (e.g. skimmed milk mixed with non-milk fats).
Rationale. SCt noted that Congress had acted upon findings of fact (e.g. committee reports) showing a public
health danger from the filled milk. But even in the absence of explicit legislative findings, SCt held, the
existence of facts supporting the legislative judgment is to be presumed, for regulatory legislation affecting
ordinary commercial transactions is not to be pronounced unconstitutional it is of such a character as to
preclude the assumption that it rests upon some rational basis within the knowledge and experience of the
legislators. This test might be characterized as a minimum rationality standard, coupled with a presumption
of constitutionality.
Significance. This case provides maximum deference to the legislature, presuming that facts support the
legislation. The case thus stands for a rule of judicial abdication.
120
Footnote 4. However, the famous footnote 4 [certainly the most important footnote in all Constitutional Law],
sets forth three exceptions, each in a separate paragraph. Each became the basis of an important line of
subsequent case law.
649.
650.
Second paragraph. Refused to presume the constitutionality of
legislation which restricts those political processes [such as voting, expression, and political
association] which can ordinarily be expected to bring about repeal of undesirable legislation,
anticipates
Douglas 1955. Holding. SCt upheld an Oklahoma statute that, inter alia, prevented opticians from fitting
eyeglass lenses into frames (even old lenses into new frames) without a prescription from an ophthalmologist or
optometrist.
The purpose of the law seemed obviously to be full employment for ophthalmologists and optometrists, but
Douglas strained to find other purposes.
The statute was a rational health measure, SCt found, because the legislature might have concluded that in
some instances prescriptions were necessary to permit accurate fitting, or that eye examinations were so
critical, not only for correction of vision, but also for detection of latent ailments or diseases, that every change
in frames and every duplication of a lens should be accompanied by a prescription from a medical expert.
Similar hypothetical justifications were given for restrictions on advertising by opticians.
FERGUSON V. SKRUPA
Black 1963. Holding. Sustained a Kansas law prohibiting non-lawyers from engaging in the business of debt
adjusting.
Rationale. Black stated that SCt had abandoned the use of the vague contours of the Due Process Clause to
nullify laws which a majority of the SCt believed to be economically unwise. SCt would not refuse to sit as a
superlegislature to weigh the wisdom of legislation.
AK. This was precisely the sort of monopoly upheld in Slaughter-House, which suggests that SCt has come full
circle here. Against, SCt saw the lesson of history as involving the limits of judicial authority.
SUMMARY
- ECONOMIC
RIGHTS
652.
The answer depends in part on whether you think New Deal revolution
was constitutionally and/or democratically legitimate.
653.
121
654.
i. Once it is conceded that redistributive and paternalistic purposes are acceptable, it is hard for
courts to rule out in advance any category of legislation.
ii. Policing the legislative process would require courts to evaluate the case for each one of the
thousands of interferences with economic liberty that the modern regulatory state undertakes daily.
This may be the principal consideration that has moved SCt to abdicate this field altogether.
Privacy, personhood, and family - Modern Substantive due process
West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette - Overview
Jackson 1943. Principles from the Bill of Rights grew in soil which also produced a philosophy that the
individual was the center of society, that his liberty was attainable through mere absence of governmental
restraints, and that government should be entrusted with few controls and only the mildest supervision over
mens affairs.
We must now transplant these rights to a soil in which laissez-faire concept of non-interference has withered at
least as to economic affairs, and social advancements are increasingly sought through closer integration of
society and through expanded and strengthened government controls.
These changed conditions often deprive precedents of reliability and cast us more than we would choose upon
our judgment. However, we act in these matters not by authority of our competence but by force of our
commissions.
NEW DEAL
If the New Deal revolution had a single message for the courts, it was. Thou shall not Lochner. This rule was
given such constant (at least verbal) obeisance from the judiciary that it might as well be part of the USC. The
problem the courts faced after the New Deal, then, was what (if anything) remained of unenumerated individual
rights.
Two important precedents from Lochner period are the wellspring of the modern privacy doctrine. Lochner is
dead, but Meyer and Pierce remain not only alive, but fecund.
Lawyers have different views as to what the New Deal actually was:
656.
122
Problem that judges faced after New Deal was what is left of the 14th Amendment?
659.
660.
Before and after the New Deal, courts have asked whether a challenged
laws infringement of liberty was reasonable, given all the circumstances. But Carolene Products
presumed the existence of facts that support the legislatures judgment. The upshot is a rubber stamp
in favor of legislation. Carolene Products footnote appears to provide the only exceptions.
661.
The problem now is that the fundamental rights cannot be equated with
property rights. What, then are the unenumerated fundamental rights (if there are any)? This is the
problem that the post-New Deal court faces.
662.
This is the modern situation of Thou shalt not Lochner in which the
enterprise of discovering fundamental rights is situated.
Meyer v. Nebraska Okay to teach foreign language to school children
1923. SCt struck down a state law that prohibited the teaching of foreign languages to young children. SCt
held that the term liberty, as used in the 14 th Amendment, included many non-economic, but nonetheless
important, rights; the right of teachers to teach, and that of students to acquire knowledge, were among these.
SCt applied what appears to have been a mere rationality test (rather than any kind of strict scrutiny), but
nonetheless concluded that the statute was without reasonable relation to any end within the competency of the
State.
1925. SCt struck down a state statute requiring children to attend public schools, and thus preventing them
from attending private and parochial ones. This decision rested on the liberty of parents and guardians to
direct the upbringing and education of children under their control. SCt denied the power of the state to
standardize its children by forcing them to accept only public instruction.
Douglas 1965. First major modern-era case which used a substantive-due-process-like approach to protect a
fundamental right; invalidated a statute that prohibited the use of contraceptives.
Facts. The statute at issue was a Connecticut law which forbade the use of contraceptives (and made this use a
criminal offense); the statute also forbade the aiding or counseling of others in their use. The Ds were the
director of the local Planned Parenthood Association and its medical director; they were charged with aiding
and abetting the violation of the statute. Before the decision, Planned Parenthood operated buses to shuttle
women to NY, where they could legally visit birth control clinics. What was really at stake was whether the
organization could provide birth control information within the states boundaries. Ds were convicted of
counseling married persons in the use of contraceptives. No users, married or single, were charged in the case.
Relevance to Lochner.
663.
664.
That argument was a sure loser in 1905: one of the most important
exceptions to Lochners libertarianism was the protection of public morals. [but realize that in
litigation in 1939, Planned Parenthoods citations to Lochner-like cases persuaded lower CT court to
strike down statutes as unconstitutional, before 1940 decision of CT SCt upheld statute as legitimate
regulation of public morals.]
665.
123
ii. Should the courts continue to re-present the Founding concern for personal liberty by marking off
for special protection areas of life that seem far removed from the New Dealers demand to
regulate free markets for the general welfare?
Majority strikes statute. SCt, by a 7-2 vote, struck down the statute.
666.
667.
The text led Douglas to a structural and purposive analysis from which,
through inductive reasoning, he arrived at the right to privacy. Argument on 942 can be summarized
thus.
i. Purpose of the guarantees of the first, third, fourth, and fifth amendments is to protect the privacy
of the home.
ii. This law could not be enforced without violating that privacy.
iii. Therefore, the law is unconstitutional.
668.
669.
Why the statute was invalid. Douglas majority opinion did not specify
exactly how the Connecticut ban on contraceptives violated this penumbra of privacy. But a good part
of the rationale seemed to have to do with the privacy implications of proof in prosecutions. Thus the
SCt asked: Would we allow the police to search the sacred precincts of marital bedrooms for telltale
signs of the use of contraceptives? Douglass concluded that [t]he very idea is repulsive to the
notions of privacy surrounding the marriage relationship.
670.
i. For example of a penumbra argument that works, consider NAACP v. Alabama, which Douglas
cites at 942. This case involved an attempt by Attorney General of Alabama to force NAACP to
disclose names of its members. SCt held that the NAACP did not need to disclose names, because
such compelled disclosure could restrain the organizations constitutionally protected freedoms of
speech and association. SCt noted that NAACP had shown that on past occasions, revelation of
the identity of its rank-and-file members has exposed these members to economic reprisal, loss of
employment, threat of physical coercion, and other manifestations of public hostility. NAACP v.
Alabama really was a case in which an unenumerated right -- here, the right to keep ones
membership secret was necessary to the exercise of an enumerated right. Indeed, it was clear
that the real reason Alabama wanted the list was that, by disclosing the names, it could stifle
unwelcome dissent.
124
ii. No such argument seems available in Griswold. Douglas acknowledged at the end of his opinion
that marriage promotes a way of life, not causes; a harmony in living, not political faiths. This
would seem to take it outside the protection of the first amendment. Douglas is left with the claim
that the marriage relationship is specifically protected in its privacy because it is an association
for as noble a purpose as any involved in our prior decisions. The issue, as he has formulated it,
is not, however, whether the privacy right is for a noble purpose, but whether it is necessary to the
exercise of an enumerated right and therefore qualifies as an implied right.
iii. The concern about police searches at the end is pure makeweight. As noted above, the police did
not need to search any bedrooms in order to prove their case. What was at issue here was ability
of Planned Parenthood to operate a birth control clinic near the center of town in New Haven.
Concurrences. There were three separate concurring opinions. None of the concurrences focus on the problem
of reconciling the 14th Amendment with the New Deal to the extent that Douglas does. All agreed with the
Douglas opinions basic conclusion that the Connecticut statute violated the 14 th Amendment interest in liberty,
but each reached this conclusion by different means.
671.
672.
673.
i. Harlan quoted the test of Palko, which asked whether the right in question is implicit in the
concept of ordered liberty and thus appears to look more to political philosophy, a la Calder v.
Bull, than to tradition.
ii. But the rest of his opinion is tradition-based, and his Poe dissent is the classic defense of that
approach.
iii. AK: Do Harlans references to tradition and settled norms help alleviate concerns about judicial
subjectivity? What makes the right in question here fundamental? Why should the SCt be the
bulwark against departures from a well-established status quo?
iv. No protection outside of marriage: Harlans Griswold/Poe opinions stopped carefully short of
finding a general right to privacy for sexual relations. He explicitly rejected the idea that adultery,
homosexuality, fornication and incest were protected by the same right to privacy. He
distinguished these from the marital relations situation by nothing that the state allows (even
encourages) the marital relation, and should therefore not be permitted to use the criminal law to
regulate the intimate details of that relation. By contrast, the state completely forbids the other
125
types of sexual relations, so that it may permissibly regulate the details of those forbidden
relations as well.
674.
Whites means-end test. Whites concurrence focused on the meansend relationship. He would apparently have upheld the statute had it been reasonably necessary for
the effectuation of a legitimate and substantial state interest. But the Connecticut statute, which
supposedly served the states policy against promiscuity and illicit sex, was drawn too broadly: there
was no need to ban the use of birth control by married couples in order to achieve this objective. Thus
White would presumably have upheld the ban as applied to the use of birth control by unmarried
couples.
Dissent. Both of the dissenters think that footnote four of Carolene Products exhausts the protection from
governmental intrusion that USC affords. For Black, this is just Lochner all over again. Is it?
675.
Black. Reiterated his familiar argument that only those rights explicitly
protected by a specific Bill of Rights (or other constitutional) provision were protected by the 14 th
Amendment; he felt that no right of privacy, in the broad and general way the majority used that
term, was protected by any specific provision.
676.
Holding and Significance. Much of the expansion of the meaning of Griswold came in this case, where SCt
invalidated a statute which, by permitting contraceptives to be distributed only by registered physicians and
pharmacists, and only to married persons, discriminated against the unmarried.
Rationale. In striking down the statute, the majority invoked equal protection as well as substantive due process
grounds. SCt observed that whatever the rights of the individual to access to contraceptives may be, the rights
must be the same for the unmarried and married alike. If the right of privacy means anything, it is the right of
the individual, married or single, to be free from unwarranted government intrusion into matters so
fundamentally affecting a person as the decision whether to bear or beget a child.
Critique - AK. This holding is hard to reconcile with Griswolds emphasis on the sanctity of marriage. If
marriage is the reason why contraceptive is protected in that case, then it doesnt make much sense to say that
there is an equal protection violation when the state discriminates in favor of married people in authorizing
contraception.
ABORTION
Cases following Eisenstadt have followed Harlans line more than Douglas, by looking to whether the right in
question is deeply rooted in our nations history and traditions.
The big exception is abortion. But there has also been a tendency to ask, without any particular reference to
history, how important the asserted liberty is. Roe surveyed history and shared morality in good Harlanesque
fashion, but made no connection between them and the right in question. Instead, it looked to the importance to
the individual of the decision involved. The key text here is Planned Parenthood v. Casey [part II of OConnor
plurality]. Is the following an appropriate description of constitutionally protected liberty?
677.
state cannot enter.
Our precedents have respected the private realm of family life which
678.
126
679.
At the heart of liberty is the right to define ones own concept of
existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.
Roe v. Wade
Blackmun 1973. Held that there is a fundamental right to abortion, and that there is no state interest sufficiently
fundamental to override that fundamental right.
Holding. Blackmuns majority opinion held, without much explanation, that a womans right to privacy is a
fundamental right under the 14th Amendment, and that this right of privacy is broad enough to encompass a
womans decision whether or not to terminate her pregnancy. Therefore, the legislature has only a limited right
to regulate and may not completely proscribe abortions. The actual result of this case was to invalidate, on
privacy grounds, Texas nearly-complete ban on abortions.
Precise Holding. Majority held that abortion is a matter of right in the first trimester, can be regulated in the
second trimester, and can be prohibited in the third trimester.
680.
First Trimester. During the first trimester, a state may not ban, or even
closely regulate, abortions. The decision to have an abortion, and the manner in which it is to be
carried out, are to be left to the pregnant woman and her physician.
i. Rationale. At present, the mortality rate for mothers having abortions during the first trimester is
lower than the rate for full-term pregnancies. Therefore, the state has no valid (or at least no
compelling) interest in protecting the mothers health by banning or closely regulating abortions
during this period. (But the statute may require that abortions be performed only by licenses
physicians.) (no compelling health risk to the mother;
681.
