Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Mortimer V-P
CA
293
Wong Yeung Ng
Appellant
and
Respondent
(Court of Appeal)
(Civil Appeal No 161 of 1998)
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(c)
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Other issues
(3) (Per Mortimer V-P, Leong JA) As to the pursuit, what was at issue was
not the narrow question of whether Godfrey JA would have been
influenced in his judgment; no judge in Hong Kong would be influenced
by the pursuit or anything like it, but the much wider question of whether
the pursuit would lead to the undermining of public confidence. Here,
there was a real risk that the public might have been led to think that
judges might not act independently or fairly for fear of punishment by
those against whom the decision had been made and thereby confidence
in the due administration of justice would be undermined (A-G v
Butterworth [1963] 1 QB 696 applied). (See pp.314G315H, 330AE.)
(4) (Per Mortimer V-P) These contempts were probably the most serious
examples of media contempts which the courts in the common law world
had ever encountered. The starting point of 8 months imprisonment was
not manifestly excessive for offences of this persistence and seriousness;
it was in all respects moderate. Further, generous weight had been given
to the substantial mitigating factors. (See pp.315I317E.)
[Editors note: The appellant was refused leave to appeal to the Court of Final
Appeal.]
E
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suggested that any attempt was made to influence the outcome of particular
proceedings either pending or in progress.
Further, to avoid repetition, interference with the administration of justice
as a continuing process may take many forms which include diminishing the
authority of the court, bringing the court into disrepute and reducing public
confidence in the system.
The background
The second contempt was the first in time. Reacting to adverse decisions of the
Court and the Obscene Articles Tribunal, prolonged attacks were made upon the
Judiciary and the Court. The Divisional Court described the articles as follows:
Apart from being abusive, offensive and scurrilous, the remarks contained
racial slurs. There can hardly be any justification or basis for such remarks
in what members of the Obscene Articles Tribunal (OAT) and the Judges
did and there was nothing in the article purporting to explain why they
should be given such descriptions. These remarks were neither rational
nor reasonable. Secondly, the article impugned the integrity of the Judges
and members of the OAT. Thirdly, what was said in the last two paragraphs
of the article amounted to a threat to members of the OAT and the
Judges. The phrase to wipe you all out, coupled with the warning in the
last sentence at the end of the article, particularly when they were repeated
in English, strongly smack of a threat to do something harmful or unpleasant
to members of the OAT and the Judges.
Mr Sydney Kentridge QC, who appears for the appellant, has no quarrel with
that description. In his submissions he did not seek to minimise the offensiveness
of the articles which he described as shocking, reprehensible and greatly to be
deprecated.
By the first alleged contempt, the Oriental Press Group and the appellant sought
to punish Godfrey JA for a judgment he had delivered by having him beset and
pursued round-the-clock by numbers of their reporters and photographers.
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Oriental Daily News reporter at Beijing Airport without her consent. She was
pregnant. The photograph was published on the front cover of the Sunday Weekly
published by Oriental Sunday Publisher Ltd, a subsidiary of the Oriental Press
Group. Apple Daily, a competitor, published the front page including the
photograph. The Oriental Press Group and the publisher brought an action for
breach of copyright. Rogers J (as he then was) awarded them $8,001 damages
but on the basis of a previous offer he ordered them to pay Apple Dailys costs
(see [1997] 2 HKC 515).
The Oriental Press Group and the publisher appealed. On 19 September
1997 the Court of Appeal dismissed the appeal on damages and later varied the
order for costs by making no order for costs below, but ordering the Oriental
Press Group and the publisher to pay two-thirds of the costs of the appeal (see
[1997] 2 HKC 515).
Godfrey JA delivered the judgment of the Court, towards the end of which
are some obiter remarks upon the privacy of public figures (see [1997] 2 HKC
515 at pp.529I530B):
Public sentiment has turned, or seems to be turning , against those who are
guilty of invasion of the privacy of public figures by taking their photographs
for large sums which reflect the cupidity of the publishers and the prurience
of their readers. The time may come when, if the legislature does not step in
first, the Court may have to intervene in this field (as Lord Bingham of Cornhill
LCJ, has recently suggested in England); for example, by holding that the
protection of copyright will not be extended to photographs of public figures
taken on private occasions without their consent.
On 8 January 1998, the same Court refused an application by the Oriental Press
Group and the publisher for leave to appeal to the Court of Final Appeal. The
case had progressed no further at the time of the contempts.
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There were earlier articles before those complained of on the same subject
matter. The Divisional Court thought they set the tone for what was to come.
The first of these on 22 September 1997, a few days after the Court of Appeal
had dismissed the Oriental Press Groups appeal in the copyright case. Apart
from arguing that Godfrey JAs judgment was in error, it wrongly suggested
that the Judge equated the photographer of Faye Wong with paparazzi who
pursued Princess Diana. There were extravagant personal attacks on the Judge
who was described variously as ignorant, unreasonable, ridiculous, arbitrary,
prejudicial and arrogant. It was said that the Judiciary were unfair to the
Oriental Press Group and that since 1995 the British-Hong Kong Government
had intensified its persecution of the Oriental Press Group through the police
and the OAT.
On 30 October 1997, two days after the newspapers appeal had been
dismissed in the obscene articles case, the Oriental Daily News published a
special feature Special Page on the Denouncement of the Tribunal. Earlier
cases were described and hostility, persecution and discrimination by the
Tribunal against the Oriental Press Group was alleged.
The next day, 31 October 1997, several pages of photographs were published
with short articles. Included were photographs previously classified as indecent
in respect of which appeals to the Court had failed. As the Divisional Court
said (see [1998] 2 HKLRD 123 at p.136C):
The re-publication of these photographs was nothing less than a defiance
of the Courts decision and a challenge to the rule of law.
The articles from 17 November focused on the Obscene Articles Tribunal.
The names of the 157 members were published and they were generally reviled.
For example, they were described as scumbags.
