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For other people or places named Saint-Just, in whole or with the three children. She saved diligently for her only
in part, see Saint-Just (disambiguation).
sons education, and in 1779 he was sent to the Oratorian
school at Soissons. After a promising start, Saint-Just acLouis Antoine Lon de Saint-Just (French pronuncia- quired a reputation as a troublemaker, augmented by infamous stories (almost certainly apocryphal) of how he led
tion: [s yst]; 25 August 1767 28 July 1794), ususchool.[4]
a
ally known as Saint-Just, was a military and political a students rebellion and tried to burn down the [5]
Nonetheless, he earned his graduation in 1786.
leader during the French Revolution. The youngest of
the deputies elected to the National Convention in 1792, His restive nature, however, did not diminish. As
Saint-Just rose quickly in their ranks and became a ma- a young man, Saint-Just was wild, handsome, [and]
jor leader of the government of the French First Repub- transgressive.[6] Well-connected and popular, he showed
lic. He spearheaded the movement to execute King Louis a special aection toward a young woman of Blrancourt,
XVI and later drafted the radical French Constitution of Thrse Gell. She was the daughter of another wealthy
1793.
notary, a powerful and autocratic gure in the town; he
He became a close friend of Maximilien Robespierre, was still an undistinguished adolescent. He is said to have
[7]
and served with him as one of the commissioners of the proposed marriage to her; she is said to have desired it.
powerful Committee of Public Safety. Dispatched as Though no hard evidence exists regarding their relationa commissar to the army during its rocky start in the ship, ocial records show that on 25 July 1786, Thrse
French Revolutionary Wars, Saint-Just imposed severe was married to Emmanuel Thorin, the scion of a promidiscipline, and he was credited by many for the armys nent local family. Saint-Just was out of town and unaware
subsequent revival at the front. Back in Paris, he super- of the event, and tradition portrays him as brokenhearted.
vised the consolidation of Robespierres power through a Whatever his true state, it is known that a few weeks after the marriage he abruptly left home for Paris without
ruthless and bloody program of intimidation. In his relaof
tively brief time on the historical stage, he became the en- an announcement, but not without gathering up a pair
pistols and a good quantity of his mothers silver.[8] His
during public face of the Reign of Terror and was dubbed
the Angel of Death by later writers. Saint-Just orga- venture turned short when his mother had him seized by
police and sent to a reformatory (maison de correction)
nized the arrests and prosecutions of many of the most
where he stayed from September 1786 to March 1787.
famous gures of the Revolution.
Chastened, Saint-Just attempted to begin anew: he enSaint-Just was arrested in the violent episode of 9 Ther- rolled as a student at the School of Law, Reims Univermidor and executed the next day with Robespierre and sity.[9] After a year, however, he drifted away from law
their allies. In many histories of the Revolution, their school and returned to his mothers home in Blrancourt
deaths at the guillotine mark the end of the Reign of Ter- penniless, without any occupational prospects.[10]
ror.
1.1
Early life
Organt
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just was born at Decize in the former Nivernais province of central France.[1] He was the
eldest child of Louis Jean de Saint-Just de Richebourg
(17161777), a retired French cavalry ocer, knight of
the Order of Saint Louis,[2] and of the 20-years younger
Marie-Anne Robinot (17361811), the daughter of a
notary.[3] He had two younger sisters, born in 1768 and
1769. The family later moved north and in 1776 settled in the village of Blrancourt in the former Picardy
province, establishing themselves as a countryside noble
family living out of the rents from their land. A year after
the move, Louis Antoines father died leaving his mother
1
and scandalous pornographic episodes, it also made un- anti-revolutionary pamphlet, swearing his devotion to the
mistakable attacks upon the monarchy, the nobility, and Republic.[19] He had powerful allies when he sought to
the Church.[13]
become a member of his districts electoral assembly,
leadContemporaries regarded Organt as something of a sala- and he initiated correspondence with well-known
[20]
ers
of
the
Revolution
like
Camille
Desmoulins.
