UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI

August 13, 2007

Date:___________________

Jennifer Rose Stallo

I, _________________________________________________________,
hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of:
Master of Arts
in:
Anthropology
It is entitled:
Isotopic Study of Migration:
Differentiating Locals and Non-Locals
in Tumulus Burials from Apollonia, Albania

This work and its defense approved by:

Dr. Vernon Scarborough

Chair: _______________________________
Dr. Lynne Schepartz
_______________________________
Dr. C. Jeffrey Jacobson Jr.
_______________________________
_______________________________
_______________________________
 Isotopic Study of Migration: Differentiating Locals and Non-Locals in Tumulus Burials
from Apollonia, Albania

A thesis submitted to the

Division of Research and Advanced Studies

of the University of Cincinnati

In partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

In the Department of Anthropology

of the College of Arts and Sciences

August 2007

By

Jennifer Rose Stallo

B.S., University of Cincinnati, 2005

Committee Chairs: Dr. Vernon Scarborough

Dr. Lynne Schepartz
Dr. C. Jeffrey Jacobson Jr.
 ABSTRACT

Strontium isotope ratio (87Sr/86Sr) analysis has been applied in archaeology since

the 1980s to reconstruct patterns of migration. Analysis of the 87Sr/86Sr ratios from burial

mounds (tumuli) excavated near the site of Apollonia, Illyria (modern day Albania) was

performed to differentiate ‘locals’ and ‘non-locals’. The Greek colony founded at

Apollonia around the beginning of the sixth century B.C.E. included a mixture of Greek

colonists and native Illyrian people. As tumulus burials are the only burial features

identified and excavated at Apollonia it was hypothesized that both Greek and Illyrian

individuals would be represented in tumuli. If the Greek and Illyrian burials could be

differentiated using 87Sr/86Sr ratios then insight into the changing interaction of Greeks
87
and Illyrians at Apollonia is possible. Sr/86Sr ratio analysis of a sample of teeth from

Apollonia reveals that non-locals were incorporated into tumulus 10 along with members

of the local population.

ii
iii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My sincere gratitude goes to Dr. Lynne Schepartz who encouraged me to pursue

an advanced degree in anthropology and then fitted me with all of the resources and

contacts necessary to engage in a research project that matched many of my interests.

Without the help of Dr. Schepartz this thesis would not have been possible. My gratitude

is also extended to Dr. Vernon Scarborough and Dr. C. Jeffrey Jacobson who assisted

me with council and revisions of this thesis in spite of changing circumstances and time

limitations. I am genuinely grateful for the many hours that Pamela and Jonathan

volunteered in proofreading this thesis.

The Albanian Rescue Archaeology Unit, primarily under the direction of Dr.

Lorenc Bejko and Maria Grazia Amore, provided the materials necessary for analysis in

this thesis from excavations they conducted at Apollonia, Albania. The strontium isotope

and concentration analyses were made possible by the accommodation of Dr. Michael

Richards and his team, particularly Dr. Vaughn Grimes and Annette Weiske, at the Max

Planck Institute in Leipzig, Germany. The completion of this thesis was possible only

with the cooperation of these many people, all of whom I have endowed my deepest

appreciation.

Funding from the Charles Phelps Taft Research Center as well as the University

of Cincinnati, Department of Anthropology Research Grant allowed me to travel to and

from both Albania and Germany to conduct the necessary research for this project.

Without such funding for graduate research many research questions would continue to

go unanswered.

iv
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures……………………………………………………………………. ……… vi

List of Tables……………………………………………………………………………… vii

CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………. 1

CHAPTER 2 THE ILLYRIANS………………………………………………………….. 5

• Geography……………………………………………………………………….. 7
• Origin………………………………………………………………………………8
• Economy…………………………………………………………………………..9
• Burial Customs…………………………………………………………………... 10
ƒ Tumulus Burials at Apollonia…………………………………. 11

CHAPTER 3 GREEK EXPANSION: MIGRATION AND COLONIZATION………… 13

• Hypotheses for the Cause of Migration: Sorting Truth from Common
Misconceptions…………………………………………………………………...14
• Corinth and Her Colonial Expeditions…………………………………………. 15
ƒ Foundation of Epidamnus and Apollonia in Illyria………….. 20
ƒ Relations between a Colony and the Mother-City………….. 21
• Overview of Greek Colonization in Illyria……………………………………... 23

CHAPTER 4 INTERACTION OF ILLYRIANS WITH GREEK COLONISTS………. 25

• Early Greek Perceptions of the Illyrians………………………………………. 25
• Interaction through Trade………………………………………………………. 26
• Control of Land…………………………………………………………………... 28
• Life and Death…………………………………………………………………… 30

CHAPTER 5 STRONTIUM ISOTOPE STUDIES: BACKGROUND

AND METHODOLOGY………………………………………………….. 33
• Strontium Geochemistry…………………………………………………………34
• Methods and Materials………………………………………………………….. 40
ƒ Samples and Sample Preparation…………………………… 40
ƒ Clean Laboratory Sample Preparation………………………. 42
ƒ Sr-Isotope and Concentration Analysis……………………… 45

CHAPTER 6 RESULTS…………………………………………………………………. 46

CHAPTER 7 DISCUSSION…………………………………………………………….. 53
• Limitations to 87Sr/86Sr Studies………………………………………………… 53
• Analysis of the Results from Apollonia……………………………………….. 55
• 87Sr/86Sr Interpretaion Based on Geological Data…………………………… 58
• Migrants and Mortuary Customs………………………………………………. 61

CHAPTER 8 CONCLUSIONS………………………………………………………..… 63

REFERENCES CITED………………………………………………………….. ……… 67

v
 FIGURES

2-1 Illyrian territory…………………………………………………………... 6

3-1 Map of the Greek isthmus and Corinth……………………………… 17

3-2 Corinthian colonial expeditions………………………………………... 19

6-1 Distribution of 87Sr/86Sr ratio values divided by tissue

type for each individual sampled …………………………………… 50

87
6-2 Sr/86Sr and strontium concentration comparison for
dental enamel, dentin, and modern snail shell analyzed…………… 51

7-1 Geology of Corinth……………………………………………………… 60

vi
 TABLES

2-1 Chronological timeline of the western Balkans…………………….. 9

87
6-1 Sr/86Sr ratios and strontium concentrations of human
tooth enamel, dentin, and modern snail shell samples
collected at Apollonia……………………………………………………48

6-2 Archaeological burial details for samples collected

at Apollonia……………………………………………………………… 52

vii
 CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Archaeology is a field that has changed in the past few centuries from a hobby of

amateur scientists and treasure hunters to an interdisciplinary science. Today, in

addition to the archaeologists or anthropologists, an archaeological investigation will

often include geologists, geographers, biologists including botanists and geneticists,

physicists, and chemists. When radioactive dating techniques were first applied in an

archaeological context in the 1950s, it revolutionized archaeology as a science. In the

1980s, chemical analyses of archaeological bone began to allow archaeologists to test

new questions about past people including dietary reconstruction, weaning patterns, and

patterns of migration. The use of strontium (Sr) isotope ratios in migration studies was

first suggested by Ericson (1985) because of the sensitivity of these ratios to local

geochemistry. The goal of this thesis is to employ this technique in a burial mound

(tumulus) to test the relationship between Greek colonists and the local Illyrian

population at the Greek colony in Apollonia, Illyria (modern day Albania).

Since 2002 the Albanian Rescue Archeology Unit has employed the most up-to-

date archaeological methods to excavate tumuli 9, 10, and 11 in the Apollonia necropolis

under the direction of Dr. Lorenc Bejko, Maria Grazia Amore, and Dr. Vangjel Dimo.

Amore (2005) performed a great service to the site by combining information about

Apollonia from primary historical documents as well as information about the site and the

previous eight tumuli excavations. Much of the information that she synthesized in her

thesis was either unpublished or recorded in a variety of languages, which limited

access to the information for other researchers interested in the site. Amore concluded

her thesis with hopes that physical anthropological investigations would provide insight

1
into many unanswered questions about the site, particularly in regard to the interaction

between the Greek colonists and the native Illyrians.

One of the goals of this thesis is to test the usefulness of archaeological

chemistry in expanding current understandings of the foundation and continued use of

tumuli burials at Apollonia. Other researchers have analyzed the primary documents and

archaeological evidence to determine when and how the colony at Apollonia was

founded. This thesis presents what is generally accepted by these researchers about the

Illyrian people, the process and motivation of Greek colonization, the site at Apollonia

specifically, and the interaction of Greek colonists and natives. After establishing a

knowledge base of the people and processes involved in the foundation and

maintenance of the colony at Apollonia, then the scientific background and methods are

presented and the results interpreted. Using strontium isotope ratios to test migration at

Apollonia will provide information that cannot be interpreted with certainty with traditional

archaeological methods. The information obtained through this study will expand the

current understanding of the site and interactions of the people who inhabited it. This

thesis will test the hypothesis that as the Corinthian Greek colony in Apollonia, Illyria

(modern day Albania) expanded its realm of influence, the relationship between native

Illyrians and Greek colonists changed so that the Greeks began to adopt Illyrian customs

including placement in Illyrian tumuli.

Chapter two is an introduction to the Illyrian people. This includes an introduction

to the geography of Illyria, theories of where the Illyrian people originated and when they

came to inhabit Illyria. Information that has come out of tumulus burials throughout the

land of Illyria has provided most of the information about the Illyrians including their ways

of life and burial customs. This discussion presents an overview of what has come to

light through the most recent excavations of tumuli 9, 10, and 11 in the necropolis near

Apollonia.

2
 Chapter three provides background on the process of Greek colonization.

Special attention is paid to the colonial efforts of Corinth and her early colony at Corcyra,

both of which were involved in the founding of the colony at Apollonia. Understanding

the motivation of Greek colonial efforts is invaluable in reconstructing the interaction of

colonists and native peoples. The relationship between a colony and its mother-city is

another factor that is considered. The relationships among the Greek colonists, the

native Illyrians, and the mother-cities was perhaps more complex than relations at other

colonies because of the power struggle between Corcyra and Corinth the co-founders of

Apollonia.

In chapter four the interaction of the Greek colonists and native Illyrians is

presented in both a general picture as well as in regard to Apollonia specifically. Trade

linked the Greeks and the Illyrians prior to and following the foundation of colonies in and

around Illyria. The value of trade from both the Illyrian and Greek perspectives is

therefore vital to understanding their interactions at both the founding of a colony and

thereafter. Control of land is another issue that must be considered because of the

potential conflict when colonists arrive and appear to take land away from the native

population. The final part of this chapter introduces the evidence that might support a

changing relationship between the Greek colonists and the Illyrians once the colony was

established.

In order to test the hypothesis that the relationship between Greek colonists and

the local Illyrian population changed at Apollonia, the analysis of strontium isotope ratios

was employed in this study. Chapter five presents an overview of how and why strontium

isotope ratios can be used to reconstruct migration. The nature of bone is discussed in

connection with the potential problems faced in studies of bone chemistry. The actual

methods and materials employed in this study are then presented in detail.

3
 The results of this study are presented in chapter six followed by the discussion

of the results in chapter seven. The limitations of this type of study are here discussed

as well as many of the possible interpretations. Strontium isotope ratio studies have

been successfully employed in other regions of the world for distinguishing ‘local’ and

‘non-local’ individuals from a burial population. This method provides the ability to infer

population growth, patterns of migration, and the interactions of different populations. In

this study, strontium isotope ratio analysis is employed to distinguish Greek colonists

and native Illyrians and might provide insight into changes in their social interaction.

Chapter eight presents the conclusions which can be made from the results in this study.

The success of utilizing this method in analyzing burials from tumuli at Apollonia is also

considered. The value of applying this technique in testing hypotheses about the

formation and use of tumuli as well as the interaction of colonists and natives is

assessed.

4
 CHAPTER 2

THE ILLYRIANS

The territory of modern day Albania, located to the north of Greece and east of

Italy, was long ago occupied by people now known as the Illyrians. The Illyrian people

inhabited a large area of the western Balkan Peninsula; this thesis focuses on the tribes

inhabiting the area of and immediately surrounding modern Albania. The geography of

this region is diverse which resulted in distinct regional differences between the related

tribal people in the area, all of the tribes having been encompassed under the blanket

term of ‘Illyrian’ (Harding 1992). Of the smaller tribes which make up the Illyrian people,

those most involved in the Corinthian Greek expansion pertinent to this study are the

Liburnians, the Bylliones, and the Taulantii (Bylliones and Taulantii territories indicated in

Figure 2-1). Illyrian presence is first recorded in connection with the ancient Greeks, and

Illyrian history has been greatly expanded through the work of Classical archaeologists

studying Greek colonialism (Harding 1992). Recent archaeological investigations,

particularly of Illyrian burial mounds, known as tumuli, have shed light on the Illyrian

culture in its own right. A brief introduction to the Illyrian territory will here be followed by

what has been reconstructed by recent archeology about Illyrian origins, economy, and

burial customs. A detailed consideration of the interaction between the Greek colonists

and the native Illyrians is considered in chapter four.

