Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Temple Building
Author(s): Olivier Hekster and John Rich
Reviewed work(s):
Source: The Classical Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 1 (May, 2006), pp. 149-168
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4493394 .
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ClassicalQuarterly
56.1 149-168(2006)Printedin GreatBritain
doi: 10.1017/S0009838806000127
149
Hor. Od 1.31; Prop. Eleg. 2.31; Verg. Aen. 8.720; Ov. Fast. 4.951-4, Ars. Am. 1.73-4, Trist.
andpropaganda
in AugustanRome:theTemple
1988),50-3, 85-9;B. Kellum,'Sculptural
programs
of Apolloon the Palatine',in R. Winkes(ed.),TheAgeof Augustus
(Louvain,1985),169-76(repr.
in E. D'Ambra [ed.], Roman Art in Context. An Anthology[Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1993], 75-84);
E. Simon, Augustus. Kunst und Leben in Rom um die Zeitenwende (Munich, 1986), 19-25;
G. Carettoni, in Kaiser Augustusund die verloreneRepublik(Berlin, 1988), 263-72; E. Lefivre, Das
Bildprogrammdes Apollo-Tempelsauf dem Palatin(Konstanz, 1989);M. J. Strazzulla,Ilprincipatodi
Apollo. Mito e propaganda nelle lastre 'Campane' dal tempio di Apollo Palatino (Rome, 1990);
G. Sauron, Quis Deum?L'expressionplastiquedes idWologies
politiqueset religieusesa Rome (Rome,
1994), 501-10; G. K. Galinsky, Augustan Culture:An InterpretiveIntroduction(Princeton, 1996),
213-24; D. Kienast, Augustus;Prinzepsund Monarch(Darmstadt, 19993), 231-8; P Marchetti, 'Le
150
that the templewas not, as has often been supposed,a thank-offeringfor the victory
in Sicily in the traditionof templesvowed by successfulcommanders.Nor could
Octaviansimplyestablishhis patrongod nextto his houseat his own whim,for to do
so would have been an act of arroganceat a time when he was alreadyseekingto
adoptthe stanceof republicanlegitimacyandtraditionalismwhichservedhim so well
in his final strugglewith Antony and as sole ruler.It will be arguedhere that in
founding the temple Octaviandrew on traditionalpractice in the expiation of
prodigies,but radicallyadaptedit for his own purposes.
I. THE PROCLAMATION
OF 36 B.c.
Octavian(or in reality his admiralAgrippa)won the decisivenaval victory over
Sextus Pompeiusat Naulochus on 3 September36 B.C.4Octavianthen settled his
remaining affairs in Sicily, ousting Lepidus and quelling a mutiny.5With this
accomplished,he returnedto Rome, wherehe held an ovation on 13 November,
enteringthe city on horsebackratherthan on foot in the traditionalmanner.6This
lesser form of triumphwas appropriatefor what he representedas a war against
slaves.7
Appian(BCiv.5.130-1.538-43)and CassiusDio (49.15-16)giveparallelnarratives
of Octavian'sreturnto Rome.Beforehis arrivalhe was votednumeroushonours.On
arrivalhe made speechesto the senate and people, which Appian tells us he later
published.In thesehe recountedhis achievementsandpolicies,proclaimedthe ending
of civilwar,abolishedvarioustaxesand cancelledarrearsto the treasury.He refused
someof the honoursdecreedand declinedto assumethe officeof PontifexMaximus,
still held by Lepidus.The honoursaccepted,as listed by Appian,were the ovation,
the declarationof the dayof the Naulochusvictoryas annualferiae,and the erection
of a navalcolumn surmountedby a golden statueof himself,adornedwith prows
capturedin the battle and bearingthe inscription,'Peace,long disturbed,he reestablishedon land and sea'.8
Subsequently,two furtherhonoursweredecreedfor Octavian.One relatedto the
tribunicianpower. The claim of Appian and Orosius that he now receivedthe
tribunicianpowerfor life is certainlywrong,but, if the honourconferredwas in the
more limitedtermsstatedby Dio, namelysacrosanctitasand the right to sit on the
tribunes'benches,Octavianmayhaveacceptedit.9Appianlinksthishonourto moves
by Octavianto re-establishrepublicanforms and a promise he made to secure
Antony'sagreementon his returnfromParthiafor the surrenderof theirpowersand
4 A. Degrassi, InscriptionesItaliae 13.3.506 = V. Ehrenberg and A. H. M. Jones, Documents
Illustratingthe Reigns of Augustusand Tiberius(Oxford, 19552,repr.with addenda, 1976) [hereafter
EJ], p. 51.
depictedat RIC 12Augustus271, but this may show one of the furthernavalcolumnserected
afterActium(Serv.Georg.3.29).
of Augustus',
9 App.BCiv.5.132.548-9;Dio 49.15.5-6;H. M. Last,'Onthe tribuniciapotestas
in 44, 36 and35 B.c.',
RendIst. Lomb.84(1951),93-110;R. A. Bauman,'Tribunician
sacrosanctity
RhM 124(1981),166-83.
