New Democracy, April 2015

NEW DEMOCRACY
Oppose Hashimpura Verdict
CPI(ML)-New Democracy expresses its grave concern at the acquittal

by the Sessions Court of all the accused of the cold blooded killings of 42
Muslims of Hashimpura (Meerut) on May 22, 1987 by UP Provincial Armed
Constabulary. This verdict, 28 years after, has clearly demonstrated the
deep communalism seeping through different wings of the state. It is not
mere miscarriage of justice but systematic annihilation of justice to the
minorities, particularly Muslims. The way the killings were carried out, the
way the case was dealt, the way prosecution was conducted and the
judgement itself brought into sharp focus the utter contempt of rule of law
and justice to the citizens of minority community.
These cold blooded killings were carried out by the PAC on the orders
of Union Home Ministry which ordered that lesson should be taught to the
Muslims protesting against opening of locks of the then Babri Masjid in
April 1987. This was the period when Congress, then ruling both at the
Centre and in UP, was unleashing Hindu communal frenzy to garner votes
of majority community. The then Union Minister of State for Home is
reported to have ordered crush them. Every protest by Muslims against
the communal act of opening the locks of Babri Masjid was converted into
riots with indiscriminate police attacks on the protesting Muslims. Muslims
were rounded up from Hashimpura locality from their homes by the Army
deployed there since opening of the locks of Babri Masjid to crush the
protests by Muslims against this blatantly communal act. Those so
apprehended were handed over to Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC)
which took them to Muradnagar Ganga canal and killed some in cold blood.
The rest were taken to Makanpur on Hindon river and shot dead leaving the
bodies there. Some pretended to be dead to tell of this horrific crime by the
state agencies.
The whole handling of this crime clearly brings out the deep conspiracy
to shield the perpetrators who were carrying out the orders. Among the
accused, names of many of the real perpetrators were not included. The
PAC truck in which the victims were carried and many killed was cleaned.
The investigation was more of a cover up. The case lingered and it was
transferred by the Supreme Court to a Delhi Court. Many of the witnesses
had died during the long duration of the trial, those surviving were shown
the accused in helmets precluding identification. The whole trial is a saga
April, 2015
Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

of travesty of justice to send a clear message that minorities should not
expect justice in this country. The delivery of the verdict was the final nail
in the coffin of Justice.
Hashimpura verdict brings out in bold relief that communal killings
involving the ruling dispensation and state agencies do not receive justice.
Justice is yet to be done in the genocide of Sikhs in Delhi and other cities
even 31 years after. Victims of anti-Muslim violence in Gujarat in 2002 and
the victims of similar violence in Mumbai in 1992 are yet to get justice
while the perpetrators of these killings have enjoyed and continue to enjoy
power. There have been a number of such mayhems in different parts of
the country. The records are doctored to exonerate the real culprits who
continue to remain in the position of doctoring the evidence and threatening
the witnesses. Such verdicts are part of a systemic failure. A number of
enquiries at the time into Hashimpura killings had brought out the horrific
nature of the crime but the verdict has whitewashed the crime.
All mechanisms to secure justice in such cases which are manned and
conducted by the state agencies have proved futile in securing justice. So
many judicial commissions have failed the victims of genocide of Sikhs in
1984. Supreme Court constituted SIT (Special Investigation Team) gave
clean chits to the masterminds of anti-Muslim pogrom of Gujarat in 2002.
These go to prove very deep seated communalism in the state agencies
and the futility of expecting justice from them in their various incarnations,
judicially supervised or otherwise. Limitations of demanding such exercises
should be clearly understood in the context of their performance in securing
justice to the victims of minority communities.
CPI(ML)-New Democracy calls upon all the justice loving and secular
forces and individuals to strongly protest against this verdict and demand
that guilty be brought to book. A powerful movement should be built so that
victims of these custodial killings get justice and perpetrators of this crime
are punished. CPI(ML)-New Democracy Central Committee calls upon all
party committees to take initiative to organize programmes and mobilize
the people for securing justice to victims of Hashimpura.
(Statement issued by the Central Committee of CPI(ML)New Democracy on March 27, 2015)
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
Srirampur- West Bengal
6th All India Conference of Indian

Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU)
Calls for Intensifying Struggle
The sixth All India Conference of IFTU was held at Srirampur, Hoogly,
West Bengal on 12th and 13th April, 2015. It was preceded by a rally on 11 th
April evening through the town which is known for the India Jute Mill situated
there. The union of the workers here is led by IFTU. The rally was followed
by a public meeting addressed by leaders of National Committee (NC) of
IFTU at Saifuddin Grounds (Mahesh Sanpiri Ground renamed for the rally
in memory of Com. Saifuddin Vice-president of IFTU).
Delegates coming for the conference were greeted by a huge red archway
marking the entrance to Com. Paltu Sen Nagar, wherein the Maya Bhawan
(and an adjoining building housing delegates) or the residential complex
was called Ram Naresh Tyagi Hall, named after Treasurer of IFTU who
died in an accident in 2013. The common eating space for all delegates
was named in the memory of Com. H.M. Upadhyay (Vice-president of IFTU).
327 delegates from different unions affiliated to IFTU along with 17 observers
attended the Conference. The delegates were from Telengana, Punjab,
Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Bihar, Delhi, Odisha, Uttar
Pradesh, Haryana and Maharashtra apart from the members of NC. Thus
11 states where IFTU has work were represented in the Conference.
On 11th April evening, a Rally began from outside Ram Naresh Tyagi
Bhawan. Led by NC members holding aloft towering red flags, the delegates
followed with the banners of their state committees, raising rousing slogans
in different languages. They were followed by IFTU members from Srirampur
and other areas of the host state. The Rally marched to Com. Saifuddin
grounds next to Netaji Hall, where a public meeting was held, presided
over by Com. D.V. Krishna, President of IFTU. Com. Ravi Joshi invited
him and other speakers to the dias. The speakers were Com. Pradeep
(General Secretary IFTU), Com. V.K. Patole (Secretary IFTU), Com. P.
Prasad (Secretary IFTU) and NC members Com. Aparna, Com. Raj Singh
and Com. Sujan Chakravorty. Com. Meghnath from West Bengal and
members of Arunodaya from Telengana also helped in marking the occasion
with their revolutionary songs.
On 12th April 2015, the Inaugural Session beginning at 11 AM. marked
the start of the Conference at Com. Paltu Sen Hall (Gopal Das Nag Bhawan).
It began with flag hoisting by the IFTU President Com. D. V. Krishna to
The delegates were drawn from mining (coal and uranium), jute, textile
and electronics industries, bidi and construction industries, power plants
and transport sector, industrial workers including of engineering,
pharmaceuticals, automobile, steel, biscuit and other industries, hospitals,
airport and other sectors including agricultural research, paper industry,
brick kilns besides representatives of auto workers, loaders and hamalis.
The delegates included representatives of regular and contract workers.
The representatives were of the workers engaged in Govt. and public sector
undertakings as well as private industries. Workers from different sectors
of economy and different types of employment were represented at the
Sixth All India Conference of IFTU.
April, 2015
IFTU leaders at the head of the Rally

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April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
rousing sloganeering by delegates in honour of martyrs. Songs remembering

martyrs and in honour of the red flag were sung by Meghnath and Arunodaya
comrades.
The delegates then seated themselves in the Hall while General Secretary
Com.Pradeep invited IFTU President Com. D.V. Krishna, Chairman of the
Reception Committee Dr. Punyabrata Gun, Chief Guest- JNU Professor
Emeritus and renowned economist, Dr. Amit Bhaduri as well as fraternal
delegates from AIKMS, NTUI, TUCI and NDLF onto the dias. Homage was
paid to martyrs with a minutes silence and then the Chief Guest and
Chairman of the Reception Committee garlanded the photographs of Com.
Paltu Sen and Com. Saifuddin.
Chairman of the Reception Committee Dr. Gun, welcomed the delegates

to the All India Conference and outlined the challenges before the working
class. He also spoke about the campaign by West Bengal based Shramjivi
Swasthya Udyog for Health for All, with which he is associated. Then the
Chief Guest Dr. Amit Bhaduri delivered the inaugural address. Copies of
the synopsis of his address in different languages had earlier been given to
the delegates. He stated that there is a systematic attack on employment
all over the world and contractualization of jobs is not only a means to cut
costs of production but a means to disorganize the workers as well. He
said the issue of land acquisition by amending provisions of LARR Act of
2013 was of serious import.
After the inaugural address, Com. Vijay Kumar of NDLF (Tamilnadu),
Com. Vasudevan President of NTUI and Com. Aneek Chakravorty of TUCI
addressed the delegates. General Secretary of All India Kisan Mazdoor
Sabha (AIKMS) Com. Sushanta Jha gave a clear and detailed exposition
of the attacks on the peasantry and opposed the Ordinance of the Modi
Govt. to facilitate forcible land acquisition by amending provisions of LARR
Act, 2013.
After lunch began the business session of the Conference. General
Secretary Com. Pradeep proposed a five member Presidium consisting of
Coms. D.V. Krishna, Raj Singh, Byas Tiwari, Aparna and Sujan Chakravorty,
with NC acting as the Steering Committee. As the House accepted the
proposal, he announced that the old NCs tenure was completed. The
Presidium then called on Com. Aparna to present the document Call to
the Working Class before the delegates.
Inaugural Session: Chairman of the Reception Committee Dr. Gun

