Why did Conservative fears about their future

prove to be unfounded in the interwar years?

By the end of the war, the momentum of the universal suffrage movement
seemed unstoppable; in February 1918 all women over the age of 30, and almost
all men over the age of 21, were given the vote; in November 1918, women were
given the right to stand as MPs and, finally, in 1928 the Equal Franchise Act
established universal suffrage for all over the age of 21. This new political era and new electorate - had the potential to revolutionise British politics, as working
class men and women found political representation. Stanley Baldwins anxieties,
as head of the Conservative Party, were shared by many in the aftermath of the
war: that the emergence of an independent working class politics in the new
electorate might condemn their party to permanent minority.
Baldwin neednt have worried. The Conservatives held office from 1922-24 and
1924-29 and formed the largest party in the Lloyd George coalition of 1918-22
and the national government of 1931-45. Labour held power only twice, during
some of 1924 and from 1929-31; the Liberals only taste of power was while
Lloyd George held the reigns during the post-war coalition, as leader of the
smaller partner. Unquestionably, the era was one of Conservative dominance.
Why was the period so Conservative-dominated, when all commentators including themselves - predicted their relegation to party of the elite, with an
electorate in which the elite were now dwarfed? The answer is a combination of
the weaknesses and sheer bad luck of the competition, and the strengths and
fortune of the Conservatives - and in particular in the unique personality of
Baldwin.
The state of British politics was uncertain in 1918; the war had wrought a
profound change on both Britain and its citizens. Britains pre-war international
position - the widespread economic and political success it had been enjoying for
over 200 years now - was gone. As the brutal war ended, Britain was cast into
the mires of post-war rebuilding, just like the other nations of Europe.
A great deal needed to be done to rebuild Britains economy, to pay off the
900m of debt it owed to the USA, and to decide the course Britain would take in
the world from here. Naturally, such dire circumstances led to polarisation and
division; the nation responded to its new situation by dividing sharply between
those who favoured the solutions of the left and those who favoured the
solutions of the right. The centrist vote disappeared, as the progressive vote
was divided between Labour and Liberal parties.
Thus began the Liberals decline, the first ingredient in the story of Conservative
success. The Liberal Party was in electoral decline from 1918 onwards, and by
1931 had divided into three factions, each picking up just a tiny fraction of the
vote.
The polarisation of the vote affected the Liberals particularly badly under the
FPTP electoral system. The Liberals went into the 1929 general election with the

much-acclaimed Yellow Book, a plan to end economic stagnation (influenced

heavily by the Keynes), but won only 59 seats, despite picking up 23.4% of the
vote.
The Liberals actions following the election were perhaps the nail in their coffin;
they supported, but did not join, the minority Labour government that oversaw
the start of the Great Depression. By keeping Labour in government between
1929 and 1931, the Liberals were heavily implicated in Labours inability to deal
with unemployment; MacDonalds decision to dissolve Parliament, and form a
government of national unity, served to hurt the Liberal Party as much as Labour.
The 1931 general election resulted in a three-way split in the Liberal Party:
- The National Liberals, who supported the creation of a
national government, won 35 seats with 3.7% of the vote
- The Liberal Party won 33 seats with 6.5% of the vote
- The Independent Liberals won 4 seats with 0.5% of the
vote
The Liberal Party never recovered from its electoral defeats and in 1935 its
combined vote fell to 6.4% with 21 seats. The Liberals political ground was taken
from beneath their feet; the Conservatives occupied the right, Labour occupied
the left, and the Liberal bastion of centrism seemed either to disappear in the
polarisation of the electorate, or turn to the Conservatives, as a more powerful
ally.
Labours political ground, however, stood firm; the number of working class
voters soared in the interwar period. Why, then, did the Labour party also fail to
make a significant impression on the politics of the period?
The Trade Unions made their goals clear early on; strike action in the 1918-20
period was prevalent. Lack of organisation, however, and the scarcity of jobs,
gave them little to bargain with. The defeat of the General Strike in 1926, in
particular, challenged the widely-held belief that employers and the government
could be forced into giving concessions by mass industrial action. The Unions
decided that action through political parties was a better solution.
Mounting unionist support for the Labour party gave many in the wider
electorate cause for worry; the threat of socialism and the far left, even then
rearing its head across Europe as Russias Communist government found its feet,
served to turn many of the lower-middle and even working classes towards the
Conservatives.
Despite the absence of broad gains, Labours did exert pressure on the
Conservative government to implement social reforms. But while this may have
been a resounding success for the people, as the government passed the
Unemployment Insurance Act of 1920, it also served to undermine one of
Labours key policies; if the Conservatives, too, were establishing a welfare state,
Labour seemed to have little to offer.

