In a world where change is a constant thing, different views on different things

undeniably arise. Despite the differences in perspectives, in culture, in gender, in administration

and even in the environment any modification or alteration in the society a certain group of
individuals still manage to share simmilarities and similar, if not identical, views regarding
certain aspects of society. Those individuals who have the same belief form groups to prmote3
and advocate the beliefs and ideals they deem relevant and necessary for society. May it be for
gender, political affiliation or religious affiliation, these group of people sought to find their
rightful place in the society where they can freely express their ideas and protect their people as
well as the people in the community. However, forming groups to talk about their beliefs and
leave things to inetellectual conversations did not seem that appealing to those individuals who
are hungry for change and reformation. And that is where they start to mobilize their groups ande
turn them into movements, social movements, that would bring forth the change thart they look
for.
Social movements push for a set of preference of social change within a population.
According to the American Journal of Sociology, a social movement is a set of opinions and
beliefs in a population which represents preferences for changing some elements of the social
structure and/or reward distribution of a society. And as social movements grow, they face
dilemmas that trigger their organization. That is the focus of this paper the mobilization of
social movements.
Using the Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT), this paper will examine the variety of
resources that each organization mobilizes, the relationship of such social movements with other
organizations, their dependence among external support for success, and the interference of the
authority or the government in controlling or incorporating such movements. Also, the paper will

focus on the variety and sources of the social movements resources and if necessary, the
movements connection or relationship to the media. Is the organization a member of a bigger
organization? Does the organization depend upon external support for success? Does the
government use tactics to control or incorporate their movement?
RMT also involves adherents, constituents and bystanders. As a key analytical issue of
the theory, this paper will also focus on how social movements turn bystanders into adherents
and adherents into constituents and ultimately mobilize constiuents to active participation and
their continued involvement in the movement. How do organizations turn non- adherents into
adherents and maintain the support of their constituents? This paper will also see why such social
movements succeed or fail. What are the reasons behind the success of such organizations?

The world is entailed of different social movements that live with their own
encompassing ideologies and beliefs with regards to the current situation of the society and have
their particular means of achieving their goals. Social movement refers to a deliberate,
voluntary effort to organize individuals to act in concert to achieve enough group influence to
make or block changes and it includes a power-oriented groups rather than participation-oriented
movements, meaning that the group actions of social movements are not necessarily of primary
benefit to individual members, but instead serve the groups larger goals. 1Traditionally, it
argues that social movements form from the personal grievances that arise from structural and
social change, members are trying to change the status quo in any means regarding of their
beliefs and stand. These kind of organizations have relationship with distinct institutions in the
society like the media and religion, its relationship with the people, with this, sociologists study
the participation, connection and ties of these on the various social movements. There are two
types of members belonging to social movement organizations: conscience constituents and
beneficiary constituents and social movements often needs and get resources from conscience
constituents which refer to individuals or groups outside of the social movement who have a
moral alliance with the social movements cause, goal, or mission. Past analysis of social
movements and social movement organizations has normally assumed a close link between the
frustrations or grievances of a collectively of actors and the growth and decline of movement
activity. 2 As multifactorial model of social movement has been improved and the diversion of
1 Simone I. Fynn
2 John McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald Resource Mobilization and Social Movements:
A Partial Theory, The American Journal of Sociology, vol. 82, no. 26 (May, 1997) :
1212 1218.

focus from the reasons why people participate to the increase grievances of individuals, social
movement was analysed, being advanced and the use of resources, mobilizing it is one of the
things that can explain why social movements are formed and continue to grow or the other way
around, a theory that seeks these explanations is what commonly called the Resource
Mobilization Theory (RMT). It is included in the different interdisciplinary history of social
movement theory that includes six main areas of study: resource mobilization theory, mass
society theory, relative deprivation theory, structural-strain theory, value added theory, and new
social movement theory. The RMT started on the late 1960s in McCarthy and Zalds work in
their theory of entrepreneurial mobilization which critically assessed the interpretation of social
movements in this years together with the relevance of the Olson theory where collective action
was specified. This theory is used as the theoretical framework of social movement and utilized
by sociologist to explain the characteristics and outcomes of the social movement that examines
the structural factors, availability of resources and the stand of every group on socio-political
issues in order to analyse the success and failure of a social movement. The resource
mobilization theory of social movements holds that a social movement arises from long-term
changes in a groups organization, available resources, and opportunities for group action.
Resource mobilization theory has five main principles (Jenkins, 1983):
1. The actions of social movements members and participants are rational.
2. A social movements actions are strongly influenced by institutionalized power
imbalances and conflicts of interest.
3. These power imbalances and conflicts of interest are sufficient to generate grievances
that lead to the mobilization of social movements intent on changing the
distribution of resources and organization.