OCTAVIAN
151
the restorationof 'the entire constitution'.Such a promise may well have been
includedin the speechesOctavianmadeon arrival.10
The otherhonourconferredafterOctavian'sreturnis mentionedby Dio alone:
TOTE
S olKlavTEav'T( TO 3qoaiov 3oO-qvat
V EV7
TOvyapTO7TOV
EoTVa, EWvrlTO),
E'yvW(aav.
E
HaAaLTW,
Kac
vUE,
ETTES17
a0'T
oLKo)ol9TUaal
7t)oOUWE Tr? rroA,OA
,Lpw (49.15.5)
KEpavvo?ES aVTO EyKa7TEUK7bE.
Theydecidedthata houseshouldbe givenhimfrompublicfunds;fortheplacewhichhe had
he hadmadepublicproperty
andhaddedicated
to
boughton thePalatineforhouse-building
hadstruckit.
Apollo,sincelightning
Dio does not indicatewhen Octavianhad made this gift, but for this we may resort
to a passage of VelleiusPaterculus.At the end of his account of the victorious
campaignin Sicily,Velleiusappendsthe followingstatement:
uictordeindeCaesarreuersusin urbemcontractasemptionibuscompluresdomos per
procuratores,
quo laxiorfieretipsius,publicisse usibusdestinare
est, templumque
professus
et circaporticusfacturum
extructum
munificentia
est.
Apollinis
promisit,
quodabeo singulari
(2.81.3)
ThenCaesar,
invictoryto thecity,declared
thathewasmakingoverforpublic
havingreturned
useseveral
houseswhichhehadpurchased
morespacious,
through
agentsto makehisresidence
andpromised
to buildtherea templeof Apolloandsurrounding
whichheconstructed
porticoes,
withextraordinary
munificence.
Velleiushas thuspassedoverOctavian'sotheractionson his returnto Rome,singling
out for mentiononly the declarationof part of his Palatinepropertyas publicand
the announcementof his intentionto build therea templeof Apollo, accompanied
by porticoes.Takenwith the accountsof Appianand Dio, this passageenablesus to
pinpointthe momentat whichOctavianannouncedhis gift of the site to the Roman
people and his intention to build a sanctuary of Apollo there. Although not
mentionedat that point by Appian or Dio, it was evidentlyone of the announcementsmadein the speecheswhich,as theyreport,Octaviandeliveredwhenhe arrived
at Romein earlyNovember.
Velleiussaysnothingaboutwhathad promptedOctavianto take this step,but the
omission is made good by Dio's reference to the lightning strike, and more
informationis suppliedin a passageof Suetonius:
domusexcitauit,
a deo
templum
Apollinisin ea partePalatinae
quamfulmineictamdesiderari
addiditporticus
cumbibliotheca
LatinaGraecaque
... (Aug.29.3)
haruspices
pronuntiarant;
He erectedthetempleof Apolloin thatpartof his Palatinehousewhich,whenit hadbeen
struckbylightning,
haddeclared
to bedesiredbythegod.Headdedporticoes
with
haruspices
LatinandGreeklibraries
...
The sequence of events can thus be reconstructedas follows. Octavian'sfirst
acquisitionon the Palatinewas,as Suetoniustellsus (Aug.72.1), the formerhouseof
Hortensius,but he subsequentlypurchasedadditionalproperties.When lightning
struckthere,haruspiceswereconsultedand respondedthat the place was desiredby
Apollo. The lightningstrikeand the consultationof the haruspicesmay well have
taken place during Octavian'sabsencein Sicily in the campaigningseason of 36,
10
56 (1978), 315-28.
0. HEKSTERAND J. RICH
152
Das Haus des Augustus auf dem Palatin (Mainz, 1983); A. J. Woodman, VelleiusPaterculus. The
Caesarian and Augustan Narrative (Cambridge, 1983), 208; M. Corbier, 'De la maison
dellacasadi
Palatin(Rome1999),77-80, 119-23, 144-71;P.Pensabene,'Elementiarchitettonici
Augustosul Palatino',MDAI(R) 104 (1997), 149-92 ; M. A. Tomei,'Le case di Augustosul
Palatino',MDAI(R) 107(2000),7-36.
12 Asc. 13C;Dio 43.44.6;S. Weinstock,DivusJulius(Oxford,1971),276-80.
13 Dio 54.27.3, 55.12.5; Suet. Aug. 57.2.
14
Republican Rome and their Historical and TopographicalContext (Rome, 1992); M. Aberson,
Temples votifs et butin de guerre dans la Rome rdpublicaine(Rome, 1994); E. M. Orlin, Temples,
153
of Caesar.16 The tradition of manubial temples and public works was, however,
exploited by the two military dynasts of the late Republic, Pompey and Caesar.