Second Trimester. During the second trimester, the state may protect
its interest in the mothers health, by regulating the abortion procedure in ways that are reasonably
related to her health. Such regulation might include a requirement that the operation take place in a
hospital rather than a clinic. (SCt here implied that during this second trimester, the risk of maternal
health through abortion was higher than that in full-term pregnancies.) (some aspects of regulation is
acceptable)
i. No protection of fetus. The state may protect only the mothers health, not the fetus life, during
this period. Therefore, a flat ban on second trimester abortions is not permitted. Nor may the state
regulate in ways that protect the fetus rather than the mothers health.
682.
Rationale. Decision was premised upon the right of privacy. SCt here pointed to Griswold, as well as to other
privacy-derived holdings (Pierce v. Society of Sisters and Meyer v. Nebraska), recognizing freedom in childrearing and education. This right of privacy, which the SCt found to be part of the liberty guaranteed by the
14th Amendment, was broad enough to encompass a womans decision whether or not to terminate her
pregnancy.
683.
684.
Countervailing state interest. SCt found that the state had two interests
which, in particular circumstances, might be compelling: protecting the health of the mother, and
protecting the viability of the fetus. The former would only be compelling after the first trimester
127
(when abortion-related dangers outweigh the live-birth-related ones); the latter only applied during the
last trimester, when the fetus was viable. From these two postulates, the SCt drew its three-part rule.
i. Fetus not person. SCt explicitly rejected the argument that the state had a compelling interest,
even before viability, in protecting the fetus as a person as that term is used in the 14 th
Amendment. The SCt reached this conclusion largely on historical grounds.
Concurrences
685.
686.
687.
Dissents. Both White and Rehnquist argued that this was Lochner again.
688.
689.
Is the right to abortion a fair inference from Griswold? Put another way, can Griswold be distinguished?
In a sense, Roe is a stronger case than Griswold, because the right to bodily integrity has always been
recognized as a core liberty interest.
Perhaps abortion is different because pregnancy is in some sense voluntary. On the other hand, (1) some
intercourse is not always voluntary; and (2) voluntary intercourse is not always voluntary pregnancy. When a
woman consents to intercourse, is it fair to say that she assumes the risk of pregnancy?
What about the governments interest? SCt said that fetal life is not an important enough interest, but it offered
little argument for that assertion.
Is it relevant that, in other contexts, people are not required to be good Samaritans? Is it relevant that outlawing
abortions does not seem to reduce the frequency of abortions much, but forces poor women to resort to
dangerous, unlicensed procedures? Is the status of the fetus a religious question, on which the state may not
take a position?
128
1992. This was a watershed case, because it was thought that the new Republican appointees (OConnor,
Souter, and Kennedy) might vote to overrule Roe. Instead, they joined in a plurality opinion reaffirming it.
However, important aspects of Roe including abortions status as a fundamental right, the states almost
complete inability to regulate first-trimester abortions, and in fact the whole trimester framework of Roe were
all overturned. As a result of Casey, the states may restrict abortion so long as they do not place undue
burdens on the womans right to choose.
Pennsylvania Statute. This statute placed a number of significant restrictions on abortion, such as a requirement
that the woman wait for 24 hours after receiving from a doctor certain information about abortion, and a
requirement that a married woman notify her husband of her intent to abort. Several of these restrictions were
clearly unconstitutional judged by the standards of the SCts post-Roe decisions.
Holding. SCt voted by 5-4 to maintain Roe v. Wade as precedent, but by 7-2 to allow states to regulate more
strictly than Roe and its progeny had allowed.
Significance of Casey.
690.
691.
Joint opinion. Three centrist judges (OConnor, Souter, Kennedy) formed a plurality opinion, which spoke
for SCt on all points.
692.
i. Rationale. The joint opinion appeared to agree not only with the essential holding of Roe, but
with the constitutional analysis that gave rise to that decision. The opinion said it remains settled
that the USC places limits on a States right to interfere with a persons most basic decisions
about family and parenthood. Cases upholding the right to use contraception (e.g. Griswold)
continue to be relevant to the abortion situation as well. Both the contraception and the abortion
contexts involve personal decisions concerning not only the meaning of procreation but also
human responsibility and respect for it.
ii. Decision personal to the woman. Joint opinion also emphasized that the special nature of the
abortion decision required that it be left to the woman alone, for it impacts upon her in a uniquely
personal way. The liberty of the woman is at stake in a sense unique to the human condition and
129
so unique to the law. The mother who carries a child to full term is subject to anxieties, to
physical constraints, to pain that only she must bear . . . Her suffering is too intimate and personal
for the State to insist, without more, upon its own vision of the womans role, however dominant
that vision has been in the course of our history and our culture. The destiny of the woman must
be shaped to a large extent on her own conception of her spiritual imperatives and her place in
society.
693.
Stare Decisis. However, the joint opinion also suggested that its
authors might not have endorsed the principles of Roe if the issue were appearing before the SCt for
the first time. The opinion referred to the reservations any of us may have in reaffirming the central
holding of Roe. But what tipped the scales in favor of reaffirming Roe was the force of stare decisis,
the doctrine that says that courts should not lightly overturn precedent. Where a constitutional decision
has not proven unworkable, and where overturning it would damage reliance interests, stare decisis
dictated that the decision not be overturned.
i. Not unworkable. By this standard, Roe was a decision that should not be discarded. The
decision had not proven to be unworkable. It was true that some of the factual assumptions
underlying Roe had changed. For instance, the point of viability (after six months of pregnancy, at
the time of Roe) had been advanced to a somewhat earlier time due to medical progress. But the
core aspects of the Roe holding such as the principle that a womans right to decide on whether
to carry a pregnancy to term is a constitutionally-protected liberty interest, or the principle that
viability is the earliest point at which the state may institute a general ban on abortions had not
proven unworkable during the 19 years following Roe.
ii. Reliance. Similarly, there was a significant reliance interest in upholding Roe. People have
organized intimate relationships and made choices . . . in reliance on the availability of abortion in
the event that contraception should fail. The ability of women to participate equally in the
economic and social life of the Nation has been facilitated by their ability to control their
reproductive lives.
iii. Shouldnt overrule under fire: Finally, the legitimacy of the Court would be undermined if it were
to overrule Roe. Where, in the performance of its judicial duties, the SCt decides a case in such a
way as to resolve the sort of intensely divisive controversy reflected in Roe, its decision has a
dimension that the resolution of the normal case does not carry. It is the dimension present
whenever the SCts interpretation of the USC calls the contending sides of a national controversy
to end their national division by accepting a common mandate rooted in the USC. In this respect,
the only other comparable case from our lifetime was Brown v. Board of Education. If the SCt
overruled Roe without a compelling reason to do so, it would be seen as surrendering to political
pressure, a result that would subvert the SCts legitimacy beyond any serious question.
694.
i. Trimester approach rejected. The joint opinion noted that Roe used a trimester approach to govern
abortion regulations; joint opinion did not agree that the trimester approach was a necessary
method of safeguarding a womans right to choose. The biggest vice of the trimester approach
was that it undervalues the States interest in potential life, because it completely ignores that
interest during the first two trimesters.
ii. The undue burden standard. In place of the trimester approach, the joint opinion articulated a
new undue burden standard: Only where state regulation imposes an undue burden on a
womans ability to make [the decision whether to abort] does the power of the State reach into the
heart of liberty protected by the Due Process Clause. A state regulation will constitute an undue
burden if the regulation has the purpose or effect of placing a substantial obstacle in the path of
a woman seeking an abortion of a nonviable fetus. Under this standard, if state regulations
merely create a structural mechanism by which the state may express profound respect for the
life of the unborn, and do not place a substantial obstacle in the womans path, the regulations
130
will be upheld. Similarly, the state may regulate to further the health or safety of the woman, as
long as the regulation does not unduly burden the right to abortion. After viability, the state may
proscribe all abortions not needed to protect the health or life of the mother (a holding that does
not represent any change from Roe or later cases).
iii. Fundamental rights and strict scrutiny. The joint opinion implicitly rejected Roes view that the
right to abortion is a fundamental right, and Roes concomitant rule that every pre-viability
restriction on this fundamental right must survive strict scrutiny. The opinion did not discuss
either the fundamental rights or strict scrutiny issue, but it is clear that the opinion did not in
fact apply strict scrutiny to the Pennsylvania statute (and applied the undue burden test instead).
So we must assume that abortion is no longer a fundamental right, and restrictions on it are no
longer to be strictly scrutinized.
695.
Application to Pennsylvania Statute. The plurality then applied its new
undue burden analysis to the Pennsylvania statute. All but one of the Pennsylvania restrictions were
upheld as not being unduly burdensome:
i. Informed Consent. The statute contained an elaborate informed consent requirement, which the
joint opinion upheld. First, at least 24 hours before performing an abortion, a physician must
inform the woman of the nature of the procedure, the health risks of both abortion and childbirth,
and the probable gestational age of the unborn child. (The waiting period was subject to an
exception for medical emergencies, defined as situations where an immediate abortion is
required to avert serious risk of death or major bodily impairment to the woman.) Second, either a
physician or a qualified non-physician must inform the woman of the availability of state-printed
materials describing the fetus and providing information about non-abortion alternatives (e.g.
adoption, child support, etc.) The joint opinion found that these informed consent requirements
did not unduly burden the womans right to choose to abort. The closest question came as to the
24-hour waiting period: here, the joint opinion relied mainly on the absence of any strong findings
by the district court that the increased costs and potential delays which might stem from this
waiting period were truly substantial obstacles. (The opinion acknowledged that the waiting
period might well most heavily burden women with the fewest financial resources, those who
must travel long distances, and those who have difficulty explaining there whereabouts to
husbands, employers, or others. However, on the record before us, and in the context of this
facial challenge, the joint operation was not prepared to say that the waiting period constituted an
undue burden.
ii. Spousal Notification. But the joint opinion struck down the statues spousal notification
provision. Under that provision, a married woman could not receive an abortion without signing a
statement that she had notified her spouse that she was about to undergo the procedure. The
provision contained several exceptions, including one for the situation where pregnancy was the
result of spousal sexual assault (provided that the assault was reported to the police within 90
days), and one applicable if the woman believed that notifying her husband would cause him or
someone else to inflict bodily injury upon her. The joint opinion found that this spousal
notification requirement was a substantial obstacle to abortion for some women: many fear that
they will be psychologically abused by the husband, or that he will abuse their children (neither
situation was covered by an exception in the notification requirement); others may fail to be able
to use the exception for sexual assaults because they will be terrified to report the episode to the
police, as was required for the use of that exception. The fact that the overwhelming majority of
married women do notify their husbands was irrelevant; what counted was that as to that small
percentage who do not voluntarily notify spouse, the requirement that they do so was a substantial
impediment. The three Justices concluded their ruling on the spousal-notification requirement by
asserting that the requirement reflected an outmoded view of the position of women in society:
the requirement embodies a view of marriage consonant with the common-law status of married
women but repugnant to our present understanding of marriage and of the nature of the rights
secured by the USC. Women do not lose their constitutionally protected liberty when they marry.
131
iii. Parental Consent. The joint opinion upheld the statutes parental consent provision, by which
except in medical emergencies, an unemancipated young woman under 18 may not obtain an
abortion unless she and one of her parents provides informed consent. The statue allowed for a
judicial bypass, by which a court could authorize performance of the abortion without parental
consent, if the judge determined that the young woman had given informed consent and that an
abortion would be in her best interest. The three justices had little trouble upholding this provision
because it matched other parental consent with possibility of judicial bypass provisions that the
SCt had previously upheld. One difference was that here, the parents consent must be shown to
have been informed (which under the statue required the parent to listen to the alternatives to
abortion and to hear about available state literature, 24 hours before the procedure). But the three
Justices believed that the parental informed consent requirement was constitutional just as the
requirement that an adult woman give her own informed consent was now constitutional; neither
represented an undue burden on the right of abortion.
iv. Record Kepping. Pennsylvania required each facility performing abortions to comply with
detailed record keeping provisions (e.g. the filing of a report for each abortion, identifying the
physician, the facility, the referring physician, the womans age, the number of prior pregnancies
and prior abortions she had had, gestational age, type of abortion procedure, date of abortion,
medical complications, weight of the aborted fetus, etc.) The provisions did not require disclosure
of the mothers identity. Because all elements of the record keeping were reasonably directed to
the preservation of maternal health, they were all upheld by the joint opinion, except the one
requiring disclosure of whether spousal notice was given.
696.
i. If it is clear that Roe was correctly decided, then there is no need to rely on stare decisis, because
the SCt would come out the same way even if it were writing on a blank slate. Stare decisis is
only relevant when there is some doubt about the validity of the earlier precedent.
ii. How persuasive is the pluralitys stare decisis argument? Is it ever appropriate to rely on
precedent in constitutional decision making? Is Rehnquist right that any traditional notion of
reliance is not applicable here?
The Stevens and Blackmun opinions. Each concurred in part and dissented in part. Each agreed that Roe
should be maintained as precedent, but each disagreed with the plurality as to how tightly the states may
regulate abortion, and each believed that some of the Pennsylvania regulations upheld by the plurality were
unconstitutional.
697.
132
698.
i. Attack on dissent. Blackmun then attacked the dissenters, especially Rehnquist. He noted that
under Rehnquists view, restrictions on abortion should be upheld so long as they are rationally
related to a legitimate state interest. Under this extremely deferential standard, not even women
who became pregnant through rape or incest would be constitutionally entitled to an abortion . He
also attacked Rehnquists reliance on tradition as the only source of fundamental rights: In the
Chief Justices world, a woman considering whether to terminate a pregnancy is entitled to no
more protection than adulterers, murderers, and so-called sexual deviates. Given the Chief
Justices exclusive reliance on tradition, people using contraceptives seem the next likely
candidate for his list of outcasts.
ii. Succession. Blackmun closed his opinion in an even more personal way. He noted the precarious
balance by which the Justices following the pro-choice approach of the SCt in Casey narrowly
outnumbered those following the wildly differing approach of the dissent: The distance between
the two approaches is short the distance is but a single vote. He went on to say that I am 83
years old. I cannot remain on this SCt forever, and when I do step down, the confirmation process
for my successor may well focus on the issue before us today. That, I regret, may be exactly
where the choice between the two worlds will be made.