4. Centralized and formally structured social movements more effectively mobilize

resources and achieve goals of change than decentralized and informal social movements.
5. The success of social movements is heavily influenced by group strategy and the
political climate.
As Klandermans, in the year 1984 wrote social movements is a rational behaviour, based
on an individuals conclusions about the costs and benefits of participation, rather than one born
of a psychological predisposition to marginality and discontent. Resource mobilization theory
views social movements as normal, rational, institutionally rooted political challenges by
aggrieved groups. The border between conventional politics and social movements thus becomes
blurred, but does not disappear altogether. 3
McCarthy and Zald summarize the emerging perspective by contrasting resource mobilization
theory with the traditional one as follows;
1. Support base
A. Traditional. Social movements are based upon aggrieved populations which provide
the necessary resources and labour. Al-though case studies may mention external supports, they
are not incorporated as central analytic components.
B. Resource mobilization. Social movements may or may not be based upon the
grievances of the presumed beneficiaries. Con-science constituents, individual and organizational,
may provide major sources of support. And in some cases supporters-those who provide money,
facilities, and even labour-may have no commitment to the values that underlie specific
movements.

3 M. Manosmita, et al., Beyond Resource Mobilization Theory: Dynamic Paradigm of

Chengara Struggle, Department of Sociology (Pondicherry University, India, 2012),
29 35.

2. Strategy and tactics

A. Traditional. Social movement leaders use bargaining, persuasion, or violence to
influence authorities to change. Choices of tactics depend upon prior history of relations with
authorities, relative success of previous encounters, and ideology. Tactics are also influenced by
the oligarchization and institutionalization of organizational life.

B. Resource mobilization. The concern with interaction between movements and

authorities is accepted, but it is also noted that social movement organizations have a number of
strategic tasks. These include mobilizing supporters, neutralizing and/or transforming mass and
elite publics into sympathizers, achieving change in targets. Dilemmas occur in the choice of
tactics, since what may achieve one aim may conflict with behaviour aimed at achieving another.
Moreover, tactics are influenced by inter-organizational competition and cooperation.

3. Relation to larger society

A. Traditional. Case studies have emphasized the effects of the environment upon
movement organizations, especially with respect to goal change, but have ignored, for the most
part, ways in which such movement organizations can utilize the environment for their own
purposes (see Perrow 1972). This has probably been largely result of the lack of comparative
organizational focus inherent in case studies. In analytical studies emphasis is upon the extent of
hostility or toleration in the larger society. Society and culture are treated as descriptive, historical
context.
B. Resource mobilization. Society provides the infrastructure which social movement
industries and other industries utilize. The aspects utilized include communication media and
expense, levels of affluence, degree of access to institutional centres, pre-existing networks, and
occupational structure and growth.

Fynn acknowledged in his writing about the Resource Mobilization Theory where it
argues that social movements succeed through the effective mobilization of resources and the
development of political opportunities for members. Social movements can mobilize both
material and non-material resources, material resources are money, organization, man power,
technology, communication, and mass media while non-material resources includes, legitimacy,
loyalty, social relationship, networks, personal connection, public attention, authority, moral
commitment and solidarity. It is believed that social movements that have lesser resources need
to connect to its external environment for support and funding. Human resource is also one of the
most important source for social movements and in fact one primary goal of RMT is to convert
adherents to constituents and maintain these constituent involvement in the group. Adherents is
defined as the individuals that believed on the social movements goal and belief while
constituents are the people that provide the resources. There are also individuals and groups who
are part of the appropriate social movement but do not stand to benefit directly from social
movement organization goal accomplishment which are known as the conscience adherents and
the conscience constituents which are the direct supporters who do not stand to benefit directly
from its success.
Several analyst had provided significant resources that should be in the frontline of attention just
like Rogers (1974) has distinguished instrumental resources used in actual influence attempts
from infra-resources that condition the use of instrumental resources. Jenkins also identified
power resources as the means for controlling the actions of targets from mobilizing resources
such as facilities. As Jenkins articulated;
The problem is that most resources have multiple uses. Any scheme that ignores the intrinsic features of
resources is therefore of limited value. In response, most analysts have simply listed the assets that are frequently