Pompey's great theatre complex incorporated a temple of Venus Victrix and various
lesser shrines, and he also built temples to Hercules and Minerva."7Caesar responded
by building a new forum from his spoils, incorporating a temple of Venus Genetrix.18
In the triumviral and early Augustan periods manubial building by lesser
commanders revived. Numerous commanders undertook such work following their
triumphs, from L. Munatius Plancus (triumphed 43) to L. Cornelius Balbus, whose
triumph in 19 B.C.was the last celebrated by a non-member of the imperial family.
Some, like Balbus with his theatre, built new utilitarian structures, but most opted for
the grandiose rebuilding of existing monuments. The temples rebuilt in this way were
Saturn (Plancus), Apollo in the Circus Flaminius (C. Sosius, triumphed 34), and
Hercules of the Muses and Diana on the Aventine (respectively L. Marcius Philippus
and L. Cornificius, following triumphs in 33 or 32).19 Later in Augustus' reign the
practice was revived by Tiberius: following his triumph in 7 B.C.,he undertook in his
own name and in that of his dead brother Drusus the restoration of the temples of
Castor and Concordia, dedicating them in respectively A.D.6 and 10.20
Augustus rebuilt or restored numerous temples and carried out many other public
works in the city of Rome in his or others' names. However, he erected only four new
temples: the temple of Divus lulius in the Forum Romanum, dedicated in 29, the
temple of Apollo Palatinus, dedicated in 28, the small temple of luppiter Tonans at
the entrance to the Area Capitolina, dedicated in 22, and the temple of Mars Ultor in
the new Forum Augustum, dedicated in 2 B.C.21 Of these only Mars Ultor was
manubial in character.
Augustus stated in the Res Gestae (21.1) that he built the temple of Mars Ultor and
the Forum Augustum from spoils (ex manibiis). Both Ovid and Suetonius tell us that
the temple was built in accordance with a vow made at the battle of Philippi in 42.
However, Ovid goes on to say that the god earned his title of Ultor ('Avenger') a
second time when the Parthians were compelled to return the captured Roman
standards, and, as Augustus himself tells us, the recovered standards were eventually
16
(Minerva, D. Palombi).
18 C. Amici, II Foro di Cesare (Florence, 1991); LTUR 2.299-307 (C. Morselli, P. Gros).
period. For overviews see Zanker, Power of Images (n. 3), 65-71; N. Purcell, CAH 102 (1996),
787-9; D. Favro, The UrbanImage of Augustan Rome (Cambridge, 1996), 82-95; Kienast (n. 3),
410-17. For the individual buildings see LTUR. Sosius, a supporter of Antony, may have
embarked on the rebuilding of the Apollo temple in deliberate rivalry with Octavian's planned
new temple on the Palatine, but he was pardoned after Actium, and in its completed form the
restored temple seems to have celebrated Octavian/Augustus: E. La Rocca, Amazzonomachia.Le
sculturefrontonalidel tempio di Apollo Sosianus (Rome, 1985); A. Viscogliosi, II Tempiodi Apollo
in Circoe laformazione del linguaggioarchitettonicoaugusteo (Rome, 1996). The rebuilding of the
temple of Neptune by a Cn. Domitius has often been dated to the triumviral period, but was
probably earlier: E Coarelli, II Campo Marzio. 1: Dalle origini alla fine della repubblica(Rome,
21
At RG 19-21Augustusgroupsnewbuildingsandrebuildings
Suet.Aug.29
indiscriminately.
154
Dio 54.8.3.
Parthian
Forthisinterpretation
seeJ.W.Rich,'Augustus's
honours,thetempleof Mars
PBSR56 (1998),71-128,especially79-97;
Ultor and the archin the ForumRomanum',
24
Seealso
atBMCR2002.03.21.
1999),15-89,withRich'scomments
(Heidelberg,
Augustusforums
T. Schafer, Spolia et Signa. Baupolitik und Reichskultur nach dem Parthererfolg des Augustus
1998).
(G6ttingen,
25Forexample,
Zanker(n. 3, 1988),50;Richardson
(n. 1), 14;Favro(n. 19),89;Galinsky
(n. 1, 1998),131.
(n.3),213;Gros,LTUR1.54;Claridge
26
So rightlyR. A. Gurval,Actium and Augustus. The Politics and Emotions of Civil War(Ann
of Suet.Aug.29.3.
Arbor,1995),113-5,thoughwithoutmentionof thecrucialevidence
27 Artemisium in the preliminary manoeuvres: App. BCiv. 5.116.484; Dio 49.8.1, 3. On the
sanctuary, whose precise location remains unknown, see R. J. A. Wilson, Sicily under the Roman
Empire (Warminster,1990), 290, 409.