In
late
cious novelty and it was quickly banned, but censors who
1790,
he
wrote
to
Robespierre
for
the
rst
time,
asking
tried to conscate it discovered that few copies were available anywhere. It did not sell well and resulted in a nan- him to consider a local petition. The letter was lled with
cial loss for its author.[14] The publics taste for literature the highest of praise, beginning: You, who uphold our
tottering country against the torrent of despotism and inhad changed in the prelude to the Revolution, and SaintI know, as I know God, only through his
Justs taste changed with it: aside from a few pages of an trigue; you whom
miracles....[21] Through their correspondence, the two
unnished novel found amidst his papers at the end of his
friendship that would
life, Saint-Just devoted his future writing entirely to un- developed a deep and mysterious
last until the day [they] died.[22]
decorated essays of social and political theory. With his
previous ambitions of literary and lawyerly fame unfullled, Saint-Just directed his focus on the single goal of
revolutionary command.[15]
2.1
L'Esprit de la Revolution
While Saint-Just waited for the next election, he composed an extensive work, L'Esprit de la Revolution et de la
constitution de France, published in the spring of 1791.[23]
His writing style had shed all satire and now adopted
the stern and moralizing tone of classical Romans so
adored by French revolutionaries.[24] It revealed an unexpectedly moderate set of principles deeply inuenced by
Montesquieu, and remained fully conned to a paradigm
of constitutional monarchy.[23] He expressed abhorrence
at the violence in the Revolution thus far, and he disdained the character of those who partook in it as little more than riotous slaves.[25] Instead, he heaped his
praise upon the peoples representatives in the Legislative
Assembly, whose sober virtue would guide the Revolution best.[26] Spread out over ve books, L'Esprit de la
Revolution is inconsistent in many of its assertions but
Saint-Justs home in Blrancourt is now a museum and tourist
still
shows clearly that Saint-Just no longer saw governcenter.
ment as oppressive to mans nature but necessary to its
Blrancourts traditional power structure was reshaped success: its ultimate object was to edge society in the
by the events of 1789. The notary Gell, previously an direction of the distant ideal.[27]
undisputed town leader, was challenged by a group of re- The new work, like its predecessor, attracted minimal
formists who were led by several of Saint-Justs friends, readership. On 21 June 1791, just days after it was pubincluding the husband of his sister Louise.[16] Their at- lished, all attention became focused on King Louis XVI's
tempts were not successful until 1790 when Blrancourt ill-fated ight to Varennes, and Saint-Justs theories about
held its rst open municipal elections. Mandated by the constitutional monarchy were made suddenly irrelevant.
National Constituent Assembly, the new electoral struc- Yet the episode had another eect it fostered a public
ture allowed Saint-Justs friends to assume authority in anger toward the king which simmered all year until the village as mayor, secretary, and, in the case of his nally a Parisian mob attacked the Tuileries Palace on 10
brother-in-law, head of the local National Guard. The August, 1792. In response, the Assembly declared itself
jobless Saint-Just, despite not meeting the legal age and ready to step down ahead of schedule and called for a
tax qualications, was allowed to join the Guard.[17]
new election, this one under universal male surage. The
Saint-Just immediately exhibited the ruthless disciplinarianism for which he would be famous. Within a few
months he was the commanding ocer, at the rank of
lieutenant-colonel.[18] At local meetings he moved attendees with his patriotic zeal and air: in one muchrepeated story, Saint-Just brought the town council to
tears by thrusting his hand into the ame of a burning
2.2
Among the deputies, Saint-Just was watchful but interacted little at rst. He joined the Parisian Jacobin Club
but he remained aloof from Girondins and Montagnards
alike.[33] He waited until 13 November 1792 to give his
rst speech to the Convention, but when he did the eect
was spectacular. What brought him to the lectern was the