On 10 November 1997, with increasing enthusiasm an article described the
members of the Tribunal variously dogs and bitches, tortoises having
retreated into their shells, having to run for cover like a rat in the gutter,
scumbags, public enemy of freedom of the press and a public calamity to
the six million citizens of Hong Kong.
On 9 December 1997, the Court of Appeal set aside the costs order of Rogers
J. On 10 December, another division refused leave to appeal to the Court of
Final Appeal in the obscene articles case. These events rekindled the fire
and led to a series of articles between 11 December 1997 and 15 December
1997, the subject of complaint.
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(1) 11 December 1997. On that day, two articles were published in the
Oriental Daily News. The first article was published in the Kung Fu Tea
column with the heading: The Swinish White-skinned Judges and the
Canine Yellow-skinned Tribunal. The article criticised the OAT and the
two Judges, namely, Rogers J and Godfrey JA for attacking the Oriental
Press Group. The OAT and its members were described as mangy yellowskinned dogs which wrongly accused the Group of publishing indecent
and obscene articles. The two Judges were described as British white
ghosts and white-skinned judges or pigs who deliberately ruled against
the Oriental Press Group resulting in it having to incur huge legal costs to
pursue its actions. Towards the end of the article, there were the following
passages:
Oriental does not care if you are yellow-skinned or white or a pig
or a dog. In our self-defence, we are determined to wipe you all
out!
Here, Kung Fu Tea warns the pigs and dogs: dont you bother
me again. Otherwise, when I counterattack in self-defence, you
will regret it exceedingly you will regret it! I repeat: you will regret
it very much!
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The article was written in Chinese but the latter part of the last sentence
quoted above was expressed in English which is commonly used as or
understood to mean a spiteful warning.
Apart from being abusive, offensive and scurrilous, the remarks
contained racial slurs. There can hardly be any justification or basis for
such remarks in what members of the OAT and the Judges did and there
was nothing in the article purporting to explain why they should be given
such descriptions. These remarks were neither rational nor reasonable.
Secondly, the article impugned the integrity of the Judges and members
of the OAT. Thirdly, what was said in the last two paragraphs of the
article amounted to a threat to members of the OAT and the Judges.
The phrase to wipe you all out, coupled with the warning in the last
sentence at the end of the article, particularly when they were repeated
in English, strongly smack of a threat to do something harmful or unpleasant
to members of the OAT and the Judges. It must be borne in mind that
the newspaper had in an earlier article published all the names of the
OAT members. While Judges are professional and experienced persons,
members of the OAT are laymen. Even if Judges may not treat such
warnings seriously, the effect on lay members of the OAT who are
performing a public function as part of the administration of justice could
be quite intimidating.
Another article which was published on the same day was entitled
Rogers Despicableness and Godfreys Derangement. It was written by
the newspapers commentators. The article criticised the decisions of
Rogers J and Godfrey JA in the copyright case. It alleged that Rogers J had
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deliberately ruled against the Oriental Press Group and was guilty of such
a despicable act of abstract confirmation and concrete negation by way of
double dealings (which) has always been characteristic of British politicians.
It also contained the following passages:
The crux of the problem is that there exists in the Hong Kong
judicial sector a bloc of colonial remnants. They harbour animosity
towards Oriental.
The Obscene Articles Tribunal is attached to the judiciary
system. It is merely a tail-wagging dog outside the judiciary. All of
the adjudicators kept by the Tribunal are stupid men and women
who suffer from congenital mental retardation and have no common
knowledge worth mentioning.
The Obscene Articles Tribunal is the main culprit in wronging
Oriental. We have the name list of those ignorant adjudicators,
and we will punish them on just grounds. The masters of those
yellow-skinned canine adjudicators are none other than the
likes of Rogers and Godfrey, the sheltering and condoning
judicial scumbags and evil remnants of the British Hong Kong
Government.
After 1 July 1997, they have continued to occupy their stolen
prominent places in the judicial sector. They, together with the
vicious yellow-skinned adjudicators, have methodically attacked,
harassed, and persecuted the publications under the Oriental News
Group.
Here, we solemnly issue a warning: irrespective of race and
status, effective action to restore full righteousness will be taken
against those scumbags and demons who oppress freedom of the
press.
There was hardly any rational discussion in these articles. It can be seen
that the abusive and scurrilous attacks were intensified and the racial slurs
were repeated. The status of the OAT was depreciated and its members
were insulted. The repute of the Judges was smeared and their integrity
cast into doubt. They were accused of having deliberately abused their
position for illicit motives. Members of the OAT were also threatened
that their names were in the hands of the newspaper and that they would
be punished.
(2) 12 December 1997. There was an article written in the Kung Fu
Tea column on that day. It was entitled Readers voiced their support
in slapping canine adjudicators. This article claimed to have received
many phone calls and letters of support from their readers. It referred to
the Kung Fu Tea (having) stripped off (the Judges) wigs and trampled
them underfoot, and has also separated their flesh from their bones
and boiled them in a soup. The article also quoted a letter from a reader
called Mr Leung. It quoted from the letter as follows:
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The allegation of animosity and bias was again repeated. The abusive,
offensive and scurrilous attacks with their racial slurs persisted. The OAT
and the Judges were accused of having continued the persecution of the
Oriental Press Group which was begun by the former Governor. They
were alleged to have been the instruments of political persecution of the
British Hong Kong Government and perpetrated such persecution by their
decisions and judgments. They had a political motive to serve while they
were discharging their judicial duty.
After the Court of Appeal refused leave to appeal to the Court of Final Appeal
in the Faye Wong case, on 8 January 1998 an article appeared in the Oriental
Daily News under a heading containing the words the Judiciary Contravenes
Societys Laws and Principles; Oriental Is Prepared to Sacrifice Everything in
the Final Battle. The article contained the following passages (see [1998] 2
HKLRD 123 at pp.141B142A):
For years, the Oriental Press Group was subjected to the methodical
political persecution inflicted by the Hong Kong Judiciary system that was
manipulated by the former colonial Government. Such persecution had a
long history. The so-called Obscene Articles Tribunal, which was under
the Judiciary, harassed Oriental repeatedly.