welcoming the delegates. Others on the dias Sushanta Jha, General
Secretary of AIKMS (far left), D. V. Krishna (fourth from left), Chief
Guest Dr. Amit Bhaduri (fifth from left). Representatives of NTUI, NDLF
and TUCI are also seated
April, 2015
The Call of the Conference outlined the current situation of the working
class, attacks against the working class and the current tasks emanating
from this situation. It had been discussed in all area, district and state
conferences and was now presented here with an addition. The NC had
added a central slogan to the Call- Oppose the attacks on labour laws,
Fight for their implementation. The Call called for struggle for regularization
of contract labour, for equal wages for equal work, for union registration
within 45 days of application, for universal social security to all workers
and against privatization and disinvestment. It also called for building
struggles against pro-imperialist policies, extending solidarity to revolutionary
peasant movement and for working class to speak out against
communalization, caste exploitation, upper caste chauvinism, against
oppressive laws and repression on peoples struggles and in support of
fulfillment of democratic aspirations of people of Jammu & Kashmir and
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
North East. After the Call was presented, the Presidium announced a short
break while those who wanted to speak on the document gave their names.
Delegates from various states offered various suggestion to improve

and strengthen the Call. After the Steering Committee deliberations, Com.
Aparna explained its position on the various proposals along with the list of
accepted suggestions. Following this the Call was adopted by the
Conference.
This was followed by an authoritative presentation by Com. Pradeep of

the All India Organizational Report of the National Committee covering a
long period since the last conference held in Eluru in 2006. The Report had
earlier been circulated in different languages among the delegates. He
particularly stressed the Review points presented in the document and
explained them to the delegates. With this the session was declared closed
for the day.
The second day, 13th April, was the anniversary of the Jallianwala Bagh
massacre by British colonialists. The Conference reconvened and held a
minutes silence in tribute to the anti-colonial martyrs, following which Com.
Avtar from Punjab sang a rousing tribute in Punjabi. Then the delegates
settled down to business and several delegates offered their comments
and suggestions on the Organizational Report. These were considered by
the Steering Committee and Com. Pradeep announced the comments of
the Committee which accepted most of the suggestions to strengthen the
Report. The Report was passed amidst thunderous applause and slogan
shouting. One of the points accepted was to work towards forming an all
India organization of construction workers.
as the new NC amidst resounding slogan shouting.

Com. P. Prasad then proposed several Resolutions before the
Conference against the attempts of the government to amend labour laws,
for the implementation of these laws, against the Ordinance modifying LARR
Act of 2013, on Minimum Wages, on Bidi workers, against Road Safety Bill
2014, against privatization of coal mines, demanding security for women
workers at work place and in to and fro transportation to work and back in
night shifts, on Construction Workers, demanding protection of Jute sector,
supporting struggle of workers of Aurobindo Pharma, and on several other
issues.
The Conference issued a Call for May Day to be observed by all IFTU
units across the country on the central slogan of the Call document.
The Conference came to an end to the strains of the Internationale.
Inspired by the successful conclusion of the Conference, delegates left
filled with enthusiasm to build more struggles, organize more workers,
extend IFTU and strengthen workers movement throughout the country.
Then the delegates proceeded to elect the new National Committee. On

behalf of the outgoing NC, Com. Pradeep presented the proposal for the
new panel. He proposed a new NC of 21 members with 18 members to be
elected at the Conference. The panel consisted of Com. Aparna as
President, three Vice-presidents, Com. D.V. Krishna, Com. V.K. Patole
and Com. Byas Tiwari; Com. Pradeep as General Secretary; Coms. P.
Prasad, Com. Raj Singh and Com. Sujan Chakravorty as three secretaries,
and Com. Animesh as Treasurer. The proposal included as NC members
Com. Kulvinder (Punjab), Com. Ravi Joshi (Maharashtra), Com. Radhey
Shyam (Uttar Pradesh), Com. Polari (Andhra Pradesh), Coms. V. Krishna,
Com. Suryam and Com. T. Shrinivas (Telengana), Com. Suresh Das Kanojia
(Bihar) and Com. Ashish from West Bengal. The proposed panel was elected
April, 2015
National Committee elected by the 6th All India Conference

8
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
Progressivism versus
Religious Sectarianism
P. Nadkar
Ideology in social life is, for human beings, as important as oxygen for
life. The shared beliefs and values common to social communities are part
of the intangible culture of the given social communities. These social
beliefs and values sometimes need to be questioned and even challenged.
When they are challenged, it becomes uncomfortable for the vested interests
linked to the ruling classes in the society. These vested interests linked to
the economically powerful sections of the society act in their service to
effectively propagate and mould the social thought system of the society.
Communal sectarianism is on the rise in our country. This phenomenon
has paid rich electoral dividends to a section of ruling classes. They are
doing everything to boost and defend this way of thinking in our society.
CPI leader Govind Pansare (popularly called as Com. Pansare) had

embarked on the path of confronting this phenomenon. He challenged the
myths floated and lies told about the social and political history of
Maharashtra. His murder by unknown hitters who fired bullets at him and
his wife Uma Pansare was a reaction to his bold mission to challenge the
obscurantist notions prevailing in society and his opposition to the political
patrons upholding those values. In the book by the title Who was Shivaji
he gave an alternate narrative about the most iconic figure in the social
and political history of Maharashtra. He wrote in this book, Those who are
using Shivaji in order to obtain peoples consent will have to answer for
this historical truth. If there are any buyers for their hatred for Islam they
should sell it on their own merit. They should not sell their commodity in
Shivajis name. They should not sell that commodity under the brand of
Shivaji. At the same time, the Muslims should not equate Shivaji with his
image created by these so-called Shivabhaktas. They should look at history;
they should appreciate his attitude to Islam religion. Then only they should
make their opinion. The book, originally published in 1984, sold more than
150,000 copies with 24 editions in Marathi. It was also translated into
Kannada, Urdu, Gujarati, English and Hindi.
April, 2015
Pansare had launched an aggressive campaign to expose the Modi

government ever since it came to power in May last year. His continuous
and systematic exposure of the historically regressive role of Nathuram
Godse was being well appreciated by people in general and also sizable
sections of the academic community in particular. He countered the
propaganda that Gandhi was killed by Hindu fanatics because he was
responsible for the partition of India and had pressurized the Indian
Government to dole out a sum of Rs. 50 crores to Pakistan. He pointed out
that Narayan Apte, who was a participant in the murder of Gandhi in 1948,
had also attempted to kill Gandhi in a bomb attack way back in 1934 when
there was not even a demand for Pakistan. In 1934 during Gandhis tour
against untouchability, while proceeding towards Municipal hall in his car
at Pune, a bomb was thrown by these fanatics at Gandhis car but it was a
failed attempt . Pansare recounted another attempt by Nathuram Godse to
kill Gandhi in a knife attack in 1944 at Panchgani in Satara district of
Maharashtra. He thus exposed the pseudo Hinduists' claim that Gandhi
was a victim of his pro Pakistani stance. Pansare's extensive campaign
throughout Maharashtra's towns and cities under the banner of Annabhau
Sathe Sahitya Sammelan was effective in propagating a scientific, logical
and rational way of thinking in opposition to the new wave of obscurantism
and religious sectarianism.
Com. Pansare was born in a village named Kolhar in Ahmednagar District
of Maharashtra. His parents had lost land to the money lenders during his
childhood. His mother worked as a farm hand and his father as a handy
man. His first brush with a social movement came through his association
with the Rashtriya Seva Dal in his village. He was very young at that time.
Later, yet in his school days, he got introduced to the Communist Party.
He finished his school education and then moved to Kolhapur for his higher
education. He worked there as a newspaper vendor and a peon in the
beginning. Later on in life he practiced labour law and was the President of
the Bar Association for many years. He was very active on the labour
front. He taught at the Shivaji University at Kolhapur as an associate
professor. He had worked as a member of the National Control Commission
of the CPI and also as state secretary of the party. During his participation
in the Samyukta Maharashtra Movement, Goa freedom struggle and other
political struggles he was jailed many a times. Over a period of time he
became widely known for his sharp criticism of the right wing forces in the
country and the socially regressive practices in our society.
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April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
As he went about with his aggressive campaign against the pseudoHindu outfits and their outdated program of the so called Hindu Rashtra, he
received continuous threats from that section which now stands emboldened
by the recent electoral success of the BJP. He did not care about it. Kolhapur
city of Maharashtra is well known for its past King Shahu Maharaj who is
known for progressive social reforms in the social history of the state.
Com. Pansare chose to speak about his tradition and its relevance to the
present day social scenario. He wrote a book about it which was well received
and his interpretation of the relevance of the iconic Shahu Maharaj projected
the Hindu bigots on the opposite side of the social discourse of Shahu
Maharaj.
In the recent elections in Maharashtra, BJP won a stunning victory in

the district defeating the traditional leaders of the Maratha lobby from the
Congress and NCP. BJP has got this opportunity of ruling the most powerful
Maratha lobby of Western Maharashtra for the first time in history. The
cadres from the right wing Hindutvavadi forces who ensured this victory
were becoming increasingly disturbed by peoples growing acceptance of
Com. Pansares ongoing campaign for rational and scientific interpretation
of history and the need for progressive changes in society. In the recent
past, there was an attempt in western Maharashtra to incite a riot like
situation by circulation of posts on whats-app demeaning the iconic figures
of political significance in the state. Com. Pansare was a prominent leader
among those who had successfully averted the crisis. This success again
disturbed the comfort zone of the locally regressive forces backed by the
powerful vested interests in the area.
In a meeting held in Kolhapur district on 13 January 2015 he spoke on

the subject Murder of Dr. Narendra Dabholkar and Rationalist Movement,
Hindu Janjagran Samiti had openly warned Pansare against any critique of
the Snatan Sanstha and other so called Hindutva outfits. Hindu Jana Jagruti
Samiti had lodged a police complaint about the program in advance and
the police too had warned Pansare to desist from mentioning the so called
Hindutva organizations in his speech. These right wing organizations had
threatened to stage demonstrations at the venue of that meeting and they
congratulated the Police in the state for its co-operation. Com. Pansare
however did not pay any heed to the threats. People in the area say that
this could have been one of the important triggers for the cowardly attack
that followed later.
April, 2015
11