28 RIC 12 Augustus 273. On this issue as attesting Diana's link with Naulochus see especially
155
156
0. HEKSTERAND J. RICH
157
more than one of these groupswas involvedwith the same set of prodigies.36
The
haruspiceswere quite often consultedby the senateover lightningprodigies,appropriatelyenough since divinationfromlightningwas one of the principalsubjectsof
the Etruscandisciplina,the lore of the haruspicespreservedin their sacredbooks.37
However,the otherpriestlyexpertswerealso consultedon lightningstrikes:for this,
as formost otherprodigytypes,no particularset of priestsseemsto haveestablisheda
monopoly.38
Lightningstrikeswere among the commonesttypes of event taken up as public
prodigies.Wiilkeranalysedthe reportedinstancesas follows:temples(43), city walls
and gates (22), statues(13), persons(15), animals(9).39Neitherof the eventswhich
promptedAugustus'foundationsof the temples of Apollo Palatinusor Iuppiter
Tonans conforms to this pattern. The Palatine lightning strike was on private
property,but we do not elsewherehearof sucheventson privateland beingaccepted
as a publicprodigy.40
The lightningstrikein Spainkilledthe slavecarryingAugustus'
torch, but the templeof IuppiterTonanswas foundednot to expiatethis deathas a
prodigybut in thanksgivingfor Augustus'narrowescape.41
Most prodigies were expiated with standardrituals such as sacrifices,supplicationes,or lustration.No clearpatterncan be discernedforthe methodsof expiation
selectedfor lightningprodigies,whichevergroupof adviserswasfollowed.42
Expiations
of theseprodigiesdid not normallyincludetemplefoundation.However,at least one
Republicantemplemusthavebeenfoundedin responseto a lightningprodigy,namely
thatof Summanus,the Romangod of nightlightning.Ciceroandthe LivianPeriocha
tell us that, when a terracottastatue of Summanuson the roof of the Capitoline
temple of Jupiterwas struck by lightning and its head broken off and lost, the
haruspiceslocated it in the Tiber. Its position in the Periochadates this episode
betweenPyrrhus'withdrawalto Sicilyin 278 B.C.and the secondconsulshipof M.'
36
1990), 51-71, and 'Prophet and text in the third century B.C.',in E. Bispham and C. Smith (edd.),
Religion in Archaic and RepublicanRome and Italy (Edinburgh, 2000), 92-107; M.-L. Haack, Les
haruspicesdans le monde romain(Paris, 2003).
38 MacBain (n. 35), 51, 118-20; cf also Thulin,
Disciplin (n. 37), 1.114-17.
39 Wiilker (n. 35), 10. Cf. Luterbacher (n. 35), 22; Rosenberger(n. 35), 116.
40 Rightly noted by C. J. Simpson, 'Horace, Carm. 1.2.30-44,
Apollo Palatinus and allusions to
shrines in Octavian'sRome', Athenaeum81 (1993), 632-40, at 634-5, n. 17.
41 E. Rodriguez-Almeida, 'Tra
epigrafia, filologia, storia et topografia urbana: quattro
ipotesi', MEFRA 103 (1991), 529-50, at 547-50, conjectures that the torchbearer survived and
later dedicated an extant votive inscription to Jupiter Tonans. However, Suetonius' word
exanimasset (Aug. 29.3) surely implies that the slave was killed, rather than merely rendered
unconscious.
42 Thus
haruspices are reported as recommended widely differing lightning expiations in
207 B.C.(Livy 27.37.7-10), 65/63 B.c. (Cic. Cat. 3.19-21, Div. 1.19-21; Dio 37.9.1-2, 34.3-4;
Obsequens 61; Arn. Adv. nat. 7.38), and A.D.55 (Tac. Ann. 13.24.2). On variations in methods of
expiation see MacBain (n. 35), 120-1.
158
O. HEKSTERAND J. RICH
Curius Dentatus in 275.43 Ovid tells us that the temple of Summanus was founded
'when Pyrrhus was a threat'.44In view of the coincidence of date, it must have been in
response to this prodigy that Summanus was given his own temple in the Circus
Maximus.45At some point luppiter Fulgur, the god of day lightning, also received his
own temple in the Campus Martius, but nothing is known of the date or circumstances of this foundation.46It could have taken place at the same time as Summanus
received his temple or later; if the latter, it may have been founded in response to a
further lightning strike.
Summanus and luppiter Fulgur thus afford partial precedents for Augustus' temple
foundations. With luppiter Tonans Augustus established yet another temple to
Jupiter in his guise as god of thunder and lightning. Apollo Palatinus, like Summanus,
was founded following haruspical interpretation of a lightning prodigy.47However,
for Summanus the involvement of the haruspicesis attested only for the finding of the
statue's head. It may also have been they who recommended the foundation of the
temple, but we cannot confidently infer this, in view of the attested involvement of
more than one group of priestly experts over other prodigies. Moreover, by contrast
with the Palatine temple, there was no suggestion for Summanus that the temple
should be founded on the spot where the lightning struck.