Oriental has spared no efforts in destroying the public authority of the
so-called Obscene Articles Tribunal. Its image has been torn to shreds,
and it is on the verge of disintegration and extinction. Each of the socalled adjudicators has become a public enemy like a street rat.
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The meaning is clear. For the reasons set out, it was said the Oriental Press
Group was the target of a biased Judiciary which was pursuing a conspiracy of
political persecution started under the former colonial government. The Oriental
Press Group had destroyed the authority of the OAT and would now attack the
Judiciary in every possible way in order to destroy its authority.
As the Divisional Court pointed out, the last article was a prelude to the
harassment of Godfrey JA. On 13 January 1998, the next day, a number of
articles on the subject repeated the earlier (erroneous) allegation that Godfrey
JA had accused the taker of the Faye Wong photographer of being a paparazzo
and announced that it would begin a pursuit of the Judge. It described what
later happened.
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A team of reporters started to pursue the Judge around the clock in his daily
life. He was advised in the newspaper not to take any false steps. Photographs
and articles appeared the next day detailing the Judges movements to and
from Court, the cases in which he was involved and the times when he left the
Court building and returned at lunch time. Brief extracts of dialogue with the
Judge were reported together with descriptions of his composure.
Other media organisations were invited to send their reporters to join in.
They came to report the event. The operation continued on 14 and 15 January
1998, accompanied by articles. But on 15 January 1998 an editorial repeated
the conspiracy allegations but said that the operation had achieved its purpose
of educating Godfrey JA upon the meaning of paparazzi and therefore the
operation would cease at midnight. It did.
The motive
The avowed purpose of the harassment was to educate Godfrey JA but the nature
of the articles written before, during and after the pursuit and the times of some
compared with the progress of the cases demonstrated otherwise. Consequently,
the Divisional Court found that the real purpose of the pursuit was to take revenge
for the Courts decision against the Oriental Press Group and punish the Judge for
his decision. Put more bluntly it was to teach the Judge a lesson for finding
against the Oriental Press Group in the Faye Wong case.
I note in passing that the judicial process in neither the Faye Wong case nor
the OAT was then complete. Later, leave to appeal was granted by the Court of
Final Appeal in each, and in due course, both appeals were allowed.
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Arguments that these offences were incompatible with both the Hong Kong
Bill of Rights Ordinance (Cap.383) and the Basic Law were rejected.
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of free expression only if there was a clear, serious and immediate danger
to the administration of justice. As the Canadian Charter, the Hong Kong Bill
of Rights and the Basic Law (incorporating the ICCPR) are in this respect in
pari materia the correct test in Hong Kong law is that suggested in R v Kopyto.
It follows, says Mr Kentridge, that in adopting the lower test of real risk the
Divisional Court fell into serious error.
He supported his eloquent argument with persuasive, but not binding,
authority. Many of his preliminary submissions on the fundamental rights are
uncontroversial. The freedom of expression and of the press are given specific
protection in the Bill of Rights and the Basic Law. In our society their importance
cannot be overestimated. This, in my view, must be the starting point. I cannot
better the way it is put by Hoffmann LJ (as he then was) in R v Central
Independent Television Plc [1994] Fam 192 at pp.202H203C:
The motives which impel judges to assume a power to balance freedom
of speech against other interests are almost always understandable and
humane on the facts of the particular case before them. Newspapers are
sometimes irresponsible and their motives in a market economy cannot
be expected to be unalloyed by considerations of commercial advantage.
Publication may cause needless pain, distress and damage to individuals
or harm to other aspects of the public interest. But a freedom which is
restricted to what judges think to be responsible or in the public interest
is no freedom. Freedom means the right to publish things which
government and judges, however well motivated, think should not be
published. It means the right to say things which right-thinking people
regard as dangerous or irresponsible. This freedom is subject only to clearly
defined exceptions laid down by common law or statute.
Furthermore, in order to enable us to meet our international obligations
under the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and
Fundamental Freedoms (1953) (Cmd 8969), it is necessary that any
exceptions should satisfy the tests laid down in art.10(2). They must be
necessary in a democratic society and fall within certain permissible
categories, namely:
He recognised that it was necessary for any exemptions under the international
covenants to fall within defined categories including the maintenance of the
authority and impartiality of the judiciary and added at pp.203DE:
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is correct under Hong Kong law. At most, the only protection consistent
with the fundamental rights afforded by the law against scandalising the
court, is if the conduct complained of is such as to involve a real, substantial
and immediate danger to the administration of justice. This, Mr Kentridge
equates with clear and present danger the test applied in the United
States courts which is only referable and relevant to cases pending or
already in process.
The result of the majority ruling is that in this jurisdiction there is, at present,
no limit on what is permissible with respect to comments made which
are intended to interfere seriously with the administration of justice and
the rule of law unless the comment is made in the face of the court, or
would interfere with the fair trial of pending proceedings. With respect,
I see no basis for such a distinction.
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He then points out that the distinction had been rejected in Solicitor General v
Radio Avon Ltd [1978] 1 NZLR 225 at pp.232233 where Lord Diplocks
analysis in A-G v Times Newspaper Ltd [1974] AC 273 is cited with approval.
In R v Kopyto (1988) 47 DLR (4th) 213 at p.287, Dubin JA refers to the
erroneous assumption in American jurisprudence (Bridges v State of California
62 S Ct 190 at p.217, 314 US 252) that scandalising contempt is to preserve
the dignity of the bench:
But, with respect, the criminal offences of contempt of court, with which
we are dealing, is not for the purpose of preserving the dignity of the
bench as the many cases to which I have referred demonstrate, and,
with respect, I think has been misinterpreted in the American jurisprudence.
It is apparent in reading American jurisprudence that the constitutional
tradition and the philosophy underlying the manner in which justice is
administered in the United States is different in many ways from that in
Canada and throughout the Commonwealth. I need not dwell on those
many differences.