However one more reason that could have provoked the murderous attack
could have been his latest attempts to initiate public discussion on the
book written by retired Police Officer Shamsuddin Mushriff about the killing
of Hemant Karkare the late Chief of Maharashtra State anti-terror squad.
In October 2008 the ATS had arrested alleged Hindu terrorists, including a
VHP leader Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur , Swami Amritanand alias
Dayanand Pandey, a retired Major Ramesh Upadyay and a serving Army
officer Lt. Col. Prasad Shrikant Purohit. Karkare was heading these
investigations and this fact is mentioned in this book titled Who killed
Karkare? The fanatic Hindu organizations were upset about the attempt at
linking the Karkares killing to his role in investigation of the above mentioned
accused. Pansare had organized a meeting to discuss the book in which
retired Justice B.G. Kolse Patil had also spoken. There was an agitation
by the pseudo-Hinduists to cancel this discussion. Pansare received
threatening letters from Pune after the program.
The police are investigating few local municipal corporators linked to
the builders' lobby for their role because Pansare held briefs against the
builders in a few cases. They are also investigating from the angle that
Com. Pansares role in the agitation against the toll in the city of Kolhapur
could have instigated the attack. This may be an attempt to divert the
investigations from the right track but even if it turns out to be true, one
cannot rule out the role of the extreme right wing Hindutvavadi forces in
the murder of Com. Pansare. The present Chief Minister of Maharashtra
expressed grief over the death but was hesitant to pay condolences in the
Assembly to Com. Pansare. When Narendra Dabholkar was killed, the
present CM was in the opposition and he had then demanded the resignation
of the Home Minister for the failure in nabbing the culprits. Now he himself
is in charge and we neither have the culprits in the Dabholkar case arrested
nor is there any progress in the investigation of the Pansare murder case.
The very fact that the regressive forces in the state had to resort to
murders to stop the spread of the progressive thoughts propagated by
Pansare and Dabholkar, shows their inability to deal with the issues raised
by the two on the ideological plane. These murders have in fact given more
exposure to the progressive role played by these activists. It has also
helped to bring about a larger realignment of the progressive sections against
the new wave of saffronization in the state. Thoughts cannot be defeated
by physical attacks but at the same time the progressive movement too
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April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
has to take seriously the task of defending its own rank and file from such
attacks. In the present circumstances it is necessary to continue
campaigning on the issues touched upon by Com Pansare, especially that
of de-mystyfying Nathuram Godse and encouraging discussions on the
book Who killed Karkare? If these two actions of Com. Pansare could
have triggered his murder then we all should take this campaign seriously
because carrying forward the progressive campaign unleashed by him will
be a real service to the cause for which he paid with his life.
Railway Budget 2015-16 pitches for

Foreign Technology, Private Funding
Railway Budget for 2015-2016 presented by Union Minister for Railways,

Suresh Prabhu, is short of any idea of how to address the woes faced by
Indian Railways. He highlighted minor details while obfuscating the major
aspects of the problems faced by the railways. He has prescribed a panacea
of mobilization of funds through PPP mode, joint ventures, multilateral
financial institutions and even pension funds. The Railway Minister even
sought to dig into MPLAD funds and state budgets. With low budgetary
support for plan expenditure all the plans announced by him sound hollow
and only an act of playing to the gallery. Imitating Modis vacuous style by
coining 4 goals, 5 drivers and 11 thrust areas, the Minister was woefully
short of details of how to achieve them. In an attempt to mislead he compared
his figures of plan expenditure with last year's, which was a year of plan
holiday.
Railway Budget reflects the deep economic crisis plaguing Indian

economy in meagre allocations despite crying need for improvement in
passenger services by Indian railways. While lopsided emphasis has been
placed on some select routes, the plight of passengers has been increasing
on major passenger routes. Lack of adequate coaches force overcrowding
to the physical extreme. There has been little increase in railway connectivity
with only 20% of the routes added over the last 67 years since 1947. The
Union Minister has not announced any new train or increase in frequency
of existing trains despite severe passenger load on a number of routes
April, 2015
13

which shows utter disregard for the concerns of common people. The
expenditure on passenger comfort and safety is minimal while all the
services like catering including base kitchens, modernization of stations,
dedicated freight corridors etc. are being privatized. Modi Govt. has
outsourced all plans of development including that of railways to private
players.
Union Minister has not announced any increase in passenger fares to
avoid public anger. However, over 6000 crore rupees increase in freight
charges has been affected in the name of slab adjustment. The increase
affects iron ore and steel (0.8%), 6.3% is the increase in coal movement
and an increase in freight rates for grains and pulses by 10%. This is
bound to result in increase in prices of essential commodities. Modi Govt.
had also affected sharpest ever increase in passenger fares and freight
charges last year. This had resulted in lowering passenger traffic and
decrease in railways share in freight transportation. While crude prices
have fallen steeply in the world market, this fall has not been transferred
by Modi Govt. to the people. Govt. cited increase in these prices for affecting
increase in fares and in freight charges but fares have not been reduced
despite sharp fall in their prices. Moreover, Railway Minister has not made
any commitment not to further increase fares or freight charges during the
year, a practice which has become a norm over the years.
Union Minister has announced speed enhancement on certain routes
but with low investment on new tracks, track maintenance and repairs, this
would only be either merely an announcement or an invitation to increased
accidents. Railway Ministers announcement of increasing axel load i.e.
load per carriage, is also a recipe for increasing load on already poorly
maintained tracks and smacks of a mentality of short term results while
increasing long term liability.
Railway Budget for 2015-16 shows utter contempt of Modi Govt. towards
the problems faced by the people. the issue is not the bankruptcy of railways
but bankruptcy of Modi Govt. which only parrots private funding as panacea
for all ills. Technology from abroad and funds from corporate may have
propelled Modi to power but cannot propel the growth engine of the country
nor can address problems of Indian people.
(Issued by the Central Committee, CPI(ML)-New Democracy on
February 26, 2015)
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April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
Union Budget 2015-'16

Ashish Mital
This years Union Budget and Economic Survey once again expose
deep economic crisis, falling revenue receipts, decreasing plan expenditure
and decreasing expenditure on welfare schemes. The Hindu Rashtra of
BJP is determined, as was its predecessor Govt, to continue on the path
of destroying agriculture, depriving people of their livelihood and basic rights
and granting more concessions to foreign MNCs and domestic corporate.
Ruining peoples economy and productivity and crude exploitation of nature,
cheap labour power and markets continues. It is driven by corporate hunger
for dollars. Its benchmarks remain FDI and Forex and the Sensex is its
main monitor.
The Budget displays total lack of concern for the needs of the poor and
labouring masses. With lower tax collections and sluggish domestic demand
the Finance Minister has changed the GDP calculation methodology and
base year to project a 7.4 % growth rate. He has taken the excuse of
drastic reduction of fiscal space and burdened the poor and middle
classes. Modi Govt. has tried to pay back its corporate patrons by granting
them several benefits.
Revenue Deficit, Decrease in Plan Expenditure, False claims of

High Growth Rate and Concessions to the Corporate and Rich
Total budgeted tax collections are estimated to be Rs 14,49,490 crores.