5
Figure 2-1: Illyrian territory - The Illyrian territory of the western Balkans is depicted

with the labels indicating the different regions of Illyrian tribes. The primary Greek

colonies in this thesis (Corcya, Epidamnus, and Apollonia) are highlighted. (Modified

from Figure 11 in Boardman 1984:196)

6
 Geography

It is a challenge to reconstruct the borders of ancient territories, but geographical

references from historical documents aide in this task. The southern boundary of the

Illyrian territory was described by Greek historian Appian as south of the Aous River

(modern day Vjosë River) in the ancient territory of Epirus (see Figure 2-1; Wilkes 1995).

Three Epirotic tribes, one of which is referenced again in chapter three, were situated

along the coast near the Aous River. These were the tribes of Bylliace, Oricum, and

Thronium, whose inhabitants claimed were founded by Locrian and Euboean Greeks

returning after the sack of Troy, a claim which later Corinthian colonists seem to have

accepted (Hammond 1982b). North of Epirus, between the coast and the mountain

range was the region the Classical Greeks knew as Illyris. This region between the

eastern lakes and the western Adriatic stretched along the coastline and included the

river valleys from the Drin river system in the north to the Aous River in the south. Illyris

was primarily occupied by the Taulantii tribe, who may have moved south into the area

during the early Iron Age around 1000 B.C.E. (Wilkes 1995). Another Illyrian tribe, the

Liburnians, established themselves further south in the island of Corcyra (Beaumont

1936).

The Adriatic coastline of the Illyrian territory was steep and rocky, with only

strategic outcroppings serving as useful ports. In the ninth century, the Illyrian tribe of the

Liburnians set themselves apart as the leading sea power of the region, having

developed fast ships that could overtake other seagoing merchantmen. By the first half

of the eighth century, the Liburnians had established their settlement on Corcyra, where

they could control the easiest route from the Adriatic to the heel of Italy (Hammond

1982b). The Eretrians of Euboea in eastern Greece followed the Liburnians in the

settlement of Corcyra before 734 B.C.E., but as they did not expel the Liburnians, it

7
seems they were able to maintain friendly relations (Beaumont 1936). Both the Eretrians

and the Liburnians were displaced from Corcyra in 733 B.C.E. when the Corinthians

founded what would become one of their most prosperous colonies (Hammond 1992;

Wilkes 1995). Although Corinthian goods were being traded in the region prior to the

foundation of Corinthian colonies (Graham 1990), the foundation of this colony in

Corcyra is among the first recorded instances of Corinthian Greeks coming into contact

with Illyrian peoples.

Origin

The origin of the Illyrian people is unclear as ancient writings have not yet

provided a general explanation for when they arrived in the Balkans or from where they

may have come. Modern day scholars have also been unable to pinpoint the origins of

the Illyrians in spite of a growing body of data from archeological and linguistic

scholarship (Wilkes 1995). Although debated, some suggest that there was a migration

of peoples from western Asia and the Black Sea region into the Balkans, which

corresponded to the spread of metal technology during the Bronze Age (see Table 2-1;

Wilkes 1995). Archaeology shows that by the middle of the second millennium B.C.E.,

the characteristic Illyrian burial tumuli began to be used, indicating the presence of

Illyrians by at least this time (Harding 1992).

Others suggest that the Illyrian tribes were all present in the western Balkans by

the late eleventh or early tenth century B.C.E, which marks the beginning of the Iron Age

(Hammond 1982a; Wilkes 1995). Hammond (1982a) noted an Illyrian expansion filling

the vacuum left with the departure of the Phrygians c. 800-700 B.C.E. in Macedonia.

This expansion, Hammond (1982a) proposes, led to a decline in trade and economic

development for the Illyrians just as the earliest Greek colonial expeditions and

commerce were intensifying in the Adriatic.

8
Table 2-1: Chronological timeline of the western Balkans (Wilkes 1995)
Early Bronze Age 1900/1800 - 1600/1500 B.C.E.
Middle Bronze Age 1600/1500 - c. 1300 B.C.E.
Late Bronze Age c. 1300 - c. 1000 B.C.E.
^ Prehistoric ^ Iron Age c. 1000 - c. 750 B.C.E.
Classical Greek Early (Hallstatt) Iron Age c. 750 - c. 350 B.C.E.
Hellenistic Hellenistic Period c. 350 - 320 B.C.E.
Roman Roman Period 229 B.C.E. - 378 C.E.

Economy

During the first Iron Age c. 700-600 B.C.E., the Illyrians engaged in agricultural

cultivation in the valley bottoms and coastal plains coupled with semi-nomadic

pastoralism in the higher land. Their diet was supplemented by hunting and fishing in the

rivers, salt-lakes, and on the coast. Harvesting of salt provided them with a valuable

resource for curing their meat as well as for trade. In addition to these food resources,

the Mati region near the Drin River was rich in metals including copper, tin, gold, and

silver (Graham 1990; Hammond 1982a). The Illyrian iris also grew in this valley, which

was prized by the Greeks (Beaumont 1936). The Greeks, being a seafaring people, also

desired to import ship-timber from Epirus and bitumen which was found near Selenicë

(south east of Apollonia) in Illyris (Hammond 1982b; Hammond 1992).

The Illyrian tribes were organized in a patriarchal society and were ruled by a

hereditary monarchy along with a warrior class. Excavation of Illyrian tumuli, especially

of the aristocratic or warrior graves, has resulted in the recovery of impressive metal

weapons and jewelry, showing a mastery of metal prior to Greek contact (Hammond

1982b). The Illyrians crafted pottery, tools, weapons, and ornaments (Prifti 1986).

Perhaps by coincidence alone, the fully developed use of iron among the Illyrians by the

eighth century B.C.E. coincides with the beginning of contact with the Greeks (Wilkes

1995).

9
 The region the Illyrians inhabited was rich in resources, which allowed them to

master metalworking techniques and also provided them with raw materials that were

attractive as trade commodities to others in the Adriatic. When the Liburnian tribe was in

control of Corcyra, it encouraged interaction between communities of Illyrians from the

Balkans and across the Adriatic near the heel of Italy (Hammond 1982b). Trade was an

important industry for the Illyrians and the topic of trade with the Greeks is further

discussed in chapter four.

Burial Customs

Archaeological investigations into the Illyrians have primarily focused on the

excavation of tumulus burials, because they are striking monumental features on the

landscape and contain much in the way of material and skeletal remains (Hammond

1982a; Papadopoulos et al. 2007). Due to the transhumant nature of the Illyrian tribes,

tumulus cemeteries are often not associated with an easily recognizable settlement

(Hammond 1982a; Hammond 1992). The central burial of the tumulus is identified as the

original burial, but a single tumulus can contain up to one hundred additional burials,

added after the tumulus foundation. In some tumuli, additional burials were added by

digging a shaft down into the tumulus where the burial was placed and the shaft then

refilled. In these types of tumuli, the burials cannot always be dated by stratigraphy and

can often dislodge components from previous graves (Hammond 1982a). Stratigraphy

can supplement ceramic information used in dating the burial when more elaborate

grave construction, such as brick or tile lined graves or limestone sarcophagi, is present

indicating that the tumulus was built up on the landscape instead of added by shaft

openings.

10
 Rich tumulus burials found in the north of Illyrian territory, particularly in the

Zadrime plain and the Mati valley, were constructed for the warrior or aristocratic

classes. These burials contain impressive burial goods including iron weapons, armor,

jewelry and fibulae made out of bronze (Hammond 1982b). The pinnacle of these

elaborate burials is assigned to the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E. Included in the burials

of Illyrian royalty and warriors were not only elaborate native goods, but also high-quality

pottery, metal wares, and jewelry of Greek origin. The presence of these Greek prestige

goods in Illyrian burials decreases considerably by the middle of the fifth century (Wilkes

1995). The practice of building tumuli was uninterrupted from the Late Bronze Age up

until the fourth century B.C.E. and well into the Roman period in some regions

(Hammond 1982b; Wilkes 1995).

Tumulus Burials at Apollonia

The tumulus burials excavated in recent years near the site of Apollonia show

differences in the time periods of use and display a great variety of burial types.

Excavations of the tumuli from the necropolis near Apollonia were first conducted in the

1950s, then again in the 1980s, in 1996, and most recently from 2002 through the

present (Amore 2005). The variety of burial types found in tumuli 9, 10, and 11 include:

simple pits, mud-brick lined pits, wood lined pits, tile lined pits (with a tile roof termed alla

cappuccina), sarcophagi, pot burials (enchytrismoi), in situ cremations, and urns (Amore

et al. 2005; Amore 2006). Simple pits and cremations were used throughout all periods,

but a single individual in a simple pit is the most common grave type. Burials in

enchrytrismoi or sarcophagi are characteristic of the Archaic and Classical periods, and

when these types begin to decline, the mud-brick lined pit graves increase in use. Adults

and subadults of both sexes were buried in the tumuli, many with associated grave

11
goods including pottery, bronze jewelry, bronze and iron strigils (tools used to scrape the

skin after bathing), and some bronze and iron weapons. At Apollonia, grave goods from

tumuli 9, 10, and 11 consist of a mixture of native and import materials. A decline in the

presence of grave goods is associated with the Hellenistic period (Amore et al. 2006)

Tumuli 9 and 11 are believed to have been used from the sixth to the end of the

fourth century B.C.E., which corresponds to the period of Greek colonization at

Apollonia. Tumulus 10 is unique among the tumuli in the necropolis excavated to date in

that it contains prehistoric burials from the Iron and Bronze ages and was therefore in

use prior to the foundation of Apollonia. Pre-colonial interaction is supported for this site

by the discovery in tumulus 9 of a Corinthian Type A transport amphora, which is dated

to the third to last quarter of the seventh century B.C.E., also preceding the foundation of

the colony. Corinthian influence upon the native Illyrians is clear through the presence of

Corinthian pottery among the grave goods as well as the use of monolithic limestone

sarcophagi, a Corinthian custom (Amore 2005).

12
 CHAPTER 3

GREEK EXPANSION: MIGRATION AND COLONIZATION

Beginning before the ninth century B.C.E. and continuing until the rise of the

Roman Empire, Greek people expanded throughout the Mediterranean and along the

Black Sea. Greek expansion was a combination of both migration and colonization. Prior

to 850 B.C.E. the movement of people was primarily migratory as the Greek mainland,

principal Aegean islands, and the western seaboard of Asia Minor were settled. The

second phase is the colonial movement, which began about 750 B.C.E. and continued

until about 550 B.C.E. (Gwynn 1918; Hammond 1975). The final phase of Greek

expansion involves the Macedonian kings and the Hellenization of the East, which was

accomplished by Alexander (Gwynn 1918). Consideration of the colonial phase will

dominate the discussion presented in this thesis. The motivations for colonization were

different at the start and the end of this phase, and the differences between the early

and later colonial stages are important to keep in mind.

The focus of this chapter is on the process of Greek colonization, particularly in

the area to the north of Greece known in the Classical Age as Illyria. While many Greek

city-states (poleis) participated in founding colonies throughout the Mediterranean and

along the Black Sea, it was Corinth that founded the major colonies in the Adriatic and in

Illyria which will be discussed. The hypotheses most often proposed to explain cases of

migration and/or colonization are examined as well as general features of early Greek

city-states, the process of Greek colonization, and the motivational factors for

establishing and maintaining colonies. This chapter provides the background for the

relationship between mother-city and its colonists in preparation for an examination of

the interaction between Greek colonists and the native Illyrians; the latter is the topic of

chapter four.

13
 Hypotheses for the Cause of Migration:

Sorting Truth from Common Misconceptions

In archaeology there is a danger of applying modern assumptions and

motivations when reconstructing past behavior. This is especially harmful when

erroneous explanations are offered by earlier archeologists, and in the absence of

opposition their explanations are accepted as fact. This is one of the primary challenges

for those attempting to fully understand Greek migration and colonization. A few of the

commonly accepted causes for the movement of people include environmental problems

(particularly silting), economic motivation, or desire to expand the Greek democratic or

oligarchic realm (Demand 1990). Gwynn (1918) explored the ideas that religious

missionary work or curiosity and adventure were possible causes for colonization, but

makes a convincing argument that overpopulation was the primary cause of Greek

colonization. Snodgrass (1994) takes the argument of overpopulation as the motivating

factor one step further, suggesting that the colonization movement was less motivated

by famine and more by a desire for land and the power that is inherently associated with

owning it. A brief examination of these potential motivating factors assists in

distinguishing the more likely explanations from the erroneous ones.