He adopts the summary of the different approaches in Solicitor General v Radio
Avon Ltd [1978] 1 NZLR 225 at p.234:
The American courts appear to have directed their attention to the existence
of a clear and present danger of a court being influenced, intimidated, impeded,
embarrassed or obstructed in the administration of justice. English law, on the
other hand, has also attached great importance to the need to preserve public
confidence in the administration of justice generally. This Court should not
depart from that attitude subject, of course, in the type of contempt now
under consideration, to the public right of fair comment and criticism, and
to the possible defence of justification earlier referred to in this judgment.
(Emphasis added.)
I refuse to enter the lists on the question whether the American approach involves
a misapprehension of the nature of scandalising but the majority in R v Kopyto
(1988) 47 DLR (4th) 213 were much influenced by it.
H
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the contempt what must be proved to establish it and the local circumstances
in which the due administration of justice has to be maintained.
It seems that American law provides no protection for the administration of
justice as a continuing process. Yet, the American system is well respected
and appears not to be under any obvious disability consequent upon the absence
of this protection. If this protection is unconstitutional in Canada, Mr Kentridge
asks how can it be necessary in Hong Kong?
The answer, I believe, lies partly in the Commonwealth tradition and
partly in what is necessary in the particular circumstances in Hong Kong. It
is abundantly clear from the authorities relied upon by the Divisional Court,
that the Commonwealth tradition attaches great importance to the preservation
of all the factors which contribute to the due administration of justice as a
continuing process as well as the integrity of proceedings in progress or in
contemplation. Also, the real risk test can be regarded as well established by
those authorities.
I can discern no practical difference between the real risk test in Solicitor
General v Radio Avon Ltd [1978] 1 NZLR 225 at p.239 line 11 (the Commonwealth
tradition) and that held to be constitutional by Dubin and Brooke JJA in R v Kopyto
(1988) 47 DLR (4th) 213 in their impressive minority judgment at pp.289290:
It was essential for the Crown to prove that the statement made by the
appellant was calculated to bring the administration of justice into disrepute.
That is the actus reus of this offence. The mere fact the words are capable
of bringing the administration of justice into disrepute does not suffice.
What must be shown is that, by reason of the statement made by the
appellant, there was a serious risk that the administration of justice would
be interfered with. The risk or prejudice must be serious, real or substantial.
I have already referred to the passage in which Dubin JA points out what he
considers to be the flaw in the American approach. In summary, the Divisional
Court held that in order to establish the contempts alleged, proof was necessary
that the statement (or conduct) was calculated to interfere with the administration
of justice in its widest sense; that it involved a real risk that the due administration
of justice would be interfered with and (the mental element) that there was
an intention to interfere with the administration of justice, or recklessness by
appreciating this possible consequence and ignoring it. This requisite mental
element will almost always be implicit in the statement or conduct itself.
I readily accept Mr Kentridges point that the administration of justice in
Hong Kong is held in high repute both at home and abroad. There is every
reason to think that it enjoys general confidence and respect. Therefore, it has
little to fear from bona fide, temperate, and rational criticism. Indeed, the
appellate process itself involves this and yet tends to increase confidence in
the system. Further, like many other public institutions, it stands to benefit
from, rather than be damaged by, such criticism especially if constructive.
Nor do I think that isolated excesses of disappointed litigants or their lawyers
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which are neither in the face of the court nor related to proceedings either
pending or in progress, ought necessarily to be condemned as scandalising
contempts. But, the spirit in which the attack is made is relevant.
Mr Kentridges point that a rational attack is more likely to result in risk
than a scurrilous and preposterous attack which may be recognised for what it
is I do not accept as generally correct. Bona fide, balanced and justified criticism
is susceptible to reasoned answer or even acceptance. Sustained scurrilous,
abusive attacks made in bad faith, or conduct which challenges the authority of
the court, are not susceptible to reasoned answer. If they continue unchecked
they will almost certainly lead to interference with the administration of justice
as a continuing process.
Further, the relatively small size of the Hong Kongs legal system is important.
As is demonstrated in this case communication with a very substantial proportion
of the population is easily achieved. Proceedings in court are widely publicised.
Many judges are known by name because of this reporting. Confidence in
our legal system, the maintenance of the rule of law and the authority of the
court are matters of special importance in our society. There are frequent, if
misconceived, expressions of anxiety in this respect. There is reason to believe
that the ordinary citizen in Hong Kong regards the court as his ultimate and sure
refuge from injustice and oppression.
One need go no further than to consider the likely effect upon the confidence
of the ordinary citizen or an ordinary litigant in the administration of justice in
its widest sense if an unsuccessful litigant, who is also a powerful subject,
indulges in sustained attacks upon the court or judges which go unchecked.
Also, on the necessity point, Mr Kentridge was asked in his submissions
whether a judge trying a case ought to be in the position of knowing that the
losing party may indulge in a scurrilous attack upon him, or seek to punish him
by harassment. His bold answer is that the fundamental right to freedom of
expression means that a judge must endure such treatment and that it must be
regarded as coming with the job. This I unhesitatingly reject not only for the
reasons already given. There is a further aspect of the administration of justice
not touched upon in argument but nevertheless of importance. It is to be found
in Arlidge, Eady & Smith on Contempt (2nd ed.) at para.168. The authors put
it in this way and I adopt their formulation:
While it is true that the law of contempt is not concerned with the dignity
of individuals taking part in the judicial process, or even with upholding
respect for the law in any purely deferential sense, the administration of
justice needs to proceed in circumstances of calm and dignity in order to be
effective. (Emphasis added.)
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Mr Ronny Tong SC for the Secretary for Justice, has made cogent and detailed
submissions upon the necessity point and supporting the judgment below. In
brief, he submits that the scurrilous and abusive attacks made in this case cannot
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As to the pursuit of Godfrey JA, Mr Kentridge first submits that the Court
wrongly found the appellant guilty of conduct which was calculated to undermine
public confidence in the due administration of justice whereas the contempt
charged was wrongfully interfering with the administration of justice. With
respect, this is a bad point. As I have already indicated, there are many ways in
which the administration of justice as a continuing process can be interfered
with. They certainly include undermining public confidence.