mobilized by movement like the examples of McCarthy and Zald, the money, facilities, labour, and legitimacy or
Tillys like land, capital and technical. Freeman also offered a more useful scheme, distinguishing tangible assets
such as money, facilities and means of communication from the intangible or human assets that form the central
basis for movements. Example of intangible assets are both specialized resources such as organizing r legal skills,
and the unspecialized labour of supporters.

The most distinctive contribution of resource mobilization theory has been to emphasize
the significance of outside contribution and the co-optation of institutional resources by
contemporary social movements. 4 External supports especially in the financial assistance to the
social movement organizations are as important as its human resource, an organization would
hardly attain its goals without the manpower and of course the fund that are needed in every
activities in relation to their goals and to what they are trying to pursue.

With all the resources, both material and nonmaterial, RMT focuses on how to access
these resources as well as the different mechanisms in mobilizing all of these present sources, as
provided, self-production, aggregation, co-optation, and patronage.5 Edwards and Gillman
recognized self-production as the fundamental mechanism in which resources are extracted from
themselves or through existing organizations, activists, or participants. They can produce
something that can symbolize their stands and beliefs on issues like producing T-Shirts that have
printed statement on what the organization is trying to achieve or give to the public. As
commonly social movements are trying to reach every individual and influence them with what
4 J. Craig Jenkins, Resource Mobilization theory and the Study of Social Movements (
Columbia, 1983), 528-532.
5 Bob Edwards and Patrick Gillman, Resource Mobilization Theory, ed. David A.
Snow, et al. (Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2013), 2-5.

they believe in, in this way, organizations can be more creative and initiative to catch the interest
and attention of others and later persuade them to be part of them. Just like civil human right
movements, they can have activities in different institutions in the society and educate them how
people suffer from inequalities. Aggregation on the other hand is a method where they can get
resources from dispersed individuals like from the beneficiary and conscience constituents and
co-optation is utilizing their connections with other organizations that have the same belief with
them. When a prominent individual provides support to the social movement organizations, it is
called patronage, where this individual can be a politician for example that supports and provides
resources like financial and manpower but in return, decisions and activities of the organization
are being influenced by this individual.
While, RMT gains popularity in the 1960s 1980s, it was later on criticize and faults were
being acknowledged by sociologist. One of this is that the said theory just focused on the
centralized social movement organizations and ignores the decentralized one as it disregard the
importance of collective behaviour and considers the opposite of Olsons theory of collective
action. Because RMT focuses only on mobilizing all forms of resources, it lacks to recognize
collective identity and characters and as to why individuals join this kind of organizations.
Another thing with regards of the theory is its claim that all social movements are an extension
of institutional actions. In putting all the ideas on what, how and why resource mobilization
theories is connected to the idea of success of the different social movements in the society, it is
evident that the theory focuses only on the institutional changes that happens, the mechanisms to
adapt with these changes and on how social movement organizations can customize the available
resources in attaining their main goals and making their way to every individuals and
successfully influence them.

The History of the Kabataan Partylist

The Kabataan Partylist before was named as the Anak ng Bayan Partylist. During that
organizations such as the College Editors Guild of the Philippines CEGP, National Union of
Students in the Philippines (NUSP), League of Filipino Students (LFS), Anakbayan, Student
Christian Movement (SCM) and Karatula, a new mass organization was formed, thus named the
Kabataan Partylist. The said mass organizations served as

founding organizations of the

Kabataan Partylist. Kabataan Partylist was formed at the early 2003 and expanded its scope to
different areas in the country, including Eastern Visayas. There are two chapters in the area one
of them located in Capoocan and the other one in Northern Samar.
The Kabataan Partylist is a member of the MAKABAYAN block along with other mass
organizations such as the Anak Pawis Partylist, Ticson Partylist, Migrante Partylist, and Bayan
Muna Partylist which aims to represent the youth and push for bills that would show the capacity
and level of competence of the youth. It claims to be the only the party that represents the youth
in the Congress. They have made specific actions regarding policies that affects and would affect
the youth in the future.. Some of these actions were the partylists filing of impeachment
complaint against the Aquino administration when the issue on pork barell came out. According
to the Kabataan Partylist, President Aquino should be impeached because of the continued tuition
increase during his reign as the president that wrings the necks of young souls interested in
changing their future and killing them, both figuratively and literally.