Prior to Alexander the Great, the end goal of Greek colonial expansion was not to

incorporate new territory and people into a Greek empire. Although united by language

and similar customs, there was no Greek empire; the largest political unit was the

independent city-state (polis). Unlike more modern examples of colonization, the Greeks

were not motivated to move in order to spread their political systems, culture, or religious

beliefs (Gwynn 1918). Likewise, colonization was not inspired wholly by curiosity or a

sense of adventure. Although historical evidence suggests that the Greeks were capable

sailors they were quite conservative in their sailing expeditions, often staying within sight

14
of the coastline (Gwynn 1918; Kirby 2001). The most commonly proposed reason for

expansion was to increase trade (Boardman 1999; Gwynn 1918) or to find markets for

surplus goods (Kirby 2001). Trade was certainly important once Greek colonies were

established, but it is questionable whether trade was the key motivating factor for

establishing the first colonies. The earliest Greek colonies were more likely established

to relieve stress on food resources from overpopulation (Gwynn 1918) as well as to

satisfy a desire for land (Snodgrass 1994). While many of these factors may have played

a part in the decision to send out a portion of the community in founding a colony

abroad, it seems that colonial efforts were initially a response to the strife caused by

overpopulation. Trade flourished after the establishment of colonies, prompting the

foundation of additional colonies to secure important trade routes (Gwynn 1918).

Corinth and Her Colonial Expeditions

The polis (pl. poleis; a small independent state commonly called a city-state) of

Corinth was one of the first established in the mainland of Greece. Poleis developed as

freemen of separate villages joined together in an agreement to become a united

community. Any one polis was therefore more powerful than a family group or village,

and this strength allowed for growth by either extending citizenship to other freemen and

expanding their small state or taking control of weaker neighbors by force (Hammond

1975). According to Aristotle, “The polis came into existence for survival; it continues to

exist for the good life” (Hammond 1975:14). The early Greeks had progressed to state

level in terms of social complexity, but the difference between modern states was one of

scale. Social complexity for early Greeks paused at the level of the polis without

continuing on to consolidate the individual poleis, each with separate laws and traditions,

into a larger nation. In Corinth, the original polis formed from the combination of eight

15
villages. The ruling members then chose to subjugate their neighbors in the process of

expansion to incorporate perioeci (‘the neighbors’) as well as serfs (Hammond 1975).

Corinth is located at the crossroads of both land and sea, putting it in a very

strategic location for commercial exploitation. Any traveler going between central Greece

and the Peloponnese by land, or from the Gulf of Corinth on the west to the Saronic Gulf

on the east by sea (see Figure 3-1), was met by the Corinthians. The seafarers

especially benefited from cooperating with Corinth by not only reducing their travel time

by passing through the narrow isthmus rather than rounding the entire Peloponnese, but

also by gaining protection offered by the Corinthian navy. In exchange for these

conveniences, the Corinthians collected tolls on the trade goods passing through. In

addition to this source of income, Corinth collected revenue by putting her own goods

into the market (Kirby 2001). From 700-550 B.C.E., Corinth produced some of the finest

pottery of the western Greeks as well as exceptional bronze cauldrons (Hammond

1975). Through exploitation of the trade networks that Corinth intercepted, this polis

achieved considerable wealth and importance. Additionally, Corinth built up its navy and

confidence in sea voyaging, which would prove necessary as its growing population put

pressure on her for both land and food (Kriby 2001)

16
Figure 3-1: Map of the Greek isthmus and Corinth - Modern and Ancient Corinth as

well as the two primary ports, rivers, and the isthmus that Corinth operated. Mainland

Greece and the Peloponnese are connected by the land bridge that the isthmus dissects

(Modified from Figure 4.11 in Crouch 2004:139).

Corinth is among the many poleis that were situated as sea-ports in Greece

(including Megara, Chalcis, Eretria, Phocaea, and Miletus; see Figure 3-2 below), which

beginning in the eighth century experienced the pressure of a growing population. As

sea-ports, these poleis were more circumscribed by natural barriers or powerful

neighbors than other poleis which prevented expansion into nearby territory as a viable

solution (Gwynn 1918). Also, the practice of land inheritance caused the land available

for cultivation to become more and more fragmented and consequently less productive

(Gwynn 1918; Kriby 2001). Kirby (2001) notes that some of the first attempts to relieve

this pressure can be observed in historical accounts that indicate modification of social

behavior, such as delaying marriage and procreation, increased infanticide, and

17
increased sibling marriage as means of limiting the number of mouths that the available

land would have to support. Behavioral modifications did not permanently relieve the

need for agricultural land and the desire of Greeks to own land, therefore, the long term

solution became colonization (Gwynn 1918; Kirby 2001; Snodgrass 1994).

After the inception of the polis in Corinth, a united aristocratic class called the

Bacchiadae rose to power. They responded to the need for land by investing some of

Corinth’s wealth in the establishment of colonies at Oeniadae, Corcyra, and Syracuse

(Hammond 1975). Unlike other colonies established at this time, Corinth strategically

established her own colonies where there was not only good agricultural land but also

sea-ports (Gwynn 1918). The Bacchiadae sent forth a large expedition to drive out the

Illyrian Liburnians and the Greek Eretrians (of Euboea) who inhabited Corcyra. That

expedition succeeded in founding a Corinthian colony at Palaiopolis, Corcyra in 733

B.C.E. (Hammond 1982b; Wilkes 1995). Another part of that expedition went on to found

the colony at Syracuse, Sicily. Establishment of these early colonies was an important

step for advancing Corinth’s power and notoriety. Through use of their naval fleet, they

proceeded to quell piracy in the Adriatic (Gwynn 1918; Hammond 1982b), which would

clear the waters for further colonization and trade.

18
Figure 3-2: Corinthian colonial expeditions - The first wave of colonization (solid

arrows) in 733 B.C.E. involved an expedition sent to establish colonies at Syracuse,

Sicily and Palaiopolis, Corcyra. The second wave of colonization (dashed arrows) was a

joint venture between Corinth and Corcyra and resulted in colonies being established at

Epidamnus in 625 B.C.E. followed by the foundation of the colony at Apollonia in about

600 B.C.E.. (Modified from Figure 17 in Boardman 1984:278)

19
Foundation of Epidamnus and Apollonia in Illyria

The Bacchiadae class split in 657 B.C.E. and for the following 75 years Corinth

was under the rule of a single person, known as a tyrant because one-man-rule was

contrary to the oligarchic ideals associated with the birth of the polis (Hammond 1975).

Although unpopular, tyrants succeeded in establishing colonies and developing trade

networks. After the foundation of the Corinthian colony on Corcyra, some of the

Liburnian inhabitants were displaced and returned to the Illyrian coast between the rivers

Shkumbi to the north and Aous to the south (see Figure 3-2), which had been settled by

the Taulantians since the Liburnians had re-settled on Corcyra. The Taulantians called

upon Corinth and her colony at Corcyra to assist them in combating the Liburnians in

about 625 B.C.E., which resulted in a Greek victory and the founding of a Greek colony

called Epidamnus. Although properly a colony of Corcyra, settlers were also sent from

Corinth and the aristocratic leader (oikist) selected from the Bacchiad family (Gwynn

1918). From Epidamnus, the Greeks then had control of the best passage across the

lower Adriatic from the north, in addition to the best passage in the south. Epidamnus

became a wealthy colony because the colonists there managed the trade by sea, and

they also exploited the transport of goods into and out of Illyris (Hammond 1982b).

Around 600 B.C.E., during the Cypselid tyrannical rule, Corinth and Corcyra

joined together again in the foundation of a colony near the Aous River. It was recorded

that about 200 Corinthian settlers were sent to establish good relations with the Illyrians

and to found a colony (Beaumont 1936; Hammond 1992; Wilkes 1995). The colony was

originally called Gylakia, after the original Corinthian oikist named Gylax, but was

renamed Apollonia around 588 B.C.E. (Gwynn 1918; Hammond 1982b). Malkin (1987)

proposes that when the need arose to change the name of their polis from Gylakeia

(possibly because of the fall of tyranny in Corinth); the citizens consulted the oracle at

20
Delphoi to determine what name they should call their polis and find out who should now

be oikist. The answer was to call the city Apollonia, and the oikist would therefore be the

god Apollo. The recovery of different pottery types such as Corinthian subgeometric,

Protocorinthian, and seventh-century Attic pottery in tumulus burials suggest that Greek

trade was already a feature for the Illyrians near Apollonia before the colony was

founded (Amore 2005; Hammond 1982b). The phase of Greek colonization to which

Apollonia belongs was inspired by trade more than overpopulation, and the foundation of

Apollonia served to fortify the prosperous colony of Epidamnus and the Corinthian

stronghold on Adriatic trade-routes (Gwynn 1918).

Relations between a Colony and the Mother-City

Colonization differs from relocation because while the whole population changes

locations in an act of relocation, in colonization the mother-city is retained and only a

small segment is moved to the new location (Demand 1990). The foundation of a Greek

colony was not a gradual process of settlers trickling in and building up a new polis. It

was a planned event, sanctioned by one or two city-states, and often sanctioned by an

oracular pronouncement. The location of the colony was known prior to setting sail, and

land at the colonial site was pre-divided amongst the selected colonists (Kirby 2001).

Colonists revoked citizenship of the mother-city in exchange for citizenship of the new

colony (Gwynn 1918). Although a colony became a fully independent polis upon its

foundation, there was a tendency for the colonists to try and re-create aspects of the

mother-city and to feel a bond in tradition, religion, and kinship with their mother-city

(Graham 1983; Hammond 1975).

The connection between the colony and mother-city was facilitated by the

appointment of an oikist, or aristocratic founder, who by Greek tradition retained

21
citizenship of the mother-city (Gwynn, 1918). The oikist served as the intermediary

between the colony and the mother-city, reinforcing the bond between the two (Kirby

2001). It was the oikist who made decisions about the use of land including the

placement of shrines and other sacred places, the times when ritual activities were

performed, and what laws and traditions the colony would follow (Malkin 1987). In return

for these duties, the oikist was given heroic honors after his death (Kirby 2001).

The relationship between Corinth and her colony at Corcyra is one of the most

interesting cases in the study of colony and mother-city relationships. In the beginning, it

seems that both Corinth and Corcyra cooperated in establishing colonies and expanding

trade in the Adriatic. However, Corcyra’s naval power and influence in the Adriatic

appears to have increased faster than did Corinth’s, which resulted in tension and

hostility (Graham 1983). Corcyra and Corinth co-founded the colonies at Epidamnus and

Apollonia, and while evidence suggests that Corcyra was the dominant party in the

foundation of these later colonies, Corinth still exerted her power by appointing a

Corinthian oikist, as seen at Epidamnus (Beaumont 1936; Graham 1983). Beaumont

(1952) suggests that Corinth ensured access to the colonies in Illyria by building a land

route to Apollonia to maintain a close relationship with the colony without having to pass

Corcyra by sea. Apollonia therefore was closely connected to her mother-city, calling on

Corinth to protect its independence when Corcyra began to yield too much influence

(Beaumont 1936; Graham 1983). Apollonia also proved its loyalty to Corinth by sharing

the spoils that resulted following Apollonia’s defeat of the Epirotic tribe at Thronium early

in the fifth century B.C.E. (Beaumont 1936; Beaumont 1952; Hammond 1982b). Despite

their quarrels, however, Corcyra paid the respect that was owed to its mother-city.

Overall, Corinth was able to boast about the good relations she maintained with

her colonies. For example, the colony at Syracuse was founded in the eighth century

and it turned to Corinth for help after falling on hard times four centuries later (Gwynn

22
1918). Corinthians and their colonists were also noted for maintaining good relations

with the native people where colonies were established. The colonizing Greeks were not

interested in incorporating the natives, but were interested in exploiting trade (Hammond

1975). Maintaining good relations with the native Illyrians in Epirus and Illyris

encouraged both import and export trade in this region.

Overview of Greek Colonization in Illyria

The Illyrians were present in the region north of Greece prior to the foundation of

the earliest Greek colonies in Illyria. Although there is evidence of the trade of Greek

goods preceding the earliest colonies (Boardman 1999; Hammond 1982b), it was with

the start of Greek colonization in the eighth century B.C.E. that the Greek and Illyrian

worlds began to collide. The first Greek colonizers were not operating under a strict

policy of subjugation or incorporation of the native peoples so as to expand their culture

or to build an empire (Hammond 1975). When the first colonies were founded, the Greek

polis was still a relatively new concept and each individual polis was independent, not

part of any larger Greek nation. Each new colony was an independent polis, although

there was a bond to and respect for its own mother-city (Gwynn 1918).

The earliest phase of Greek colonization was primarily motivated by the need for

land due to overpopulation at home. Corinth was one of the earliest and most successful

city-states at exploiting trade and in establishing colonies in the Adriatic. A phase of

colonial expansion primarily guided by economic motivations followed the foundation of

the initial colonies. Corinth and her colony on Corcyra fostered good relations with the

native Illyrian people, which encouraged both the foundation of additional colonies along

the Illyrian coast as well as trade. By the end of the fifth century B.C.E. Corinth

controlled the safest and easiest passage across the Adriatic.