Dissent - Rehnquist. Argued that SCts precedents in the fundamental rights area should be understood at a very
narrow level of generality, and thus that Roe should be overruled. The joint opinion retains the outer shell of
Roe but beats a wholesale retreat from the substance of that case. He indicated that he and the other dissenters
believe that Roe was wrongly decided, and that it can be and should be overruled. Dissenters would have
upheld all the challenged provisions of the Pennsylvania statute.
699.
700.
133
passage of time had shown to be clearly wrong, and the SCt should definitively overrule Roe just as it
had overruled Plessy in Brown v. Board of Education.
701.
Scalias dissent. Thought that Roe was just Lochner again, and that it is bad law for similar reasons. He also
attacked what he regarded as SCts exaggerated view of its own importance in the American polity.
702.
703.
704.
705.
C/A. Many of SCts cases (e.g. Griswold) would come out other way
706.
Basis in case law for this argument is two cases suggesting that 13 th Amendment protects both liberty and
equality
707.
be compelled
708.
Equality: Jones v. Mayer held that Congress can abolish the badges
and incidents of slavery because those badges and incidents are part of what the amendment forbids).
134
Personal liberty. Abortion prohibitions violate 13th Amendments guarantee of personal liberty because forced
pregnancy and childbirth, by compelling the woman to serve the fetus, creates that control by which the
personal service of one man is disposed of or coerced for anothers benefit which is the essence of involuntary
servitude.
709.
The pregnant woman may not serve at the fetus command it is the
state that, by outlawing abortion, supplies the element of coercion but she is serving involuntarily for
the fetus benefit, and this is what the Court has said that the amendment forbids.
710.
If citizens may not be forced to surrender control of their persons and
services, then womens persons may not be invaded and their services may not be coerced for the
benefit of fetuses.
711.
712.
Equality. Abortion prohibitions violate the amendments guarantee of equality, because forcing women to be
mothers makes them into a servant caste, a group which, by virtue of a status of birth, is held subject to a special
duty to serve others and not themselves.
714.
Dual nature of 13th Amendment. The 13th Amendment is both libertarian and egalitarian, because the
paradigmatic violation (e.g. slavery) deprives its victims of both liberty and equality. Neither Jones nor Bailey
entailed paradigmatic violations of the 13 th Amendment; however, compulsory pregnancy does entail
paradigmatic violation of 13th Amendment.
716.
717.
Because the 13th Amendment is worded much more strongly, the states
burden is even heavier than this.
i. It is arguable that due process and equal protection are preserved even when a fundamental right is
impinged upon or a disadvantaged group is discriminated against, so long as a compelling state
interest is shown.
135
ii. But involuntary servitude is involuntary servitude no matter how compelling the states interest is,
and the amendment declares that involuntary servitude must note exist. Slavery could not be
justified simply by showing that a compelling state interest is served.
718.
White 1986. Significance. Actual holding is fairly narrow: the states may, without violating substantive due
process, proscribe homosexual sodomy. Case does not even resolve the issue of whether enforcement of such a
ban on homosexual sodomy without similarly banning heterosexual sodomy would violate the Equal Protection
Clause, or the issue of whether imprisonment for homosexual sodomy would violate the 8 th Amendments
proscription of cruel and unusual punishment. Majority expressly declined to consider whether these
constitutional arguments might have merit. (Powell stated in separate concurrence that a prison sentence for
such conduct would create a serious 8th Amendment issue.)
Facts. Plaintiff, an avowed homosexual, challenged a Georgia statute making it a crime to perform or submit to
any sexual act involving the sex organs of one person and the mouth or anus of another . . . The statute did not
on its face distinguish between heterosexual and homosexual behavior. Violations were punishable by a prison
sentence of up to 20 years.
Statute upheld. By 5-4 vote, SCt upheld the statute against plaintiffs substantive due process attack. The
majority phrased the issue as being whether the Federal USC confers a fundamental right upon homosexuals to
engage in sodomy.
719.
720.
Not a fundamental right. Apart from precedent, majority drew from the
early privacy and incorporation decisions to craft a two-pronged test for whether conduct is protected
by the right to privacy: in order for conduct to be protected as a fundamental right, the conduct
must be either (1) implicit in the concept of ordered liberty (Palko), or (2) deeply rooted in this
Nations history and tradition (Moore v. East Clevland). Homosexual sodomy was not such a liberty
under either of these formulations. In view of the fact that until 1961, all 50 states outlawed sodomy,
and 24 still do, any claim that the right to practice sodomy is implicit in the concept of ordered
liberty or deeply rooted in this Nations history and tradition is at best, facetious.
721.
(a) Parade of Horribles. Majority believed that plaintiffs Stanley-based argument, insofar as it
claimed a constitutional protection for all voluntary sexual conduct between consenting adults in
the home, would make it logically impossible to protect the claimed right to homosexual conduct
while leaving exposed to prosecution adultery, incest, and other sexual crimes even though they
are committed in the home. The majority was unwilling to start down that road.
136
722.
Reluctance to recognize new rights. Decision here showed a selfconscious concern about judicial overreaching, citing battle of 1930s on 1031. Not only did majority
reject plaintiffs constitutional claim, it went out of its way to make a broad statement about the proper
role of the SCt in handling assertions that new fundamental rights should be recognized. The SCt is
most vulnerable and it comes nearest to illegitimacy when it deals with judge-made constitutional law
having little or no cognizable roots in the language or design of the USC . . . There should be,
therefore, great resistance to expand the substantive reach of [the Due Process Clauses of the 5th and
14th Amendments], particularly if it requires redefining the category of rights deemed to be
fundamental.
i. History/tradition: Roe itself refutes notion that abortion liberty is deeply rooted in the history
or tradition of our people, as does the continuing and deep division of the people themselves
over the question of abortion.
ii. Ordered liberty: It seems apparent that a free, egalitarian, and democratic society does not
presuppose any particular rule or set of rules with respect to abortion.
(d) If SCt was so concerned about judicial overreaching, it did not make sense to recharacterize the
case as one involving homosexual sodomy. The statute does not distinguish between homosexual
and heterosexual sodomy. The sex of Hardwicks sex partner was not an element of the crime that
the prosecution had to prove.
Concurrences:
723.
724.
Powell. Thought that, if Hardwick were actually sent to jail, that might
be cruel and unusual punishment in violation of the 8th Amendment.
Blackmuns dissent. Disagreed not only with result reached by majority, but also with the proper framework for
analyzing the Georgia statute.
725.
What case is about. The case was not about a fundamental right to
engage in homosexual sodomy as majority argued. Rather, it was about the much broader right to be
let alone. The statute was not limited to homosexual sodomy; by its terms, heterosexual conduct was
equally covered.
726.
(a) Decisional aspects. Decisional privacy guarantees the freedom an individual has to choose the
form and nature of these intensely personal bonds. Argued that sexual intimacy is a sensitive,
key relationship of human existence, central to family life, community welfare, and the
development of the human personality and that much of the richness of a relationship will come
from the freedom an individual has to choose the form and nature of these intensely personal
bonds. The majority decision did not merely refuse to recognize a fundamental right to engage in
137
homosexual sodomy what SCt has really refused to recognize is the fundamental interest of all
individuals have in controlling the nature of their intimate associations with others.
i. AK critique. This looks a lot like (most pejorative possible characterization of) Lochner. It
requires judges to decide, with no apparent guidance from any authority outside of their own
personal moral beliefs, what parts of an individuals life are so central as to warrant
protection.
(b) Spatial privacy - Protection for the home. Furthermore, activities that take place in ones own
home deserve special protection. Blackmun argued that majority mischaracterized Stanley v.
Georgia, which held that one could possess obscene material in ones own home. In Stanley, SCt
relied on Ds right to satisfy his intellectual and emotional needs in the privacy of his own
home. Rebutting majoritys assertion that Stanley v. Georgia was based solely on 1 st Amendment
rather than privacy grounds, dissenters contended that decision derived in large part from 4 th
Amendments special protection of the home. Therefore, the right to be left alone in ones house,
because it is expressly granted by the 4 th Amendment, is perhaps the most textual of the various
constitutional provisions that inform our understanding of the right to privacy . . . The right of an
individual to conduct intimate relationships in the intimacy of his or her own home [is] the heart of
the USCs protection of privacy.
i. AK critique. Even if Blackmun was right about this, though, the result would be a very
modest victory for gays. Much of what is at stake in the gay rights issue is public equality
and recognition, not simply a right to conduct secret liaisons undisturbed by the law. Spatial
privacy is achievable in a closet.
(c) States justification. Dissenters believed that, in light of strength of privacy interests implicated by
statute here, states justifications for statute were inadequate. Neither the length of time a majority
of society has objected to a practice, nor fact that many religious groups condemn the practice, can
have any relevance to whether the state may ban it. Nor did the majority identify any concrete
harm ensuing from private adult consensual activity such as that proscribed by the statute.
Stevens dissent. Thought there is an equal protection problem in selective application of this law to gays.
Emphasized that the statute banned both homosexual and heterosexual conduct, and banned it whether the
parties were married or unmarried. Therefore, state must either (1) show why the statue is valid in its
application to all types of banned conduct, or (2) show why selective enforcement against homosexuals alone
does not constitute unconstitutional discrimination.
727.
728.
Decisional privacy. This right to define oneself has become central to arguments that seek to expand the right to
privacy.
729.
Jed Rubenfeld has argued that this argument reproduces assumptions
that women and gays should not unquestionably accept.
730.
138
merely normality, and the heterosexual must make some further, more particular decisions pursuing
certain kinds of partners or forms of sexual pleasure before he will be said to have defined his
identity according to sexual criteria.
731.
732.
All of this suggests that even those who want to find constitutional
arguments for the protection of abortion and/or homosexual sex ought to look somewhere other than
the privacy doctrine for support.
WASHINGTON V. GLUCKSBERG - PHYSICIAN-ASSISTED
SUICIDE
No generalized right to commit suicide: Case clearly establishes that there is no generalized right to commit
suicide, let alone a right to enlist the assistance of others in doing so. And in fact, its pretty clear that even the
class of terminally ill patients in severe pain do not have such a generalized right.
Right to be free of pain. But Glucksberg was a facial challenge, essentially a claim that the statute could not
constitutionally be applied to any terminally-ill competent patient. SCt here carefully left the door open to as
applied claims. Thus, a future plaintiff might well succeed with a claim that a particular state ban on suicide or
suicide-assistance has infringed that particular patients autonomy-based due process interest. For instance a
terminally-ill, competent patient, whose pain cannot be reduced by any method that wouldnt bring about death,
might well succeed with a constitutional claim if the state prevented him from getting any relief.
733.
States free to permit. Lastly, the states are free to permit assisted suicide if they want to. A particular state
statute permitting assisted suicide might violate some constitutional provision. But in general, there ought to be
no constitutional problem with a states letting a competent patient voluntarily decide to commit suicide, and
with letting her enlist a willing doctor in that action.
Upshot. SCt remains quite unsettled about the scope of constitutional privacy. It appears to go beyond the 2pronged test of Hardwick, but how far remains to be seen.
Statutory ban. Washington banned promoting suicide attempt. The state defined this crime as knowingly
caus[ing] or aid[ing] another person to attempt suicide, and made it a felony.
734.
735.
736.
139
(a) Rationale: He noted that the SCt had always been reluctant to expand the list of fundamental due
process interests because guideposts for responsible decision making in this uncharted area are
scarce and open-ended. Only rights or interests that were deeply rooted in this Nations history
and tradition could be fundamental. And, in view of the nearly universal past and present
prohibition of suicide or assisting suicide, the asserted interest in committing suicide did not come
close to meeting this deeply rooted test.
(b) Cruzan distinguished. Rehnquist then distinguished the interest recognized in Cruzan from the
one asserted here. Cruzan may have recognized a liberty interest in declining unwanted lifesustaining treatment, but that interest was not simply deduced from abstract concepts of personal
autonomy. Rather, the interest recognized in Cruzan derived from the common-law rule that
forced medication was a battery, and the long legal tradition protecting the decision to refuse
unwanted medical treatment. So the right recognized in Cruzan was entirely consistent with this
Nations history and constitutional traditions. The interest in committing suicide with anothers
assistance may be just as personal and profound as the decision to refuse unwanted medical
treatment, but it has never enjoyed similar legal protection.
737.
(a) Interest in preserving human life. First, Rehnquist said that the state had an unqualified interest
in the preservation of human life. He noted that many people who desire to commit suicide are
clinically depressed (often because of untreated pain), and that of this group many who receive
proper treatment withdraw their suicide request. Thus, legal physician-suicide could make it
more difficult for the State to protect depressed or mentally ill persons, or those who are suffering
from untreated pain, from suicidal impulses.
(b) Protecting integrity of medical profession. Also, the state had an interest in protecting the integrity
of the medical profession: a physician-assisted suicide could undermine the trust that is essential
to the doctor-patient relationship by blurring the time-honored line between healing and harming.
(c) Protecting the vulnerable. Next, Rehnquist wrote, the state had an interest in :protecting
vulnerable groups including the poor, the elderly, and disabled persons from abuse, neglect,
and mistakes. There was a real risk of subtle coercion and undue influence in end-of-life
situations. Apart from the state interest in combating coercion, the state had an interest in
protecting these vulnerable groups from societal prejudice: the states suicide ban reinforces its
policy that the lives of terminally ill, disabled and elderly people must be no less valued than the
lives of the young and healthy.
(d) Slippery slope. Finally, the state could rationally fear that legalizing physician-assisted suicide
would set it down a slippery slope towards voluntary and perhaps even involuntary euthanasia.
For instance, family members would inevitably begin to participate in the suicide, if the patient
was unable to self-administer the drugs. And the experience of the Netherlands the only western
nation to allow even voluntary euthanasia suggested that voluntary euthanasia had led to the
involuntary variety for such groups as severely disabled newborns and elderly persons with
dementia. Thus recognizing a right to physician-assisted suicide for the competent, terminally-ill
patient is likely, in effect, a much broader license, which could prove extremely difficult to police
and maintain.
(e) State interests were rational. These various interests were unquestionably important and
legitimate. And Washingtons outright ban on assisted suicide was at least reasonably related
to the promotion of these interests.