The partylist also had some achievements including the passing of the Anti No- PermitNo- Exam Policy, where students will be allowed to take exams even if they failed to pay the
necessary fees and the Campus Press Freedom Bill.

Organizational- Entrepreneural Tributary of Kabataan Partylist

How does the Kabataan Partylist turn bystanders into adherents and how do they
maintain the involvement of constituents in their organization? Bystanders in this case are those
people who watch from the sideline. While adherents refer to individuals who share social
change preferences or believe in the goals of the movement, constituents, on the other hand, refer
to those who contribute resources of various kinds to help the movement mobilize. Majority of
the movements in the country have their own strategy to incorporate bystander individuals to
their organization and maintain the support of the constituents in order to keep the movement
going.
According to the Regional Coordinator of the partylist, they offer a one on one
discussion or group discussion about the different issues to the bystanders. For example, one of
the most recent issue that the partylist seeks to address is the slipper factory that got burned.
Through group discussion, they dig deep on what really happened and who are to be blamed for
the said incident and how the said culprit will be punished. Another is the peoples initiative to
abolish the pork barell movement where the partylist invites bystanders to join their movement
and enlighten them what pork barell is and reasons why it needs to be abolished.
Sometimes, when the organization has an activity they would coordinate with university
professors to require the students to attend their event. But sometimes, they would conduct talks

in the class to impart knowledge about the said issue so that students will be enlightened and
would have a valid reason to attend the said event and not just because they are required.
Regarding the relationship of Kabataan Partylist to other organizations, Kuya Jugs, the
Regional Coordinator, claimed that they have always been in good terms with their partner
organizations since they share the same goal and stand. And never, according to Kuya Jug, has
there been, in any way, an internal conflict that occured between them and the other
organizations.
However, when the Kabataan Partlist associates with other organizations who have
different ideology than that of the partylist, the said partylist still manages to establish a smooth
relations with them. When asked how it was possible for their parties to collaborate and work
together despite the difference in their views and beliefs, Jugs answered, Basta mg seset ka
lang ng common point na [for example] ano ba yung goal mo, ano yung goal namin. Kung
magmemeet tayo dun sa goal na yun, sige ipush. Pero yung sa pamamaraan, meron kaming
sariling pamamaraan, meron din siyang sariling pamamaraan.

Types of Resources
According to McCarthy and Zald, there are five types of resources that social
movements, organizatons, and groups mobilize:
1. Moral resources
Moral resources include legitimacy, integrity, solidarity support, sympathetic support, and
celebrity. Celebrity endorsements of an issue campaign can increase media coverage, generate

public attention, and open doors to policymakers and resource providers alike. Some
organizations use the charisma of leaders or even celebrities to help promote their organization
and generate support from the external environment.
According to the Regional Coordinator of the partylist, Monique Wilson, a proponent of
the Gabriela Youth and a celebrity, endorses their partylist when conducting talks in differenet
places for various occassions. This is because Gabriela Youth and Kabataan Partylist practically
share the same beliefs.
Tedy Casio, a politician, also endorses the partylist and the partylist, in return, supports
Tedy during campaigns. When asked on why they support Tedy, Kuya Jugs answered, Kasi
alam namin na isa talaga siya sa mga senador na makakatulong sa mga mamamayan,
magpapasa ng mga batas na makakatulong sa mga mamamayan.
In the local unit, some polticians also bring with them the name of the partylist when
campaigning during elections. And some progressive writers,who are connections of their
founding organizations also serve as endorsers of kabataan Partylist.

2. Cultural resources
Cultural resources involve artifacts and cultural products such as conceptual tools and
specialized knowledge that have become widely known. These include tacit knowledge about
how to accomplish tasks like enacting a protest event, holding a news conference, running a
meeting, forming an organization, initiating a festival, or utilizing new social media.