23
 Despite the friction felt between Corinth and her very powerful colony at Corcyra,

Corinth maintained good relations with her colonies. As the colonies and the colonies of

colonies (such as Epidamnus and Apollonia) became more prosperous and established

on the landscape, their relationships with their mother-city (or cities) are known to have

changed, and one of the goals of this thesis is to show that the relationship with the

native Illyrians likewise changed.

24
 CHAPTER 4

INTERACTION OF ILLYRIANS WITH GREEK COLONISTS

One of the primary goals of this thesis is to explore the potential for changing

relationships between the Greek colonists and native Illyrians. The shift in this

relationship can be difficult to sort out from an archaeological context, and it is likely not

fully presented in the ancient historical record. Combining what has been reconstructed

from archaeology about the Illyrian people with what has been interpreted from the

ancient historical documents about Greek colonization in Illyria, we can begin to

reconstruct how the Greek colonists and native Illyrians interacted with one another. It is

from this combined viewpoint that a more complete picture of this interaction emerges.

Beginning with the earliest Greek perception of the Illyrians and progressing to the

Classical era of Greece when colonies were well established in Illyria, the evidence of a

changing relationship between the Greek colonists and the native Illyrians is analyzed.

Early Greek Perceptions of the Illyrians

The Greeks did not have to venture far from their homeland before they met a

people who they perceived as barbarians. The original term barbaros actually refers to a

speaker of gibberish, but Hammond (1975) indicates that even a Greek speaker who

lived at a tribal level of social development and not in a city-state (polis) was considered

a barbarian. Prior to the foundation of colonies outside of the Greek mainland,

merchants reported back to the Greeks about the people who lived to the north of them

who were primitive, living in tribes, speaking a language few could understand, and

consuming their food raw. Although as centuries of contact continued and more updated

descriptions were likely available, this viewpoint of a primitive people, as recorded by

25
Thucydides, was favored even by later writers. It was not until the establishment of

Greek colonies in Illyria that Greek people overcame their hesitation to move into Illyrian

territory (Wilkes 1995).

As noted in the previous chapter, however, the Corinthians were able to foster

friendly relations with the Illyrians. The Illyrian’s perception of the Greeks is challenging

to directly evaluate due to a lack of Illyrian historical documents, so their attitude towards

the Greeks can only be ascertained through their actions as recorded by other historians

and archaeological remains. Illyrian tribes invited Corinthians and Corcyreans to assist

them in settling their disputes with other Illyrian tribes, which led to the foundation of the

prominent Corinthian/Corcyrean colonies of Illyria. This good relationship not only

allowed the Corinthians to establish and populate colonies in Illyria, but it was also noted

as key for the prosperity of Corinthian trade.

Interaction through Trade

Much of Greece is lacking in natural resources, forcing trade to develop early;

while some goods were moved by land, the preferred method of trade was by sea (Kirby

2001). The Greeks exported wine, olive oil, pottery, clothing, jewelry, weapons, and

other luxury items (Hammond 1975; Kirby 2001). The primary imports from Illyria were

metals (copper, tin, gold, and silver), timber, salt, fish, and medicinal herbs (Graham

1990; Kirby 2001). As a sea-faring people, the Greeks were especially in need of timber

and bitumen, which was used as pitch for sealing their ships. At first the Greeks traded

with the native populations using a barter system (Beaumont 1936), but by the end of

the fourth century B.C.E. a money economy was developed and colonies would either

mint their own coin or use the coin of their mother-city (Prifti 1986).

26
 As mentioned in the pervious chapter, the Corinthian exploitation of trade was

pivotal in the development of the Corinthian navy and wealth, both of which enhanced

their colonial prowess (Hammond 1975). Although Corinthian goods were widely

dispersed and were traded in pre-colonial days, it is believed that Corinthians were not

among the earliest traders but it was some combination of other Greeks, the Etruscans,

or the Phoenicians (Graham 1990). While not acting directly as ship merchants, the

Corinthians were adroit exploiters of trade with a keen eye for economic opportunity.

Once Corinthian colonies were established, the colonial settlers were quick to

track down resources in their new backyard and to install systems with which to take

advantage of every economic avenue. Gwynn (1918) discusses that there was evidence

on the Adriatic and in Thrace of Greeks controlling mining operations manned by native

Illyrian tribes. To the southeast of Apollonia was a hill of fossilized pitch, or bitumen,

which the settlers soon brought under their control. The excellent pastureland near

Apollonia was viewed by the Greek settlers as another available resource and they

exploited this by levying taxes on the Illyrian nomadic pastoralists who brought their

flocks there to graze (Hammond 1992; Wilkes 1995).

Greek colonies in Illyria tended to stay close to the coast, never pushing too far

into the mainland. This was especially characteristic of Corinthian colonies because both

import and export trade could be controlled and taxed from their coastal ports. While

never penetrating far into the interior, when it proved opportunistic some colonies did

extend their district along the coastline. This was true of the settlers of Apollonia who

extended their territory and trade network south of the lower Aous River and along the

Aous River valley (Beaumont 1936; Hammond 1992).

Apollonia was built on a hill along the banks of the Aous River (the course of the

river has since changed). Although it was about 6 miles from the Adriatic coast, the river

was navigable from the site westward (Prifti 1986). Exploitation of the hinterland was

27
perhaps intensified at Apollonia because a sandbar near the entrance of the river made

travel along the Aous River difficult enough to prevent Apollonia from becoming a regular

port of call. The site where Apollonia was built was not easily defensible, which

demanded good relations with the native people in order to ensure their continued

presence (Hammond 1992). This information raises questions about how the Greek

settlers were able to maintain the requisite good relations with the natives when they

were exploiting their resources and labor while also absorbing their land and proceeding

to tax them for using it.

Control of Land

The success of the Greeks for planting colonies along the coastline is sometimes

attributed to their superior weapons and technology or to the lack of an Illyrian state

which could organize to resist the Greeks (Hammond 1975). The complete picture of

Greek and Illyrian interaction is likely more complex, requiring more finesse to establish

their control in the region while still maintaining friendly relations. What factors were in

play before, during, and after the foundation of Greek colonies in Illyria?

Although present for some time before the arrival of the Greeks, it appears that

some of the Illyrians were just moving southward into Illyria and Macedonia at the time

that the first Greek colonies were established (Hammond 1982a). Additionally, the

transhumant and tribal nature of the Illyrians did not seem to have involved ownership of

land (Hammond 1982b). Greek colonists may not have immediately been perceived by

the Illyrians as taking away their land because no particular tribe claimed prior

ownership.

The influence of Illyrian tribes on the seaboard rotated and rivalries between

certain Illyrian tribes had more precedent than hostility to the Greeks. As presented in

28
the previous chapter, when the Corinthians ousted the Liburnian tribe from Corcya in

733 B.C.E. it displaced the Liburnians to Illyris. This renewed tension between the

Liburnians and the Taulantians, who in turn sought the help of Corinth leading to the

foundation of Epidamnus in 625 B.C.E., which was then fortified by the foundation of

Apollonia around 600 B.C.E. (Hammond 1992; Prifti 1986). The Corinthians and

Corcyreans were recruited by the Taulantians, and they cooperated in establishing these

colonies. Initial cooperation with the Illyrians was then followed by exploitation and in

some cases oppression (Hammond 1975).

The Corinthian colonies at Apollonia and Epidamnus were successful because

they were able to maintain a good relationship with their Illyrian neighbors. Despite the

ensuing exploitation, there were benefits for the Ilyrians to continue their cooperation

with the colonists. The Greeks developed and managed an urban and capitalistic system

which allowed the Greeks and Illyrians to coexist in a mutually beneficial manner (Coja

1990; Hammond 1975). Aside from the Liburnians, most Illyrian tribes were not dominant

sea powers. The Greek establishment provided the framework for the Illyrians to expand

their trade while still maintaining much of their land and customs. Archaeological

evidence shows that the native tribes and Greek colonists throughout the Greek colonial

sphere coexisted peacefully while continuing to live within their own social organizations

(Coja 1990).

Corinthian colonial efforts were primarily motivated by economic opportunity.

Friendly relationships were created with certain Illyrian tribes prior to the foundation of

colonies in Illyria and were actually responsible for the founding of Epidamnus and

Apollonia. These good relationships were maintained so that even in the fifth and fourth

centuries B.C.E., the Illyrians were generally known as friends of Corinth (Beaumont

1936). The Illyrians may not have sensed that their land was being usurped because

they were neither strongly attached to the land through long historical presence nor a

29
sense of ownership. The coastal property so desirable to the Corinthians was less

important to the Illyrians than the pastures and territory in the hinterland. The earliest

Greek colonists did not immediately displace the native tribes in Illyria and Epirus and

they did not try to Hellenize them, but they allowed their separate social organization and

customs to continue unimpeded (Gwynn 1918). The mutual benefit of trade appears to

have been the driving force for maintaining peaceful relations.

Life and Death

The privileged class of Apollonia is believed to have been the descendents of the

original colonists who integrated the other colonists and native Illyrians into their

successful economic system (Wilkes 1995). The quantity of Greek products found with

native burials is a reflection of the level of commercial activity which gives insight into the

relations between the natives and colonists (Coja 1990). For example, high quantiies of

Greek goods within Illyrian graves indicates a high level of trade and suggests favorable

relations between the two parties. Despite being part of the same economic system, the

customs of each population were maintained so that from the founding of the colony

onward, separate Greek and Illyrian cemeteries were in use (Hammond 1982b). What is

not revealed archaeologically, however, is the possible cultural borrowing and changes

in the personal relationships between the Greek colonists and the native Illyrians.

It is possible that as early as the third century B.C.E., the typical character of a

Greek colony was either changed or lost at Epidamnus and Apollonia. This suggestion is

supported by the evidence of a high proportion of influential Illyrians, many controlling

high ranked positions. The freedom the Greeks allowed for the Illyrians to operate their

own social, cultural, and political systems meant that powerful Illyrian kings were

potential threats. Epidamnus was occupied by Illyrian kings of the Taulantii tribe twice

30
during the fourth century, the second of which simultaneously occupied Apollonia in 312

B.C.E. (Prifti 1986). It is speculated that this threat was acceptable to the Greeks to

maintain the colony and continue to operate the successful economic system

established at Apollonia.

Another potential source of admixture and changing relationships could be

Apollonia’s growth as a colony and extension of its territory. Later Greek colonists might

have been incorporated into the colony after its foundation, but they were likely not

offered citizenship. The first wave of colonists were granted a tract of land upon

foundation of the colony. The descendents of the founding colonists therefore inherited

the right to that land and the power associated with it (Gwynn 1918; Snodgrass 1994).

As Apollonia grew in power, it became advantageous to extend its territory southward

beyond the Aous River valley (Beaumont 1936; Hammond 1992). This extension led to a

greater number of unprivileged Greek colonists and native people being more

immediately incorporated into the Apolloniate economy. A struggle to maintain power is

often a concern when the number of unprivileged members of a population begins to

significantly outnumber that of the privileged group (Beaumont 1936). The number of

privileged citizens remained relatively fixed and the unprivileged colonists and native

populations assumed a subservient role; this division may have brought the unprivileged

class of Greek colonists and the native Illyrians closer together.

Although conscious of their own identity, the Greeks were noted for having an

absence of prejudice toward those of a difference color or religion. Intermarriage

between Greek colonists and members of the native populations sometimes occurred,

and it may have been common in the more remote colonial regions (Gwynn 1918). As

the unprivileged class of colonists grew through incorporation into the colonial system

and a sense of amity developed, it is reasonable to presume that Greek and Illyrian

intermarriages increased in frequency. Intermarriage would have increased the exposure

31
of each culture to the customs of the other and “the life of the Greek settlers must

gradually have become merged in the life of the surrounding nations” (Gwynn 1918:109).

Through the analysis of strontium isotope ratios from the dental enamel of selected

inhumations recovered from two Illyrian tumuli at Apollonia, it may be possible to

differentiate individuals born locally from those not born locally potentially identifying

Greek colonists and native Illyrians. If Greek colonists are identified within the Illyrian

tumuli, this would provide evidence for a closer relationship between the Greek colonists

and the Illyrians and provide evidence that some Greek colonists adopted the Illyrian

burial custom as opposed to burial in the Greek flat cemetery. This information can

provide insight into the changing relationship of the Illyrians and the Greek colonists as

reflected in their burial customs.

32
 CHAPTER 5

STRONTIUM ISOTOPE STUDIES: BACKGROUND AND METHODOLOGY

Strontium (Sr) isotope studies have been employed in an archaeological context

for several decades, and analysis of this as well as other chemical isotope compositions

of bones and teeth have become routine for some archaeologists in the growing

discipline of bioarchaeology (Larsen 1997). Bioarchaeology is an interdisciplinary field

where scientific techniques from other fields of research (e.g., biology, geology,

chemistry) can be applied to answer questions that interest physical anthropologists and

archaeologists. Chemical bioarchaeology developed out of the techniques employed in

isotope geochemistry and geochronology (Ambrose and Krigbaum 2003). The

geochemical background concerning the use of strontium is introduced in this chapter.