Of these Rs 4,70,628 cr will come from Corporate while Rs 9,78,862 cr are
non corporate taxes, i.e. the amount taxed from the people. Of this two
thirds, i.e. Rs 6,47,164 cr comes from indirect taxes, the burden of which
is much more on common people.
Non-plan expenditure of Rs. 13.12 lakh crores is more than central share
of taxes and non-tax revenue of the Govt. So the Govt. has to borrow
money even to manage its routine expenses. The plan expenditure of the
Govt. is about Rs 1,09,723 crores less than last year. It is Rs 2,200 crore
less than even the Revised Estimate of last year, or what was spent out of
the budgeted plan last year. This pattern of budgeting more and spending
less continues year after year. It is meant to present a good picture of the
April, 2015
15

economy and project the govts willingness to spend on plans during the
budget presentation and then to spend less and manage the deficit. In
FY13 the govt spent 20% less than it had budgeted and in FY14, 18%
less. The govt. has obviously claimed that the economy is good. But for
the first time the absolute amount of plan expenditure has been reduced
and this exposes the limitations of the govt. to plan any modules of growth
and development.
Union Budget reflects a deep economic crisis with the revenue deficit
alone running to 2.8%. Even while the revenue tax collections were not
matching up, Mr Jaitely made tall claims of a 7.4% growth rate. This explains
why immediately after coming out of parliament the govt. embarked on
raising tax collection from fuel tax hike, nailing the lie in Mr. Jaitelys claim.
The good picture is actually to further accelerate the very policies which
are responsible for this crisis and which will deepen it further with this fuel
price rise. The govt. has announced several allocations which are obviously
bogus and it has no intention to implement them.
Interestingly the Economic Survey had already proposed increased
taxation on fossil fuels including petrol and diesel. This along with upward
revision of freight charges in the Railway budget will have a chain effect on
prices of all commodities, including essential commodities, particularly the
working class and other poor and it will also directly burden the peasantry
and agricultural operations.
While Revised Estimate of Corporate tax collections this (FY15) year is
Rs 4,26,079 cr, it is estimated to be 4,70,628 crores in FY16. In the
budget speech the Finance Minister stated that effective collection of
corporate tax is about 23%, meaning thereby that remaining tax amounting
to 7 % are not paid. He explained that this has to be exempted due to
pressure groups and litigation. So he has reduced corporate taxes from
30 % to 25%, @ 1% reduction per year, without explaining how this will
prevent pressure groups and litigation. The total corporate income this year
has been around Rs 20 lakh crores, of which at the rate of 30% per annum,
total tax dues are around 6 lakh crores. Now each year for 5 years they will
get additional tax relief of Rs 20,000 crores which at the end of 5 years will
be an annual relief of Rs 1 lakh crore. This had actually been a long standing
demand of the corporate houses and MNCs which has now been granted.
But no relief has been given to salaried class tax payers. There are 3.5 cr
Income Tax payers in the country.
16
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
Concessions to the corporate bodies in terms of revenue foregone have

been almost 4 to 5 times higher than the total subsidies given by the govt.
for the poor over the years. In FY14 it was Rs. 5,72,923 crores while
subsidies were Rs 2,20,972 crores (Fertilizer 65972 crores, Food 90,000
crores and Petroleum 65000 crores). The Revenue foregone/ total subsidies
in crore rupees for FY13 were 5,66,235/ 1,79,554, for FY12 were 5,33,563/
1,34,211, for FY11 were 4,59,705/ 1,08,667 and for FY10 were 4,82,432/
1,05,579.
It is also interesting to note the rise in interest payments made by the

GOI on previous loans taken to cover up the fiscal deficit. In FY14 it was
Rs 3,70,684 crores, in FY15 it was Rs 4,27,011 crores while this year,
FY16 it is Rs 4,56,145 crores. This 4.56 lakh crores is out of a total
expenditure of Rs 17,7 crores, or more than 25%.
This Budget has taken another big step to help big corporate houses,
including foreign investors. Under the head of Major Challenges it states
that With private investments in infrastructure via the PPP mode still weak,
public investment needs to step in, to catalyze investment, in Para 18 of
the budget speech; Manufacturing has declined from 18% to 17% of GDP
and manufacturing exports have remained stagnant at 10% of GDP in
para 19; The PPP mode of infrastructure development has to be revisited
and revitalized. The major issue involved is rebalancing of risk. In
infrastructure projects, the sovereign will have to bear a major part of the
risk without, of course, absorbing it entirely in Para 47. Obviously
development and infrastructure have been largely left to the private sector
through PPP mode, even while admitting failure of PPP mode in
infrastructure. The FM has now proposed that the Govt. will take major role
in PPP enterprises, to absorb their risks, thus enhancing private profits at
the cost of social deficit. FM also said that along with routine disinvestments,
Public sector ports could be privatized by turning them into companies.
Small Business

a TOI report, NSSO data shows that these setups employ on an average 2
persons including the owner, i.e. cater to a population of 25 to 30 crores.
They have fixed assets, on an average of Rs 2 lakhs, 30% are engaged in
some manufacturing, 34% in services and 36% in trading.
The Budget made several announcements to create an impression of
huge plan outlay. But most of them are for a distant future, again proving
that the Govt. is bankrupt. For the energy sector five ultra large power
projects of 4000 MW each, known to cause big displacement and serious
environmental damage, are planned though no fund has been allotted, while
they may require more than a lakh crore rupees. Similarly several social
welfare schemes are to be fulfilled by 2022, 3 years after next due
parliamentary elections. These are a roof over every family, a toilet for
every household, round the clock power supply, clean water for every house,
an economic opportunity for one person in every family, medical facilities
in every village, upgrading of 75,000 Junior schools to Senior secondary
level and 80,000 secondary schools to facilitate skill development.
Similarly the Jan Dhan Yojna implemented with opening of 10 cr
accounts on a single day has a very small allocation from the govt and is
mainly dependent on Public Sector Banks.
Modi Govt. has demonstrated its comprehensive bankruptcy in meeting
the aspirations of the people of the country.
Measures to woo Foreign Investments and boost the Share

Markets
The FM was so obsessed with foreign investors that he used the word
investors 60 times in the 95 minute speech. He introduced several measures
to grant them relief from paying taxes, from being made accountable for
avoiding taxes and in terms of repatriation of profits and investments made,
etc.
a.
In comparison, small businesses, constituting 5.77 cr units, have been

given an extremely short shrift. They are the second biggest employers
after agriculture and they are generally suffering from lack of credit and
market support. The budget has provided them with a PM Mudra Yojna
fund. But this will have only Rs 3000 cr for credit, i.e. @ Rs 520 per
enterprise. 62% of these enterprises are of SC/ST and OBC. According to
April, 2015
17
18
GAAR (General Anti Avoidance Rules) will be postponed by two

more years and would apply only to prospective investments on or
after April, 1, 2017. That means till then the investors can continue to
use loopholes in the law to avoid paying dues of govt. taxes. Vodafone
was stuck with one such tax fraud, which the BJP govt. waived. Now,
Cairns is facing another such tax notice. Mr. Jaitely's logic is that
GAAR would create panic in share markets. When GAAR was
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
introduced, several FIIs and MNCs threatened to pull out their

investments as the law gave GOI tax authorities the right to scrutinize
their deals which had been structured to avoid taxes.
b.
c.
d.
e.
The govt has also clarified that the Foreign Portfolio Investors,
FPIs, would not have to pay Minimum Alternate Tax (MAT). MAT is
levied on companies which show book profit, but claim depreciation
and other exemptions to bring down their taxable income substantially,
even to zero. Such book keeping to avoid paying tax was taken care
of by imposing a MAT of 18.5% on the book profits shown initially
while declaring dividends. Earlier this year the Tax department had
issued notices to several FPIs, this year beginning, triggering a panic.
The govt. has also made it easier for foreign fund managers to
establish shops in India by doing away with the earlier requirement of
having a Permanent Establishment in India. Now foreign funds can
operate from here with just a manager. Along with the Double Taxation
Avoidance Treaty, this measure will help foreign companies to avoid
paying taxes out of incomes they generate from Indian share markets.
Mr Jaitely announced that difference between FII and FDI have
been removed. FDI was a direct investment in production and the
investments made could not be withdrawn up to a certain time and
repatriation of profits too had limitations. This now means more freedom
to investors to repatriate their profits earned here. FIIs are institutional
funds, like mutual funds, which generally invested in the share market
and could withdraw freely. With differences between two removed,
the foreign investors will not, any more, be bound to invest in production.
So all the benefits of foreign investments propagated by ruling classes,
that they will increase manufacturing, industry and create jobs is a
big hoax. This diversion to and increase in share market investment
is an attempt to increase extraction of surplus from value already
created, allowing MNCs to milk the existing enterprises rather than
invest and create new ones. Neither it will bring in new technology,
nor increase production, nor create any new value.
Rules for FIIs setting up shop in India too have been relaxed. They
have been allowed to invest in Alternate Investment Funds (AIF) to
avoid taxation. They claim that this will help in procedures. Alternative
Investment Funds, AIF, were pooled in investment vehicles for real
April, 2015
19
estate, private equity and hedge funds. The single biggest benefit to
them is that foreign venture capital and portfolio investments will not
be taxed in India. Also a lot of funds for MNCs and Indian corporate
will be available for real estate investments, Smart Cities, Industrial
Corridors etc.
f.
GST, Goods and services tax, will now be implemented by April 1,