Cultural resources of the Kabataan Partylist includes jingles. Example is the jingle used
by PULSO which was originally used by the Kabataan Partylist during their campaign in 2008.
Jingles help attracts non- adherents and adds more life to the organization. Also, jingle is one
creative way of expressing the organizations goals. They also make mugs and tshirts especially
during election periods to promote their partylist.
In the modern world where technology encompases all activities of people, and social
media is the new diary, most of the mass organizations, social movements and organizations
provide pages in the worldwide web where individuals could visit their page and advocate the
stands and goals that they believe in. The Kabataan Partylist also provide a facebook page where
bystanders, or individuals who merely witness political activities, could view and be educated
about the different current issues. According to the Regional Coordinator of the Kabataan
Partylist, facebook has helped in the promotion of the partylist: kapag ang issue ay madaling
maipapakalat [katulad nung kay Mary Jane Veloso], marami kang taong mamumulat na may
ganito palang nangyayari sa lipunan at naeenganyo mo silang sumali sa kabataan partylist.

3. Human resources
Human resources are both more tangible and easier to appreciate than the other types of
resources. This includes resources like labor, experience, skill, expertise, and leadership. But not
all organizations have members that posseses a mixture of capabilities. So , other organizations
require expertise and have access to lawyers, web designers, social media consultants, dynamic
speakers, organizers, or outside experts when the needed.

When Kabataan Partylists hold events or talks, they invite the head speakers of their
founding organizations to speak in behalf of them. Since the Kabataan Partylist is the only body
that represents the youth inside the Congress, some head speakers of the organizations
collaborate with the politicians to defend the bills that the partylist advocates.
The process of membership involves three processes only: 1. completing an application
form, 2. an orientation that includes the introduction of the partylists constitution and by laws,
and 3. The pledging of alligence to the flag of the Kabataan Partylist. The membership process,
because of its easy steps, could serve as an asset for the organization. Considering how the young
people of today prefer involving themselves in activities that would keep them from straneous
activities and exerting too much effort, the process then becomes an inviting factor for non
adherents to join the partylist. Beacuse the process practically assures the absence hassile, more
youth will be wanting to join the organization.

4. Material resources
Material resource combines what economists would call financial and physical capital
including monetary resources, property, office space, equipment, and supplies.
The Kabataan Party List, in order to produce funds, use a system of butaw wherein
members of the party the constituents or the adherents would give 10 pesos monthly to serve
as the organizations fund. This monthly due of the organizations is used to help the organization
live.
With regards to the physical capital of the partylist, the partylist has no office available in
the city due to the small number of members here in Eastern Visayas. So when there are

meetings, the regional coordinator must travel to either Capoocan or Eastern samar to attend
meetings.

Mechanisms of Resource Access

In a world where resources are limited, organizations have difficulties in evenly
distributing their resources. Resource mobilization theory (RMT) becomes a partial theory of
overcoming inequality. The following are some mechanisms of how organizations access
resources:

1. Self- production
Self- production refers to those resources produced by the organization through the
agency of existing organizations, activists, and participants.
The Kabataan Partylist do not produce or engage in an Income Generated Project (IGP)
in order to produce funds for the organization. What they do is give out solicitations to the
alumni members of the organization.

2. Aggregation
Aggregation refers to the ways a movement converts resources held by dispersed
individuals into collective resources that can be allocated by movement actors.

In Kabataan Partylist, some alumni of the organization give financial assistance to

theorganization. This is obtained by the solicitation that the partylist gave out to the almunus
who still pledge.

3. Co- optation or Appropriation

Social movements often utilize relationships they have with existing organizations
and groups to access resources previously produced or aggregated by those other organizations.
In one of the activities of the partylist, they collaborated with Sto. Nio Church to make
possible their event. The partylist and the church had an agreement as to which party would
provide the specific materials (including the venue, the papers needed) for the event.

4. Patronage

Patronage refers to the provision of resources to the organization by an individual or

organization that often specializes in patronage.
The Kabataan Partylist, as of now, does not have a patron. All activities and fundings are
from the organization itself, from their founding organizations, and other organizations who
share the same goal.