Ericson (1985) was the first to present the potential uses of strontium analysis for

reconstructing past behavior. Of the two primary applications, the first is based on the

elemental concentration of strontium in biological remains, which should be a measure

of the trophic position (location in the food chain) of the individuals analyzed. When

strontium is incorporated into the bones and teeth from the diet, it is selected against in

favor of calcium (Ca) so that the Sr /Ca concentration decreases as you go up the food

chain. The second primary application is that strontium isotope ratios of bones and teeth

reveal geological information, which can be used to reconstruct patterns of migration

(Price et al. 1994a).

This study focuses on the second of these applications where strontium isotope

ratios are analyzed to determine if they can provide direct information for differentiating

‘locals’ and ‘non-locals’ from two of the tumuli burials at Apollonia (Albania). Strontium

isotope ratios provide the potential to examine this information, which can be difficult to

assess employing traditional archaeological methods. Artifact analysis is limited in that

33
the distribution of certain styles of ceramics, art, or architecture may be the result of

trade of goods or ideas and not be a direct effect of migration or invasion. Similarly,

traditional physical anthropological methods aimed at directly analyzing human remains

to assess the diversity of a population can be inconclusive due to morphological patterns

caused by environmental influences (Price et al. 1994a; Price et al. 2004). Analysis of

strontium isotope ratios, however, provides a quantifiable means of distinguishing ‘local’

and ‘non-local’ individuals in a burial population. In light of this additional information,

archaeological data may reveal patterns which the bioarchaeologist can then use to

support inferences about the relationships of ancient people.

The theoretical background for how strontium isotope ratios can be used to

reconstruct patterns of migration begins the discussion in this chapter. A brief history of

how this technique has been applied over the past few decades reveals the problems

that were identified and the subsequent refinement of the methodology. This refinement

has largely been the result of researchers addressing complications caused by post-

mortem (diagenetic) changes in the biological tissues commonly sampled in this type of

analysis. Finally, the methods of strontium analysis performed in this thesis are

presented in detail.

Strontium Geochemistry

Strontium isotopes have been well studied as they are routinely used by

geologists to study the origin and age of rocks (Faure and Powell 1972). There are four

naturally occurring stable isotopes of strontium ( 88

38 Sr,
87
38 Sr, 86
38 Sr, and 84
38 Sr), with natural

isotopic abundances that are approximately 82.53 percent, 7.04 percent, 9.87 percent,

and 0.56 percent, respectively (Faure 1986; Faure and Mensing 2005). In strontium

34
stable isotope studies, the ratio of 87Sr/86Sr is most often reported because of the small

difference in isotopic number and the similarity in natural abundance.

Rubidium (Rb) occurs naturally in many rocks and minerals and the one

radioactive isotope of Rb, 87Rb (half life of about 4.7 x 1010 years), decays to a stable

isotope of strontium (87Sr), which is then also present in the rock formations (Faure and

Powell 1972). Rocks with more original Rb content contain more 87Sr than rocks that

initially contained less Rb. Due to the variety of rock types and the different ages of

rocks around the world, the isotopic composition of Sr changes and the ratio of 87Sr/86Sr

can act as a geological signature (Ericson 1985; Faure 1986). Rock formations that are

very old (>100 million years old) and originally had a very high Rb/Sr ratio will have a

very high 87Sr/86Sr ratio while rocks that are not as old (< 1-10 million years old) and

which had a low original Rb/Sr ratio will have a low 87Sr/86Sr ratio. Ratios of 87Sr/86Sr

generally vary from between 0.70000 and 0.75000 across this spectrum (Price et al.

2002). Strontium isotope ratios are reported to the fifth decimal place, and variations in

even the fifth place can be meaningful to a geochemist. For an archaeologist, the

modern values of 87Sr/86Sr are considered to be constant because the scale of time is

much smaller for archaeological than for geological considerations (Sealy et al. 1995).

Light isotopes, often analyzed for paleodietary reconstruction, including carbon,

nitrogen, and oxygen, are subject to a process called fractionation. This occurs when

there is a large difference in the mass of the isotopes of these elements and results in

the isotope ratios becoming measurably changed due to fluctuations in temperature or

other biological factors (Faure 1986). Strontium, however, is a heavy isotope with a very

small mass difference between the two isotopes in question so that the strontium isotope

ratio (87Sr/86Sr) is not subject to significant fractionation (Bentley and Knipper 2005; Blum

et al. 2000; Graustein 1989; Hurst and Davis 1981). Even if there was some amount of

strontium mass-dependent fractionation as it passed through the food web, it would be

35
corrected when analyzed by the mass spectrometer upon normalization to the constant

value of 86Sr/88Sr in natural rocks within the instrument (Beard and Johnson 2000;

Rehkämper et al. 2004)

Strontium is an alkaline earth element found in group 2A on the periodic table,

which also includes beryllium, magnesium, calcium, barium, and radium. Strontium (as

well as barium) is a non-nutrient trace element that is capable of substituting for calcium

and being incorporated into the mineral component (hydroxyapatite) of teeth and bones

as they are formed (Blum et al. 2000; Burton et al. 2003; Capo et al. 1998; Faure 1986).

Rainwater runs off of the local geological rock formations and into the soil transporting

strontium that has the 87Sr/86Sr ratio matching the local geology. Animals (including

humans) then drink the groundwater or ingest local plants and animals which have

picked up the local strontium signature in their diets and this intake provides the

strontium which is incorporated into bones and teeth. Because the strontium isotope

ratio is not subject to fractionation, the strontium obtained through dietary intake reflects

the local geology where an individual lived at the time when their bones and teeth were

formed (Blum et al. 2000).

Ericson (1985) proposed that strontium isotope studies would be able to trace the

life history of ancient people by testing different tooth and skeletal elements of the same

individual, which are formed at different phases of life. The theory is that teeth are

formed in the earliest years of life, and once formed they are not remodeled. Bone, on

the other hand, is reshaped and remodeled throughout life (White 2000) and chemical

analysis of bone represents the last six to ten years of life. Additionally, different types of

bone remodel and turn over completely at different rates so that compact bone (such as

the shaft of the femur) remodels every seven to ten years while cancellous or spongy

bone (such as the ribs) turns over in a fewer number of years. Therefore 87Sr/86Sr

analysis of different tissues of the same individual could be compared and if they differed

36
significantly then it is likely that the individual analyzed changed their residence (or place

from where they obtained their food and water) during the course of their life. Sealy et al.

(1995) put this to the test using many different tissue types from the same individual,

while many other studies were conducted comparing compact bone with tooth enamel

from the same individual (e.g., Ezzo et al. 1997; Grupe et al. 1997; Price et al. 1994a;

Price et al. 1994b; Price et al. 2001; Price et al. 2004). The technique of comparing

different components of the same person to reconstruct an individual’s migration history

initially generated excitement because when the data was analyzed as a population it

appeared that large portions of the study samples were migrants. Horn and Müller-

Sohnius (1999) contended that this method of multi-element comparison within an

individual (specifically as employed by Grupe et al. 1997) did not take into consideration

the effect of diagenesis on bone, which they suggested presented erroneous results.

Diagenesis is the first of the primary problems associated with strontium isotope

analysis studies. Other problems include how to establish the geological variety of
87
Sr/86Sr ratios and how to interpret the results in light of the range of variation observed

between individuals in a burial population (Ericson 1989; Price et al. 2002). Bone is a

complicated tissue in that it is constantly changing in vivo but is also capable of changing

in morphological form and chemical composition post mortem. Nelson et al. (1986)

demonstrated that archaeological bone takes on the chemical signature of the soil in

which it is buried. In addition to chemical changes due to mineral exchange by

groundwater, the soil type as well as the microbial environment cause morphological

changes to the bone (Child 1995; Grupe et al. 1993). It is now understood that

diagenesis is inevitable for archaeological bone (Schoeninger et al. 1989).

Methods were developed to remove diagenetic Sr from the surface of bones prior

to analysis. Price and his colleagues (e.g., Bentley and Knipper 2005; Bentley et al.

2004; Grupe et al. 1997; Price et al. 1994a; Price et al. 1994b; Price et al. 2001; Price et

37
al. 2004) used a method of surface cleaning followed by an overnight soak in one normal

(1N) acetic acid, which was believed to remove the diagenetic material and preserve the

biogenic component. Sillen and LeGeros (1991) as well as Sealy et al. (1995) employed

a method they refer to as ‘solubility profiling’ where washes in acetic acid are repeated

and each round of washes is analyzed to separate the diagenetic contaminants from

washes believed to represent uncontaminated biogenic material (Katzenberg 2000).

Sillen and Sealy (1995) showed that the solubility profile method did not result in

recrystallization of bone mineral, which would result in a mixing of diagenetic Sr added to

the bone surface and biogenic Sr. To Sillen and Sealy (1995) the solubility profile

method appeared to be superior because they believed that diagenetic Sr only added to

the surface of bone. However, other researchers showed that while solubility profiling did

remove some contaminants from bone and tooth dentin, these tissues were never fully

free of contamination and the most reliable tissue for strontium analysis was tooth

enamel (Hoppe et al. 2003; Trickett et al. 2003).

Hoppe et al. (2003) and Trickett et al. (2003) also showed that diagenetic

contamination was not just additive, but involved partial exchange with the original

biogenic material. Groundwater percolating through buried remains will cause a variable

degree of digenesis according to the pore size and structure of the biological tissue

present (Hedges and Millard 1995). Bone is a relatively porous material with tiny

hydroxyapatite crystals while tooth enamel is not porous and is composed of larger

crystals, making dental enamel much more resistant to diagenesis (Ambrose and

Krigbaum 2003; Ericson 1989; Hoppe et al. 2003; Koch et al. 1997). Budd et al. (2000)

suggested that in vivo strontium isotope ratios are approximately the same for dental

enamel and the underlying dental tissue, dentin. Due to the increased organic content of

dentin and in vivo blood supply to this tissue (which increases the surface area subject

to diagenesis) dentin does not retain the same 87Sr/86Sr ratio as dental enamel post

38
mortem. While dentin is less reliable than enamel as an indicator of the biogenic
87
Sr/86Sr ratio, it has been shown to be more resistant to diagenesis than bone (Budd et

al. 2000; Hillson 2005; Kohn et al. 1999; Trickett et al. 2003). More recent studies have

begun to eliminate examination of bone tissue or dentin in favor of dental enamel, which

is then compared to the local signature to distinguish non-locals (e.g., Bentley and

Knipper 2005; Bentley et al. 2005; Bentley et al. 2007; Budd et al. 2000; Budd et al.

2003; Budd et al. 2004).

It is clear that dental enamel is the most reliable tissue available for 87Sr/86Sr

analysis, but without having bones of the same individual with which to compare the

enamel isotope ratios, it is necessary to establish the local geochemical signature.

Where local geology is relatively uniform it is evident that the local geologic 87Sr/86Sr

ratios are directly reflected in the soil and through the food chain (Blum et al. 2000).

Where the geology is more diverse, however, soil 87Sr/86Sr ratios have been found to be

more variable and data from geologic surveys or limited soil tests may not represent the

range of variation that is displayed in the human or animal remains analyzed (Price et al.

2002). Some have suggested that surface waters may provide an average signature

(Chiaradia et al. 2003), but contamination from pollution and fertilizer run-off at many

locations makes this method less desirable (Martin and McCulloch 1999). Additionally,

analyzing the isotopic composition of Sr in surface water requires a consideration of the

complexity of the local geology and drainage system (Faure and Mensing 2005). Capo

et al. (1998) suggested that leaching soil from a number of sites in the area of question

with weak acid would provide a better indication of the bioavailable strontium. Other

researchers, however, suggest that a better proxy for bioavailable strontium is to analyze

tooth enamel of fossil and modern animals known to have been born and raised locally

or using snail shells which are known to have a limited range and would represent an

average value of the strontium available in that area (Bentley et al. 2004; Price et al.

39
2002). Once the local geochemistry is established then extreme outliers from the local

range are easy to differentiate as non-local individuals. The topic of how to interpret the

results is discussed in further detail in chapter seven.

In light of these more recent studies, the methods employed in this thesis depend

upon the 87Sr/86Sr ratio analysis of tooth enamel. The 87Sr/86Sr ratio of a sample of tooth

dentin from the same individuals was also analyzed as a proxy for bone (Budd et al.

2000) to establish the local geochemical base line. Modern snail shells were collected

and the 87Sr/86Sr ratio analyzed as another indicator of bioavailable Sr near Apollonia.

Tooth enamel, tooth dentin, and snail shells were all prepared for 87Sr/86Sr ratio analysis

using the same methods, which are presented in detail below.