Essentially, however, Mr Kentridges point is that there is no risk that the
judge would be adversely influenced by this conduct either generally or in
respect of a particular case. He criticises the Divisional Courts reliance upon
those cases of contempt in which witnesses or jurors have been threatened or
victimised on the basis that such people may well have been influenced whereas
a judge certainly would not.
He cites a number of cases in support in which eminent judges have indicated
that judges are not influenced by statements or comments in the media. By
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Although the harassing conduct directed at Godfrey JA was much more serious
than the statements in the media, for my part I accept, as did the Divisional
Court, that no judge in Hong Kong would be influenced in his judgment by it
or anything like it.
On this Mr Kentridge suggests that the Divisional Court was therefore wrong
in holding that there was a real risk that public confidence would be undermined
because
But the Divisional Court was not considering the narrow question whether this
particular Judge would have been influenced in his judgment but the much
wider and equally important question whether this conduct would lead to the
undermining of public confidence.
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The campaign which the Oriental Daily News waged against the Judiciary
was without parallel in modern times. The features of this prolonged and
sustained campaign which made it so unique include the venom of the
language which was used, the outrageousness of the motives which it
ascribed to its targets, and the impact which the campaign had on
public confidence in the ability of Hong Kongs judges to dispense justice
conscientiously and impartially.
what was at stake in the Oriental Daily News campaign was not the
outcome of an individual case but nothing less than the rule of law itself
It was this ultimate challenge to the rule of law which makes these
contempts probably the most serious examples of media contempts
which the courts in the common law world have ever encountered.
The contempt of court consisting of the pursuit of Godfrey JA was
equally unprecedented. We know of no case in which a judge has been
harassed in the way in which Godfrey JA was. What made the pursuit of
him particularly serious was that it was done, not as was suggested to
educate him in the ways of paparazzi, but to pay him back for not going
along with all of the Oriental Press Groups arguments in the case which
he had heard.
Having outlined the seriousness of these matters, the Divisional Court reviewed
and took into account the mitigating features advanced on the appellants
behalf, which included his acceptance of prime responsibility together with his
unreserved public apology, his genuine remorse, his high reputation and
unimpeachable character. Additionally, the Court generously took into account
certain matters in his favour which were not advanced on his behalf in that it
had reservation over the extent of Mr Wongs responsibility for the contempts.
It had a suspicion that the impetus for the campaign may not have come from
him and that in this respect he did not enjoy full editorial independence.
Taking all these matters into account, including the unprecedented gravity
of the contempt the Court treated the publication of the various articles as
one contempt and the harassment as another. It took a total of 8 months
imprisonment as the starting point. Having regard to the substantial mitigation,
this was reduced to 4 months imprisonment which was achieved by passing
3 months imprisonment for each contempt, 1 month of which was to be served
consecutively, making 4 months in all.
In this sentence, the Court also took into account its order that Mr Wong
should pay four-fifths of the costs incurred by the Secretary for Justice for the
prosecution, but it is to be noted that an order was also made against the Oriental
Press Group Ltd which had to be enforced first. The order against Mr Wong
cannot be enforced without a further order from the Divisional Court.
Mr Kentridge submits that 8 months imprisonment was manifestly too high
as a starting point, and that in the circumstances of the case a suspended sentence
and a fine was the appropriate order. He recognised that the Divisional Court
had been generous in finding mitigating factors but submitted that they were
given insufficient weight. He emphasised Mr Wongs unreserved apology, his
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genuine and repeated remorse and his acceptance of full responsibility although
he was not the writer. Emphasis was placed upon the fact that these proceedings
will ensure that such contempts are never repeated in the future and that a fine
is an effective deterrent together with costs on an indemnity basis.
It was further pointed out that these offences were not motivated by financial
gain but by a genuine resentment over unfair decisions. Finally, it was submitted
that Mr Wong had not only made a public apology but had suffered public
humiliation as a major item of news and he had suffered the indignity of three
days in custody which had been serious punishment to him.
It was suggested that the standing of the Court would be enhanced by
showing mercy. Cases were cited supporting the proposition that in cases in
other jurisdictions more lenient sentences had been passed.
Conclusion on sentence
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With respect to the submissions made, it is impossible for this Court to say that
8 months imprisonment as a starting point was manifestly excessive for offences
of this persistence and seriousness. I would conclude that 8 months was in all
respects moderate. Thereafter, the Divisional Court gave generous weight to
the substantial mitigating factors. Nothing that Mr Kentridge has advanced
persuades me that these unprecedented contempts did not merit immediate
custodial sentences. Not without regret for Mr Wongs personal position, I
would hold these sentences to be temperate, proper and in all the circumstances
necessary. For these reasons, I would dismiss this appeal against sentence.
Mayo JA:
It is useful to bear in mind the two charges which were laid against the appellant.
They were that the appellant was guilty of contempt of court in that:
(1) They sought to threaten, harass and/or intimidate Godfrey JA
during 13, 14 and 15 January 1998 (by having him pursued by their
employees and/or agents and/or others) by reason of a judgment
which he had previously delivered, thereby wrongfully interfering
with the administration of justice.
(2) They published articles which contained passages of crude and vicious
abuse of the Judiciary as set out in paras.9(2)(8), with little if any
reasoned argument, and which alleged systematic bias and wilful
abuse of power (those allegations being without any justification
whatsoever). The articles also contained threats to the Judiciary. The
articles, considered separately and cumulatively, were calculated to
undermine public confidence in the administration of justice in Hong
Kong.