2016. This will become an internationally competitive tax regime without
exemptions. It will benefit those who are part of corporate chain,
avoiding taxation on intermediaries and will be harmful to small
producers and small business.
g.
Taxes on technical services sought from abroad have been cut

from 25% to 10%.
h.
Black Money: Modi Govts. claim that it would bring back black
money stashed abroad has been virtually ruled out with the Budget
only rolling out measures to prevent black money generation through
a proposed act. The FM repeated the Congress Govt.s refrain about
agreements with foreign countries, a bogus alibi to protect owners of
black money. Further Mr. Jaitley proposed that off-shore companies
will not forego such status even if they operate from the country.
Earlier the Economic Survey had laid emphasis on providing subsidies

to industry, lowering cost of capital and creating SEZs for some or all
manufacturing. With agriculture at about 13% of GDP and manufacturing at
around 17%, it is obvious that in a developing country like ours, nearly
70% of the economy (GDP) comes from sectors which are neither major
employers nor a big source of basic value generation.
Social Sector
The approach to social sector was highlighted in the Economic Survey.
It questioned passenger fare subsidy in Railways which, according to it,
amounts to Rs 51,000 crores when bottom 80% of households constitute
only 28.1 % of the passengers through fare; Rs 1.29 lakh crore food subsidy
when 15% of PDS rice and 54% of PDS wheat is lost as leakage; Rs
33,000 cr sugar subsidy when 48% of sugar is lost as leakage; Rs 20,415
cr Kerosene subsidy when 41% is lost as leakage; Rs 32,300 cr in electricity
subsidy when only 10% of the total electricity subsidy is used by lower
consumption households.
20
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
Voicing concern about rationalizing subsidies, Mr Jaitely targeted them

through cash transfer schemes. These schemes puts a lot of pressure on
the poor who have to pay high prices first before receiving the subsidy, if
they do. It also leads to general rise in cost of food and fertilizers.
a.
b.
Social Sector spending has been reduced substantially. Several

analysis have appeared regarding reduction in spending on Govt.s
social spending. Data from one reads as under: MGNREGA spending
is marginally up (down considering market wage rate) from Rs 34,000
crores to Rs 34,699 crores; Animal Husbandry, Dairying and Fisheries
down by Rs. 683 crores; for land resources down by Rs 2122 crores;
Ministry of Textiles down by Rs 1308 crores, School Education and
Literacy down by Rs 12,790 crores; Women and Child Development
down by Rs 10,813 crores; Drinking water and Sanitation down by Rs
9,024 crores; Rural Development down by Rs 8,401 crores; Panchayat
Raj down by Rs 6,906 crores; Health and Family Welfare down by Rs
6,096 crores; Agriculture and Cooperatives down by Rs 5,663 crores;
Higher Education down by Rs 1,045; Ministry of Micro, Small and
Medium Enterprises down by Rs 714 crores; and so on. Another article
said that allotment for Tribal sub-plan is down by Rs 13,000 crores
and SC sub-plan down by 20,000 crores. On Health sector only tax
incentives have been increased in order to increase money flow from
the middle class to private hospitals and drug industry.
The total subsidy bill is down by more than 10% from 2,53,913 cr
to 2,27,000 cr. Fuel subsidy is down from Rs 60,270 crores in FY15
to Rs 30,000 crores in FY16. Allotment for LPG subsidy is Rs 22,000
crores, Rs 8000 crores for kerosene and Rs 1,24,419 cr for food.
Agriculture and Retail Trade Sector
Rural India, particularly rural poor have been given a raw deal. Despite
rising indebtedness and continuing suicides by farmers there is no relief
on input prices while farm credit has been raised to Rs. 8.5 lakh crore.
This actually is a declaration of bank credit policy, not a budget. Now
MGNREGA coverage will go down further. Total Rural development budget
is only Rs 79,526 crores which includes MGNREGA funds of Rs 34,699
crores. This is a pittance for the nearly 70% rural people. The problem of
rural poor and backwardness of the countryside has been left unanswered
while making meagre allocation to irrigation and other development works.
April, 2015
21

It includes Rs 5300 crores of PM Gramin Sichai Yojna which is to promote
a per drop more crop plan with possible emphasis on the costly drip
irrigation program. Disregard of the peasant masses along with serious
drive to forcibly displace them from land and livelihood is another message
of this Budget.
The Economic Survey stated that agriculture grew only at 1.1% last
year though 49% workforce works in it and that grain output this year is
likely to drop from 265.5 mt last year to 257.7 mt this year. It recommended
aggressive liquidation of food grain stocks. It also recommended
investments in farm R&D, mechanization and irrigation but not of reducing
input costs to bail out farmers who will suffer from sliding prices.
The Economic Survey further recommended FDI in Retail Sector
emphasis of which should be on removing fruits and vegetables from APMC
and persuade state govts to provide policy support for infrastructure making
available land for alternate markets in private sector. It has also
recommended liberalization of FDI in retail to fill the massive deficit in
investment and infrastructure which results in supply chain inefficiency.
This will move these commercial crops initially into the corporate sector as
the Govts. have been unable to push privatization of entire APMC so far
due to resistance from farmers.
Transfers to States and Union Territories

Share of states and UTs in central tax pool has been raised from 32%
to 42%. It will be Rs 5.24 lakh crores. According to one analysis this has
gone up by Rs 1.36 lakh crores while central plan assistance to states
under various heads has gone down by Rs 1.34 lakh crores. This shows
that net transfer to states has only gone up by Rs 2000 crores.
According to a TOI report, net transfer to states and UTs in FY15 Budget
Estimates (BE) was Rs 7,78,966 crores which in current year has been
raised to Rs 8,42,963 crores i.e. a raise of Rs 63,997 crores only. The
social schemes are now divided into category A,B,C in which A is totally
centrally funded, B is funded jointly by both and C only by states. This
report states that the total transfers last year were higher than has been
allotted this year by Rs 2,226 crores.
22
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
th
whose value of agricultural produce is more than 3000 rupees. The term
self employed means that they work on their own land and that, of the
gamut of agricultural workers (who are landless or small peasant / marginal
peasant primarily), a large section has been dismissed from the category
of agricultural households. Of these 9.2 crore (92 million) households, 45%
were OBC and 13% ST households.
NSSO Agricultural Survey 2012-13 (70 Round)
Attack on Agriculture
cannot be concealed
Aparna
On 19th December 2014, the NSSO released its Situation Assessment

Survey of Agricultural Households for Crop Year 2012-13, conducted through
the period Jan 2013 to December 2013. Such surveys, conducted every
decade by NSSO, are supposed to be an attempt to capture the situation
of agricultural households. While several types of figures have been
presented by the survey, they call for interpretation against the overall
situation. For instance, the Survey has stated that a mere 39.5% of rural
households are dependent on agriculture as the maximum source of income.
How should this figure be assessed? many commentators have seized
on it to say that it reflects that the Indian peasantry is no longer the largest
section of people, that India is no longer a predominantly agricultural country,
that land hunger is not the principal and emotive issue of our countryside,
that the peasants are no longer the main force of struggle for revolutionary
change. What would be the factual interpretation?
The NSSO Survey 2012-13
For this Survey, 35,200 households were surveyed in the first round
and of these 34,907 were resurveyed. This is out of a total of 15.61 crore
rural households in the country.
The Survey states that 57.8% of rural households (according to the

2011 Census, rural area houses 68.8% of the population of India) were
engaged in farming, which contributes not even 60% to their average
monthly income.
57.8% rural households work out to 9.2 crore rural households out of a
total of 15.61 crore. These have been termed agricultural, where
agricultural is defined as at least one member being self employed in
farming either in principal or subsidiary status during the last 365 days and
April, 2015
23
Even within this 57.8% (or 9.2 crore) agricultural households only 68.3%
reported farming as a principal source of income i.e. a mere 39.5% of rural
households are shown to be dependent on agriculture as a maximum source
of income. This figure may be representing that peasantry which has been
deemed by surveyors to have produce worth more than 3000 rupees.
However this is not to deny the severe crisis which agricultural households
in India are facing. The desperate situation of Indias peasantry where only
40% of area is irrigated; where costs of inputs are back breaking and the
price of output (when taken to the market; a large section subsist on the
produce) low; where crops are subject to weather vagaries with govt. relief
a drop in the ocean of debts owed to mostly non institutional sources. It is
no wonder that the National Crime Records Bureau has recorded 2,96,438
peasant suicides between 1995 2012 (years of new economic policies,
WTO and globalization, with their deadly impact on agriculture) or 45 suicides
per day. Those working on GM seeds have brought out a fact which has
received less than needed attention that these seeds have forced the
need for peasantry to have cash to procure seeds for every crop.
According to the Survey, net receipts from cultivation and raising animals
accounted for 59.8% of the average Indian agricultural familys monthly
income. The remaining income was from wage / salaried employment, nonfarm business, other sources (dividends, interests, remittances etc). Thus
still agricultural activities (cultivation along with livestock rearing) are
reported to be the principal source of income for majority of agricultural
households in all major states. Only in Kerala, 61% of agricultural
households received maximum income from sources other than agricultural
activity. Incidentally, Rajasthan is recorded as having the highest percentage
of agricultural households in rural households (78.4%).
The Survey states that 90% of farmers have less than 2 hectare of
land. The figures are: less than 0.01 ha = 2.65%; 0.01-0.4 ha = 31.89%;
0.41-1 ha = 34.9%; 1.01-2 ha = 17.19%; 2-4 ha = 9.35%; 4-10 ha = 3.66%
24
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
and 0.41% above 10 ha. The average monthly income per agricultural
household is estimated at Rs. 6,426 (cultivation Rs. 3,078, wages or salary
Rs. 2069 and the rest from other sources.)
More than half of the marginal farmers (56%) have less than 0.01
hectares of land and are not relying on agriculture as a principal source of
income. The survey does not specify if those surveyed in this category
were agricultural workers or otherwise.
The households which possess 0.4 ha (i.e. one acre) of land claimed
that agriculture is the principal source of income for them. This is the section
that would be included in small peasant (i.e. less than 2.5 acres or one
hectare) and which also must be doing some stint as agricultural labour.
Change in Definition Itself
The earlier survey of agricultural households by NSSO was conducted

in its 59th round in 2003. However, at that time, agricultural households
were defined as those possessing some land and the members engaging
in agricultural activities throughout the year. While this too did not include
agricultural workers, it did not put in any clause about value of the produce.
The Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation cautioned in a
release on the current Survey in context to the 59th round, Due to changes
in the coverage and difference in some important concepts and definitions
followed in this survey viz a viz the 59th round survey, the results of the
two are not strictly comparable.
Another issue must also be recalled. While analyzing the 66th NSSO
round "On employment" which reported a huge section of missing women
workforce, many experts had pointed to the fact that contractual workers
were actually doing the survey, and they were unable to nuance questions
correctly. For instance, in context to the current Survey, the issue of
migration must also be discussed the practice is, quite routinely, that
those who seek employment in cities return to the villages in sowing and
harvesting seasons. This itself indicates that in the villages are households
which look after the other operations concerned with agriculture. Where
women are carrying on routine agricultural operations, with the men migrating
and returning to help with sowing and harvesting, would these households
have been enumerated as agricultural or left out because the produce was
not worth Rs. 3000 or were just not counted as doing any agriculture at all?
April, 2015
25