Methods and Materials

Samples and Sample Preparation

The burial population of tumuli 9 and 10 from the necropolis at Apollonia were

sampled for this analysis. From the recent excavations of these tumuli, 79 total

individuals were uncovered in tumulus 9 and about 80 individuals were uncovered in

tumulus 10. In tumulus 9 the number of children buried (n=39) is nearly equal to the

number of adults present (n=37) with the addition of two juvenile/sub-adults. Sex

determination for the 37 adults in tumulus 9 is limited by skeletal preservation, but it

appears that the number of males and females is also quite equal (9 certain females, 4

probable females vs. 6 certain males, 7 probable males; 11 adults were given no sex

assignment). Tumulus 10 revealed a disproportionate number of children (n=17) from

adults (n=63); details concerning sex assignments are not yet available (Amore 2005;

Amore et al. 2006).

40
 Teeth from 29 burials sampled from tumulus 9 and tumulus 10 were prepared

and analyzed for Sr-isotope ratio and concentration analyses. The first permanent molar

was selected for every individual (except one where the second permanent molar was

substituted) because it starts forming in utero and continues to form through childhood

until construction is complete somewhere between the age of nine and twelve years

(Hillson 2005). Crown formation was complete in all tooth samples, but many of the teeth

from this burial population display heavy attrition, calculus, and caries. The portion of

enamel submitted for analysis was carefully cleaned of calculus and selected to recover

a suitable amount of enamel away from sites of heavy attrition and sites of caries while

preserving as much of the remaining tooth as possible. In the cases where dentin was

also collected from a tooth a quarter section of the crown was removed and the enamel

and dentin samples were subsequently separated from one another.

Prior to any cutting of the tooth, the surface around the desired enamel was

abraded to clean away adhering dirt or calculus using a tungsten carbide dental bur. A

diamond impregnated cutting disc was then used to cut the enamel section from the

crown. All adhering dentin was then cut or burred away and larger portions of dentin

were collected for separate analysis and all powder was discarded. Once the enamel

appeared clean of dentin, all surfaces of the enamel sample were once again abraded.

The sample was weighed to ensure that between 10-50 mg of cleaned enamel for each

sample was collected prior to additional cleansing steps. The enamel sample was then

cleaned ultrasonically in high purity water (Millipore Alpha Q = MilliQ water) for

approximately ten minutes. The waste water was removed by pipette and the sample

was rinsed twice more in MilliQ water before being placed in a labeled Eppendorf® vial.

To prevent contamination, cutting wheels and burs were ultrasonically cleaned in MilliQ

water for ten minutes and then dipped in 2M nitric acid (HNO3) and rinsed again in MilliQ

water between uses in cutting samples from different individuals.

41
 Modern snail shells were collected around the site of Apollonia for analysis.

Whole shells were placed in beakers and ultrasonically washed for 15 minutes with

MilliQ water, the water was changed and the shells were washed an additional hour after

which that water was discarded and the shells were washed for 15 minutes in acetone.

After discarding the acetone the shells were broken into small pieces and ultrasonically

washed in MilliQ water another five minutes to ensure that all surface material was

removed. The shell pieces of each snail were then transferred to separate clean 2 mL

Eppendorf® vials. To each of these vials 1.5 mL of 1.5% NaOCl was added and the vials

were then mixed by a rotator overnight. This solution was decanted the next day and

replaced with a stronger oxidizing agent (1.5 mL of 2.5% NaOCl), which was left to

rotate for several days. The NaOCl was removed with a pipette, rinsed twice with MilliQ

water, and then transferred to the clean laboratory.

Clean Laboratory Sample Preparation

The cut and cleaned enamel samples were transferred to a clean (class 100,

laminar flow) laboratory for the next phase of preparation. Once in the clean lab the

samples were rinsed three times with MilliQ water, removing the waste water by pipette

each time. After the samples dried down under a flow of air in a clean lab working space,

the samples were divided into four batches. The samples from each batch were then

weighed separately into pre-cleaned (acid leached) Teflon or Savillex® beakers.

Included with each batch of samples was a beaker that had a weighed amount of

powdered cattle tooth enamel (FBC standard) added to it as a control for the 87Sr/86Sr

ratio analysis for each batch submitted. Another control beaker (containing no sample or

cattle tooth standard referred as the ‘blank beaker control’) was also included in each

42
batch at this step to ensure that the beakers were devoid of contamination which might

have jeopardized the results.

Into all beakers (containing sample, standard, or the black beaker control)1 mL of

65% (14.3M) Suprapur HNO3 was added, the beakers were capped and then staggered

along a hot plate and heated to and held at 120°C. After several hours the enamel or

dentin sample had been fully digested by the acid, at which point the lids were carefully

removed to accelerate evaporation to dryness, which took several more hours. During

this process the beakers were routinely shifted from the front to the back of the hot plate

to ensure even heating and rotated 180° to reduce the build up of condensation on one

side caused by the unilateral direction of air flow. Once evaporation was complete the

beakers were removed from heat and 1 mL of 3M HNO3 was added drop wise around

the inside edges of each beaker to dissolve the now digested sample. Each sample, now

in 3M HNO3, was then transferred from the beaker to labeled Eppendorf® vials. The

sample in solution contained the mineral part of the tooth, the organic matrix having

been disrupted through the digestion process.

The next phase involved separation of Sr from the mineral components of the

sample solution. Separation is possible using ion exchange column chromatography

(see description below). The plastic columns (BioRad Poly-Prep®) used were first

collected from a 6M hydrochloric acid (HCl) cleaning bath and rinsed repeatedly with

MilliQ water before being set in the rack. One column for each of the samples collected

in the previous step (including the standard and the blank beaker control) in addition to

one extra column to serve as a control was required for each batch. Each column was

equipped with a porous frit near the bottom and to ensure the frit was rinsed of HCl the

columns were filled twice with MilliQ water and the waste water was collected in a tray

below. A 0.5 cm bed of Eichrom® Sr spec resin (suspended in MilliQ water) was added

to each of the rinsed columns so that the resin settled in an even layer on top of the

43
column frit. The resin was then rinsed twice by carefully loading 2 mL of MilliQ water with

an Eppendorf pipette to each column so as to not excessively disturb the resin layer.

The resin of each column was then conditioned with 3 mL of 3M HNO3 before loading

the 1 mL sample solution which was also in 3M HNO3 to its corresponding column. The

control column in this step was loaded with 3 mL of 3M HNO3.

Ion exchange chromatography is based on the principal that different chemicals

and elements can be separated by their net charge. The resin in the column attracts and

binds to the charged strontium (Sr+2) and allows the other elements in the original

sample solution to pass through the frit and be collected into the vials below. The eluted

sample was loaded onto the column three additional times to ensure that the resin

picked up the majority of the Sr in the sample. After the fourth time that the sample

solution was passed through the column then three washes of 400 µL of HNO3 were

added to each column to rinse the Sr-loaded resin and these washes were collected as

waste. Empty labeled 2 mL Eppendorf® vials were then placed below each column and

1.5 mL of MilliQ water was passed through each column. The addition of water changed

the binding quality of the resin so that the Sr was released and eluted in this wash. The

samples were then transferred from the vials to clean Teflon or Savillex® beakers,

staggered on a hot plate, and heated to and held at about 100°C until the solution was

completely evaporated. Once fully evaporated the collected Sr was represented by a

small yellow dot at the bottom of the beaker. The final step in this portion of the

preparation was to dissolve the dot of Sr in 1 mL of 3% HNO3 and transfer this solution

to a clean and labeled Eppendorf® vial.

44
Sr-Isotope and Concentration Analysis

The Sr-isotope and concentrations were determined on a Neptune Multicollector

Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometer (MC-ICP-MS) at the Max Planck

Institute in Leipzig, Germany. All Sr ratios have been corrected to an accepted value

according to the deviation of the average values from the standard in each batch run

from the known 87Sr/86Sr value of 0.710240. Fourteen measurements of the MES

standard (adopted 87Sr/86Sr value of 0.710240) during the analysis on the MC-ICP-MS

produced an average value of 0.710257 ± 0.0002 (2 σ). The samples were diluted prior

to being loaded into the mass spectrometer. The Sr concentration was calculated based

on the original mass of the digested sample and the concentration of Sr measured in the

total sample collected off of the column and corrected for the dilution factor of 0.625. The

Sr concentration for each sample was also adjusted according to its deviation from an

international value of 156 parts per million (ppm) and the value generated for the FBC

cattle standard for each batch. The adjustment was performed by dividing the Sr

concentration reported for the FBC cattle tooth in each batch by the 156 ppm value and

then dividing the reported value for each sample by the FBC standard/156 value. This

correction allows for comparison of values among separate batch runs and for

comparison with other studies. The corrected results are presented in Table 6-1 in the

results section.

45
 CHAPTER 6

RESULTS

Local geochemistry for the site of Apollonia was established by analyzing the

strontium isotope ratio (87Sr/86Sr) of modern snail shells as well as dentin from a

selection of the individuals sampled in this study. The modern snails (n=2; duplicate

analysis for snail 1) were selected according to the suggestion of Price et al. (2002) and

Bentley et al. (2004) to use either a variety of local animal bones or snail shells to

establish local levels of bioavailable strontium. Dentin (n= 7; duplicate analysis for

individual 15) was used by Budd et al. (2000) as a proxy for bone to determine local
87
Sr/86Sr, because dentin is more prone to the effects of diagenesis than enamel. The

enamel samples (n=29; duplicate analyses for individuals 9, 10, 11 from tumuli 9) are

resistant to diagenetic change and significant differences in enamel are the basis for

distinguishing locals and non-locals. Both 87Sr/86Sr ratios and strontium concentration

values were assessed for all samples and these corrected values are presented in Table

6-1.

Figure 6-1 is a visual representation of the 87Sr/86Sr data collected for each

individual sampled (29 separate human samples and 2 separate snail samples).

Duplicate analyses are presented in this figure, for example individuals 9 has two square

markers representing duplicate data for enamel 87Sr/86Sr data and one diamond marker

representing the dentin 87Sr/86Sr from this individual. Individual 15 has two diamond

markers representing duplicate 87Sr/86Sr analysis of the dentin tissue, which overlaps the

square marker for the enamel 87Sr/86Sr value. The shell of snail 1 (individual 30 in Table

6-1 or Figure 6-1) was sampled twice using different portions of the shell (inner and

outer coil). These duplicate analyses were used to test for variability through micro-

sampling within different tissue types (Balasse 2003; Schweissing and Grupe 2003).

46
 The strontium concentration data is plotted against the 87Sr/86Sr ratios for the

different tissue types in Figure 6-2. This chart provides additional information about

variability between and within different tissue types sampled. Comparison of Figure 6-2

with the corrected raw data in Table 6-1 is useful for analyzing this variation, which might

indicate which tissues were most affected by diagenesis. Budd et al. (2000) suggested

that Sr levels and 87Sr/86Sr ratios are similar for enamel and dentin in vivo, so extreme

differences between these values would suggest the degree of diagenetic alteration in

the dentin tissue. Comparison of the strontium concentration data and the 87Sr/86Sr ratios

for the enamel could also be useful for indicating differences in dietary behaviors.

Strontium concentration is useful as a trophic indicator and therefore individuals eating

more meat will have lower Sr concentrations than those eating more vegetation (Price et

al. 1994a).

Three individuals sampled (individuals 17, 19, and 22) show distinctly higher
87
Sr/86Sr ratios (>0.709800) than the predominant cluster around the average 87Sr/86Sr

value of 0.78800 (Figure 6-1; Figure 6-2). The three outlying individuals fall well outside

of the two standard deviation margins, which bracket the majority of samples in this

analysis. Two standard deviations from the average of a sample set conservatively

includes the majority of the ‘local’ population, so that individuals falling well outside of

this margin are identifiable as ‘non-locals’. Analysis of this data involves identifying the

potential limitations in what can be inferred from strontium isotope ratio data in the

process of reconstructing patterns of migration. The results are analyzed in chapter

seven to determine the significance of the three outliers especially in light of the details

about age at death, sex, chronological period to which they belonged, and basic

mortuary details (Table 6-2).

47
Table 6-1: 87Sr/86Sr ratios and strontium concentrations of human tooth enamel,

dentin, and modern snail shell samples collected at Apollonia - Human tooth

samples come from tumuli 9 and 10 and the snail shells are modern and were collected

near the site. The individual numbers correspond to the individuals listed in Figure 6-1.

Duplicate analyses presented where applicable (individuals 9, 10, 11, and 15 as well as

30). Highlighted 87Sr/86Sr ratios indicate the outliers. L-Left, R-Right, M-Molar, subscript

numbers indicate first or second mandibular molars while superscript numbers indicate

the first or second maxillary molars. Ex. LM1 = Left maxillary first molar.