Factors Affecting the mobilization process of Kabataan Partylist

McCarthy and Zald indicated that the potential of social movements to mobilize
resources is also affected by authorities and other agents of social control (e.g. police and the
government). Their actions affect the readiness of the bystanders, adherents, and constituents to
alter their own status and commitment.
Some of the actions of government towards the Kabataan Partylist can also be applied to
other mass organizations in the country. First is the militarization of the government, for
instance, the Samahan ng Lipunan ng mga Parag- Uma who fights against the government. The
reason as to why the government militarize such organizations is to threaten them and prevent
them from going against the state. However, instead of repressing the movement and
discouraging them from joining forces in order to act against the unjust systems of the
government, it united them and fueled their burning passion to raise arms and fight for what they
stand for, their beliefs, and their rights. As Kuya Jugs puts it, imbis na matakot yung mga tao
mas lalong umaalab ang kanilang mga puso para lumaban.
For school based mass organizations, the social control agent implements unjust policies.
For example the Straw Bill where the school administrator is given full authority over the
different school organizations. Also, a restriction is given to mass organizations on where they
would conduct their activities. This is one of the actions of the government that the Kabataan
Partylist sees as a hindrance to the mobilization of their resources because it deprives them a
place to convene and work on the necessary materials that they need for activities (e.g. placards,
banners, and etc.).

Another factor is the loss or inactiveness of human resources. During elections, many
non- adherents were turned into adherents by the organization. But after the election period,
many chapters dismantled and died. According to Kuya Jugs, marami ang na rerecruit na
members ng organization kasi syempre mainit. Pero after ng election, namamatay yung mga
chapter na nabubuo kasi naiiwan. Pero ngayon trinatry pagbalik ng mga chapters. Binibigyan
ng edukasyon educational discussion, when asked as to how they retrieve the said dead
chapters.

Kabataan Partylists view: why some movements succeed and why some fail
Lubog

kami

doon

sa

sitwasyon

ng

karamihan.

Sa

sitwasyon

ng

mga

mamamayan...Kami, dahil nga nakalubog kami, alam namin kung ano ang nararamdaman ng
ibang tao at alam namin ang tamang stand sa mga issue. Kaya habang tumatagal, dumarami ng
dumarami ang mga members. Habang tumatagal nasa Kongreso parin kami.

League of Filipino Students

History of LFS
The mass organization named League of Filipino Students (LFS) is rooted from the
Kabataang Makabayan organization under the Communist Party of the Philippines (CCP) during
1977, the reign of Marcos administration where there was an unstoppable increase of tuition, the
organization was the one that acts as the alliance against the abuse given by the administration.
In the year 1982, the alliance was declared as a National Democratic mass organization to fully
address the issues of the masses and continue to achieve the national democratic aspirations of
everyone. The naming of the mass organization was critical, there were suggestions but it should
take into account that it should project peaceful reform, but still had a radical appeal, so it
resulted into an English name which was given a veneer of temperance and discipline. A tricky
part was deciding on the first word, the contenders were: association, society, union, alliance,
organization, and league. League was chosen because of its novelty, restraint, and subtle
militancy. Furthermore, league was chosen because of its not so vague association with Rizals
reformist group, Liga Filipina. Being associated with Liga Filipina, someone suggested, would
somehow enable the LFS to lull the senses of the military and the school administrations. At the
end of the discussion, Standing Group for Youth and Students (SGYS) expressed its desire to
consult its lower units first regarding the proposed name, before it was finalized in another
meeting. But everyone thought this was just a formality. The LFS is one of the founding
members of the Kabataan Partylist, which is the first and only youth party list in Philippine
Congress. It is a member of the New Patriotic Alliance (Bagong Alyansang Makabayan
BAYAN) and Kalikasan-Peoples Network for the Environment (Kalikasan-PNE) and also a
member of the Asia Pacific Youth and Students Association, the International League of Peoples

Struggle and the Philippines-Cuba Friendship Association. This organization is considered as the
largest student organization, where its members come from universities and high schools, it has
its chapter also in the San Francisco State University in America.
As stated on their official webpage, League of Filipino Students stands proudly with their
basic principles that they believe and trying to inject these set of principles to the people in the
society, it is The LFS is a national democratic mass organization with a socialist perspective. It
believes in these basic truths:
Philippine society is semi-colonial and semi-feudal and the Filipino people is plagued by
three evils imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism.
The Philippine education system, being colonial, commercialized and reactionary, needs
to be replaced by a nationalist, scientific and mass-oriented education.
The historical role of the youth and students is to arouse, mobilize and organize the
broadest number of youth for the national democratic struggle of the people.
The youth and the students need to unite with the basic masses, the peasants and the
workers, in its struggle for genuine social change, through genuine agrarian reform and
national industrialization.