140
OConnors concurrence. Agreed that there was no generalized right to commit suicide. But she seemed to
leave open the possibility that a terminally-ill patient suffering great pain might have a limited right to have a
physician prescribe medication to alleviate that suffering, even where this would hasten death. OConnor
thought there was no need to address that question here, since Washington (and NY, the state whose statute was
at issue in the companion case) did not forbid such prescriptions. OConnor thereby deprived Rehnquist of his
5th vote for the proposition that there is no such right.
Stevens concurrence. Although Stevens concurred in the result, he disagreed with the majoritys reasoning.
Agreed that statutes like those of Washington and NY were not always unconstitutional, so that the plaintiffs
facial attack on the statutes had to fail. However, Stevens believed that there are situations in which an interest
in hastening death is legitimate . . . I am also convinced that there are times when it is entitled to constitutional
protection.
738.
739.
Souters concurrence. Concurred in result only. Would not say whether the individuals autonomy interest is
fundamental, because he thinks the states interest in preventing abuses is sufficiently persuasive to overcome
that interest. Souter would have applied a somewhat different test for determining whether the statute violated
plaintiffs substantive due process rights. Viewed issue as whether the statute sets up one of those arbitrary
impositions or purposeless restraints at odds with the Due Process Clause. In Souters view, if a statute did
this, it would violate due process even if it didnt burden a fundamental interest, and even if it wasnt wholly
irrational. In other words, Souter seemed to be advocating a sliding scale approach to due process (though he
didnt use the phrase), by which the stronger the individuals interest, the stronger the states countervailing
interest had to be.
740.
Breyers concurrence. Breyer, concurring in result only, disagreed with Rehnquists description of the
plaintiffs claimed liberty interest as a right to commit suicide with anothers assistance. Breyer said that he
could not be precise about what the plaintiffs interest truly consisted of, but that his formulation would use
words roughly like a right to die with dignity, and that at its core would lie personal control over the manner
of death, professional medical assistance, and the avoidance of unnecessary and severe physical suffering
combined.
741.
141
1971. SCt struck down a statute preferring men over women as administrators of estates. SCt purported to
apply the traditional mere rationality standard. But in rejecting the states contention that the preference
reduced the workload of probate courts by eliminating hearings on the merits, SCt was clearly putting more bite
into the traditional standard than it had done previously.
1973. SCt explicitly rejected the mere rationality standard for gender-based classifications. In fact, that case
went virtually to the other extreme, with a plurality holding that classifications based on sex, like
classifications based upon race, alienage, or national origin, are inherently suspect and must therefore be
subjected to strict judicial scrutiny.
1976. SCt settled on an intermediate level of scrutiny for gender-based classifications, whether benign or
not.
Facts. This case was a successful challenge to an Oklahoma statute which forbade the sale of 3.2% beer
(supposedly non-intoxicating) to males under the age of 21, and to females under the age of 18. The
constitutional claim was that the statute denied equal protection to males aged 18 to 20.
Holding
742.
Standard articulated. SCt articulated the applicable standard as being
that classifications by gender must serve important governmental objectives and must be substantially
related to achievement of those objectives.
i. New standard not explicit. Majority did not explicitly announce that it was applying a new
standard different from either the traditional mere rationality test or the strict scrutiny reserved
for suspect classifications and fundamental rights. In fact, SCt purported merely to be applying
standards established in previous cases, including Reed and Frontiero. But the concurring and
dissenting opinions clearly viewed the majority as having formulated a third, middle, level of
scrutiny.
743.
Defense of statute. Oklahoma defended statute on grounds that it
promoted traffic safety, since, statistically, 18-20 year old males were arrested for drunken driving
much more frequently than females in the same age group (2% of males and .18% of females in that
age group were arrested for drunk driving.)
744.
insufficient.
i. Maleness not proxy. First, since such a small portion even of males in the relevant age group
were convicted of drunken driving, maleness could not serve as a proxy for drinking and
driving.
ii. Non-intoxicating beverage. Secondly, even if 18-20 year old males did drive while drunk with a
sufficiently greater frequency than similarly-aged females, this did not establish that the states
regulation of 3.2% beer was reasonable, since that beverage was supposedly non-intoxicating.
iii. Only sale prohibited. Lastly, the statute only prohibited the selling of the beer to males, not their
drinking it once they acquired it (perhaps via a purchase by an 18-20 year old female companion).
iv. Poor overall fit. Thus, overall, the fit between the means of regulation selected (ban on sale of
3.2% beer to 18-20 year olds) and the end sought to be achieved (promotion of traffic safety) was
simply too tenuous to constitute the required substantial relation between means and end.
142
Dissent - Rehnquist. Argued that the case should be judged according to a mere rationality standard. He
apparently would not have objected to intermediate-level scrutiny for discrimination against women, but saw
not reason why discrimination against males should be given any greater scrutiny than that given to the great
majority of other statutes attacked on equal protection grounds.
745.
Ginsburg 1996. Held that Virginias publicly-operated men-only military academy, Virginia Military Academy,
violated equal protection.
Facts. Virginia had operated VMI as a men-only institution since its founding in 1839; the schools purpose was
and is to develop citizen-soldiers. VMI was the only single-sex school among Virginias 15 public
universities. Virginias principal defense of its single-sex policy was that three aspects of VMIs approach its
extremely rigorous physical training, its technique of depriving students of privacy, and its adversative
approach (under which entering students are extensively hazed, in a manner comparable to Marine Corps boot
camp) would have to be materially changed if the school were made co-ed. Instead, the state sought to create
a less rigorous program for women but still one in theory devoted to developing citizen-soldiers at a preexisting all -women private liberal arts college, Mary Baldwin College.
Holding. By 7-1 majority, SCt held that (1) Virginias policy of excluding women from VMI was a violation of
womens equal protection rights; and (2) the program at Mary Baldwin College was not sufficiently comparable
to the VMI program to redress the injury.
746.
No overbroad generalizations. Ginsburg began by noting that
gender-based classifications must not rely on overbroad generalizations about the different talents,
capacities or preferences of males and females. [Gender-based] classifications may not be used, as
they once were . . . to create or perpetuate legal, social, and economic inferiority of women.
i. Suitable for some women. Ginsburg rejected Virginias claim that VMI program would have to be
materially changed if women were admitted. It may be true that, as Virginia asserted, most
women wouldnt like the rigorous, adversative martial VMI program, and would prefer a more
cooperative program. But the experience of women in the U.S. military academies, and in the
U.S. military, suggested that these fears were overblown. In any event, there were clearly some
women for whom the existing VMI program was an attractive and suitable program, and Virginia
could not deprive these unusual women of the opportunity to attend VMI. Generalizations about
the way women are, estimates of what is appropriate for most women, no longer justify denying
opportunity to women whose talent and capacity place them outside the average description.
ii. Diversity policy. Virginia had also defended its men-only rules as being in furtherance of a state
policy of diversity of educational approaches. But majority rejected this objective, concluding
that this was not an actual state purpose, given that Virginia had no women-only public
universities, and that the no-women policy of VMI dated from a time when Virginia did not offer
any sort of public higher education for women.
747.
Mary Baldwin program insufficient. Majority then concluded that the
proposed women-only program at Mary Baldwin would not constitute an adequate remedy for the
equal protection violation caused by VMIs men-only status. To remedy an equal protection violation,
the solution would have to place victims in the position they would have occupied in the absence of
discrimination, and to eliminate so far as possible the discriminatory effects of the past. The Mary
Baldwin program would not be in any way the equivalent of VMI: it would not give its students the
same intense military and leadership training (for instance, it would not use the adversative method); it
143
should not have a student body or faculty of the same quality; it would not benefit from the same
strong alumni ties, etc. It would, in sum, be a pale shadow of VMI.
748.
Exceedingly persuasive justification needed. Majority opinion was
also notable for the stricter tone with which it applied mid-level scrutiny. Clinton Administration had
asked SCt to change course, and apply strict scrutiny, instead of traditional mid-level review, in gender
cases. Majority did not do this. But it said that sex-based classifications would have to undergo
skeptical scrutiny, and would be upheld only if the state demonstrated an exceedingly persuasive
justification for any gender-based governmental action.
i. Objective must be one that really motivated state. Perhaps the most important aspect of the new
skeptical scrutiny is that when the government articulates a justification for the gender-based
classification, this justification must describe actual state purposes, not rationalizations for
actions in fact differently grounded. Thus, when Virginia asserted that its policy fulfilled the
objective of diversity-in-education, SCts response was not that this wasnt an important objective
(or that the men-only program wasnt closely related to achieving that objective), but that this
wasnt the real objective, merely a pretext.
Dissent - Scalia.
749.
750.
751.
Kennedy 1996. SCt struck down a Colorado constitutional amendment that would have prevented the state or
any of its cities from giving certain protections to gays or lesbians. SCt found that the measure flunked mere
rationality review on two separate grounds: there was no legitimate state interest in fact being served, and the
means chosen by the state were not rationally related to the (possibly legitimate) interest that the state asserted.
Facts. Colorado provision, known as Amendment 2, modified the Colorado constitution to provide that
neither the state nor any subdivision (including state agency, city or school district) shall enact, adopt or
enforce any statute, regulation, ordinance or policy whereby homosexual, lesbian or bisexual orientation,
conduct, practices or relationships shall constitute or otherwise be the basis of or entitle any person or class of
persons to have or claim any minority status, quota preferences, protected status, or claim of discrimination.
752.
Bans anti-discrimination laws. Main practical impact of Amendment 2
was that it prevented both the state legislature and any city from passing statutes or ordinances that
would protect gays and lesbians from discrimination. For instance, the cities of Aspen, Boulder and
Denver had all passed ordinances barring discrimination against gays in housing, employment,
education, public accommodations, and the like; each of these ordinances would apparently have been
144
wiped out by Amendment 2. Only by re-amending the state constitution something requiring a statewide referendum could gays obtain any protection against discrimination on the basis of sexual
orientation.
Holding. By 6-3 vote, SCt struck down Amendment 2, even though majority used only mere rationality
review.
753.
(a) Wide protection of other groups. Kennedy noted that existing state and municipal laws in
Colorado protected many groups, not just the racial, ethnic or gender groups to which the SCt has
given heightened Equal Protection review. For instance, various ordinances protected persons
from discrimination based on age, military status, marital status, pregnancy, parenthood, custody
of a minor child, political affiliation, or physical or mental disability of an individual or of his or
her associates. So Amendment 2 was not simply withdrawing special rights from gays, it was
forbidding them the safeguards that others enjoy or may seek without constraint. These are
protections taken for granted by most people either because they already have them or do not need
them.
754.
755.
756.
Dissent - Scalia. Scalia accused majority of taking sides in the cultural wars, and said that its striking down
of Amendment was an act, not of judicial judgment, but of political will.
757.
145
the benefit of city contracts, persuade the state legislature unlike all other citizens, who need only
persuade the municipality. It is ridiculous to consider this a denial of equal protection.
758.
759.
760.
146
Case Summaries
Strauder v. West Virginia (1880): 14th Amendment
761.
762.
Louisiana law that required SEPARATE BUT EQUAL railroad cars for blacks and whites. Plessy, 1/8 th black,
tried to sit in white railroad car.
763.
764.
After chipping away at the foundations of Plessy v. Ferguson, a unanimous court resolved that SEPARATE
BUT EQUAL doctrine has no place in the field of education. In deciding that the history of the 14 th
Amendment is inconclusive as to its intended effect on public education, the court held that the use of race to
segregate white and black children in the public schools is a denial to black children of the EQUAL
PROTECTION of the laws guaranteed by the 14 th Amendment. Brown was prohibited from attending public
school in Topeka, Kansas
765.
Majority:
WARREN: In approaching the problem of school
segregation we can not turn the clock back to 1868 when the 14 th Amendment was adopted, or even to
1896 when Plessy v. Ferguson was written. Segregation generated a feeling of inferiority among black
children: Whatever may have been the extent of psychological knowledge at the time of Plessy, this
finding of inequality is amply supported by modern authority.
766.
147
In Brown, the Supreme Court struck down separate but equal public schools in the states, relying on the
EQUAL PROTECTION clause of 14th A. The District of Columbia is not subject to the 14 th A., the Court could
evoke the 5th A., but the 5th lacks an EQUAL PROTECTION clause. Politically, the Court could not
invalidate segregated schools in the states and allow them to operate in D.C.
767.
Marbury and others were nominated by President Adams to be justices of the peace in D.C. The Senate
confirmed their names. Adams signed the commissions and the seal was affixed, but the commissions were not
delivered. When Jefferson took office, he ordered for commissions not to be delivered. It was a tough
situation, if the court ruled against Jefferson, the decision would have been ignored, and the power and prestige
of the Court would suffer greatly. Marshall took a short term loss for a long term victory
768.
After Brown, a major confrontation occurred in Arkansas, where Gov. Faubus defied three court orders to
integrate Little Rock Central H.S. President Eisenhower sent in troops to prevent the obstruction of justice. The
Supreme Court held a special session to affirm the decisions of the lower courts
769.
Majority: WARREN: The court said that Marbury declared the basic
principal that the federal judiciary is supreme in the exposition of the law of the Constitution. This
claim exaggerates and distorts the opinion of Marshall.
148
By 1971 there had been little progress in desegregating public schools, despite Brown. School boards were
under pressure by courts to produce their plans. The court focuses on remedies available to federal courts to
produce a unitary school system free of state-imposed segregation.
770.
771.
The trend towards accepting schools that are largely all white or all black was furthered. Massive bussing was
not considered an option
772.
773.
A state district court upheld Martins land claim, which was based on a treaty between America and Great
Britain. The Virginia Court of Appeals regarded the issue as solely a STATE ISSUE, and reversed the district
court. The Supreme Court set aside the state ruling, and the state court refused to obey. The Virginia court
claimed that the Supreme Court had no authority to review its judgement, and that Section 25 of Judiciary Act
of 1789, which gave Supreme Court appellate jurisdiction over state courts, was unconstitutional.
774.
149
Congress passed legislation in 1816 to create a Bank of the US, a power not expressly granted in the
Constitution. One issue, therefore, was whether an IMPLIED POWER existed. In 1818 Maryland passed
legislation to impose a tax on all banks in the state not chartered by the legislature.
775.
Arkansas voters amended the state constitution to apply term limits to federal offices. The Court overturns the
statute.
776.