discussion over how to treat the king after Varennes.[34]
In dramatic contrast to the earlier speakers, Saint-Just
delivered a blazing condemnation of the king. He demanded that Louis Capet should be judged not as a king
or even a citizen, but as a traitor, an enemy who deserves
death.[35][36] As for me, he declared, I see no middle
ground: this man must reign or die! He oppressed a free
nation; he declared himself its enemy; he abused the laws:
he must die to assure the repose of the people, since it was
in his mind to crush the people to assure his own.[37]
The young deputys speech electried the
Convention.[38][39] Saint-Just was interrupted frequently by bursts of applause[40] and towards the end of
his speech he uttered his eerily universal observation,
No one can reign innocently.[41] Robespierre was
particularly impressed he spoke from the lectern the
next day in terms almost identical to those of SaintJust,[42] and their views became the ocial position of
the Jacobins.[35] By December, that position had become
law: the king was taken to a trial before the Convention,
sentenced to death, and executed by guillotine on 21
January 1793.[43]
Constitution of 1793
4
Girondin deputies. The deputies even the Montagnards,
who had long enjoyed an informal alliance with the sansculottes resented the intimidation but they were compelled to make some obeisance. The Girondin leader
Jacques Pierre Brissot was indicted for treason and scheduled for trial, but the other Brissotins were imprisoned
(or pursued) without formal charges. The Convention
debated their fate and the political disorder lasted for
weeks. Saint-Just had previously remained silent about
the Girondins, but now clearly stood with Robespierre
who had been thoroughly opposed to most of them for
a long time. When the initial indictment by the Committee was served, it was Saint-Just who delivered the report
to the Convention.[49]
In its secret negotiations, the Committee of Public Safety
was initially unable to form a consensus concerning
the jailed deputies, but as some Girondins ed to the
provinces and attempted to incite an insurrection, its
opinion hardened.[50] By early July, Saint-Just was able
to address the Convention with a lengthy report in the
name of the Committee, and his damning attack left no
room for any further conciliation. The Girondins trials
must proceed, he said, and any verdicts must be severe.
The proceedings dragged on for months, but Brissot and
twenty of his allies were eventually condemned and sent
to the guillotine on 31 October 1793.[51] Saint-Just used
their situation to gain approval for intimidating new laws,
culminating in the Law of Suspects (17 September 1793)
which gave the Committee vast new powers of arrest and
punishment.[52]
5
Danton.[69] These powerful deputies were dicult prey,
but a nancial scandal involving the French East India Company provided a convenient pretext.[69] Robespierre again sent Saint-Just to the Convention to deliver a Committee report (31 March 1794) in which he
announced the arrest of Danton and the last partisans
of royalism.[69] After a tumultuous show-trial, Fabre,
Desmoulins, and other top supporters of Danton went to
the scaold with their leader on 16 Germinal (5 April
1794). In his report, Saint-Just had promised that this
would be a nal cleansing of the Republics enemies.[69]
The violent removal of the Hbertists and Dantonists provided only a mirage of stability for Saint-Just and Robespierre. The deaths caused deep resentment and their
absence only made it more dicult for the Jacobins to
inuence the dangerously unpredictable masses of sansculottes.[70] This lack of support in the street would prove
fatal during the events of Thermidor.[71]
As the deliverer of Committee reports, Saint-Just served
as the public face of the Terror, and he became known
widely as the Angel of Death.[72] After the events of
Germinal, Saint-Just intensied his control over the stateOrder of the Revolutionary Tribunal condemning the Hbertists security apparatus. He created a new bureau of general police for the Committee of Public Safety which
matched and usurped the powers that had been given
ocially to the Committee of General Security. Shortly
6.1 Germinal
after its establishment, however, administration of the