The obligations of the members and the tasks they need to ensure that their stands and beliefs
reached the society, like preparing forums, seminars, intellectual discussion, and other the same
activities. They release statements and sides on the current socio-political issues, with these
activities the organization are trying to touch everyone, which concerns the situations. The LFS
have their journals and Praxis, have a Facebook page and own webpage to grasp the modern way
of easy communication especially on the youths. In the aspect of fostering cultural development,

LFS have and conduct films, plays and other cultural production. Every member should arouse
the youth and masses because of the status quo where there is only few who lives in the normal
life while most suffers from the day-to-day situations of life. Members should organize the whole
population to achieve collective action and members should mobilize the youth and masses
because only militant action can give meaning to the principles and the organized force of the
people.
League of Filipino Students continues to fight for the oppressed and bravely disagree on
the states decision that will harm the public and provide interest only to those who are in power
for almost forty years and is always willing to assess critically the present status quo. The
organization will remain to be one of the essential players on the unsettled Philippine insurgency.

Organizational- Entrepreneural Tributary of the League of Filipino Students

Like the Kabataan Partylist, the League of Filipino Students also conduct group
discussions and educational discussions to enlighten bystanders about the specific issues in the
community. Sometimes, they would invite friends to join their organization. Also, they conduct
forums that targets the students. To engage the students in the said activity, LFS would
coordinate with the teachers to require the students to attend their event. LFS makes sure that
students will be properly educated during the event.
LFS also makes sure that adherents of the organization would always have the feeling of
belongingness by regularly engaging them into open discussions to integrae new knowledge to
the minds of adherents and allow them to express there ideas or opininions regarding the issue.

Through this, the adherent will have the feeling that he or she belongs and he contributes
something to the organization.
Regarding the relationship of the League of Filipino Students to other organizations,
Sharmaine Enales, the president on paper of LFS, claimed that they have a good relationship
with other organizations. They have this so- called inter cropping inside their educational
discussion wherein one issue of an organization encompass the scope of the other organizations.

Types of Resources
1. Moral resources
Unlike the Kabataan Partylist, LFS has no specific celebrity or political endorser. They
depend on the mass organizations inside the MAKABAYAN block for support.

2. Cultural resources
LFS also indulge in using the social media to promote their organization. In their
facebook page, pub mats are released as well as research or infographs to raise awareness to the
society. With the goal of raising social awareness to the society and engaging students to
intellectual discourse, LFS posts issues in their page rather than photos of each members.
To cultivate the artistic side of LFS, the organization produces jingles that would help
them promote the advocacies of their organization. As Sharmaine Enales puts it, Kailangan
[mo]maging creative ngan innovative pero [of course] embedded la gihap an, diri guin
cocompromise an substance han organization.

During events, LFS would tap their allied organizations, for instance, Gabriela Youth, to
help in the organization and preparation of the event. They rely more on self- knowledge on how
to conduct the activity.

3. Human resources
LFS is an organization where members posses diverse skills. These skills are used by the
organization during rallies where they make placards or invitations for the society. Sometimes,
the organization incorporates members of the other organization.

4. Material resources
Unlike the Kabataan Partylist, LFS is provided an office inside University of the
Philippines Tacloban College. Mass organizations inside the university share office space in the
Child Minding Center (CMC). Half of the CMC is used as a daycare center where the children of
the UP staff could leave their children while working and the other half is shared by all mass
organizations inside the university.

Mechanisms of Resource Access

1. Self- production
In order to provide more funds for the utilization of the organization, LFS engage in
income generating projects or IGP. According to the interviewee, LFS would, from time to time,
sell souvenir t-shirts with their current events theme.

2. Aggregation
For Aggregation, LFS coordinates with other organizations that share their stand and
beliefs in order to utilize the other organizations resources to continue their activities or projects.
An example would be during the One Billion Rising of the Gabriella youth. Technically, it was
Gabriella who served as the main proponent of the event and they were the ones who coordinated
with the LFS in order to make use of their resources, however, the relationship that took place
during that time could be an example of aggregation and just as Gabriella had made use of their
resources, LFS expects to receive the same accomodation from the said social movement.