This appeal was greatly simplified by the fact that Mr Kentridge QC for the
appellant accepted at the outset that the newspaper articles were abusive,
intemperate and shocking and that the campaign against the Judiciary had been
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conducted over a period of some time. Also, it was accepted that the articles
had not been written in good faith. They had been actuated by resentment
at what the paper perceived to be its persecution by the Judiciary. Likewise,
it was accepted that the treatment of Godfrey JA referred to in charge 1 had
not been to educate him in the ways of the so called paparazzi. It had been
an attempt to reek revenge upon him for not accepting the submissions which
had been made to him on their behalf. A further important factor which was
accepted was that the circulation of the Oriental Daily News was and is very
extensive. It enjoys a daily readership in excess of 2 million people. It is possible
to state that none of the Court belows findings of fact were in any way subject
to challenge.
The approach adopted by Mr Kentridge to this was that the articles complained
of were of such an excessive nature that the allegations were preposterous and
that it was unlikely that they would constitute a real danger to the administration
of justice.
The main issue which was ventilated on this appeal was the law which
is applicable to contempts of court of this nature. It related to art.16 of the
Hong Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance (Cap.383) (the Ordinance) and the extent
(if any) to which art.16 had modified the existing common law on the subject
of scandalising the court.
Article 16 reads as follows:
Article 16
Freedom of opinion and expression
(1) Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference.
(2) Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right
shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and
ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in
print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.
(3) The exercise of the rights provided for in para.(2) of this article
carries with it special duties and responsibilities. It may therefore be
subject to certain restrictions, but these shall only be such as are
provided by law and are necessary:
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Mr Kentridge accepted that the crime of contempt of court still existed which
included scandalising the court. It was his contention however that for the
offence to have been committed it had to be established that there was a
substantial risk to the administration of justice.
Mr Kentridge also accepted that freedom of speech under the Basic Law
and the Bill of Rights was not absolute. A balancing exercise had to be
undertaken to determine whether there were legitimate constraints. Any
deviation had to be based upon necessity rather than convenience or desirability.
What was meant by necessity was that the court had to be satisfied that the
publication constituted an imminent and substantial danger to the administration
of justice.
All of this was separate to the question of interference with the administration
of justice. He readily accepted the necessity to restrict publications relating to
impending jury trials and prevent threats to witnesses to proceedings or parties
thereto or jurors or any attempts to influence judges.
In relating these propositions to the facts of the instant case Mr Kentridge
contended that the question which had to be asked was Did the articles
pose such a danger that they constituted a necessary constraint on freedom of
speech? He accepted that you had to look at the meaning and context of the
articles to determine whether they constituted a clear and imminent danger
to the administration of justice. In doing so one had to bear in mind the effect
the articles would have on a reasonable person of average intelligence and
disposition and then ask oneself the question whether it was necessary to
criminalise conduct of this nature.
In formulating his propositions on the law Mr Kentridge placed heavy
reliance upon the Canadian case of R v Kopyto (1988) 47 DLR (4th) 213. This
case involved a consideration of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms
and it is clear that some of the Judges were influenced by the jurisprudence of
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the United States of America. It has to be said however that the Canadian Charter
is in many respects similar to our Bill of Rights.
It will be appreciated from all of this that the main difference in the approach
adopted by respective counsel is whether guidance is to be sought from the
Canadian model or from other sources.
Mr Tong submitted that the New Zealand Bill of Rights had more in common
with the Hong Kong Bill of Rights than the Canadian Charter. Perhaps the most
important consideration was that both pieces of legislation have been modelled
upon the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (the ICCPR).
Other considerations also have to be borne in mind. Our art.16(2) is identical to
art.19 of the ICCPR and is very similar to art.10 of the European Convention
on Human Rights. Having given the matter careful consideration, I have come
to the conclusion that the New Zealand Bill of Rights and the cases based upon
that legislation provide better guidance than the Canadian Charter.
Having said this, I do not accept the validity of the contention advanced
by Mr Tong that art.16 does not supplant or modify the law of contempt. In
my view, the focus of attention has to be art.16 and a balancing exercise is
required to determine whether it is necessary to curtail the freedoms provided
by art.16(2). In this connection it is apparent from the decision of the European
Court of Human Rights in The Sunday Times v United Kingdom [1979] 2 EHRR
245 that it was accepted the papers freedom of expression could in certain
circumstances be interfered with. This was in the context of contempt of court.
This was perhaps hardly surprising as art.10 of the Hong Kong Bill of Rights
Ordinance guarantees a fair and public hearing by a competent independent
and impartial tribunal and it may well be the case that the rights conferred by
art.16 may be incompatible with those conferred by art.10.
What is however clear is that any restriction must be in accordance with the
provisions of art.16(3) and must be necessary to achieve the legitimate objects
to be pursued.
These questions were considered by Rogers J (as he then was) in A-G v
Cheung Kim Hung & Another (1997) 7 HKPLR 295. He said at p.303:
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the criteria because the law can be reasonably ascertained and the
consequences of any given action can be foreseen to a reasonable degree.
In this respect I have regard to what was said by the majority [of the
European Court of Human Rights] in interpreting art.10 [of the European
Convention on Human Rights] in the case of The Sunday Times v United
Kingdom (1979) 2 EHRR 245 at p.271 para.49 where they said:
In the Courts opinion, the following are two of the requirements
that flow from the expression prescribed by law. First, the law
must be adequately accessible: the citizen must be able to have an
indication that is adequate in the circumstances of the legal rules
applicable to a given case. Secondly, a norm cannot be regarded as
a law unless it is formulated with sufficient precision to enable
the citizen to regulate his conduct; he must be able if need be
with appropriate advice to foresee, to a degree that is reasonable
in the circumstances, the consequences which a given action may
entail. Those consequences need not be foreseeable with absolute
certainty; experience shows this to be unattainable. Again, whilst
certainty is highly desirable, it may bring in its train excessive rigidity
and the law must be able to keep pace with changing circumstances.
Accordingly, many laws are inevitably couched in terms which, to a
greater or lesser extent, are vague and whose interpretation and
application are questions of practice.
One of the exceptions in art.16(3) is for the respects [sic] of rights of
others.