Most likely the fact that the men have migrated would ensure that the
surveyors would not pursue the question whether the women were engaged
in agriculture. It is an accepted fact that a large section of agricultural
operations are traditionally women's work, including sowing, transplantation
of saplings, weeding, winnowing as well as the routine care of their crops.
A constant criticism of census figures has been that even when women
work on family land they are not classified as peasants. This also happens
because women equate work on family fields as domestic work unless
specifically questioned. Another documentation is that 58% of all male
workers but 78% of all female workers and 88% of all rural female workers
depend on land. Secondly many families substantially consume their own
produce. Thirdly how did the Survey evaluate whether the produce was
worth three thousand rupees or not? This additional qualification would
have played its role as a major distorter even in the hands of experienced
surveyors.
The question arises, why did it become necessary to add value of produce
as a qualifying factor for agricultural households? A theoretical ground is
being created to show that India is moving away from agriculture using
facts which actually prove that Govt. policies have created a serious crisis
in agriculture. No doubt this is also to justify the attempts of successive
Govts. in both Centre and states to handover land and resources in the
countryside to corporate. In 1996, the World Bank suggested the demise
of agriculture. Many economists, including former PM Manmohan Singh
theorize that this is necessary for what they term development. Whatever
demise of agriculture is occurring is thanks to the policy framework. Here
is a single fact to show that agriculture has been given stepmotherly
treatment. The 11th plan budgetary support for agriculture was 1 lakh crore.
In the 12th plan period it was 1.5 lakh crore. In 2014-15 it was only 24,000
crore whereas industrial sector got tax concessions of 5.73 lakh crore for
the same period.
Thus those who are quoting this Survey and talking about the peasantry
turning its back on agriculture and migrating for jobs must take into account
the changed definition of agricultural households and the other factors
mentioned above. Financial Express (22 Dec. 2014) published an article
There is less of Krishi in Bharat now which makes out that now rural is
not synonymous with agricultural and which relies on the 70 th round NSSO
survey. This does not capture the whole truth. Also much emphasis is laid
26
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
on agriculture giving 13.7% of GDP (2012-13) but not enough on the fact
that over 60% India lives and works with it.
Worsening Agrarian Situation
In fact the latest survey has been spoken of as being a bitter reminder
that things have worsened for the peasantry in the ten years since the last
survey.
Take debts. Though formal credit flow has multiplied four times, but
there were no benefits for the small and marginal farmers (also refer Rural
Indias Debt Profile (ET, 24 th April). Nearly 52% agricultural households
are indebted and the average amount of outstanding loan per agricultural
household was Rs. 47,000. Levels of debt were as high as 92.9% (proportion
of indebted agricultural households) in Andhra Pradesh, 89.1% in Telengana,
61.8% in Rajasthan, 57.5% in Odisha, 53.2% in Punjab, 51.5% in W. Bengal
and 42.5% in Bihar, to name a few states.
On sources of credit, there is high dependence on non institutional

channels. The distribution of outstanding loans of agricultural households
by sources of loans is Banks 42.9%, agri / professional Money Lenders
25.8%, Cooperative loans 14.8%, Relatives and friends 9.1%, shopkeepers
or traders 2.9%, landlord 0.8% and others 1.6%. Marginal landowners suffer
maximally with only 15% credit from Institutional sources (govts, banks,
co-ops.). For households with highest land class (more than 10 ha) this
figure is 79%. These figures reflect how the large sections of peasantry
continue to be in the grip of private money lenders while Govt.'s institutional
credit goes to landlords and other big land owners. It is yet another example
of how the bulk of Indian peasantry continues to be exploited and oppressed
by the semifeudal agrarian relations.
After Gajendra Singhs suicide in Delhi, on 23rd April 2015 Economic

Times recorded that 80% of peasantry has no crop insurance and 2/3 farms
in India were less than one hectare (2.5 acres) i.e. small (and marginal)
peasants. The NSSO survey (70 th round) shows that maximum peasantry
was not aware of MSP. Of those who were, less than half sold their crops
to agencies i.e. of those households reporting sale of paddy only 32%
were aware of MSP and only 13.5% sold to procurement agencies (July to
December 2012). Peasantry remains far removed from new technologies
and guidance by state research institutions. Most agricultural households
April, 2015
27

were unaware of crop insurance. 59% of agricultural households got no
assistance from either govt. or private assistance services. Of the 40.6%
who received extension assistance, only 11% came from physical govt.
machinery (extension agents, Krishi Vigyan Kendras, agri. universities).
Most peasants depended on other peasants who knew some programmes,
on media (also radio) 19.6% and private commercial agents (7.4%).
While MSP is hardly applied, while it increased in three years by just
Rs. 50 per quintal every year, but now the Commission for Costs and Prices
has recommended to stop MSP. Only 8% benefit every year while 92%
depend on private trade and are ruthlessly exploited. Punjab gets MSP,
Bihar does not. Private traders desperately want that Punjab like Bihar
should do distress sale. The Food Ministry has already directed state govts.
to give no bonus above MSP.
MGNREGA gets higher budgetary support than agriculture (Devinder
Sharma, 24th Dec. 2014). But the Survey also records that 44% of total
agricultural households have MGNREGA cards. Only 38% in the lowest
land class (less than 0.01 ha) have these cards.
Census 2001 & 2011

The 2001 Census recorded 127.3 million cultivators (85 million men, 42
million women) and 107 million agricultural labour (57 million men, 50 million
women). The 2011 Census recorded that the number of cultivators had
decreased from 127.3 million to 118.6 million but the number of agricultural
labour rose from 107 million to 144.3 million. Thus the number of people
involved in agriculture rose from 234.6 million to 262.9 million. (2011 census
specified that 14% women and 3.2% males accounting for 8.6 million left
farming whether they left or were pushed into landless peasantry is
another matter). The 2011 Census also states that in the past fifty years,
the decrease in the number of cultivators is not significant as population
growth has decreased.
The agricultural census 2010 11 showed that operational holdings
increased in India from 2001 to 2011 from 119.9 million to 137.7 million. It
actually decreased in three categories large, medium and semi medium
but in small and marginal categories increased by 8.8% and 22.4%
Rise in total operational holdings are primarily due to increase in marginal
28
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
farmers (in fact 95% rise is due to this). Yet marginal holdings are only
35.4 million hectare out of 159.1 million hectare of cultivable land in 2010
'11. Actually total acreage of land under cultivation shrank by 0.16% in this
period. The census figures actually underline the crying need for land reforms
in India.
Disparity in Live Stock Counts too
The NSSO survey has recorded that 23% agricultural households depend
on live stock as the prime source of income. However, there is a huge
disparity in the numbers in this NSSO survey and those of the 19th Livestock
Census (figure drawn from Down to Earth, 2nd Jan 2015).
Census 2012-13
NSSO (2013)
(millions)
(millions)
1.
Cattle
190
135
2.
Buffalo
108
69
3.
Thus Bovine (1+2)
299
204
4.
Poultry
729
225
5.
Sheep & Goat
200
99
The Livestock Census was released in Sept 2014. The trends depicted
are also different. NSSO surveys show that sheep, goat and pigs compared
with 2003 survey have increased. (Sheep and goat from 95 million to 99
million and pigs from 5 to 6 millions). The census said there was a decrease;
sheep and goat went from 211 million in 2007 to 200 million and pigs from
11.2 million to 10.2 million. Several writers have commented that such
discrepancies have happened before but ministries could not care less.
Others say the difference is due to seasons goats and poultry fall during
festivals! If nothing else, these arguments underline how difficult it is to do
numerical census and the need for trained personnel who can extract the
accurate situation.
uneconomical due to govts policies. Peasantry is under tremendous

pressure to abandon agriculture and migrate to other occupations.
Successive Central and States' Govts' hope this will drive them to give up
their lands for acquisition. Govts. are servitors of land sharks and real
estate barons and this is true across the gamut of ruling class political
parties. Yet the peasantry including the tribals is fighting over every inch
of land. This is not symptomatic of a people who are abandoning agriculture
as the NSSO makes out.
Economic Times (Delhi) on 24 th April 2015 tried to capture the grim
reality of the crisis in agrarian sector due to the sudden changes in weather
this March and April. One commentator (Madhvi Sally) forecast that 2/3 of
the population which depends directly or indirectly on agriculture will be hit
by a weak monsoon. Successive Central Govts earlier Manmohan Singhs
and now Modis - found out the hard way that it is no cakewalk to force land
acquisition. One of the chief issues which has hit the Modi Govt is the
allegation of being anti peasant when he tried to fiddle with the land
acquisition law. It is not only because the parliamentary opposition raised
this issue they only seized on the anger which was anyway present.
Ruling class parties had earlier seen this anger when they attempted forcible
acquisitions the changes brought in the Land Acquisition Law in 2013 by
UPA were no act of charity. The suicide by a farmer in Delhi in April 2015,
in whatever circumstances, struck an echo across India and this was the
material reason why corporate darling Modi had to talk of mistakes and
admit the problems of the peasantry. Is the mood of the country one of
sorrow and anger at the crisis in agriculture or is this an issue which seems
to concern only a periphery of the people?
Three lakh peasants committed suicide in the past 17 years this is

the recorded number merely and this is linked to agriculture becoming
April, 2015
29
30
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
AIKMS Dharna Against Land Acquisition Amendment Ordinance
Peasants vow to defeat