new bureau passed to Robespierre when Saint-Just left
As the spring of 1794 approached, the Committee of Paris once more for the front lines.[73][74]
Public Safety, led by Robespierre, Couthon, Lebas and
Saint-Just, exercised near complete control over the
government.[65] Despite the vast reach of their powers, 7 Last days
however, rivals and enemies remained. One of the thorniest problems, at least to Robespierre, came in the shape
of the populist agitator Jacques Hbert, who discharged 7.1 Battle of Fleurus
torrents of criticism against bourgeois Jacobinism in his
newspaper, Le Pre Duchesne. Ultra-radical Hbertists
in the Cordeliers Club undermined Jacobin eorts to
court and manage the sans-culottes, and the most extreme
Hbertists even called openly for insurrection.[66]
Saint-Just, in his role as president of the Convention, announced unequivocally that whoever vilied or attacked
the dignity of the revolutionary government should be
condemned to death, and the Convention agreed in a
vote on 13 Ventse. Hbert and his closest associates
were arrested the following day.[59] Saint-Just vowed, No
more pity, no weakness towards the guilty... Henceforth
the government will pardon no more crimes,[67] and on 4
Germinal (24 March 1794), the Revolutionary Tribunal
sent Hbert, Ronsin, Vincent and most other prominent
Hbertists to the guillotine.[68]
Battle of Fleurus (1794) (oil painting, Chteau de Versailles)
6
and contributed to the victory at Fleurus.[53][75] This hotly
contested battle on 26 June 1794 sent the Austrian army
into retreat and marked the turning point in the War of
the First Coalition. France would remain on the oensive
until its eventual victory in 1797.[76] After his return from
the battle, Saint-Just was treated as a hero and cheered
from all sides.[77]
Back in Paris, Saint-Just discovered that Robespierres
political position had degraded signicantly. As the Terror reached its apogee the so-called Great Terror the
danger of a counterstrike by his enemies became almost
inevitable.[78][79] Saint-Just, however, remained unshakable in his alliance with Robespierre.[80] The French victory at Fleurus, and others which followed, reduced the
need for national security during the war which has been
predicated as a justication for the Terror. The excuse
for the Terror was at an end.[81] Opponents of the Terror
used Saint-Justs own words against him by demanding a
full implementation of the constitution of 1793.[82][83]
LEGACY
With political combat reaching a fever pitch, the Committee introduced a bill to establish a newer version of
the Law of Suspects the Law of 22 Prairial. With
it, a new category of enemies of the people was established in terms so vague that virtually anyone could
be accused. Defendants were not permitted legal counsel
and the Revolutionary Tribunal was instructed to impose
no sentence other than death. The bill was swiftly shep- 8 Legacy
herded into law by Robespierre, and although Saint-Just
was not directly involved in its composition, he was cer8.1 Other writings
tainly supportive.[84] The new statutes dened the Great
Terror: in their rst month, the average of executions in
Throughout his lifetime, Saint-Just continued to work
Paris rose from ve per day to seventeen, soaring in the
on books and essays about the meaning of the Revo[85]
following month to twenty-six.
lution, but he did not survive to see any of them pubThe Law of Prairial was the breaking point for oppo- lished. They have been collected and edited in varinents of Robespierre.[86] Resistance to the Terror spread ous uvres compltes. These include Organt, L'Esprit de
throughout the Convention, and Saint-Just was compelled la Revolution, published speeches and legislative proposto address the division. Barre and other Thermido- als, as well as military orders, notes, drafts, and private
rians have claimed that he proposed a dictatorship for correspondence.[94]
Robespierre,[87] but nonetheless some of them considered
Many of Saint-Justs legislative proposals were compiled
him to be redeemable, or at least useful until he delivafter his death to form an outline for a communal and
ered his uncompromising public defence of Robespierre
egalitarian society they were published as a single vol[88]
on 9 Thermidor (27 July 1794).