Another obscure Republican temple provides a different parallel with Octavian's
foundation. According to Cicero, the temple of Honos outside the Colline Gate was
founded in response to the discovery at a nearby altar of a metal plate bearing the
inscription Honoris.48Here, as with the Palatine temple, a portent was interpreted as
indicating a god's desire for a temple. The decision to found the temple of Honos must
have been taken by the senate. Priestly experts were presumably consulted, perhaps
the haruspices.
It was both Etruscan and Roman practice that the place where a lightning bolt
struck should be enclosed and either covered or, less usually, left open. The remains of
numerous such stone enclosures have been found, bearing inscriptions such asfulgur
conditum. The term bidental was used of some or all such enclosures, and both
Cic.Div. 1.16,2.45;LivyPer.14.
Ov. Fast. 6.731-2:reddita,quisquisis est, Summanotemplaferuntur,/ tum,cumRomanis,
Pyrrhe,timenduseras.
45 Calendarsgive the temple'slocation in the Circusand the natalis,20 June (Inscr.Ital.
13.2.472),and Plin. NH 29.57 shows that it was near the templeof Iuventas:see Ziolkowski
(n. 14), 154-5;E Coarelli,LTUR4.385-6.luppiterFulgurandSummanusas the Romangodsof
dayandnightlightning:Plin.NH 2.138;Festus66, 254 L; August.De civ.D. 4.23. On the origin
andetymologyof Summanussee S. Weinstock,RE 4A.897;E. andA. Prosdocimi,'Summanuse
Travaux
strutturalenel calendarioromano',in Etrennesdeseptentaire.
Angerona:una solidarieti"
de linguistiqueet de grammairecompareeoffertsa Michel Lejeune(Paris, 1978), 199-207;
'Summanusau solsticed'et6',in D. Porteand J.-P.Neraudau(edd.),Res sacrae.Hommagesa
Henri Le Bonniec(Brussels,1998), 83-100; B. Garcia Hernandez,'Summanus',Emerita60
(1992),57-69, 205-15.
46 Calendarsshowthat the templeof luppiterFulgursharedits natalis,7 October,with luno
Curitis,and theirreferenceto the Campussurelyappliesto both temples(Inscr.Ital. 13.2.518).
Nothing further is known of the temple except that it was unroofed (Vitr. Arch. 1.2.5).
For discussionsof its possible location see Ziolkowski(n. 14), 79; Richardson(n. 1), 219;
D. Manacorda,'I1tempiodi Vulcanoin CampoMarzio',Dial.Arch.8 (1990),35-51, andLTUR
3.136-8;Coarelli(n. 19), 210-8. The cult of luno Curitiswas probablyintroducedby evocatio
fromFaleriion its capturein 241, but thereis no good reasonto postulatethe sameoriginfor
luppiterFulgur,as Coarelliargues.
47 It is possiblethat a haruspicalresponsewas obtainedbeforethe foundationof Iuppiter
Tonansas well,buthas goneunrecordedin our scantyevidenceforthe temple.
48 Cic. Leg.2.58;Ziolkowski(n. 14),57-8; D. Palombi,LTUR3.30-1.
43
44
159
Haruspices'involvement: Lucan 1.606-8, 8.864; Schol. Pers. 2.27; Sid. Apoll. Carm. 9.192-3.
(n. 35), 19-24.
5o On the sincerityof Romandivinerssee especiallyLiebeschuetz
160
0. HEKSTERAND J. RICH
161
would not necessarily indicate a link with Octavian in particular, but in any case the
appearance of Apollo's head and Apolline symbols such as the tripod, laurel, and lyre
on their coinage suggests that it is more likely to have been Brutus and Cassius who
gave this password, as Plutarch asserts.61The tripod which figures on Octavian's
coinage of 37 advertises not a connection with Apollo, but his recent appointment as
a quindecimvirsacrisfaciundis.62
The clearest attestation of an early link between Octavian and Apollo is Suetonius'
story of a banquet in which the guests dressed as the twelve gods and Octavian took
the role of Apollo. Suetonius cites as his sources a letter of Antony naming the diners
and some anonymous verses, which he quotes. He goes on to report that the episode
took place at a time of famine in the city of Rome, and that men said that the gods
had eaten all the food and that Octavian was Apollo the Torturer.63The reference to
famine suggests a date in the period 39-37 when Sex. Pompeius' operations were
disrupting the corn supply to the city. However, although many scholars have taken it
seriously, the banquet story is surely apocryphal and was probably circulated in the
period after 36, as relations between Antony and Octavian broke down and each side
traded insults.64
The tales of Apollo's impregnation of Atia and the banquet of the twelve gods are
indeed evidence of a widely perceived association between Octavian and Apollo, but
do not certainly show that such a link was established before 36. It is thus not inconceivable that it was the haruspiceswho began the connection, by identifying Apollo as
the god who sent the Palatine thunderbolt. However, despite the weakness of our
evidence, it remains more likely that Octavian had already formed the association and
that in naming Apollo the haruspices were giving the answer which they knew he
wanted.