Majority: STEVENS: States only have powers they had preConstitution, and that the framers intended the Constitution to be the exclusive source of qualifications
for members of Congress
777.
778.
150
Boats of other states had to pay for a NY license, which started commercial warfare between states similar to
that prior to Constitution. Was the power to require licenses for state within power of states, or did it infringe
upon COMMERCE power given to Congress?
779.
780.
The Congress passes the Sherman Anti-trust laws. The Court had to determine if the Sherman act could be used
to break up the sugar monopolies
781.
782.
151
In 1895, congress passed legislation to prohibit lottery tickets from interstate or foreign commerce. Is selling of
lottery tickets subject to regulation under commerce clause? Does the power to regulate commerce include the
authority to prohibit it? May congress exercise a national police power to protect citizens from immoral
transactions, or is that responsibility reserved to the states?
783.
784.
There was a Sherman Anti-trust injunction against a meat packing plant for restraint of trade. The cattle
apparently came to rest within the same state.
786.
Majority: HOLMES: The cattle were being sent from a place in the
state, with the expectation that they will end their transit after a purchase in another state stopping
for a time to find a buyer. This practice is constantly recurring course, the current thus existing is a
current thus existing is a CURRENT of commerce among the states, and the purchase of cattle is a part
and incident of such commerce. Animal stockyards can be regulated because they are in the
STREAM OF COMMERCE that congress could regulate
The Shreveport Rate Case (1914): Commerce, close and substantial relation
The Interstate Commerce Committee directed the railway to equalize rates between cities, both between and
within states
787.
152
In 1916 congress passed legislation to prohibit the transportation in interstate commerce of goods made at
factory where children worked to young (or worked too often for their age).
788.
789.
In 1935, Congress passed the National Labor Relations Act, concluding that labor disputes had a direct burden
on interstate commerce, and could therefore be regulated under the commerce clause. Congress relied on the
close and substantial relationship of act wholly with in the state to interstate commerce to control those also.
In the 1936 election, Roosevelt would pack the court to pass New Deal legislation, but in this case, Hughes and
Roberts supported the 3 liberals (Brandeis, Cordozo, Stone) in allowing the NLRB
790.
791.
153
The Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 provided for minimum wages and maximum hours for employees
engaged in production of goods for interstate commerce. The statute forced the Court to rethink its doctrine on
manufacture. If manufacture is not in itself interstate commerce, would the shipment of manufactured goods
to other states bring it within the authority of Congress to regulate? The statute, also included Child Labor laws,
so the court had to revisit Hammer v. Dagenhart. The composition of the court has drastically changed and
Hammer is overturned.
792.
Title II of Civil Rights Ac prohibits racial discrimination in places of public accommodation affecting interstate
commerce. The act covered inns, hotels, restaurants, cafeterias and movie theaters. The motel limited its
clientele to white persons, and claimed the act exceeded the power of Congress
793.
Another Civil Rights case, a BBQ joint in Alabama, locate near an interstate was on trial for not serving blacks.
The argument was made that food was bought from other cities, as well as the effect on blacks attempting
interstate travel.
794.
795.
154
Lopez, a senior in high school brought a gun into a school zone, violating the Gun-Free school zone Act of
1990. The court, 5-4 rejects the Gun-Free act is authorized by commerce clause
796.
797.
798.
799.
155
Congress passed legislation in 1984 directing the Sec. of Transportation to withhold a percentage of federal
highway funds from states that refuse to adopt age twenty-one as the minimum drinking age. An issue before
the Court was the extent to which congress can use its spending power, and more particularly conditions
attached to federal funds, to achieve national objectives
800.
801.
states in 21st A.
802.
1916 treaty between US and Great Britain, preventing the killing and capturing of migratory birds. Missouri
sued on grounds of 10th Amendment
803.
At issue is an act that provides that no person who had completed the sixth grade in school in Puerto Rico who
could not read English could be denied the right to vote. This act was aimed at stopping NY city from using the
state literacy test to stop Puerto Ricans from voting
804.
805.
156
In 1990 (Employment Div, DHR v. Smith), a closely divided court held that in the context of criminal statutes, a
regulation of conduct that is neutral on its face that incidentally inhibits a religious practice is not subject to a
stringent constitutional standard (under 1st A.). Congress responded in 1993 (under Morgan power of remedial
interpretation) with the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA). Under RFRA, facially neutral laws that
substantially burden a persons exercise of religion are legal only if the Government demonstrates that
application of the burden to the person is in furtherance of a compelling governmental interest. Congress
relied on the power of the FREE EXERCISE CLAUSE of the 14th A.
806.
807.
Jones, black, says Mayer refused to sell him a home because of race. He relied on 42 USC 1982, which
provides that all citizens shall have the same right, in every state as is enjoyed by white citizens. There was a
question if that applied to private people or just to the States.
808.
Majority: STEWART: The 13th A. allowed the court to pass the 1866
legislation that prohibited racially motivated refusals to sell or rent property. The 13 th A. forbade not
only slavery, but also the badges and incidents of slavery. Congress may prohibit both state action
and private action that restrict the right of blacks to purchase, lease, and use property. (a year later the
court would say that questions of fair housing may not be put up for a vote of approval.)
157
Garcia v. San Antonio Metro Transit Auth. (1985) 10th A., Federalism
The Federalism doctrine of Nat. League of Cities v. Usery (1976) rested on a narrow 5-4 decision, with
BLACKMUN supplying the 5th vote. The doctrine was the first to halt the trend of a stronger national
government. Through the use of the commerce clause, and tried to distinguish between TRADITIONAL and
NONTRADITIONAL government functions, which cause confusion in the courts. Now, ten years later,
BLACKMUN changes his mind, and decides the doctrine is unworkable and inconsistent with the
established principles of FEDERALISM. By switching sides, the doctrine was overturned by another 5-4 vote.
This case deals with the Fair Labor Standards Act, because SAMTA was not in compliance.
809.
810.
811.
Since Garcia, Rehnquist has been elevated to Chief Justice, and Scalia,
Kennedy, Souter, Thomas and Ginsburg have been added to the court. The numbers to overturn
Garcia are apparently there, but reversing Garcia and reviving National League would only highlight
the political nature of the Court, giving the public a clear view the Courts reading of the Constitution
is little more than the temporary reflections of who sits on the court at any particular time. Despite the
return to favoring the Federal Gov., the previously forgotten about 10 th A. is still used to protect states
rights.
New York v. United States (1992): 10th Amendment, Supremacy Clause
In 1985, Congress passed a statute designed to force states to find disposal sites for low-level radioactive waste.
At question was a portion of the statute forcing the state to take possession of the waste if they failed to discover
other solutions
812.
158
Printz v. United States (1997): 10th A., Commerce Clause, Original Intent
This case involves a provision in the Brady Act of 1993, which restricts the ability to buy a gun. Under the Act,
state Chief Law Enforcement Officers (CLEOs) are forced to do background tests on gun buyers. Three CLEOs
challenged the statute, claiming that congressional action compelling state officers to execute federal laws is
unconstitutional. The court struck down the provision of the statute in a 5-4 vote. More important than the
decision is the debate over the ORIGINAL INTENT of the framers of the Constitution. Both sides rely on their
interpretations of the Federalist Papers, and both claim to be following the original intent of the founders.
813.
Majority: SCALIA: the conclusion follows New York v. US, and says,
The Federal Gov. may not compel the States to enact or administer a federal regulatory program, and
that the mandatory obligation imposed on CLEOs runs afoul of that rule. Scalia relies on Federalist
No. 27, 39, 51, 33. Scalia also feels that the necessary and proper clause is answered in New York,
saying that the COMMERCE CLAUSE authorizes Congress to regulate interstate commerce directly,
it does not authorize Congress to regulate the state gov. regulation of interstate commerce. (Congress
can do it, but cant make the States do it!)
814.
159
A Pennsylvania State law provided that all ships of a certain type that came into port needed to employ a pilot
for safety. All ships that didnt would need to pay a fee. Cooley argued that the state law was a regulation of
Foreign Commerce, and an act solely within the authority of congress, which had passed regulating legislation
on 1789. The question is one of CONCURRENT Jurisdiction, the Court, now under TANEY, moved away
form the broad nationalistic interpretations of the Marshall court.
815.
816.
Later, the court would devise a Dual Federalism saying that the
powers of the Nat. Gov. and the State where mutually exclusive. The Supreme Court then said that
the Nat. Gov. interests over Commerce appeared to override the state police powers and local
operation, but then upheld legislation intended to over-ride the Courts decision. The subsequent
history sounds confusing, but it is important to show the significance of the dormant Commerce
Clause, which is better explained in the next case, Philadelphia v. New Jersey.
City of Philadelphia v. New Jersey (1978): Dormant Commerce Clause
A New Jersey law prohibited most solid or liquid waste which originated or was collected outside the
territorial limits of the State. Private landfill operators challenged the statute on preemption and DORMANT
COMMERCE CLAUSE grounds. The Dormant Commerce Clause principal states that in cases when Congress
does not exercise its commerce power, and the authority is considered silent or dormant. In such situations,
the Court may decide that a state action is forbidden by the Commerce Clause, which is the case here.
However, if Congress then enacts legislation to permit the state action, the court will acquiesce to the
congressional policy.
817.
818.
160
Consolidated, a large common carrier, argues that an Iowa law restricting the length and size of Trucks on
interstates is an Unconstitutional burden on INTERSTATE COMMERCE. Iowa contends that the law is valid
because it is based on safety justifications. The court ruled the statue unconstitutional (6-3)
819.
820.
Massachusetts imposed a nondiscriminatory tax on wholesale milk, but coupled the tax with a subsidy to Mass.
dairy farmers that was greater than the tax. The Court declared the tax and subsidy a burden interstate
commerce.
821.
Majority: STEVENS: This tax and subsidy has same effect as a tariff,
which makes out of state milk more expensive. The tax alone is constitutional, However, when a
nondiscriminatory tax is coupled with a subsidy to one of the groups hurt by the tax, a states political
process can no longer be relied upon to prevent legislative abuse, because one of the in-state interests
which would otherwise lobby against the tax has been mollified by the subsidy.
822.
New Jersey passed a law saying only citizens could clam in state waters. WASHINGTON, a federal circuit
judge, dismissed the claim for Immunities. Basically, States can not deny citizens of other states the
Fundamental rights that belong to all citizens of all free governments. ** Among these rights are the right of a
citizen of one state to pass through, or to reside in any other state, for the purposes of trade, agriculture,
professional pursuits, or otherwise; the right to take, hold, and dispose of property, either real or personal; and
an exemption from higher taxes or impositions than are paid by other citizens of the state.
161
A Camden ordinance required that 40% of employees of contractors working on city construction projects. The
State tried to argue that the Privileges & Immunities clause only effects STATES, and not CITIES. The Court
rejects such a literal interpretation, but explains the difference between the P & I and the Commerce clause.
823.
824.
important.
Youngstown Co. v. Sawyer (1952): Separation of Powers, Emergency power
In 1952, President Truman used the emergency power to seize steel mills to fill the needs of the Korean War.
The importance of this case is not the decision of this case. The court rejected Trumans seizure (6-3) but the
court was even more divided on the use of an emergency power. 4 concurrences and 3 dissents recognized that
implied emergency powers might have to be invoked.
825.
826.
In 1934, Congress authorized the President to place an embargo on sale of arms and munitions against countries
engaged in armed conflict, clearly a LEGISLATIVE power. The court upheld the statute partly on the
distinction drawn between external and internal affairs.
827.
828.
When Iran tool hostages, President Carter declared an emergency and blocked the removal and transfer of all
Iranian property subject to Jurisdiction of the US. Then Carter agreed to suspend all claims pending in
American courts. In this case, a private party seeks to prevent enforcement of various executive orders. The
opinion Court demonstrates how POLITICS effects the Court.
829.
162
Court, straining to uphold an agreement it could not possibly overturn, limited the reach of its opinion
by confining it to the specific circumstances in the case.
Korematsu v. United States (1944): Emergency Executive Order
During WWII, Roosevelt issued an executive order issuing a curfew and the exclusion of Japanese-Americans
from West Coast military areas. Exclusion meant the placement in imprisonment camps. The order, and later a
congressional statute, was aimed at US Citizens of Japanese dissent, and was based on the belief that the
Japanese are subversive and an enemy race. A unanimous Court upheld the curfew, although MURPHY
remarked that it bears a melancholy resemblance to the treatment accorded to the members of the Jewish race
in Germany and in other parts of Europe. The court upheld the imprisonment camps by a vote (6-3), with sharp
dissents.
830.
831.
The Special Prosecutor investigating the Watergate affair filed a motion for a subpoena to produce certain tapes
and documents relating to conversations with President Nixon. Nixon claimed EXECUTIVE PIVILEGE,
stating that he should have be able to shield documents that would injure the public, as George Washington
suggested would be appropriate.
832.
163
A unanimous court rejected President Clintons claim that Fitzgerald immunity could be invoked for claims that
arose before President took office. Jones alleged that the then Governor sexually harassed her. The President
said that the uniqueness of his office demands that he be free of damage law suits while sitting.
833.
Congress gave a Sentencing Commission the power to help set sentencing guidelines, which was challenged on
the grounds the nondelegation principle (that Congress can not delegate its power to legislate. However, that
argument was rejected because Congress ordered the commission to set standards based on the current codes,
and clearly stated the objectives of Congress. It appears as if the Court wanted to reject the commission, but
could not find a way to give teeth (Scalia) to the nondelegation doctrine
834.
Congress authorized the Attorney General to suspend the deportation of aliens, subject to disapproval from one
of the Houses of Congress. The Supreme Court held oral arguments twice, and under rare circumstance,
representative from the House and Senate participated in the argument.
835.
164
Clinton v. City of New York (1998): Separation of Powers, Line Item Veto
This case consolidates two separate challenges to the constitutionality of two cancellations, made by President
Clinton, under the Line Item Veto Act. The issue is whether the President's ability to selectively cancel
individual portions of bills, under the Line Item Veto Act, violates the Presentment Clause of Article I.
836.
837.
In 1985, Congress passed the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings act which stated that of the budget was not balanced by
1991, the Comptroller would order program cuts, through a sequestration process, which the President would
have to sign unchanged.
838.
839.