Modi govt.s attempts to
take their land
AIKMS Secretary
Com. Ashish Mital
Addressing the
Dharna
All India Kisan Mazdoor Sabhas

(AIKMS) campaign against Modi
Govt.s efforts to forcibly
dispossess peasants from their
land and hand over their land to
MNCs, domestic corporate and real
estate mafia reached capital Delhi
on April 24th 2015. AIKMS organized
a big Dharna at Jantar Mantar,
Parliament Street to protest against
Land Acquisition (Amendment)
Ordinance which was repromulgated by Modi Govt. on April 3, 2015. Modi Govts Ordinance seeks
to undo the changes which were incorporated in the land acquisition law by
UPA Govt. by LARR 2013 and in effect restores the colonial Land Acquisition
Act, 1894. AIKMS has launched a countrywide campaign against this attack
by Modi Govt.
A view of Dharna
(Activists from
Punjab)
Around 2,500 activists took part in the Dharna. They were drawn from
ten states- Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Telengana, Odisha, Andhra
Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Rajasthan, Maharashtra and West Bengal.
Participants in the Dharna included leaders and activists from a number of
anti-displacement movements- from Anti-Vedanta movement in Niyamgiri
and anti-Posco movement from Odisha, Anti-Polavaram struggle from
Telengana and AP, from movements against thermal power plants and
coastal corridor in AP, from anti- thermal power plant and anti smart city
struggles in Allahabad (UP), from anti-displacement movements in Punjab
and also from Maharashtra.
Another view of
Dharna (Activists
from Odisha
along with
participants from
other states)
The day long Dharna started with the activists marching to the bedecked
April, 2015
31
32
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
Dharna site in two large rallies from the railway station. Soon the Dharna
site was packed with slogan shouting participants. Many women peasants
and activists including from among tribals of Niyamgiri, Telengana and UP
participated.
The programme started at 11 AM with AIKMS General Secretary Com.

Sushanta Jha taking the stage. Com. Ashish Mital, secretary AIKMS,
informed the shocked gathering of the death of one Adivasi activist from
Allahabads Karchana tehsil, Com. Shail Kumari, who fell off the train while
coming to participate in the Dharna. She was an AIKMS activist who had
participated in a number of local struggles. Participants paid homage to
Com. Shail Kumari by observing a minutes silence in her memory. Com.
Rama Rao (Arunodaya) sang a song in the memory of martyrs.
The protest Dharna began with rousing slogans No Industry, No

urbanization, No Smart City, No Thermal Power Plants on Agricultural Land,
No Land to Multinational Companies. Raising their fists and red flags
protestors demanded, Withdraw the New Land Acquisition Amendment
Ordinance. Slogans were raised against acquisition of agricultural land
and a variety of other issues related to peasantry. The pitch on Parliament
Street was set on, Our movements forced out the British Land Acquisition
Law. We stand for No to the Ordinance, No to Forced Displacement.
The leaders of the Central Executive Committee of AIKMS and of the anti
displacement struggles were called on to the dais.
First AIKMS General Secretary, Com. Sushanta Jha explained the

retrograde and anti farmer changes being made by the BJP Govt. in the
Land Acquisition Law of 2013. He condemned the Ordinance and demanded
its withdrawal. He explained that all clauses of making social impact
assessment, environment assessment, bar on taking over irrigated multi
crop land, were annulled by the ordinance. Drawing upon the incident of a
farmers suicide in full public view on 22nd April 2015 at Jantar Mantar he
said it only shows the deep crises facing the peasantry. Failure of BJP
Govt. to ease their burden by waiving their debts and by reducing high
input costs and only indulging in blame game exposes its anti farmer rule.
He raised the demand to decrease input prices, to grant adequate return in
sale of crops, to develop agricultural infrastructure especially dig deep
ponds and canals to guarantee irrigation and to develop the purchasing
capacity of peasantry including the tribals.
April, 2015
33

Thereafter the leaders representing various ongoing anti displacement
movements addressed the gathering. The leader of anti Vedanta struggle
Haribandu Kadraka and leader of Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti Prashant
Paikray explained how they are continuing their struggle despite continuous
attacks by the govt. and the agents of the companies. They opposed the
ordinance, vowed not to give up their land and appealed for all movements
to come on to one platform.
Leader of the movement to Stop Polavaram, Com K Rangaiah, explained
that more than 2.7 lakh people will be displaced by Polavaram; that this
project is being built in the name of irrigation, but most of the land to be
irrigated is already irrigated; that this project will transfer Godavari water to
Krishna basin and it will ultimately be used for industrial and coastal corridor.
Com. M. Durga Prasad spoke of the ill effects of A.P. Govt.'s plan to
build a cluster of Thermal Power Plants at the cost of agriculture, fishing
and peoples life, of the impact of ash pollution and how people fought
against the Kakrapalli plant as it would have destroyed their livelihood. He
also explained that lakhs of acres of agricultural land are being taken over
in coastal regions for building the coastal corridor, petrochemical industrial
region and for building a new capital.
Ex MLA of CPI(ML)-New Democracy from Yellandu (Telangana), Com
G Narsaiah, also addressed the gathering highlighting how the new
Telangana govt is not fulfilling the promise to oppose Polavaram and is
bent on allowing transfer of 7 mandals to AP to facilitate the construction
of the dam.
KKU Punjab President Com Nirbhai Singh said that in Gobindpura 850
acres of land was taken over for establishing a Thermal Power Plant and
Trident was taking over land for new industries. People led by Ujara Virodhi
Sangharsh Samiti, Punjab, opposed these en mass, were injured in the
protests, had cases foisted against thousands, they went to jail also, but
the land was taken over. Yet no industry or plant has come up while people
displaced are facing extreme hardships.
Com Ram Kailash Kushwaha spoke on behalf of the Taap Bijlighar
Virodhi Manch formed against three TPPs in Allahabad. He highlighted the
facts of each plant taking over thousands of acres of land, burning tens of
thousand quintals of coal, producing upto 60,000 to 1 lakh quintals of ash
34
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
per day and consuming more than 12 to 18 crore litres of river water per
day each to dry up the rivers and destroy life of villages along the river. He
said though even the HC has annulled one plants land acquisition the govt
is not willing to give up and is forcing the people to leave. He said people
are struggling and they even blocked the New Delhi Howrah rail route to
oppose the plant.
Leader of anti NEPA struggle of Moradabad, Com. Dharampal Singh,

explained how the govt took over about 900 acres of land of 4 villages in
1989 for a paper plant, then sold it to Birlas at 15 times the cost of
acquisition, and now despite 26 years having passed the land is lying vacant.
The only development Birlas did was to try and build a nursery, which the
people uprooted.
A message was received from Konkan Bachao Samiti opposing Nuclear

power plant at Jaitapur (Maharashtra), extending its support to the Dharna
and the issues raised here.
The gathering was addressed by special guest, Com. Aparna from

CPIML-New Democracy from Delhi who lambasted the govt. policy of selling
Indias natural wealth and depriving the people of their valuable livelihood
resource in the name of development of industrial production. She highlighted
that one third of the installed production capacity is lying idle as export
markets are in crises and Indian markets stagnant. She asked why 63% of
land acquired for SEZs is still lying unused and why more Thermal Power
Plants are being built when 1 lakh MW of capacity is lying unused. She
reminded the Govt that peasants struggles against forcible displacement
had forced UPA Govt. to make changes in the colonial land acquisition law
and said these peasant struggles will consign BJP Govt.s effort to resurrect
that law to the dustbin.
AIKMS CEC members Ram Briksh Ram from Bihar and Dev Rao from
Maharashtra castigated the govt. for accentuating the already grave crisis
facing Indian agriculture at the behest of foreign and domestic corporate,
to grant them windfalls in real estate and cheap mineral resources and
provide them with cheap labour power. Uprooting peasantry will increase
the food crises, food inflation, hunger and destitution and suicides by
peasants and agricultural labour they asserted.
CEC member Com. Bhalachandra drew upon the various antiApril, 2015
35