As we have noted, the haruspices would have found no difficulty in giving those
who consulted them the response they sought, providing it was compatible with their
disciplina. It has been suggested that the haruspicesinterpreted the lightning strike as
sent by Jupiter to indicate Apollo's wish for the site.65However, Suetonius' wording
makes it more likely that they held it to have been sent by Apollo himself to show his
desire. It is unfortunately impossible to establish with certainty whether the naming of
61
Val. Max. 1.5.7; Plut. Brut. 24.4-7. Plutarchpreferred:Gurval(n. 26), 98-100; contra
J. Moles, 'Fate, Apollo and M. Junius Brutus', AJP 104 (1983), 249-56. According to Dio
(47.43.1), Brutus and Cassius gave libertas as their password at the first battle of Philippi, but in
view of the prominence of Apollo and libertas together as themes of their coinage (RRC
498-504), it would not be surprising that Brutus should switch to Apollo for the second battle.
62 See above at n. 51. Other coins issued by Octavian at this time
display the symbols of the
Suet. Aug. 70. On the anonymous verses see E. Courtney, The Fragmentary Latin Poets
(Oxford,1993),473-4.
64 Againstthe story'sauthenticity(acceptedevenby Gurval[n. 26],94-8), see M. P. Charlesworth, 'Some fragmentsof the propagandaof Mark Antony', CQ 27 (1933), 172-7, at 175;
J. Pollini, 'Man or god: divine assimilationand imitationin the Late Republicand Early
Principate',in K. A. RaaflaubandM. Toher(edd.),BetweenRepublicandEmpire:Interpretations
of AugustusandhisPrincipate(Berkeley,Los Angeles,Oxford,1990),334-363,at 345.Thereis no
reason to supposethat the allegedoccasionwas Octavian'smarriageto Livia, as arguedby
K. Scott, 'The politicalpropagandaof 44-30 B.c.',MAAR 11 (1933),7-49, at 30-2; G. Cresci
Marrone,'Lacenadei dodicidei',RCCM44 (2002),25-33.
65 So Simpson(n. 40), 633-5. Simpsondetectsa reference
to the inceptionof the templeat
Hor. Odes 1.2.2-4, 29-32, but 'augurApollo' must alludeto Apollo'sown associationswith
divination,not to theharuspices.
162
0. HEKSTERAND J. RICH
Apollo as the author of the strike was in accordance with haruspical lore. The
Etruscans, we are told, held that there were eleven kinds of thunderbolts, sent by nine
gods: three kinds belonged to Jupiter (Etruscan Tin or Tinia) as his manubiae,and the
rest were sent by other gods.66 There is evidence that the other gods held to send
thunderbolts included Juno, Minerva, Vulcan, Mars, and Saturn.67 The identity of the
other three gods is unknown, and we cannot say whether or not Apollo (Etruscan
Aplu or Apulu) was among them.68The Delphic Apollo is occasionally spoken of as
sending thunderbolts, but this tells us nothing of Etruscan doctrine.69If Apollo was
one of the gods whom their lore regarded as a sender of thunderbolts, we may readily
imagine that the haruspiceswould have found it easy to identify him as the author of
the Palatine thunderbolt. If he was not, they must in this case have consciously
subordinated their religious expertise to political expediency.
V. ACTIUM
The dedication of several notable monuments was reserved for Octavian's return
after his victories over Antony and Cleopatra. In 29, only a few days after his triple
triumph, he dedicated the temple of Divus Julius (18 August) and the altar of Victory
in the restored senate-house (28 August).70 On 9 October 28 B.C.,he dedicated the
temple of Apollo Palatinus.71
Between the announcement of the planned temple in 36 and its dedication eight
years later, a remarkable coincidence had occurred: Octavian's decisive naval victory
over his enemies, on 2 September 31, had taken place close to an ancient sanctuary of
Apollo. After the victory Octavian rebuilt this temple of Apollo at Actium, on the
south side of the entrance to the Ambracian Gulf, and dedicated ten captured ships
there. On the north side of the straits, he founded a great new city, Nicopolis, and on
its northern edge a new sanctuary of Apollo, with a stadium and gymnasium. This
sanctuary was crowned by a victory monument on the site of Octavian's tent, now
being revealed by remarkable excavations.72 Octavian also refounded the games in
honour of Actian Apollo, greatly enhancing their prestige: they were to be held every
66 Plin. NH
emendationof quattuorto nouem).