Following the scandals of Watergate, Congress established an independent special prosecutor to investigate
charges against the President, Vice-President and high-level executive branch officials. Congress concluded
that the Atty. Gen. may be faced with a conflict of interests. The independent counsel is to be appointed by a
panel of federal judges, and can only be removed by the president for good cause.
840.
841.
165
The Bankruptcy Reform Act of 1978 created a federal bankruptcy court in each district. The act had judges
elected for terms, and controlled by Congress. The Act was challenged as unconstitutional on the ground that it
conferred Article III judicial powers on judges who lacked the protection of life tenure and irreducible salaries.
The Courts opinion did not attract a majority. Brennan wrote a four-justice plurality. Rehnquist and OConnor
concurred with Brennan, but on narrower grounds. White, Burger, and Powell dissented.
842.
The Commodity Exchange Act authorized CFTC to entertain state law counterclaims in adjudicatory
proceedings in which disgruntled customers sought compensation from professional commodity brokers for the
violation of statute
843.
Majority: OCONNOR: Upheld the Act, insisting that the Court would
not adopt formalistic and unbending rules that might also unduly constrict Congress ability to take
needed innovative action pursuant to Art. I powers. The turning point seemed to be that unlike the
Bankruptcy Reform Act, CTFC orders are only enforceable by order of the district court.
Ex Parte McCardle (1869) Separation of Powers, Exceptions clause
It was suspected that the Supreme Court was going to use this opportunity to declare the Reconstruction Acts
unconstitutional. Congress had already begun the impeachment of Andrew Johnson for his opposition to the
Reconstruction Acts. To prevent the decision on the Reconstruction Acts, Congress passed legislation to
withdraw the appellate jurisdiction of the Supreme Court in McCardles case
844.
166
In this case, the Supreme Court accepts jurisdiction over the apportionment of legislative seats, the Court sets
forth the criteria for determining whether a case falls within the category of a POLITICAL QUESTION
846.
The House of Rep. impeached Walter Nixon, a federal district judge, following his federal conviction and
imprisonment for making false statements to a federal grand jury. Pursuant to Senate Rule XI, the Senate
delegated much of its role in trying the impeachment to a committee of Senators.
847.
Case involved a challenge to legislation authorizing a line item veto, under which the President could strike a
particular provision in tax and appropriations bills. The suit was brought by legislators who voted against the
bill and argued that it violated the PRESENTMENT clause (Art. 1 Sec. 7). The Supreme Court dismissed for
lack of standing.
848.
849.
167
The IRS holds certain charitable institutions are tax-exempt, and contributions to those institutions taxdeductible. In this action, a class of Af. Am. parents alleged that the IRS was not complying with its obligation
to investigate potentially discriminatory private schools and deny tax-exempt status. The Court dismissed the
action for lack of standing.
850.
Majority: OCONNOR: The Court rejected that the class was injured
by the aid to discriminatory private schools, and also rejected the assertion that the tax exemptions
impair the ability to have segregated schools. This Court has repeatedly held that an asserted right to
have the Government act in accordance with law is not sufficient, standing alone, to confer jurisdiction
on a federal court. Neither do they have standing to litigate their claim based on the stigmatizing
injury often caused by racial discrimination because the class was not personally denied equal
treatment.
Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife (1975): Limits, Standing
The facts of this case are fairly insignificant. The important outcome of this case is the culmination of a
minimum standard for determining STANDING.
851.
Majority: SCALIA: Over the years, our cases have established that the
irreducible constitutional minimum of standing contains three elements: 1) The Plaintiff must have
suffered an injury in fact an invasion of a legally-protected interest which is (a) concrete and
particularized, and (b) actual or imminent, not conjectural or hypothetical 2) There must be a
causal connection between the injury and the conduct complained of the injury has to be fairly
traceable to the challenged action of the defendant, and not the result of the independent action of
some third party not before the court. 3) It must be likely, as opposed to merely speculative, that
the injury will be redressed by a favorable decision.
Missouri v. Jenkins (II) (1990): Limit, Scope of remedy
The Kansas City School district and a class of students sued the state for allowing the District to become
rundown. The district court realigned the district as defendant and said that the district violated Brown v. Bd.
Ed. The Court ordered improvements and a tax to pay for them.
852.
Majority: WHITE: the district judge raised a local property tax, which
was too intrusive a remedy, instead the court should have enjoined the operation of the state laws that
interfered with the school districts efforts to raise taxes. Such an injunction would be proper under
Art. III and the 10th A., because the Court had repeatedly ruled that the Federal courts could issue writs
of mandamus to compel local gov. to levy taxes to support their debt obligations. However, When a
constitutional justification existed, courts had the authority to order tax increases despite statutory
limitations. The Court reasoned that "[t]o hold otherwise would fail to take account of the obligations
of local governments, under the Supremacy Clause, to fulfill the requirements that the Constitution
imposes on them."
168
The court elevated two other issues in Jenkins that were previously denied. A narrow Majority (led by
REHNQUIST) ruled that the district courts efforts to attract white students to the school district were beyond
the scope of the constitutional violation of the school district. The court remanded the issue for evaluation of the
scope of its remedial jurisdiction under Freeman v. Pitts.
Justice THOMAS said there was nothing constitutionally questionable about all black schools.
The dissenters (STEVENS, GINSBURG, BREYER, SOUTER) all say that the district court is battling centuries
of entrenched official discrimination.
*** This case is set up differently in this outline because it may require special attention. The final could compare
the social reconstruction of Brown to a parallel situation in modern times. Perhaps even saying how the role of the
Court, or more like power or prestige of the Court has changed. I will adjust this analysis after seeing how it is
approached in class.
Fletcher v. Peck (1810): Economic Liberties, Property Rights
In 1795, the Georgia State legislature passed a land grant awarding territory to four companies. The following
year, however, the legislature voided the law and declared all rights and claims under it to be invalid. In 1800,
John Peck acquired land that was part of the original legislative grant. He then sold the land to Robert Fletcher
three years later, claiming that past sales of the land had been legitimate. Fletcher argued that since the original
sale of the land had been declared invalid, Peck had no legal right to sell the land and thus committed a breach
of contract. The issue is could the contract between Fletcher and Peck be invalidated by an act of the Georgia
legislature.
853.
Majority: MARSHALL: The Court held that since the estate had been
legally "passed into the hands of a purchaser for a valuable consideration," the GA legislature could not
take away the land or invalidate the contract. The Constitution does not permit bills of attainder or ex
post facto laws, so the Court held that laws annulling contracts or grants made by previous legislative
acts were constitutionally impermissible.
169
Saunders, a Kentucky citizen, sued Ogden, a Louisiana citizen, on a contract which Ogden, then a citizen of
New York, had accepted in 1806. Saunders claimed that Ogden had not made payment on his obligation. Ogden
claimed bankruptcy as his defense under the New York bankruptcy law enacted in 1801. The issue is whether a
state bankruptcy law applying to contracts made after the law's passage violates the Obligation of Contracts
Clause of the Constitution?
854.
Majority: (?): No. This is not a violation of the Contracts Clause. The
state law remains controlling. The obligation of a contract made after the enactment of a bankruptcy
statute is subject to the bankruptcy statute provisions. In effect, the bankruptcy statute becomes part of
all subsequent contracts, limiting their obligation but not impairing them.
855.
Mr. and Mrs. Caleb Bull, the stated beneficiaries of the will of Norman Morrison, were denied an inheritance by
a Connecticut probate court. When the Bulls attempted to appeal the decision more than a year and a half later,
they found that a state law prohibited appeals not made within 18 months of the original ruling. The Bulls
persuaded the Connecticut legislature to change the restriction, which enabled them to successfully appeal the
case. Calder, the initial inheritor of Morrison's estate, took the case to the Supreme Court. The question is, was
the Connecticut legislation a violation of Art. 1, Sec. 10, of the Constitution, which prohibits ex post facto laws?
856.
857.
170
The Slaughter House Cases (1873): Economic Liberties, 13th, 14th A, Monopolies
Louisiana had created a partial monopoly of the slaughtering business and gave it to one company. Competitors
argued that this created "involuntary servitude," abridged "privileges and immunities," denied "equal protection
of the laws," and deprived them of "liberty and property without due process of law." Did the creation of the
monopoly violate the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments?
858.
Majority: MILLER: No. The involuntary servitude claim did not forbid
limits on the right to use one's property. The equal protection claim was misplaced since it was
established to void laws discriminating against blacks. The due process claim simply imposes the
identical requirements on the states, as the 5 th A. imposes on the national government. The Court
devoted most of its opinion to a narrow construction of the privileges and immunities clause, which
was interpreted to apply to national citizenship, not state citizenship.
859.
Frank Palko had been charged with first-degree murder. He was convicted instead of second-degree murder and
sentenced to life imprisonment. The state of Connecticut appealed and won a new trial; this time the court found
Palko guilty of first-degree murder and sentenced him to death. Does Palko's second conviction violate the
protection against double jeopardy guaranteed by the 5th A. because this protection applies to the states by virtue
of the Fourteenth Amendment's due process clause?
860.
171
Adamson v. California (1947): 5th A. not part of Due Process (14th A.)
Adamson was convicted in California of murder in the first degree. During the trial, the prosecutor, in
accordance with a California law, made comments to the jury which highlighted Adamson's decision not to
testify on his own behalf. Is a defendant's Fifth Amendment right not to bear witness against himself applicable
in state courts and protected by the 14th A.'s DUE PROCESS clause?
861.
Majority: REED: The Court found that the 14 th A.'s due process clause
did not extend to defendants a 5 th A. right not to bear witness against themselves in state courts. Citing
Palko, Justice Reed argued that the 14th A. did not extend carte blanche all of the immunities and
privileges of the Bill of Rights to individuals at the state level.
862.
Oklahoma's Criminal Sterilization Act allowed the state to sterilize a person who had been convicted three or
more times of crimes "amounting to felonies involving moral turpitude." Did the Act violate the Due Process
and Equal Protection Clauses of the 14th A.?
863.
Majority: DOUGLAS: The Court held that the Act violated the Equal
Protection Clause of the 14th A. Since some crimes such as embezzlement, punishable as felonies in
OK, were excluded from the Act's jurisdiction. Douglas reasoned that the law had laid "an unequal
hand on those who have committed intrinsically the same quality of offense." Douglas viewed
procreation as one of the fundamental rights requiring the judiciary's strict scrutiny.
864.
865.
172
NY passed laws prohibiting employees from working over 60 hours in 10 days. Designed to protect workers
threatened by health and safety. This is a case where the power of the state to regulate economic activity
conflicts with the liberty protected by the 14th A. to contract without unreasonable interference by the state.
866.
867.
Bailey contracted to work on a farm for a year at $12 a month. He quit after a month and did not return $15
advanced to him. Under Alabama law, Bailey's act was criminal. He was sentenced to 136 hours of hard labor
under the Alabama peonage law. Did the Alabama law violate involuntary servitude of the 13th A.?
869.
Majority: HUGHES: The Court, argued that the law was a restriction
on personal rights. Judged by its effect and not by its pretense, the law violated the 13 th A. Involuntary
servitude meant more than slavery. The state may impose involuntary servitude as a punishment for
crime, but it may not compel one man to labor for another in payment of a debt, by punishing him as a
criminal if he does not perform the service or pay the debt.
870.
173
West Coast Hotel v. Parrish (1937): 5th, 14th A., Freedom to Contract
This case overruled the doctrine that courts can second guess legislative judgements about the statutes
governing wages, hours, and other working conditions. This case rejects the notion of liberty of contract.
This issue in this case is did the minimum wage law violate the liberty of contract as construed under the Fifth
Amendment as applied by the Fourteenth Amendment?
871.
Majority: HUGHES: The Court noted that the Constitution did not
speak of the freedom of contract and that liberty was subject to the restraints of due process. The Court
also noted that employers and employees were not equally "free" in negotiating contracts, since
employees often were constrained by practical and economic realities. This was found to be especially
true in the case of women.
872.
873.
An Oklahoma law prohibited persons who were not licensed optometrists or ophthalmologists to fit lenses for
eyeglasses. Non-licensed individuals were also prohibited from duplicating optical instruments without written
prescriptions from licensed ophthalmologists. Did the Oklahoma law violate the Due Process Clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment?
874.
174
Nebraska, along with other states, prohibited the teaching of modern foreign languages to grade school children.
Meyer, who taught German in a Lutheran school, was convicted under this law. Does the Nebraska statute
violate the 14th A.s Due Process clause?
875.
876.
Poe v. Ullman (1961): 14th A., Due Process, Individual Rights, Ripeness
An old Connecticut law prohibited the use of contraceptive devices and the giving of medical advice in the use
of those devices. The law also applied to married couples. The Conn. Atty. Gen. threatened to enforce the law
against three individuals in this case including Jane Doe (Doe v. Pullman). Mrs. Doe, having recovered from a
tough pregnancy that threatened her life and left her with several emotional and physical disabilities, was
informed by her physician that any additional pregnancies could be fatal. She challenged the Connecticut law
since it criminalized her use of contraceptives.
877.
878.
175
Griswold v. Connecticut (1965): 14th, 1st, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 9th A., Privacy
Griswold was the Ex. Dir. of the Planned Parenthood League of Conn. Both she and the Medical Director for
the League gave information, instruction, and other medical advice to married couples concerning birth control.
Griswold and her colleague were convicted under a Conn. law that criminalized the provision of counseling and
other medical treatment, to married persons for purposes of preventing conception. Does the Constitution
protect the right of marital privacy against state restrictions on a couple's ability to be counseled in the use of
contraceptives?
879.
Majority: DOUGLAS: The Court held that the law violated the Due
Process Clause of the 14th A.; Emanations and penumbras from the 1 st A. (including association
and privacy); and other privacy values derived from the 3 rd, 4th, 5th, and 9th A. Goldberg, Warren, and
Brennan primarily relied on the 9th A.
880.
Roe, a Texas resident, sought to terminate her pregnancy by abortion. Texas law prohibited abortions except to
save the pregnant woman's life. After granting cert., the Court heard arguments twice. The first time, Roe's
attorney, Sarah Weddington, could not locate the constitutional hook of her argument for Justice Stewart. Her
opponent, Jay Floyd, misfired from the start. Weddington sharpened her constitutional argument in the second
round. Her new opponent, Robert Flowers, came under strong questioning from Justices Stewart and Marshall.