3. Co- optation or Appropriation

LFS also adopts the co-op or appropriation mechanism of resource access in their
efforts to achieve their goals. They collaborate with schools and other socialo institutions, where
they would tap on the shoulders of individuals who are either associated to the organization itself
or to one of the members. An example would be one of the events that LFS held in the past
wherein they joined forces with St. Pauls School of Business and Law (SPSBL). According to
Shermaine Enales, they had one UP alumnus who worked there as a faculty and had his/her
students participate in the said event.

4. Patronage
LFS, like the Kabataan Partylist, do not have any patron. They neither have an
individual or a group that would serve as their patron(s) that would be more than willing to
finance their activities. They rely on their allied oraganizations and personal efforts for the
completion of their activities.

Factors Affecting the mobilization process of League of Filipino Students

First factor that affects the organizations mobilization is human resource. LFS admits
that they lack man power and they have difficulties in recruiting individuals to join their
organization beacuse of malicious tagging and wrong notion that the society associates with mass
organizations. Malicious tagging, according to LFS, is the association of the society that all
members of the organization are NPAs. On the other hand, a wrong notion, according to LFS,
refers to the misconception of the parents of students that all members are activists and that long
engagement in the organization will turn you into one.
Another factor affecting the mobilization of LFS is the funding for their activities.
Because considering the fact that most of the members of the said organization are students,
whose financial capabilities are limited and highly dependent on their parents, it is imperative
that they would have to look for other means of looking for monetary resources that would serve
as their fund, aside from shelling out money from their own pockets. It is a challenge3 becuase
of the disparity of the compatibility of their schedules and available time.

LFS view on why some movements succeed and why some fail
It importante manggud na component hn usa na organization is an members. Kasi dida
ha ira nagtitikang it mobilization ha fund, ha pagpapadamo, so kun diri mabaskog ba an
members ngan diri nira mamamaintain an certain level of commitment nganhin feeling of
belongingness diba. More likely diri mg susucceed talaga kay dba tanan magbuburublag. Pero
once nga tanan kamo nga aada hn organization inlined, usa niyo nga gn kikita nga objective tas
paprehas kamo hn perspective, mag- uurusa kamo tas kmo na tanan mamomoblize niyo

Conclusion
In congregation of all the information from a mass organization which is the League of
Filipino Students and partylist which is the Kabataan Partylist, both coming from the same block
which is the MAKABAYAN BLOCK, the paper is able to identify on how these two interrelated
groups gather together its different resources, the means that help them on how they can sustain
its own needs for it to continue to live with its principles and conduct activities. It is identified
that institutions have something to do also in the mobilization process and that actions of these
group somehow link on what is the current political situation of the society. For instance during
campaigns, they can endorse specific candidates that have the same ideologies like them for
different positions and vice versa. More support they collect are from the organizations that are
also included on the same block and that they tried to communicate each other and help in
initiating activities of every organization in the believe that their stand and what they are trying
to fight are interrelated, like for the Kabataan Partylist they want to represent the youth and
League of Filipino Students main goal is to include the participation of youth and increase their

social awareness. Another finding is that both of the group have all the resource types, the
moral, human, cultural, material, socio organizational resources but the mechanisms they use in
acquiring these will only depend on what way they decide to accumulate those, as both group
stated, they dont use patronage as a means of obtaining resources, so it means that they are
independent from any politician for example or any prominent individual. Both organization also
indicated the great importance of human resource in attaining their goals, while their funds are
both come from their own which they called butaw and solicitations. Aside from suitable
mobilization of the resources, another reason for Kabataan Partylist why their organization still
exist in the society is that they really know what they are fighting and know where they are going
in their goals, LFS on the other hand recognize the importance of good relationship with the
members because they believe that everything starts on the manpower.

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M. Manosmita, et al., Beyond Resource Mobilization Theory: Dynamic Paradigm of

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Jenkins, J. Craig. Resource Mobilization theory and the Study of Social Movements.
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Edwards, Bob and Gillman. Patrick. Resource Mobilization Theory. Ed. David A.
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Sulong Kabataan: Students and Youth on

Resource Mobilization

Angelica M. Docena
Shameem Marie G. Lacaba
Jessa C. Turalba