Sr Sr
87
Sr/86Sr Concentration 87
Sr/86Sr Concentration
Individual Grave of Tooth of Tooth of Tooth of Tooth Dentin
# # Tooth Enamel Enamel (ppm) Dentin (ppm)

Apollonia Tumulus 9
1 5 LM1 0.708901 198 - -
2 9 LM2 0.708955 140 - -
3 19 LM1 0.708853 86 - -
4 26 RM1 0.708942 133 - -
5 26 LM1 0.708893 120 - -
6 29 LM1 0.708613 37 - -
7 34 RM1 0.708772 68 - -
8 36 LM1 0.708732 88 - -
0.708909 108
9 39 LM1 0.708918 115 0.708860 106
0.708885 133
10 45 LM1 0.708904 102 0.708834 278
0.708995 81
11 46 LM1 0.708972 89 0.708974 89
12 55 RM1 0.708928 103 - -
13 57 LM1 0.708879 89 0.708764 107

48
Table 6-1: (continued)

Sr Sr
87
Sr/86Sr Concentration 87
Sr/86Sr Concentration
Individual Grave of Tooth of Tooth of Tooth of Tooth Dentin
# # Tooth Enamel Enamel (ppm) Dentin (ppm)

Apollonia Tumulus 10
1
14 9 LM 0.708946 107 0.70892 152
0.708877 43
15 10 RM1 0.708870 58 0.708854 36
16 22 LM1 0.708878 97 0.708782 107
17 38 RM1 0.710063 53 - -
18 39 RM1 0.708921 57 - -
19 40 RM1 0.710250 66 - -
20 46 RM1 0.708534 48 - -
21 50 LM1 0.708921 73 - -
22 59 LM1 0.709799 122 - -
23 60 RM1 0.708926 71 - -
24 61 LM1 0.708699 129 - -
25 62 LM1 0.708958 46 - -
26 63 LM1 0.708921 89 - -
27 71 RM1 0.708849 89 - -
28 75 LM1 0.708695 76 - -
29 41 LM1 0.709038 82 - -
Sr
87
Sr/86Sr Concentration
Individual of Snail of Snail Shell
# Snail # Element Shell (ppm)

Modern Snail Shell

Outer Coil 0.708692 319
30 Snail 1 Inner Coil 0.708669 437
31 Snail 2 Inner Coil 0.708441 331

49
 0.710400

0.710200

0.710000

0.709800
Strontium Isotope Ratio (87Sr/86Sr)

0.709600
Enamel

0.709400 Dentin

Modern Snail Shell

0.709200

0.709000

2 SD
0.708800

0.708600

0.708400

0.708200
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
Individual Sampled

Figure 6-1: Distribution of 87Sr/86Sr ratio values divided by tissue type for each

individual sampled - Enamel and dentin samples from the same individual are plotted

in line with one another as are duplicate analyses for the same tissue type. The average

from the range of values is displayed as the solid black line, while the dashed lines mark

off the two standard deviation limits.

50
 0.710400

0.710200

0.710000

0.709800
Strontium Isotope Ratio (87Sr/86Sr)

0.709600
Enamel
0.709400 Dentin

Modern Snail Shell

0.709200

0.709000

2 SD
0.708800

0.708600

0.708400

0.708200
0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 500
Sr Concentration (ppm)

87
Figure 6-2: Sr/86Sr and strontium concentration comparison for dental enamel,

dentin, and modern snail shell analyzed - The average from the range of values is

displayed as the solid black line, while the dashed lines mark off the two standard

deviation limits.

51
Table 6-2: Archaeological burial details for samples collected at Apollonia - Details

about individuals sampled including age, sex, chronological assignment, burial type, and

grave good presence. Highlighted rows indicate the outliers. Sex: M-Male, F-Female, U-

Unsexed, ?-Uncertainty. Age (at death): Child (<15 years old); Adult (>20 years old).

Individual # Grave # Age Sex Period Grave Type Grave Goods Y/N

Apollonia Tumulus 9
1 5 Adult F Classical Enchytrismos Y
2 9 Adult M Late Classical Mud-brick Y
3 19 Child U Late Classical Mud-brick Y
4 26 Adult M? Hellenistic Brick Y
5 26 Adult M Hellenistic Brick Y
6 29 Adult M Classical Simple Pit Y
7 34 Child U Archaic Enchytrismos Y
8 36 Adult M? Hellenistic Simple Pit Y
9 39 Adult U Late Classical Mud-brick Y
10 45 Adult F? Archaic Simple Pit Y
11 46 Adult F Classical Sarcophagus Y
12 55 Adult F? Archaic Sarcophagus Y
13 57 Adult F Classical Simple Pit Y

Apollonia Tumulus 10
14 9 Adult M Classical - Y
15 10 Adult M Classical - N
16 22 Adult F Classical Tile -
17 38 Adult U Prehistoric - -
18 39 Child U Prehistoric - Y
19 40 Adult M Prehistoric - N
20 46 Adult U Prehistoric - -
21 50 Adult M Prehistoric - Y
22 59 Adult U Classical - -
23 60 Adult M Prehistoric Simple Pit -
24 61 Adult U Classical - -
25 62 Adult U Prehistoric Simple Pit -
26 63 Adult U Prehistoric Simple Pit -
27 71 Adult U Prehistoric Simple Pit -
28 75 Adult U Prehistoric Simple Pit -
29 41 Adult U - - -

52
 CHAPTER 7

DISCUSSION

While strontium isotope ratio analysis has the advantage of providing discrete

quantitative data for answering archaeological questions, there are a number of

limitations to what can be inferred from the results. The limitations are presented here,

as well as a brief review of the methods of analysis which are commonly employed in

strontium isotope ratio studies. The possible interpretations of the results presented in

chapter six are then discussed. The results are interpreted to show how they either

support or oppose the hypothesis proposed for this thesis; as the colony at Apollonia

grew in power and expanded its realm of influence the relationship of native Illyrians and

Greek colonists changed so that the Greeks began to adopt Illyrian customs including

placement in Illyrian tumuli. General patterns from the mortuary analysis are likewise

examined.

Limitations to 87Sr/86Sr Ratio Studies

Initial migration studies analyzed 87Sr/86Sr ratios in tooth enamel and skeletal

elements with different rates of turn-over to construct a more complete picture of mobility

for a single individual (e.g., Price et al. 1994a; Price et al. 1994b; Sealy et al. 1995). The

method of multi-element comparison of the same individual has since been discredited

due to the inevitability of diagenesis for archaeological bone (Nelson et al. 1986;

Schoeninger et al. 1989). Further, diagenesis cannot be completely overcome for bone

and dentin tissues by the methods devised to remove diagenetic strontium (Trickett et al.

2003). As dental enamel is the most resistant tissue to diagenetic change, 87Sr/86Sr ratio

studies have become limited to the use of this tissue exclusively. While an individual

53
may have migrated to a new location multiple times during their life, it is only possible to

determine if an individual spent their childhood (the period of time when the tooth

analyzed was forming) at a location with a distinctly different 87Sr/86Sr ratio signature

than the area where they were buried. The ‘non-local’ identified in this way may also

have been raised nearby, but visited other areas or obtained much of their food and

drink during their childhood from a distinctly different geochemical region making ‘non-

local’ a more appropriate term than ‘migrant’ (Bentley et al. 2003a; Bentley et al. 2004).

For this method to work there must be a significant difference between the
87
Sr/86Sr ratio at the local site and the site from which the ‘non-locals’ migrated (Ericson

1985). This may pose a problem in this study because of the proximity to the coast

shared by Corinth, Corcyra, and Apollonia. Sea water throughout the Holocene has been

assessed to have a nearly worldwide constant 87Sr/86Sr value of 0.70915 (Bentley et al.

2007; Ericson 1985; Faure and Powell 1972; Hoppe et al. 2003; Price et al. 1994). Due

to the shared proximity to the coast, the geochemical 87Sr/86Sr signatures may be too

similar for a colonist from either Corinth or Corcyra and the local signature at Apollonia

so that ‘non-locals’ may be indistinguishable from ‘locals’.

Another one of the general limitations for strontium isotope studies is that it is

only possible to identify first generation migrants to a site (Price et al. 2004). The
87
Sr/86Sr ratio in the tooth enamel of children born to newly arrived migrants in the new

place of residence is the same (with natural variation occurring from slightly different

dietary sources) as the local native population. The Greek colonists that founded the

colony at Apollonia around the sixth century B.C.E. may show a distinctly different
87
Sr/86Sr ratio than the local Illyrians, but after the founding colonists settled and had

children, the Greek and Illyrian 87Sr/86Sr signatures would be the same.

54
 Analysis of the Results from Apollonia

Prior to analyzing the results, it is useful to reconsider some of the primary topics

presented in earlier chapters that are pertinent to the central hypothesis of this thesis. In

earlier chapters, it was established that the Illyrians occupied the site of Apollonia prior

to strong Greek influence. Corinth was identified as a major colonizing power, and the

Corinthian colony of Apollonia, Illyria was known to be economically successful.

Evidence was presented above to support the existence of good relations between the

Illyrians and the Greek colonists at Apollonia. While there may have been colonists that

trickled in after the colony was founded, it was the initial founding families and their

descendents that controlled the land and the inherent power of owning land in the Greek

polis at Apollonia. It is therefore possible to envision two classes of Greek colonists: 1)

the “privileged” founding colonists and their descendents, and 2) the “unprivileged” later

colonists who did not own land. As Apollonia expanded its territory and realm of

influence southward along the Adriatic coast, more “unprivileged” Greek colonists and

native Illyrians were incorporated into the economic system of the colony. An imbalance

in the number of “privileged” and “unprivileged” (non land owning) people in the colony

resulted in the polis changing from the traditional Greek format to a more diverse

platform which incorporated both the Greeks and the Illyrians.

If an individual sample is revealed to have a non-local 87Sr/86Sr signature, then

this individual could be an Illyrian individual that spent their childhood elsewhere and

moved to Apollonia prior to their death. It is also possible that an Illyrian with a non-local

signature was nomadic and never settled near Apollonia, but after their death they were

transported to the tumulus at Apollonia to be buried there in a ceremonial way

(Papadopoulos et al. 2007). In either case, they moved or were moved to Apollonia

having spent their childhood in another environment. Depending on the chronological

55
time period assigned to the burial, it is also possible that a non-local signature could

represent a first generation Greek migrant, either one of the founding (privileged) or later

(unprivileged) colonists. A local signature could be assigned to either an Illyrian person

or the descendants of Greek colonists born and raised through childhood at Apollonia.

With these general interpretations in mind, it is now possible to discuss the details for

analyzing and interpreting the results obtained in this study.

The methods for analyzing the 87Sr/86Sr ratio data has changed slightly in accord

with the necessary modification in sampling. Originally it was proposed that the 87Sr/86Sr

ratio in tooth enamel and skeletal elements could be directly compared, and if the

difference between them was significant then it suggested a change of residence (e.g.,

Price et al. 1994a; Price et al. 1994b). Grupe et al. (1997) employed several means of

analysis to their data including a cut off of 0.001 between enamel and bone samples.

Price et al. (2004) considered this method to be an arbitrary assessment, but supported

another method that group employed, which was a cut off ± 2 standard deviations from

the average 87Sr/86Sr ratio of the bone samples from the site. This cut off has become

the standard method in studies exclusively examining strontium isotopes for

distinguishing non-locals from locals out of the range of isotope ratio values reported,

and it is considered to be a conservative method (Grupe et al. 1997; Price et al. 2001;

Price et al. 2002; Price et al. 2004).

Local geochemistry for Apollonia was established by analyzing the strontium

isotope ratio (87Sr/86Sr) of modern snail shells as well as dentin, the latter used as a

proxy for bone to establish the geological base-line from a selection of the individuals

sampled in this study. The average value for enamel samples not including the extreme

outliers (n=29 including duplicate runs) was determined to be 0.70880, the average for

the dentin samples (n=7 including duplicate runs) was found to be 0.70890, while the

average value for the snail samples was 0.70860. The clustered enamel samples,

56
dentin, and snail shells (Figure 6-2) represented the ‘local’ range where the 2 standard

deviation value is 0.0002. Figures 6-1 and 6-2 show the ± 2 standard deviation margins.

Samples which fall right at the margins or slightly out of this range (individuals 6, 11, 20,

and 29 in Figure 6-1) may represent potential migrants, but it is more likely that these

are just on the outskirts of the range of natural variation within the small population

analyzed. It is much more likely that the more extreme outliers (individuals 17, 19, and

22 in Figure 6-1) did indeed spend much of their childhood in a different location.

The use of tooth enamel was a preventative step to avoiding a misread due to

diagenetic strontium. Comparison of the enamel and dentin 87Sr/86Sr ratios (Figure 6-1)

from the same individual shows that diagenesis was variable with the dentin 87Sr/86Sr

ratios being either the same as the enamel 87Sr/86Sr ratios or the dentin values were

lower than the enamel in the cases more affected by diagenesis (such as individual 13).