ume, Fragments sur les institutions rpublicaines. The
proposals were far more radical than the constitution of
1793, and identify closely with the legendarily fearsome
7.2 Thermidor
traditions of ancient Sparta. Many of them are interpreted as proto-socialist precepts:d the overarching theme
Main article: Thermidorian Reaction
is equality, which Saint-Just at one point summarizes as
Man must be independent... There should be neither rich
On the dais, Saint-Just declared the absolute necessity nor poor.[95]
of current law, and conspiring deputies buzzed angrily
as he spoke. Finally several of them physically shoved
him away from the lectern, and each started his own ad- 8.1.1 De la Nature
dress in which they called for the removal of Robespierre
and all his supporters. Amid the uproar, recalled Barras, Saint-Just also composed a lengthy draft of his own philoSaint-Just did not leave the platform, in spite of the in- sophical views, De la Nature, which remained hidden
terruptions which would have driven any one else away. in obscurity until its transcription by Albert Soboul in
He only came down a few steps, then mounted again, to 1951.[96] Soboul rst published this work in 1951 under
8.2
Character
7
independence. Property must be protected by the state
but, in order to secure universal independence, all citizens (including women) must own property.[102]
8.1.2 Posthumous publications
Saint-Just, Fragments sur les institutions rpublicaines (French)
Saint-Just, Thorie politique, edited by Alain Linard, Seuil, Paris, 1976. (French)
8.1.3 Complete collections
uvres de Saint-Just, prcds d'une notice historique sur sa vie edited by Adolphe Havard, Paris,
1834. (French)
uvres compltes de Saint-Just in two volumes
edited by Charles Vellay, Paris, 1908. (French)
uvres choisies, with introduction by Jean Gratien,
Paris, 1946. (French)
uvres compltes, edited by Michle Duval, Paris,
1984. (French)
uvres compltes, edited by Anne Kupiec and
Miguel Abensour, Paris, 2004. (French)
8.2 Character
uvres compltes, edited by Charles Vellay. First edition, Paris,
1908
the title Un manuscrit oubli de Saint-Just in the Annales historiques de la rvolution franaise, No. 124.[96]
An expanded version is included in Alain Linards SaintJust, thorie politique and later versions of uvres compltes.[94] De la Nature outlines Saint-Justs ideas on the
nature of society; the actual date it was written is disputed, but the most agreed upon range is between 1791
and 1792.[97]
Based on the assumption that man is a social animal,
Saint-Just argues that in nature there is no need for contracts, legislation, or acts of force.[98] These constructs
only become necessary when a society is in need of moral
regeneration and serve merely as unsatisfactory substitutes for the natural bonds of free people.[99] Such constructs permit small groups to assume unwarranted powers which, according to Saint-Just, leads to corruption
within society.[100] Because a return to the natural state is
impossible, Saint-Just argues for a government composed
of the most educated members of society, who could be
expected to share an understanding of the larger social
good.[101] Outside the government itself, Saint-Just asserts there must be full equality between all men, includ- Saint-Just (terracotta bust, Muse Lambinet)
ing equal security in material possessions and personal
9 NOTES
In his public speaking, Saint-Just was even more daring
and outspoken than his mentor Robespierre. Regarding
Frances internal strife, he spared few: You have to punish not only the traitors, but even those who are indifferent; you have to punish whoever is passive in the republic, and who does nothing for it.[110] He thought the
only way to create a true republic was to rid it of enemies,
to enforce the complete destruction of its opposite.[111]
Regarding the war, he declared without regret to the Convention, The vessel of the Revolution can arrive in port
only on a sea reddened with torrents of blood.[72] He
urged the deputies to embrace the notion that a nation
generates itself only upon heaps of corpses.[112]
Despite his obvious aws, Saint-Just is often accorded respect for the strength of his convictions. However reprehensible his words and actions may be said to be, his commitment to them is rarely questioned: he was implacable