2.138;cf. Serv.Aen. 1.42 (with Schmeisser's
The threemanubiaeof Jupiterarediscussedwithoutmentionof the othergods'thunderboltsat
Sen. QNat. 2.41-6; Festus 114, 236L. See Thulin(n. 37, 1905-9),1.23-49;Weinstock(n. 37),
125-9;Pfiffig(n. 37), 130-2.
67Plin.NH 2.139;Serv.Aen. 1.42,8.429.
68 Thulin
(n. 37, 1905-9),1.35-7,43-4, discussesvariouspossibleidentifications,
considering
Apollo,butconcludesthatthereareno good groundssupportinghis inclusion.OnApollo(Aplu)
in Etruscanreligionand art see Pfiffig(n. 37), 251-5; I. Krauskopf,LIMC2.334-63;M. Bentz
andD. Steinbauer,'NeueszumAplu-Kultin Etrurien',AA (2001),69-77. (Pfiffig'sclaim,p. 252,
that'Apluin derSpiitzeitauchals Blitzgottgilt'is basedsolelyon theharuspicalresponseof 36.)
Apluwasnot one of the godsassociatedwiththe sixteenheavenlyregionsandthecorresponding
divisionsmarkedon the Piacenzaliver,for whichsee L. B. van der Meer,TheBronzeLiverof
Piacenza:Analysisof a PolytheisticStructure(Amsterdam,1987).The haruspicesprescribed
expiationto Apolloin 99 whencrowsfoughtabovea Romanassembly(Obsequens46).
69 Soph. OT 469-70; Paus. 9.36.3, 10.23.1;Justin2.12.8. Propertius4.6.29-30 associates
Apollowithlightningat Actium(contrastVerg.Aen.8.680-1).
70 Inscr.Ital. 13.2.497,503-4 (= EJ 51);Dio 51.22.1-2.
71 Inscr.Ital. 13.2.518-9(= EJ 53);Dio 53.1.3.
72 Strabo 7.7.6
(325C);Suet. Aug. 18.2; Dio 51.1.2-3; W. M. Murrayand P. M. Petsas,
Octavian'sCampsiteMemorialfor the Actian War(Philadelphia,1989);K. L. Zachos, 'The
of the sea-battleof Actiumat Nicopolis:interimreport',JRA 16 (2003),65-92.
tropaeum
163
four years at the new sanctuary,with status equal to that of the Olympicgames.
Actiangameson thismodelwerein due coursefoundedin manyotherlocations.73
Thus by his actions at the battle-sitein north-westGreeceOctavianshowed his
gratitudeto Apollo, and it is naturalto concludethat, by the time of its dedication
and subsequently,he and his contemporarieswould also have associatedthe god's
Palatinetemplewith the greatvictory.The link was indeedmade,someyearslater,by
Virgil,in his depictionof the shieldof Aeneas,and then by Propertius,in his fourth
book. In Virgilthe associationis only implicit:the culminatingscene of the shield
depictsthe battleof Actium,with 'ActianApollo' assistingthe victoriouscause,and
Virgilthen concludesby showingus CaesarAugustusin triumphand receivingthe
gifts of the peoples'seatedon the snowythresholdof gleamingPhoebus',that is, at
the Palatine temple.74 Propertiusmakes the connection quite explicitly.In the
The
openinglines of the fourthbook he givesthe Palatinegod the epithetNavalis.75
sixth elegy is one of severalpoems in the book which,in the Callimacheanmanner,
offeraetiologiesof Romanmonuments.Propertiusannouncesits themeas the temple
of Palatine Apollo (4.6.11 Musa, Palatini referemusApollinis aedem), and then passes
164
0. HEKSTER
AND J. RICH
and the statuesin the porticoof the Danaids,who slew theirhusbands,the sons of
Aegyptus,havebeenvariouslyinterpretedas evokingthe defeatof Egyptor the evils
of civilwarto whichOctavian'svictoryhad put an end.78
This conceptionof the templehas beenchallengedby Gurval,who maintainsthat
at the time of the dedication neither Octaviannor his contemporariesmade a
connectionbetweenthe Palatinetempleand the Actiumvictory.The associationwas,
he holds,firstmadeby Virgilin the Aeneidand thentakenup by Propertius.79
of the Palatineartworksis necessarilyspeculative,andit maywellbe
Interpretation
that moreof the iconographicschemehad been determinedin the pre-Actiumphase
of the temple's construction than is usually allowed. Moreover,we cannot be
confidentthat a statuein the precinctsof the Palatinesanctuaryexplicitlyidentified
Apollo as the victor of Actium, as has often been supposed.Denariiissuedby the
moneyerC. AntistiusVetusin 16 B.C.showon the reverseApollo holdinga lyrein his
left hand and with his rightmakinga sacrificefroma pateraoveran altar;he stands
on a platformornamentedwith whatareprobablytwo anchorsand threeprows,and
ACTIO.This has sometimes been taken as
the accompanying legend reads APOLLINI
of
with
a
'silent
the
statue
lyre' (tacita ... lyra) which Propertius
Apollo
depicting
82
ForthisepithetseethetextsandcoinscitedaboveandalsoOv.Met.13.715.