Labours first chance in government, in 1924, was little more than a token
government; they were not even the largest party (Baldwins Conservatives
taking 59 more seats), and demonstrated nothing more than that they were fit to
run office. Radical reforms were outside their political power at the time.
Labours second government, in 1929, may have represented progress; they
received their highest share of the vote yet, and for the first time were the
largest party - though still they ruled with a minority. While in office they pushed
for more government spending on social programs, particularly housing, but
were ultimately undone - both in government and for the rest of the 1930s - by
the spectre of the Great Depression. During the Depression, the impetus moved
from Free Trade towards protectionism, which would have been unheard of in the
previous quarter-century, and from liberalism towards conservatism. Ramsay
MacDonald dissolved Parliament and formed a National Government in 1931.
Economic depression naturally favoured Conservatism, and the tariffs that
Baldwin had been advocating so controversially for 10 years - and off the back of
which Labour had fought both successful election campaigns - were now popular.
What could have been Labours greatest asset - the meltdown of the Capitalist
system - ended up damaging their public image, and costing them the chance to
compete for control in the 1930s.
The Conservatives owed much to the failings and misfortunes of the Liberal and
Labour parties, but they owed as much to the leadership skills and unique
personality of Stanley Baldwin.
Baldwin had a unique ability to communicate and shape the public mood; In the
words of Mackridge, Baldwins key skill lay in the cultivation of mood, something
which would prove most important to ensuring Conservative dominance through
the turbulent twenties and thirties. Churchill himself remarked in 1935 that
Baldwin was, a statesman who has gathered to himself a greater volume of
confidence and goodwill than any public man I recollect in my long career.
Baldwins public image - and his ability to direct as well as follow politics in the
UK - handed the Conservatives much of their success. Baldwin was the first
Prime Minister to use radio to communicate with the nation; the BBC began
broadcasting just five months before Baldwin first became PM. Neville
Chamberlain later claimed that Baldwins presence on the radio provided
something vital in retaining the floating vote.
Baldwin aimed to maximise the public reach of his party and policies; the
Conservatives had an organisation in all types of constituency and a network of
working mens clubs ensured support throughout Britain. The party developed
used newsreels, radio broadcasts and - in the elections of the 1930s - cinema
vans. He could also rely on favourable coverage from the national press and daily
newspapers - The Telegraph, Express Mail and The Times. Following the 1929
election defeat, the Conservative Research Department was set up to gather
information, draft speeches and generally boost the partys presence.

Baldwins skill lay in more than just his public image; the direction he led the
party and country down while in office all served to extend the Conservatives
dominance. Baldwins self-proclaimed vocation of binding together of all classes
of our people in an effort to make life in this country better in every sense of the
word, became the foundation stone of New Conservativism; determined to find
a moderate consensus, the Conservative Party opened its ranks to a wider
participating membership than the party had ever known and prepared for the
full extension of the franchise in 1928 by taking an inclusive attitude towards the
new voters.
By 1928, universal suffrage had been reached (though granted plural voting and
university seats still existed), and the creation of the Irish Free State in 1922
removed a large number of Irish MPs who were traditionally anti-Conservative.
The Conservative party responded to this changed electorate by spreading its
defence of vested interests to encompass the whole community; the party
committed itself, for example, to the defence of working class property from
confiscatory socialist taxation. Such inclusive policies must be considered a key
factor in the Conservatives electoral appeal. The heterogeneity of the post-war
electorate opened up many political doors; recognising this, the Conservatives
articulated a more sophisticated language of class in their policy making, and
acknowledged the diversity of its new audience.
Much of the electorate feared socialism and Communism. Baldwin worked under
the maxim of safety first and personified respect of private property and
business, and careful financial management. However, the Conservatives also
supported moderate social reform, and Neville Chamberlains health reforms of
the late 1920s laid the foundations of the NHS after WW2.
Unlike Labour, the Conservatives also dealt well with crises while in office. The
failure of the General Strike - one of the most resounding successes of the
Conservative government - was due largely to the governments preparation and
to Baldwins political maneuvering. By the time the Samuel Commission reported
on whether to continue subsidising miners pay, the government was well
prepared for a major industrial strike. The Organisation for the Maintenance of
Supplies was created to train volunteer strike breakers to drive trucks and assist
with the distribution of fuel and food. Meanwhile, Baldwin took care to present
the strike to the public as a conflict between elected constitutional government
and the trade unions. The government used the BBC and a newly launched
newspaper, the British Gazette, to convey the message. As a result, public
support rallied behind the government rather than the unions.
In the wake of the Great Depression, the National Government implemented a
number of successful - if protectionist - economic measures. When the Gold
Standard was abandoned in 1931, the value of the pound stablised around US
$3.40, stimulating business investment through a reduction in interest rates. The
government also imposed a 10% tariff on imported goods, with the exceptions of
those from the British Empire, helping protect industries such as iron and steel
from foreign competition.

Further market Intervention helped cement Britains recovery; after 1933,

marketing boards were created as part of the Ottawa Agreements on Empire
Trade to assist in the distribution of foodstuffs such as milk and potatoes. The
Special Areas Act (1934), the first attempt at regional planning, directed
government assistance to areas of high unemployment such as West Cumbria
and South Wales.
The Conservatives combination of successful policy and extensive media
presence helped communicate their message, but their true strength lay in the
message itself; the New Conservativism, a rhetoric of pragmatism and
inclusiveness, appealed to the masses of the new electorate. The socialist
undertones of the Labour party and the undecided and occasionally
contradictory messages of the Liberals party cost them the confidence of the
wider electorate. The Conservatives capitalised on this, emphasising safety,
security, and prosperity for all, rather than just the wealthy - as they might
once have - or the poor - as Labour did. A wealthy/poor distinction proved far
too blunt to describe the intricacies of the new electorate.