Does the Constitution embrace a woman's right to terminate her pregnancy by abortion?
881.
882.
176
Five provisions of the PA Abortion Control Act required that a woman seeking an abortion give her informed
consent prior to the procedure, be provided with certain information at least 24 hours before the abortion is
performed, required informed consent of one parent for a minor to obtain an abortion, provided that women first
notify their husband, and imposes certain reporting requirements on facilities providing abortion services. A
three-Justice plurality (OConnor, Kennedy, Souter) joined with STEVENS and BLACKMUN to preserve a
central principle of Roe v. Wade and strike down the provision for spousal notification.
884.
885.
177
Michael Hardwick was observed by a Georgia police officer while engaging in the act of consensual
homosexual sodomy with another adult in the bed room of his home. After being charged with violating a
Georgia statute that criminalized homosexual sodomy, Hardwick challenged the statute's constitutionality in
Federal District Court. Following a ruling that Hardwick failed to state a claim, the court dismissed. The Court
of Appeals reversed and remanded, holding that the statute was unconstitutional. Georgia's Atty. Gen., Bowers,
appealed. Does the Constitution confer a fundamental right upon homosexuals to engage in consensual sodomy,
thereby invalidating the laws of many states which make such conduct illegal?
886.
887.
888.
178
Dr. Glucksberg, along with terminally ill individuals contemplating physician assisted-suicide, brought this suit
challenging the state of Washington's ban on physician assisted-suicide. Washington has historically
criminalized the promotion of suicide attempts by those who "knowingly cause or aid another person to attempt
suicide." Did Washington's ban on physician assisted-suicide violate the 14 th A. Due Process Clause by denying
competent terminally ill adults the liberty to choose death over life?
889.
Section 124 of the Traffic Regulations of New York prohibits people from having advertisements on the side of
their vehicle. However, the statute does allow people to advertise their own business. Suit was brought on
EQUAL PROTECTION grounds because theoretically, one company is allowed to have the same sign that
another company can not, despite the equal distraction to other drivers, causing traffic
890.
Majority: (split court) DOUGLAS: The Court upheld the statute. The
Court should not judge wisdom of statute, or its effectiveness. The city has to determine what it feels
will solve the traffic problem. The type of discrimination is not the type against which the Equal
Protection Clause affords protection. It is no requirement that all evils of the same genus be eradicated
or none at all.
891.
2 principles for minimum rational basis (Prof argument this is just rubber stamped and cant be
explained)
1. Speculative purposes for legislature makes up a phantom purpose (saw this in
Williamson as well) (Very minimal)
2. Legislature may reform the problem 1 step at a time.
179
3.
Act provides that cable television systems be franchised by local governmental authorities, but exempts,
facilities serving "only subscribers in 1 or more multiple unit dwellings under common ownership. The FCC
ruled that a satellite master antenna television (SMATV) system is also subject to the franchise. Does this
violate the equal protection guarantee of the 5 th A. Due Process Clause because there is no RATIONAL BASIS
for distinguishing between those facilities exempted by the statute and SMATV systems linking separately
owned and managed buildings.
892.
Myra Bradwell asserted her right to a license to practice law in Illinois, which women were prevented from
doing. Bradwell argued that the privileges and immunities guaranteed under Sec. 2, Art. IV and under Sec. 1 of
the 14th A.
893.
Majority: MILLER: While the Court agreed that all citizens enjoy
certain privileges and immunities which individual states cannot take away, it did not agree that the
right to practice law in a state's courts is one of them. There was no agreement that this right depended
on citizenship.
894.
895.
180
Frontiero, a lieutenant in the Air Force, sought a dependent's allowance for her husband. Federal law provided
that the wives of members of the military automatically became dependents; husbands of female members of
the military, however, were not accepted as dependents unless they were dependent on their wives for over onehalf of their support. Frontiero's request for dependent status for her husband was turned down. Did a federal
law, requiring different qualification criteria for male and female military spousal dependency, discriminate
against women thereby violating the 5th A.s Due Process Clause?
896.
Majority: BRENNAN: Yes. Brennan basis his opinion on the idea that
classifications based on sex are inherently invidious: and subject to strict scrutiny. The Court held that
the statute in question clearly commanded "dissimilar treatment for men and women who are similarly
situated," violating the Due Process Clause. Applying a strict standard of review to the sex-based
classification, the Court found that the gov.s interest in administrative convenience could not justify
discriminatory practices. The Court held that statutes that drew lines between the sexes on those
grounds alone necessarily involved "the 'very kind of arbitrary legislative choice forbidden by the
Constitution.'"
897.
898.
899.
Note: Ruth Bader Ginsburg argued the case for the ACLU.
th
An Oklahoma law prohibited the sale of "nonintoxicating" 3.2 percent beer to males under the age of 21 and to
females under the age of 18. Curtis Craig, a male then between the ages of 18 and 21, and a licensed vendor
challenged the law as discriminatory. Did an Oklahoma statute violate the 14 th A.'s Equal Protection Clause by
establishing different drinking ages for men and women?
900.
901.
Dissent: REHNQUIST, BURGER: First, the court should not give men
a more stringent standard of review than most classifications. Second, the Court enunciates this
standard without citation to any source, as being that classifications by gender must serve important
governmental objectives and must be substantially related to achievement of those objectives.
U.S. v. Virginia (1996): 14th A., Gender Discrimination
181
The Virginia Military Institute (VMI) boasted a long and proud tradition as Virginia's only exclusively male
public undergraduate higher learning institution. The U. S. brought suit against Virginia and VMI alleging that
the school's male-only admissions policy violated the 14 th A.s equal protection clause. The 4th Cir. found VMI's
admissions policy to be unconstitutional. Virginia proposed to create the Virginia Women's Institute for
Leadership (VWIL) as a parallel program for women. On appeal, the 4 th Cir. ruled that despite the difference in
prestige between the VMI and VWIL, the two programs would offer "substantively comparable" educational
benefits. Does Virginia's creation of a women-only academy, as a comparable program to a male-only academy,
satisfy the 14th A.'s Equal Protection Clause?
902.
903.
904.
182
This is a 9th Circuit case (NOT S. CT.), sitting en banc, the circuit ruled that the army could not discriminate
based on sexuality.
905.
906.
Colorado voters adopted A. 2 to their State Constitution precluding any judicial, legislative, or executive action
designed to protect persons from discrimination based on their "homosexual, lesbian, or bisexual orientation,
conduct, practices or relationships." Does A. 2 of Colorado's State Constitution, forbidding the extension of
official protections to those who suffer discrimination due to their sexual orientation, violate the 14 th A's Equal
Protection Clause?
907.
908.
183
184
185
186
187
188
189
190
CASE SUMMARIES...................................................................................................................................................134
Strauder v. West Virginia (1880): 14th Amendment...........................................................................134
Peters v. Kiff (1972): 14th Amendment..............................................................................................134
Plessy v. Ferguson (1896): 13th, 14th Amendments............................................................................134
Brown v. Board of Education (1954): 14th Amendment, Equal Protection.........................................134
Bolling v. Sharpe (1954): 5th Amendment, Equal Protection, Due Process.......................................135
Marbury v. Madison (1803): Judicial Review, Interpret Constitution................................................135
Cooper v. Aaron (1958): Judicial Review, Interpret Constitution......................................................135
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Bd. Ed. (1971): 14th Amendment, Segregation.............................136
Freeman v. Pitts (1992): 14th Amendment, School Desegregation.....................................................136
Martin v. Hunters Lessee (1816): Supremacy Clause, Judicial Review............................................136
McCulloch v. Maryland (1819): Implied Power, 10th Amendment.....................................................137
US Term Limits v. Thornton (1995): 10th Amendment, Term Limits.................................................137
Gibbons v. Ogden (1824): Commerce Clause, Federal v. States........................................................138
US v. E.C. Knight (1895): Commerce, Anti-Trust..............................................................................138
Champion v. Ames [lottery case] (1903): Commerce.........................................................................139
Swift & Co. v. US (1905): Commerce, Current of Commerce.......................................................139
The Shreveport Rate Case (1914): Commerce, close and substantial relation...............................139
Hammer v. Dagenhart (1918): Commerce, 10th Amendment.............................................................140
NLRB v. Jones & Laughlin (1937) Commerce Clause, New Deal legislation...................................140
US v. Darby (1941): Commerce Clause, Child Labor, Manufacturing..............................................141
Heart of Atlanta Motel (1964): Commerce Clause, Civil Rights Act 1964.......................................141
Katzenbach v. McClung (1964): Commerce Clause, Civil Rights Act 1964......................................141
US v. Lopez (1995): Commerce Clause, Guns in school zone...........................................................142
South Dakota v. Dole (1987): Commerce Clause, 21st Amendment...................................................143
Missouri v. Holland (1920): 10th Amendment.....................................................................................143
Katzenbach v. Morgan (S.Car.) (1966): 14th A., Due Process, Literacy to Vote.................................143
Boerne City v. Flores (1997): 1st A. Free exercise v. 14th A. Legislative authority.............................143
Jones v. Mayer Co. (1968): 13th Amendment, Equal Housing............................................................144
Garcia v. San Antonio Metro Transit Auth. (1985) 10th A., Federalism..............................................145
New York v. United States (1992): 10th Amendment, Supremacy Clause..........................................145
Printz v. United States (1997): 10th A., Commerce Clause, Original Intent.......................................146
Cooley v. Board of Wardens (1852): Federalism, Concurrent Powers...............................................147
City of Philadelphia v. New Jersey (1978): Dormant Commerce Clause...........................................147
Kassel v. Consolidated Freightways Corp. (1981): Safety v. Commerce...........................................148
West Lynn Creamery, Inc. v. Healy (1994): Interstate Commerce.....................................................148
Corfield v. Coryell (1823): Privilege and Immunity Clause...............................................................148
United Bldg. v. Camden (1984) Privilege & Immunity v. Commerce Clause....................................149
Youngstown Co. v. Sawyer (1952): Separation of Powers, Emergency power..................................149
US v. Curtiss-Wright Corp. (1936) Separation of Power, External v. Internal...................................149
Dames & Moore v. Regan (1981): Implicit powers............................................................................149
Korematsu v. United States (1944): Emergency Executive Order......................................................149
United States v. Nixon (1974): Executive Privilege...........................................................................150
Clinton v. Jones (1997): Separation of Powers, Presidential Immunity.............................................151
Mistretta v. United States (1989) Non delegation of Congressional Power....................................151
INS v. Chadha (1983): Legislative Veto.............................................................................................151
Clinton v. City of New York (1998): Separation of Powers, Line Item Veto.....................................152
Bowsher v. Synar: (1986): Separation of Powers...............................................................................152
Morrison v. Olson (1988): Separation of Powers, Independent Counsel...........................................152
Northern Pipeline Co. v. Marathon (1982): Separation of powers, delegation...................................152
Commodity Futures T.C. v. Schor (1986): Separation of Power, delegation......................................153
Ex Parte McCardle (1869) Separation of Powers, Exceptions clause................................................153
Baker v. Carr (1962): Limits on Judicial Power, Political Questions.................................................154
Nixon v. United States (1993): Limits, Political Question.................................................................154
Raines v. Byrd (1997): Limits, Standing............................................................................................154
Allen v. Wright (1984): Limits, Standing...........................................................................................155
191
192
CASES
Adamson v. California-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------130, 199
Adkins v. Childrens Hospital-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------139, 141
Allen v. Wright-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------63, 64, 196
Amalgamated Meat Cutters v. Connally-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------82, 97
Baehr v. Lewin----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------209
Bailey v. Alabama------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------141, 161, 201
Bailey v. Drexel Furniture Co------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------40
Baker v. Carr---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------67, 71, 143, 195
Barron v. Baltimore-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------128
Barron v. Mayor & City Council of Baltimore---------------------------------------------------------------------------------130
Bolling v. Sharpe-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------123, 179
Bowers v. Hardwick----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------164, 177, 204
Bowsher v. Synar---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------89, 194
Bradwell v. Illinois-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------206
Breyer-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------37, 66, 79, 168, 171, 196
Brown II------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------124, 178
Brown v. Board of Education------------------------------------------------------------------59, 122, 123, 156, 160, 178, 197
Buckley v. Valeo----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------88
Carter v. Carter Coal Co-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------12
Champion v. Ames--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------9, 182
Church of the Lukumi Babalu Aye v. City of Hialeah--------------------------------------------------------------------------43
City of Boerne v. Flores--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------43, 46, 186
City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center------------------------------------------------------------------------------------163
City of Philadelphia v. New Jersey------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------28, 189
Clinton v. City of New York------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------193
Clinton v. Jones-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------79, 192
Coleman v. Miller---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------65, 70
Commodity Futures T.C. v. Schor------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------194
Cooley v. Board of Port Wardens--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------27, 188
Cooper v. Aaron-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------56, 58, 75, 179
Coppage v. Kansas------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------140
Corfield v. Coryell------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------190
Craig v. Boren-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------120, 171, 207
Dames & Moore v. Regan----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------72, 106, 191
Davis v. Bandemer-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------69
Dellums v. Bush---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------103
Dellums v. Powell--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------77
Dept. of Agriculture v. Moreno---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------176
Dred Scott v. Sanford-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------58, 59, 115, 116
Duncan v. Louisiana----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------131
Edmond v. United States------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------93
Eisenstadt v. Baird------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------150
El Paso v. Simmons----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------134
Employment Division v. Smith----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------43
Ex Parte McCardle-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------60, 195
Exxon Corp. v. Governor of Maryland--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------48, 114
FCC v. Beach Communications--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------205
Ferguson v. Skrupa-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------136, 144
Flast v. Cohen-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------63
Fletcher v. Peck---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------131, 132, 134, 197
Freeman v. Pitts---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------180, 197
Freytag v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------93
Frontiero v. Richardson------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------171, 206
193
194
Peters v. Kiff-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------178
Pierce v. Society of Sisters--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------146, 152
Pike v. Bruce Church, Inc.----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------28
Planned Parenthood v. Casey-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------151, 153, 154, 204
Plessy v. Ferguson------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------160, 178
Poe v. Ullman-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------149, 202
Printz v. U.S.---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------33, 36, 188
Prize Cases---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------103
Process Gas Consumers Group v. Consumers Energy Council of America-------------------------------------------------85
Railway Express Agency v. New York------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------205
Raines v. Byrd------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------65, 196
Reed v. Reed-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------171
Reeves, Inc. v. Stake-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------31
Rice v. Santa Fe Elevator Corp-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------47
Roe v. Wade---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------59, 151, 153, 154, 160, 203, 204
Romer v. Evans---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------175, 208
Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------12, 96
Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities v. Nixon----------------------------------------------------77
Shaw v. Delta Air Lines-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------46
Sherbert v. Verner--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------43
Skinner v. Oklahoma---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------200
Slaughter-House Cases------------------------------------------------------------------------------------127, 128, 137, 144, 199
South Dakota v. Dole----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------26, 185
Stafford v. Wallace----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------9, 12
Stanley v. Georgia------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------164, 166
State v. Post--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------114
Steward Machine Co. v. Davis-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------26
Strauder v. West Virginia----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------116, 117, 118, 178
Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Bd. Ed.--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------180
Swift & Co. v. US------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------183
Texas v. White------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------41
Touby v. United States---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------97
Twining v. New Jersey-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------130
United Building & Constr. Trades Council v. Camden-------------------------------------------------------------------47, 190
United States Senate v. FTC--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------85
United States Trust v. New Jersey------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------131
United States v. AT&T---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------77
United States v. Belmont----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------106
United States v. Butler----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------25, 29
United States v. Carolene Products Co------------------------------------------------------------------------------------142, 144
United States v. Curtiss-Wright Corp--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------100, 191
United States v. E.C. Knight---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------8, 182
United States v. Klein----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------61
United States v. Lopez------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------20, 23, 26, 113, 185
United States v. Nixon---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------74, 192
United States v. Virginia-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------173, 207
US v. Darby---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------16, 184
Washington v. Davis----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------121, 125
Washington v. Glucksberg---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------167, 205
Watkins v. U.S. Army--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------208
Weiss v. United States---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------93
West Coast Hotel v. Parrish---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------15, 138, 142, 201
West Lynn Creamery, Inc. v. Healy------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------29, 190
West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette---------------------------------------------------------------------------145
Whitney v. Robertson--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------106
Wickard v. Filburn---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------5, 15, 18, 19, 72, 185
195
196
STATUTES
13th Amendment-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------141, 161, 162, 163, 178, 187
14th Amendment---58, 117, 118, 120 - 123, 127 - 128, 130, 135 - 138, 146, 149 - 152, 163 - 165, 178, 180, 199, 203,
205
21st Amendment--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------185
2nd Amendment----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------37
5th Amendment---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------115, 123, 130, 179
8th A----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------164, 165, 205
Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------25
Art. II, 4------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------80
Article I, 8--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1, 2, 25, 29, 63, 64, 82
Article I, 10------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------106, 132
Article I, 3, Clause 6---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------69
Article II, 1--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------71
Article II, 2-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------105, 109
Article III, 3-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------71
Article III. 2------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------54, 55, 57, 59
Article IV---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------47, 68, 99, 127
Article IV, 2------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------127
Article V, 6-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------106
Bill of Rights---------------------------------------------------------------------------1, 2, 3, 115, 130, 145, 149, 150, 199, 200
Brady Bill-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------36
Child Labor Tax Law of 1919------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------40
Civil Rights Act of 1964-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------180
Ethics in Government Act---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------109
Gramm-Rudman Act------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------89, 92