The lower 87Sr/86Sr ratio of the diagenetically altered dentin more closely matches the
87
Sr/86Sr ratios of the snail shells, which represent the base line of bioavailable strontium

near the site. The extreme outliers show non-local 87Sr/86Sr ratios, which is always

meaningful because diagenetic strontium adds only local contamination, potentially

obscuring non-local signatures but never creating them (Grupe et al. 1997; Price et al.

2001; Price et al. 1994a).

The strontium concentration data provides information about diet and behavior.

The majority of the samples in this study cluster between about 50 and 150 ppm,

including the three primary outliers (Figure 6-2). The enamel sample for individual 1 as

well as the dentin sample for individual 10 displays elevated strontium concentrations.

The snail shells show very high strontium concentration because strontium is not

selected against in favor of calcium, as it is in mammals. The dentin value is very

different from the corresponding enamel values for strontium concentration, which would

suggest that this sample was possibly naturally contaminated resulting in a higher

57
strontium concentration. However, individual 1 may have consumed more vegetable

matter than animal meat during childhood, resulting in the elevated strontium

concentration. Likely, the majority of individuals sampled were consuming animal protein

from both terrestrial and marine resources because of the concentration of these values

at the lower end of the Sr concentration spectrum.

Consumption of marine animal protein during childhood would shift the 87Sr/86Sr

ratio toward the 0.70915 average 87Sr/86Sr ratio for sea water. Individuals with 87Sr/86Sr

ratios approaching this value likely consumed more marine animal protein than terrestrial

protein during childhood (Figure 6-2). The 87Sr/86Sr ratio of the three extreme outliers

would have been pulled down toward the sea water 87Sr/86Sr value if they were

consuming marine animal protein, and their elevated 87Sr/86Sr ratios suggest that these

individuals originated from a non-coastal region or a non-local area with a much higher

local 87Sr/86Sr ratio signature.

87
Sr/86Sr Interpretation Based on Geological Data

The geology of the eastern Mediterranean is very complicated and geologists

studying this region of the world face a great number of challenges (Hayward 2003).

Albania and Greece are geographical neighbors and are geologically similar. With

Corinth, Corcyra, and Apollonia all situated near the coast it was predicted that the
87
Sr/86Sr ratios observed from the archaeological samples would be near the

international isotopic value of sea water, which is 0.70915 (Ericson 1985). The results

show that the 87Sr/86Sr ratios predominantly fell in a range just below the sea water

range with the average being 0.7088. The site of Ancient Corinth (Figure 7-1) as well as

much of Albania, including the Adriatic coast, contains large amounts of limestone

deposits (Crouch 2004; Hayward 2003; Meço and Aliaj 2000). Marine limestone 87Sr/86Sr

58
ratios have been reported as 0.7086 ± 0.004 (Faure 1986), which covers the ‘local’

range marked off by 2 standard deviations (Figures 6-1 and 6-2). It is therefore possible

that there are Greek migrants buried at Apollonia which cannot be distinguished using
87
Sr/86Sr ratios alone because the signature is too similar at both sites.

The three outliers, however, show 87Sr/86Sr signatures that were not created as

an effect of spending childhood years in a marine limestone environment. The higher

87
Sr/86Sr ratios indicate that these individuals spent their childhood in an environment

where there were older rocks with higher initial rubidium content. Granites, shales, and

shaly sandstones from the Precambrian, Paleozoic, and Mezeozoic typically have higher
87
Sr/86Sr ratios (Ezzo et al. 1997). For example, older granites have a typical range of

0.7000 to 0.7370 (Bentley et al. 2002; Ericson 1985). The higher 87Sr/86Sr ratio values

certainly come from older rock formations and from a non-coastal environment.

59
Figure 7-1: Geology of Corinth - Marine sediment, scree, and limestone are

predominant at this site. The chain represents a defensive wall and dashed lines indicate

fault lines (Modified from Figure 4.9 in Crouch 2004:135)

60
 Migrants and Mortuary Customs

There are a number of questions about mortuary behavior and customs which

are interesting to examine in light of the results of 87Sr/86Sr ratio studies. Information is

presented in Table 6-2 which lists the known details about age at death, sex,

chronological time period, grave type, and the presence or absence of grave goods.

Once migrants to a site are distinguished using 87Sr/86Sr ratios then archaeological data

collected at the time of excavation might provide information to help recognize patterns.

The age, sex, burial type, burial position and orientation, presence or absence of grave

goods, and type of grave goods can provide insight into how mortuary treatment varied

between different types or groups of people. Archaeological information including

chronological dating, burial treatment, and the type and styles of artifacts might also help

to identify if the individual is of Illyrian, Greek, or possible mixed descent.

One of the aspects of the hypothesis tested in this study is that with the changing

interactions between Greek colonists and native Illyrians there is a good chance that

intermarriage occurred. Strontium isotope ratios have been employed by other research

teams to examine questions of intermarriage and matrilocality (Bentley et al. 2003b;

Bentley et al. 2005; Bentley et al. 2007). However, due to the limitations of strontium

isotope studies, it is only possible to reveal evidence for marriage (e.g., associated burial

of a man and woman) when it occurred between an Illyrian and a first generation Greek

colonist. Additionally, because the isotopic signatures are very similar for both the

Corinthian settlers and the Illyrians, it may not be possible even to distinguish first

generation migrants.

Unfortunately, many of the details about the burials for the non-local individuals

are also absent. Table 6-2 reveals that individuals 17 and 19 are identified as prehistoric

in age, and individual 19 is the only one of the three which has been assigned a sex.

61
The other non-local, individual 22, is from a Classical burial. The two prehistoric

individuals (17 and 19) have more similar 87Sr/86Sr ratios and strontium concentrations to

each other than either of them do to the Classical burial (individual 22; Figure 6-2). Due

to the difference in the chronology of several hundred years, it would be safe to say that

the prehistoric individuals may have migrated from the same or a very similar location

due to the similarity of their 87Sr/86Sr ratios while the Classical individual came from a

different location. As only one of the non-locals is dated to the Classical period, there is

little evidence with which to test the hypothesis about interaction between Greeks and

Illyrians after the founding of the colony at Apollonia.

62
 CHAPTER 8

CONCLUSIONS

After constructing a picture of the Illyrians and colonial Greeks from historical

documents and archaeological reports, it seemed as though it would be possible to

predict how these groups of people may have interacted. While it may be useful to make

testable predictions about past behavior in this way, it is practicing careless science to

report these types of reconstructed scenarios as fact. Strontium isotope information

provides quantitative data that can be employed to test certain anthropological

predictions. These data can be a useful tool, but the results must be interpreted with the

limitations of the method in mind.

The tumuli from which the burials for this study were excavated are situated near

the site of a historically documented Greek colony, where it was known that the Greeks

and Illyrians co-existed peacefully. As the only cemetery excavated from the site to date,

it was hypothesized that both Greek and Illyrian individuals were buried in these

monuments. Although the tumulus burial feature is traditionally an Illyrian custom, there

is evidence of strong Corinthian influence within the tumulus burials including a

predominance of Corinthian goods as well as Corinthian style burial types, such as

limestone carved sarcophagi (Amore 2005). Therefore, from an archaeological

standpoint, this site presented itself as an excellent candidate for a strontium isotope

ratio study because 87Sr/86Sr ratio differences would distinguish the Illyrians and first

generation Greek colonists buried within the tumulus. Additionally, insight into the

interaction of native Illyrians and Greek colonists could be inferred through mortuary

analysis once 87Sr/86Sr ratios revealed which individuals were local and which were non-

local.

63
 Analysis, however, is not a straightforward process. While the local range at

Apollonia was determined using snail shells and dentin samples, the 87Sr/86Sr signature

from Ancient Corinth or Corcyra was not determined. Based on the similarity of rock

formations (marine limestone) at both Apollonia and Corinth, and how closely this
87
Sr/86Sr matches the results of the majority of individuals sampled in this study, it

appears that the geology is too similar to distinguish native Illyrians and Greek colonists.

To test this conclusion, determination of the local 87Sr/86Sr signature at Ancient Corinth

and Corcyra would be necessary. Modern snail shells collected near Apollonia proved to

give a useful base line of bioavailable strontium, but other locally raised modern animal

bones with limited range near the ancient cities can also be used for this determination

(Price et al. 2002). There appears to be negligible differences in the 87Sr/86Sr ratio from

the inner or outer coil of the snail shell, as seen for snail 1 (Figure 6-1).

The three outliers come from another location where the 87Sr/86Sr signature is

higher indicating that their childhood was spent living near older rock formations at a

non-coastal location. The two prehistoric non-locals likely traveled from the same

location and may identify the region or origin of the native Illyrian inhabitants at

Apollonia. The third non-local individual is dated to the Classical time period and the

race and place of origin for this individual cannot be pinpointed at present. However, this

Classical non-local individual does indicate that the colony was growing and continued to

incorporate perhaps both Greek and Illyrian people. The hypothesis posed at the

beginning of this thesis cannot be confirmed because only one of the individuals

sampled could be identified confidently as a non-local at a time period following the

foundation of the colony.

The fact that the tumuli were in use prior to the foundation of the colony is strong

evidence that these were Illyrian features. The non-locals identified in the sample from

these tumuli 9 and 10 were therefore most likely of Illyrian origin. There was clearly a

64
great deal of interaction between the Illyrians and the Greek colonists because the high

quantity of Corinthian goods in the Illyrian graves indicates a strong trade relationship.

While the 87Sr/86Sr ratio data does not clearly indicate that Greeks were buried with

Illyrians, the likelihood of cultural borrowing and intermarriage is still high.

Hammond (1982b) claims that there were always separate cemeteries for the

Greeks and Illyrians at Apollonia. This claim has proven to be unverified because while

the Illyrian tumuli are prominent monuments on the landscape and have been the

subject of recent excavations (Amore 2005; Amore et al. 2006; Papadopoulos et al.

2007), the Greek cemetery has yet to be located. Locating this Greek cemetery could

provide a wealth of comparative information which might shed light on the Illyrian and

Greek interaction at Apollonia. It seems clear that the tumuli excavated near Apollonia

were Illyrian features and the Greek colonists buried their dead elsewhere.

This study concentrated mainly on the information which could be revealed from

strontium. While many researchers still continue to focus on strontium isotope ratios for

reconstructing patterns of migration (e.g., Bentley et al. 2007; Price et al. 2004), other

researchers combine multiple isotopes in their investigations to assess and reconstruct

migration patterns (e.g., Bentley and Knipper 2005; Bentley et al. 2005; Budd et al.

2001; Budd et al. 2003). Different chemical isotopes provide slightly different information,

for example, coupling oxygen isotope analysis with that of strontium isotopes adds

information about climatic differences (Budd et al. 2001), which can separate the origin

of individuals when the strontium isotope ratio data is similar between multiple regions.

Bone samples from the individuals in this study were also submitted for analysis of

carbon, nitrogen, and perhaps sulphur isotopes. When these data become available, it

could help to highlight differences in dietary behavior resulting from cultural differences,

which might indicate potential migrants that cannot be differentiated using strontium

isotope data alone.

65
 There is much work that can yet be done at this site. While it was not possible to

satisfy the initial goal of distinguishing Greeks and Illyrians in the tumuli, the results show

that there were non-locals incorporated into the Illyrian tumuli. If an extensive 87Sr/86Sr

ratio survey of this region were conducted, then migration patterns could be more fully

reconstructed. This type of survey project might indicate the origin of the non-local

individuals uncovered in tumulus 10. The previous migration site of the Illyrian people

who populated the region near Apollonia could be determined from such a survey

project. In theory, non-local burials discovered from that site could indicate the previous

migration site of these migratory people. With a large enough 87Sr/86Sr ratio survey

project, migration patterns for not only the Illyrian people that settled in the western

Balkans but any migratory group of people could theoretically be reconstructed.

This thesis succeeded in determining the local 87Sr/86Sr ratio range at Apollonia.

If the local 87Sr/86Sr ratio ranges at Corinth and Corcyra are determined in the future and

found to match any of the non-local individuals in this study, then applying 87Sr/86Sr ratio

analysis at Apollonia in the future might yet shed insight on the interaction of Illyrians

and Greeks at Apollonia. In future studies it is best to know or to analyze the 87Sr/86Sr

ratio of those sites where historical references indicate the origin of migrants or colonists

in addition to the local site to ensure the validity of conclusions drawn.

The conclusion that the 87Sr/86Sr ratio variability is small within different parts of a

modern snail shell (inner coil or outer coil) benefits strontium isotope bioarchaeological

research as more researchers establish a site baseline using modern snail shells. The

results of this thesis confirm that the colony of Apollonia, Illyria continued to incorporate

people as it expanded its realm of influence throughout the Classical period. While the

interaction of Greek colonists and Illyrian people was complex, with further

archaeological excavations at Apollonia it will be better understood.

66
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