Article 10 of the Bill of Rights articulates in my view one of those
rights. It provides as follows:
All persons shall be equal before the courts and tribunals. In the
determination of any criminal charge against him, or of his rights
and obligations in a suit at law, everyone shall be entitled to a fair
and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial
tribunal established by law. The press and the public may be excluded
from all or part of a trial for reasons of morals, public order (ordre
public) or national security in a democratic society, or when the
interest of the private lives of the parties so requires, or to the
extent strictly necessary in the opinion of the court in special
circumstances where publicity would prejudice the interests of
justice; but any judgment rendered in a criminal case or in a suit
at law shall be made public except where the interest of juvenile
persons otherwise requires or the proceedings concern matrimonial
disputes or the guardianship of children.
Finally, the Privy Council in the case of Ming Pao Newspapers Ltd v A-G
(1996) 6 HKPLR 103 approved the Court of Appeals approach in giving
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As can be seen they did in that passage also consider the case of Solicitor
General v Radio Avon Ltd [1978] 1 NZLR 225 which involved a question of
scandalising the court. In that case Richmond P said at p.233 of the report.
Contempt by scandalising the court is, of course, conduct which, in
Lord Diplocks words, is calculated to undermine the public confidence in
the proper functioning of the courts. It is to be noted that Lord Diplock,
like Lord Russell, makes no distinction between one form of contempt
and another from the point of view of the intent of the defendant. In the
light of the approval given in Ambard v A-G to Lord Russells definition we
doubt whether it would in any event be open to this Court to introduce
a special requirement of mens rea into this one branch of the law of
contempt. We would not in any event be prepared to do so as we think
that the public interest in the administration of justice is so important
that it justifies the attitude which has been taken by the English courts.
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I am satisfied that this is a correct statement of the law and that it is applicable
following the enactment of the New Zealand Bill of Rights. I am also satisfied
that having regard to the scurrilous and abusive nature of the articles complained
of and the duration of the attack on the Judiciary there can be no doubt that the
Court below was right to hold that the contempt of court complained of in the
second charge had been established. This is particularly the case having regard
to the duration of the campaign against the Judiciary and the wide reach of the
publication.
It is also perhaps worth adding that having regard to these factors it may
well be the case that even if I am wrong in finding that the New Zealand Bill
of Rights approach is the correct one the result may well have been the same
under the Canadian Charter. I say this because the articles complained of in
this case were very much more serious than the subject matter of the proceedings
in R v Kopyto (1988) 47 DLR (4th) 213. In that case it was accepted that the
outburst of the lawyer who made the offending remarks had been made in
good faith. That is in sharp contrast to the publications in the present case. It
is also evident from the majority judgments of the Court that the offence of
scandalising the courts was consistent with the Canadian Charter. In an extreme
case such as the present one it is likely that the appellant would have been
found guilty of contempt of court even under the Canadian Charter.
That then leaves outstanding the first count of harassing and/or intimidating
Godfrey JA in what has been described as the paparazzi campaign. Mr Tong
placed heavy reliance upon the case of the A-G v Butterworth [1963] 1 QB
696. He placed particular reliance upon a passage at p.725 from the judgment
of Donovan LJ:
The administration of justice is, after all, a continuing thing. It is not bounded
by the days cases. It has a future as well as a present. And if somebody
pollutes the stream today so that tomorrows litigant will find it poisoned,
does he appeal to the court in vain?
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There are indeed decisions which say that he does not. Reg v Martin is
one, and I can see no essential difference between an attempt to punish a
juror for having done his duty in court and an attempt to punish a witness
for having done the same thing.
Kay J said, in Rowden v Universities Co-operative Association Ltd, that
he could not imagine a grosser offence against a court of justice than to
exercise a power, legal or illegal, in order to punish a witness for giving
evidence, and he made no distinction in this regard between pending
proceedings and proceedings that are concluded, though it is true that
more were to come in that case.
He also placed reliance upon a passage from Lord Dennings judgment at p.723:
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The appellants submission is that art.16(2) of the Hong Kong Bill of Rights
Ordinance (Cap.383) and art.27 of the Hong Kong Basic Law now guarantee
the right to freedom of speech in Hong Kong and these afford him protection
from liability in contempt for the publication of those articles.
Mr Kentridge for the appellant is not contending that contempt by scandalizing
the courts no long exists under the Bill of Rights. He accepts that even though
the right to freedom of expression is guaranteed under the Bill of Rights, it may
be restricted if it is necessary for the protection of the administration of justice.
But he contends that restriction on publication by way of an offence of contempt
of court is only necessary where the articles are such as to constitute a real,
substantial and imminent danger to the administration of justice. That being the
test, it is submitted, publication of the articles in the second charge, crude and
scurrilous abuses of the Judiciary as they are, constituted no contempt of court
because the evidence does not justify any finding that the articles posed a danger
to the administration of justice that was real, substantial and immediate. The
case against the appellant did not pass that threshold. The appellants test is
based on the majority decision of the Canadian case of R v Kopyto (1988) 47
DLR (4th) 213.
The Judges below did not accept this test. They preferred the New Zealand
test in Solicitor General v Radio Avon Ltd [1978] 1 NZLR 225 that to restrict
the right to freedom of expression, there must be a real risk, as opposed to
a remote possibility, that the item would undermine public confidence
in the administration of justice. This followed the approach in A-G v Times
Newspaper Ltd [1974] AC 273 where the Court of Appeal held that to amount
to contempt of court, there must be a real risk as opposed to a mere possibility
of interference with the due administration of justice. With these cases in mind,
the Judges below adopted a test along the New Zealand approach. It is this:
Was there a real risk that the acts complained of would undermine confidence
in the due administration of justice in the minds of at least some of the persons
who were likely to become aware of the publication or acts complained of?
Their answer to the question they posed to themselves was in the affirmative
and they found contempt by scandalizing the court had been proved.