Housing and Rent Act of 1947-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------40
Impoundment Control Act of 1974-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------107
Low-Level Radioactive Waste Policy Amendments Act of 1985-------------------------------------------------------------34
National Industrial Recovery Act--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------96
Ninth Amendment------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------149
Religious Freedom Restoration Act-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------43, 187
Sixth Amendment-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------131
Stewart----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------28, 98, 150, 152, 203
Taft-Harley Act-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------71
Title II of 1964 Civil Rights Act---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------19
Unfunded Mandate Reform Act--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------108, 112
War Powers Resolution------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------104
197
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Ackerman-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------19, 42, 106, 145, 147
Blackmun-------------------------------------------------------65, 93, 111, 151, 153, 159, 160, 165, 166, 180, 187, 203, 205
Bork-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------123, 124
Brennan-------------------------------------------------------------------63, 67, 68, 70, 80, 131, 150, 161, 194, 203, 205, 206
Brown--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------117
Burger-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------50, 74, 75, 82, 89, 95, 153, 165, 180
Calabresi-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------24, 123
Cardozo---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------14, 26, 130, 134, 144, 199
Chase---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------132, 133, 136, 198, 199
Chermerinsky-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------62
Clark-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------18
Curtis---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------130
Day-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------10
Douglas-------------------------------------------------------------------------72, 144, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 153, 191, 200
Easterbrook-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------58, 66
Ely------------------------------------------------------------------------------------5, 48, 98, 102, 103, 105, 114, 121, 136, 143
Federalist 47(Madison)--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------52
Federalist 48 (Madison)-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------52
Flaherty--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------53
Frankfurter------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------68, 71, 128, 129, 131
Fuller------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------8
Golove--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------106
Grier----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------103
Harlan-------------------------------------------------------------------------------8, 10, 117, 118, 135, 139, 149, 150, 151, 182
Holmes----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------10, 39, 136, 139, 141, 146, 200
Hughes-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------9, 12, 14, 133, 141, 142, 184
Iridell---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------133
Jackson-------------------------------------------------------------------15, 16, 19, 28, 30, 58, 71, 72, 104, 119, 145, 191, 200
Jefferson Powell----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------35
Kennedy--------------------------------------------------------------------------------65, 97, 154, 175, 176, 180, 188, 204, 209
Lessig----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------24
Lincoln---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------59
Locke---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------136, 138
Lowi------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------98
Marshall----2, 3, 4, 7, 8, 16, 19, 27, 30, 39, 53, 54, 55, 57, 61, 62, 67, 74, 90, 128, 130, 131, 132, 179, 181, 182, 189,
198, 203, 205
Miller---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------127, 128, 137
Murphy-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------119
OConnor-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------63, 151, 154, 168, 170, 180, 194, 204
Peckham-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------135, 138, 147
Powell------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------32, 35, 78, 164, 165, 194, 205
Rehnquist- -65, 69, 72, 73, 83, 93, 97, 98, 104, 109, 153, 158, 159, 160, 161, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173, 185, 188,
189, 194, 205
Roberts---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------25, 142, 184
rpretat--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------58, 59, 73, 75, 103, 137
Sager-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------64, 126
Scalia-------------------------------------------------------------64, 93, 94, 110, 111, 161, 174, 175, 176, 177, 188, 193, 204
Schoenbrod----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------97
Souter-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------66, 70, 154, 168, 170, 171, 180, 188, 204
Stevens--------------------------------------------------------------65, 66, 79, 90, 94, 159, 166, 168, 170, 180, 188, 192, 205
Stone-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------16, 25, 28, 30, 48, 142, 184
Story------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------57, 180
Strong---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------116
198
199
1
10th Amendment....................................................................................................7, 10, 15, 16, 31, 33 - 36, 38, 40, 108
A
Abortion...............................................................................................................59, 114, 151 - 163, 165, 167, 203, 204
Adams...........................................................................................................................................................................53
Agricultural Adjustment Act.........................................................................................................................................15
Appellate Jurisdiction...................................................................................................................................................59
Appointments Clause....................................................................................................................................................88
B
bakery..........................................................................................................................................................................135
Bank of the United States...............................................................................................................................................4
bicameralism and presentment......................................................................................................................................83
Bituminous Coal Conservation Act..............................................................................................................................12
Boland Amendments...................................................................................................................................................105
C
Case or Controversy......................................................................................................................................................61
Case or Controversy Requirement................................................................................................................................59
Certiorari.......................................................................................................................................................................70
Chadha.............................................................................................................................82 - 86, 91, 92, 94, 95, 99, 104
Checks and Balances.....................................................................................................................................................52
Child Labor Case..........................................................................................................................................................10
class of acts...................................................................................................................................................................15
Commerce Clause.......................7, 8, 11, 12, 14, 17, 18, 21, 22, 27, 28, 31, 32, 46 - 49, 134, 182, 184, 185, 188 - 190
Concurrent powers........................................................................................................................................................46
Congressional-Executive Agreements........................................................................................................................106
contraceptives.....................................................................................................................................147, 148, 150, 159
Contracts Clause.........................................................................................................................113, 131, 133, 134, 198
Counter-majoritarian.....................................................................................................................................................58
Countermajoritarian difficulty......................................................................................................................................56
critique..........................................................................................8, 77, 83, 84, 110, 123, 124, 136, 137, 139, 143, 166
Critique........................................................................................................4, 11, 35, 40, 55, 76, 95, 125, 148, 150, 158
cumulative effect...........................................................................................................................................................15
D
DCC.................................................................................................................................................................27 - 31, 49
Departmentalism...........................................................................................................................................................59
desegregation order.......................................................................................................................................................58
Disproportionate impact..............................................................................................................................................121
Doctrinal Modality........................................................................................................................................................30
Doctrine of Implied Powers............................................................................................................................................2
Dormant Commerce Clause..........................................................................................................................27, 189, 190
Double Jeopardy.........................................................................................................................................................199
Due Process.........................131, 135, 144, 149, 152, 156, 160, 165, 168, 170, 179, 186, 199, 200, 202, 203, 205, 206
E
Economic Rights.........................................................................................................................................................144
enumerated powers........................................................................................................................1 - 4, 8, 11, 25, 35, 39
Equal Housing.............................................................................................................................................................187
Equal Protection....................................................................................................68, 114, 116, 117, 120, 126, 164, 176
Establishment Clause....................................................................................................................................................64
200
Ethical Argument........................................................................................................................................................132
Ethical Modality............................................................................................................................................................30
ex post facto..........................................................................................................................................................46, 132
Ex post facto.......................................................................................................................................................132, 198
Exceptions clause........................................................................................................................................................195
Exclusive federal powers..............................................................................................................................................46
Exclusive state powers..................................................................................................................................................46
Executive Authority..............................................................................................................................................71, 100
Executive Privilege........................................................................................................................................74 - 76, 192
F
Federal Election Commission.......................................................................................................................................88
Formalism.....................................................................................................................................................................52
Formalistic Argument...................................................................................................................................................83
Functionalism........................................................................................................................................9, 35, 52, 53, 101
G
GATT..........................................................................................................................................................................106
gay marriage................................................................................................................................................................209
Gender Discrimination........................................................................................................................................206, 207
gerrymandering.............................................................................................................................................................69
Good confusion.............................................................................................................................................................61
Guarantee Clause..........................................................................................................................................................41
guaranty clause..............................................................................................................................................................68
Guaranty Clause............................................................................................................................................................68
Gun Free Schools..........................................................................................................................................................20
H
habeus corpus................................................................................................................................................................60
Historical Modality.......................................................................................................................................................29
homosexual........................................................................................................161, 164 - 167, 175, 177, 204, 208, 209
I
Impeachment...........................................................................................................................................................69, 80
Implicit powers...........................................................................................................................................................191
Impoundment..............................................................................................................................................................107
Incorporation Controversy..........................................................................................................................................128
independent counsel......................................................................................................................................99, 109, 110
Independent Counsel...................................................................................................................................................194
Interstate Commerce...................................................................................................................................8, 9, 183, 190
Iranian hostage..............................................................................................................................................................72
J
Judicial Exclusivity.......................................................................................................................................................58
judicial review..............................................................23, 53 - 56, 58, 61, 68 - 70, 74, 76, 90, 105, 112, 120, 121, 125
Judicial review..............................................................................................................................................................68
Judicial Review...................................................................................................................................................179, 180
JUDICIAL REVIEW....................................................................................................................................................53
L
Legislative authority...........................................................................................................................................104, 186
legislative veto..............................................................................................................................................................99
Legislative Veto....................................................................................................................................................99, 193
liberalism.....................................................................................................................................................................136
Liberalism...........................................................................................................................................................136, 138
liberty of contract................................................................................................................................................135, 139
201
202
reserve powers................................................................................................................................................................1
RFRA................................................................................................................................................................43, 44, 45
Right of Privacy..........................................................................................................................................................145
Ripeness................................................................................................................................................................70, 202
S
separation of powers............1, 3, 36, 52, 53, 64, 67, 74 - 76, 79, 80, 83, 86, 89, 91 - 95, 99, 100, 109 - 113, 191 - 195
Shared powers...............................................................................................................................................................46
Slaughter-House Cases...............................................................................................................................................127
Slavery............................................................................................................................................................8, 114, 163
sodomy......................................................................................................................................................161, 164 - 167
Sovereignty.....................................................................................................................................................................4
Sovereignty argument...................................................................................................................................................57
Spatial privacy............................................................................................................................................................166
special prosecutor................................................................................................................................................109, 110
Special prosecutor.......................................................................................................................................................109
Spending Power............................................................................................................................................................25
Standard of Review.....................................................................................................................................................152
Standing........................................................................................................................................................................61
STANDING................................................................................................................................................................197
Stare decisis..................................................................................................................................................................23
Stare Decisis........................................................................................................................................................155, 160
State powers, conditional on federal permission..........................................................................................................46
Sterilization.................................................................................................................................................................200
Strict Scrutiny Test......................................................................................................................................................120
Structural Modality.......................................................................................................................................................30
Substantive Due Process.....................................................................................................................135, 144, 145, 200
suicide........................................................................................................................................................161, 167 - 171
Supremacy Clause.................................................................................................................................46, 180, 188, 197
T
tax breaks......................................................................................................................................................................63
Taxing Power................................................................................................................................................................40
Taxpayer Standing........................................................................................................................................................63
Textual Modality...........................................................................................................................................................29
Treaty and War Powers.................................................................................................................................................39
Truman..............................................................................................................................................................71, 78, 96
U
U.S. Sentencing Commission......................................................................................................................................111
Unfunded Mandates....................................................................................................................................................108
V
Validity of 13th and 14th Amendments...........................................................................................................................41
W
War Powers.........................................................................................................................................100, 104, 105, 112
Watergate..........................................................................................................................................74, 76, 77, 104, 109
203