but sincere.[113] Like Robespierre, he was incorruptible
in the sense that he exhibited no attraction to material
benets but devoted himself entirely to the advancement
of a political agenda.[114][115]
In Albert Camus's The Rebel (1951), Saint-Just is discussed extensively in the context of an analysis of rebellion and mans progression towards enlightenment and
freedom. Camus identies Saint-Justs successful argument for the execution of Louis XVI as the moment of
death for monarchical divine right, a Nietzschean Twilight
of the Idols.[116] Saint-Justs dedication to the sovereignty
of the people and the sacred power of laws is described as a source of absolutism and indeed the new
God.[117] His kind of deication of the political[117]
is examined as the source of the creeping totalitarianism
which grew so powerfully in Camus own lifetime.[118]
Ambitious and active-minded,[103] Saint-Just worked urgently and tirelessly towards his goals: For Revolutionists there is no rest but in the tomb.[104] He was repeatedly described by contemporaries as arrogant, believing himself to be a skilled leader and orator as well
as having proper revolutionary character.[105] This selfassurance manifested itself in a superiority complex, and
he always made it clear that he considered himself
to be in charge and that his will was law.[106] Camille
Desmoulins once wrote of Saint-Just, He carries his head 8.2.2 In popular culture
like a sacred host.[41] e
Saint-Justs rise to power wrought a remarkable change
in his personality.[107] Freewheeling and passionate in
his youth, Saint-Just quickly became focused, tyrannical
and pitilessly thorough.[53] He became the ice-cold ideologist of republican purity,[108] as inaccessible as stone
to all the warm passions.[72] A measure of his change can
be inferred from the experience of Thrse Gell, who is
known to have left her husband and taken up residence
in a Parisian neighborhood near Saint-Just in late 1793.
Saint-Just who had already developed something of a
relationship, tepid but potentially expedient, with the sister of his colleague Lebas refused to see her. Gelle
stayed there for over a year, returning to Blrancourt only
after Saint-Just was dead. No record exists of any exchanges they might have had, but Saint-Just is known to
have written to a friend complaining impatiently about the
rumors connecting him to citizen Thorin.[109]
9 Notes
^ a: Traditional usage is by the nom de terre ("name
of land") without using the nobiliary particle.
9
^ b: On its title page, the book is mischievously [26] Hampson, pp. 4043.
dedicated to the Vatican,[123] and thus sometimes
[27] Hampson, p. 56.
referred to as Organt au Vatican.
[28] Jordan, p. 46.
^ c: Pichegru ultimately turned his back on SaintJust and Jacobinism, becoming a Royalist supporter [29] Hampson, pp.3435.
after Thermidor. He died while imprisoned during
[30] Hampson, p. 35.
the Coup of 18 Fructidor (1797).[124]
^ d: In the twentieth century, Saint-Just was used
as a pseudonym by some socialist writers, such as in
the political pamphlet Full speed ahead: towards a
socialist society (London, 1950).
10
References
[5] Hampson, p. 4.
[7] Hampson, p. 5.
10
11 BIBLIOGRAPHY
11 Bibliography
Abensour, Miguel (1990). Saint-Just and the Problem of Heroism in the French Revolution. In The
French Revolution and the Birth of Modernity edited
by Feher Ferenc. Berkeley: University of California
Press. ISBN 978-0-520-07120-9.
Andress, David (2006). The Terror: The Merciless
War for Freedom in Revolutionary France. New
York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. ISBN 0-37453073-4.
11
Aulard, Franois (1910). The French Revolution: A
Political History, 1789-1804 II. New York: Charles
Scribners Sons. OCLC 25917606.
Mason, L.; Rizzo, T., eds. (1999). The French Revolution: A Document Collection. Boston: Houghton
Miin. ISBN 0-669-41780-7.
12
12
13
Further reading
Albert Soboul: Robespierre and the Popular Movement of 1793-4, Past and Present (May 1954) (English)
13
External links
EXTERNAL LINKS
13
14
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14.2
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