165
166
0. HEKSTER
AND J. RICH
thatthefounding
of thePalatine
a taboo
It hasbeenwidelysupposed
templecontravened
167
of Octavian/Augustus
as
Apollo was neverexclusive:the most explicitrepresentation
a divinityoccurson coinageissuedabout the time of Actiumwhichlinks him with
Jupiter,and Horace,in a poem writtenperhapsin 27, opts for an identificationwith
Mercury."88
The actualspot wherethe lightninghad struckmust have receivedspecialveneration in the Palatinesanctuary.It is temptingto associateit with a pillar-typeobject,
whichfeaturesboth on one of the terracottaplaquesrecoveredin the excavationof
the Palatinesanctuaryand on wall-paintingsin the 'Room of the Masks' in the
'Houseof Augustus'andin the 'Triclinium'
of the 'Houseof Livia'.89
Thisfeaturehas
been identifiedas depictingan 'agyieus'or 'baetyl',a taperedpillar servingas an
aniconiccult object.Its appearanceon a terracottaplaqueandon wall-paintingsfrom
the adjacenthousesshowsthatit had local importanceandmakesit likelythat sucha
baetylwill havestood in the sanctuary.If so, it will havebeen dedicatedto Apollo,
and the plaqueshowsthe baetylas decoratedwith his lyreand quiveras well as being
adornedwith fillets by maidensstandingon eitherside. Baetylsare knownto have
been a widelydiffusedfeatureof the cult of Apollo Agyieus(Apollo as protectorof
streets),whichhad a particularimportancein someof the formerCorinthiancolonies
in north-westGreece,such as Apollonia and Ambracia.The baetyl'srole in the
Palatinesanctuaryis likelyto havebeen linkedwith the battleof Actium,foughtin
the regionwherebaetylsplayedso prominenta partin Apollo'scult, and sucha connectionis madeevenmoreprobableby the recentdiscoveryof a baetylat Nicopolis.90
However,the Palatinebaetylmayalso havebeen associatedwith the lightningstrike,
as has beensuggestedby Picard-Schmitter
and Strazzulla.91
If so, it mayhavemarked
the actual spot wherethe bolt struck,and enclosedit, just as a traditionalbidental
wouldhavedone.
The establishmentof Apollo'stemplenextto his homeandthe laterextensionof its
role as a thank-offeringfor the Actium victory servedthe purposesof Octavian/
Augustusverywell,but it does not followthathe viewedthesedevelopmentssolelyin
terms of political and cultural expediency.As his biographertells us, he had a
traditional reverencefor religion, feared thunder and lightning, and attached
importanceto omens and prodigies.92His dedicationof the temple of luppiter
Tonansmayhavebeenpromptedby sinceregratitudeto Jupiterfor sparinghim from
the lightning strike that killed the accompanyingslave. He may have genuinely
believed that he enjoyed Apollo's special protection. He may have accepted the
Palatinelightningbolt as a divinesign,andpersuadedhimselfthatit had beensentby
Apollo as a demandfor a templeon the site.The locationof the decisiveconflictwith
Antony and Cleopatrawill have been determinedby strategicconsiderations,but
Pont. Acc. Arch. 44 (1971/2), 123-39, at 129-31; id., 'Nuova serie di grandi lastri fittili
"Campana"',Boll. d'Arte58 (1973),75-87, at 78-80; id., Das Hausdes Augustus(n. 11),23-7;
M. T. Picard-Schmitter,
Monuments
Piot 57 (1971),43-88;Zanker(n. 3,
'Betyleshellenistiques',
1988),89-90;Strazzulla(n. 3), 22-9; V.Fehrentz,'DerantikeAgyieus',JDAI108(1993),123-96,
esp.154-69;Marchetti
(n.3).
90C. Tzouvara-Souli,
'Thecultsof Apolloin north-western
Greece',in J. Isager(ed.),
Foundationand Destruction. Nicopolis and NorthwesternGreece(Athens, 2001), 233-555.
91Picard-Schmitter
(n. 89), 77;Strazzulla(n. 3), 27-8.
92
Suet.Aug.90-92;above,at n. 55.
168
0. HEKSTER
AND J. RICH
RadboudUniversity,
Nijmegen
Universityof Nottingham
OLIVIER HEKSTER
o.hekster@let.ru.nl
JOHN RICH
john.rich@nottingham.ac.uk
in a seminarat the
Steinby,andtheparticipants
93 Wearegratefulto FergusMillar,Margareta
Universityof Nottinghamfor theircommentson earlierdraftsof this paper.The finalversion
has beengreatlyimprovedby the suggestionsof thejournal'sreader.