The appellant contends the Judges were wrong to follow Solicitor General
v Radio Avon Ltd [1978] 1 NZLR 225 which was decided before the New
Zealand Bill of Rights came into being. The Judges, it is submitted, should
have followed the Canadian view in R v Kopyto (1988) 47 DLR (4th) 213 where
the provisions in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms are similar to
the Bill of Rights in Hong Kong.
The question is were the Judges wrong to prefer the New Zealand approach
and if not, whether the publication of the articles constitute contempt of court
under their test.
Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966
(the ICCPR) recognises freedom of expression but it is expressed to be subject
to any necessary legal restrictions for the respect of the rights and reputations
of others. The Hong Kong Bill of Right affirms the ICCPR and in art.16(2) the
right to freedom of expression is guaranteed but subject to restrictions provided
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by law and which are necessary for the protection of other rights, national
security or public order. Necessary in the context of art.16, it has been held,
should be given its normal meaning (Ming Pao Newspapers Ltd v A-G [1996]
AC 906, (1996) 6 HKPLR 103). The New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990
which also affirms the ICCPR provides that the right to freedom of expression
is subject to such reasonable limits as can be demonstrably justified in a free
and democratic society. In Solicitor General v Radio New Zealand Ltd [1994]
1 NZLR 48, a case decided after the enactment of the New Zealand Bill of
Rights, the Full Court held that the test of that limit is proof beyond reasonable
doubt that there was a real risk as distinct from a remote possibility that the
conduct would undermine public confidence in the administration of justice.
The European Convention on Human Rights in art.10 provides for the right to
freedom of expression but the exercise of this right carries with it duties and
responsibilities and may be subject to restrictions as are prescribed by law and
are necessary in a democratic society for the prevention of disorder or for
maintaining the authority and impartiality of the judiciary. In The Sunday
Times v United Kingdom [1979] 2 EHRR 245, the European Court of Human
Rights decided that maintaining the authority and impartiality of the judiciary
is one purpose of the law on contempt of court. The test is whether there is
pressing social need for such restrictions.
In Singapore, its Constitution guarantees in s.14 the right to freedom of
speech and expression but subject to Parliament may by law impose restrictions
as it considers it necessary and expedient in the interest of the security of
Singapore or public order. But any one exercising that right must observe
a corresponding duty of responsibility. No one is entitled under the guise of
freedom of speech and expression to make irresponsible accusations against,
inter alia, the judiciary (A-G v Lingle [1995] 1 SLR 696 at p.761). The Canadian
Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees the right to freedom of expression
subject only to such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can be demonstrably
justified in a free and democratic society and this is expressed as the aspiration
of the Canadian people.
In the United States, freedom of speech is an absolute guarantee under the
American Bill of Rights and contempt by scandalizing the court is not recognised
and other types of contempt of court require proof that the words or statement
constitute a real and imminent danger to the administration of justice. The United
Kingdom has no expressed constitutional guarantee of freedom of expression.
But Lord Reid in A-G v Times Newspaper Ltd [1974] AC 273 said that freedom
of speech should not be limited to any greater extent than is necessary but it
cannot be allowed where there would be real prejudice to the administration
of justice. Contempt of court in the United Kingdom is now provided in the
Contempt of Court Act 1981 under which publications which create a substantial
risk that the course of justice in the proceedings in question will be seriously
impeded or prejudiced is contempt of court with strict liability. In Australia there
is no constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech, but in Gallagher v Durack
(198283) 45 ALR 53, Murphy J said this, The absence of a constitutional
guarantee does not mean that Australia should accept judicial inroads upon
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freedom of speech which are not found necessary or desirable in other countries.
At stake is not merely the freedom of one person; it is the freedom of every one
to comment rightly or wrongly on the decisions of the courts in a way that does
not constitute a clear and present danger to the administration of justice. The
test suggested was there must be a clear and present danger to the administration
of justice.
Thus different countries guarantee the right to freedom of expression in
different ways but each country does permit restrictions to be imposed by way
of the offence of contempt of court if it is necessary to protect its administration
of justice and each country adopts its own test according to the peoples aspiration
and the countrys social circumstances. But it would seem that the real risk
test is preferred among common law countries.
As may be seen from above, the Hong Kong position on the legal restrictions
on freedom of expression is not similar to that in Canada where the restrictions
must be such as are reasonable and demonstrably justified in a free and
democratic society. The Canadian case of R v Kopyto (1988) 47 DLR (4th)
213 was decided in the light of the Canadian Charter according to the Canadian
social circumstances and therefore decided against a background totally different
from that of Hong Kong. Goodman JA found the words complained of in R v
Kopyto no more than an expression by the appellant of an unfavourable opinion
with respect to a court decision and if such opinion were expressed by such
person in a respectful, albeit firm manner it would not have constituted
contempt of court even before the Charter came into effect. This is in stark
contrast to the articles in the second charge which are wholly abuses directed
at the judges and the courts. In any case, the Canadian approach should be
treated as providing guidance and it cannot be said that the Judges were not
justified in refusing to follow R v Kopyto. Also, I see no reason why the Judges
below should not have applied the test they had decided upon. The appellant
would be protected if the publication of the articles survives that test.
Was there a real risk that the published articles would undermine public
confidence in the administration of justice? In Solicitor General v Radio
New Zealand Ltd [1994] 1 NZLR 48, the Court was of the opinion that direct
proof of such a risk will rarely be possible and the court must consider all the
circumstances of the publication. However, the Court identified a number of
relevant factors which included, the statements published, the timing of their
publication, the size of the audience they reached, the likely nature, impact and
duration of their influence. It should be noted that the Judges below were
aware of these relevant factors when they decided on the evil consequences of
the publication of the articles. Suffice to say, having regard to the fact that the
Oriental Daily News has a large circulation with a readership of over 2.3 million,
and the newspaper is intended for the reasonable and average person in Hong
Kong and that the publication was in the nature of a sustained campaign for
over a month against the Judiciary, the Judges were entitled to conclude that
the newspaper clearly wanted its readers and the public to believe, that the
Judiciary was an instrument of political persecution and that the Judges had no
integrity at all and if that were believed, there would be very little left in the
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