displacement struggles to explain the importance of bringing all these
struggles on a common platform and how after several tribals and peasants
laid down their lives and militantly defended their land, the UPA Govt. was
forced to partly retrace its steps of capturing the peoples resources for
corporate development. He called upon the Govts. to stop lodging false
cases, arresting, conducting false encounters of peasant movement
activists and deploying Para Military forces against peasants struggles.
He said that compensations paid to the displaced is always several times
lower than the market rates of land and never affords any respectable
existence. Jobs are never provided and people work in abysmal conditions
at extremely low wages.Social contacts and cultural life are destroyed.
Com Prabhu Dayal from Rajasthan explained that the Rajasthan Govt.
has not provided any safeguards to farmers and even irrigation security is
not maintained. He highlighted the struggle of farmers for this and against
forceful acquisitions of land for urban clusters.
National Secy Com. Ashish Mital highlighted the new plan to hand over
cities like Allahabad to US MNCs through the USTDA, the new plan for
river ghats made of concrete which will uproot several hundred villages
and river bed farmers and fishermen. He explained how SP govt and Janata
Parivar speak of taking farmers' consent but their Govt. has unleashed the
most brutal terror few days back on tribal and dalit peasants, women and
children in Kanhar, Sonbhadra. He said, like BSP, SP too is taking over
farmers' land for various urbanization programmes resulting in growth of
mafia and builders. He attacked BJPs posing of being pro peasantry and
said its anti people character is clear from all its claims. For irrigation
canals, rural houses and roads no acquisition is necessary. He said the
truth is Narendra Modi ke Man ki Bat, Corporate ka Saath, Kisano ko Lat.
He criticized the BJPs drama of Jandhan and said they are only empty
accounts, like the empty stomachs of their owners. BJP is fooling the
people by talking of development while in essence it is being done only in
order to hand over land, water and mineral resources to MNCs, create new
cities, develop real estate havens for builders and mafia, etc. He said
peasants have reiterated their resolve to fight back the BJP govts offensive
and not give up their lands.
Convenor of Janhastakshep, Delhi, Prof Ish Misra and Dr Qamruzamman
from West Champaran also addressed the gathering and exhorted them to
36
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
firmly resist forced takeover of their land. All speakers expressed their
resolve to fight back this Ordinance and forced displacement resolutely.
A memorandum to the Honble President of India demanding withdrawal

of the Ordinance was read out and submitted.
Several participants presented songs of the peasants struggles. They

included veteran Arunodaya leader Rama Rao, Srinivas from AP, Pyara
Singh and Succha Singh from Punjab, Ramnath Singh from East
Champaran, Ram Vilas Paswan from Haridwar, Dharampal Singh of UP
and Gyanendra and his team from JNU. These songs expressed the
determination of peasants to save their land from being handed over to
corporate by the Govt. They hailed the supreme sacrifices of peasants
including tribals of Kalinga Nagar, Nandigram and numerous other anti
displacement struggles. They exposed the subservience of rulers to foreign
exploiters and their Indian dalals. They decried the grant of their land,
forests, water resources and mineral wealth to Corporate labeling them as
enemies of people.
Com. Tarsem Peter, CEC member from Punjab and President of PMU,
Punjab thanked the participants for their participation in the Dharna and
expressed resolve to continue the struggle for withdrawal of the Ordinance
and against forcible displacement.
A martyrs resolution was passed by the gathering paying homage to

those who had sacrificed their lives opposing forcible displacement due to
acquisition of land and vowing to continue the struggle with the resolve to
Give Lives, Not Land. Homage was also paid to those peasants who had
been forced to commit suicide during the continuing and intensifying crises
of agricultural production due to govt. apathy towards the problems of the
peasantry.
April, 2015
37
Changes in the new Land Acquisition

Ordinance are only to fool the people
( In the last issue of New Democracy (February 2015) we had
published an article on Land Acquisition Amendment Ordinance
promulgated by Modi Govt. in December 2014. That article dealt
with the changes made by Modi Govt. in LARR 2013. After its failure
to get that Ordinance made into an Act, Modi Govt. has
repromulgated the Ordinance. Govt. has claimed that in the repromulgated Ordinance it has addressed concerns expressed by
peasant organizations and other forces about the first Ordinance.
Com. Bhalachandra who had written the earlier article published in
New Democracy, is here dealing with changes made in the
repromulgated Ordinance.
-Editor)
Narendra Modi Govt. is trying to sell its new Ordinance on Land
Acquisition saying that it has accommodated the concerns of peasant
organizations and Opposition parties. However, Modi Govt. has only made
cosmetic changes for the purpose of fooling the people while continuing
with the substantive changes to serve the interests of foreign and domestic
corporate, for the exploitation and plunder of the natural resources of the
country. Obviously the peasant organizations opposing the amended
Ordinance have condemned these tricks of Narendra Corporate Modi Govt.
and continue to oppose the Ordinance.
In the original Act of 2013 there was a provision for the determination of
social impact and public purpose before acquiring any land for a project.
The Act made it mandatory that for land acquisition for public purpose, the
Government Shall consult the local Panchayat or Municipal Corporation
as the case may be and carry out Social Impact Assessment Study in
consultation with them. The notification for consultation and social impact
assessment shall be made available in local language to the Panchayat,
Municipality or Municipal Corporation. But on the contrary, the first Ordinance
stated that these provisions will not apply for five broad categories of
projects. Thus the Ordinance did away with the Social Impact Assessment
and need of consent of the people to be displaced which were central to
38
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
the 2013 Act.
The amendment in the first Ordinance meant that social impact

assessment, food security assessment and consent of 80% (in case of
private companies) and 70% (in case of PPP projects) of land owners
would not be required before acquiring land for projects like defense,
industrial corridors, rural infrastructure, affordable housing and any
infrastructure including social infrastructure in PPP mode.
But after facing pressure from different quarters, the Modi Govt in its
latest Ordinance, in the name of addressing the issue, only tried to fool the
people once again. Instead of restoring the SIA provision it has only provided
for receiving the reference of the affected people under section 64 and
after giving notice of all such references to all parties concerned, holding
the hearing in the district where the land acquisition takes place.
Similarly instead of restoring the provision of taking consent of 70%

and 80% land owners in land acquisition for PPP and privately owned
infrastructure projects, the Govt in its latest Ordinance has said, The land
shall be acquired up to one Km on both sides of the designated railway line
or roads for such industrial corridor.
Facing criticism about the provision for acquisition of multi crop land,
this new Ordinance has inserted The appropriate Govt shall, before the
issue of the notification, ensure the extent of land for the proposed
acquisition keeping in view the bare minimum land is required for such
projects. The appropriate Govt shall undertake a survey of its waste land
including the arid land and maintain a record containing the details of such
land in such manner as may be prescribed by the appropriate Govt. This
is nothing but to hoodwink the people and it has not barred the acquisition
of agricultural land particularly the multi crop land.
Regarding the liability of the Government officials committing offence

in the process of land acquisition, Section 87 of the 2013 Act provided that
(i) Wherever an offence under this Act has been committed by any
department of the Government, the head of the department shall be deemed
guilty of the offence and shall be liable to be proceeded against and punished
accordingly. Section 87(ii) states that Where any offence under this Act
has been committed by a Department of the Government and it is proved
that the offence has been committed with the consent or connivance of, or
is attributable to any neglect on the part of any officer, other than the head
April, 2015
39
of the department, such officer shall also be deemed to be guilty of that

offence and shall be liable to be proceeded against and punished
accordingly. But in the first Ordinance this had been substituted by Where
an offence under this Act has been committed by any person who is or was
employed in the Central Government or the state Government, as the case
may be, at the time of commission of such alleged offence, no court shall
take cognizance of such an offence except with the previous sanction of
the appropriate Government. Through this amendment the Govt. had tried
to protect the officials who commit offence in land acquisition in connivance
with the corporate houses. In the latest Ordinance Modi Govt. has resorted
to trickery by substituting the italicized part with the following, . the
Court shall take cognizance of such offence provided the procedure laid
down in Section 197 of Criminal Procedure Code 1973 is followed. The
said Section 197 requires previous sanction of the Govt. in such cases.
The servility to corporate interests could not be more blatant and shameless.
Other anti-peasant aspects of the first Ordinance have been retained in
the latest Ordinance. This Ordinance is an all out attack against peasants
and the country which must be opposed by all patriotic, democratic,
progressive and revolutionary organizations.
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April, 2015
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Life & Death Question for Tribes

in Andhra Pradesh and Odisha
- S.Krishnamurty
Adivasis living in the forest, believing it as their mother from ages, are
affected by exploitation and harassment from the British period till today.
The Acts made to protect their rights and their lands do not develop their
lives. On account of the methods of the exploiting rulers the existence of
the adivasis present in the states is endangered and a disgusting situation
has resulted that they are being thrown out from the forests onto roads.
Our rulers are ready to offer and give the different valuable mineral riches
to the MNCs and the major corporate companies on one side and on the
other allow the establishment of major irrigation projects and bauxite and
iron industries and thus send lakhs of adivasi families out of the forest.
They are ready to serve the exploiting sections by overthrowing the 5th
Schedule and many Acts of tribal rights.
Before the arrival of the British, adivasis enjoyed the traditional rights
over the forests. They ruled themselves with community livelihood and
independent economic system without bending their knees before anybody
else. But after their arrival in our country, as a part of their colonial
exploitation, they endorsed the right on the land to the Zamindars and
Muthadars withholding the right to the adivasis. They collected land cess
(tax) through the Zamindars and Muthadars and adivasis were severely
exploited and oppressed. The Britishers, who coveted the riches in the
forests, brought the 1865 Forest Act and the traditional rights on the forests
of the adivasis was taken away from their control. On account of these
exploitative methods the lives of adivasis became worse. The adivasis in
many parts of the country particularly the then Madras Presidency (the
present AP & Southern part of Odisha) conducted many struggles and
revolts from 1808 to 1942 against the Britishers', the Zamindars' and
Muthadars' exploitation and harassment. Among these revolts, the Rampa
revolt headed by Alluri Seetharamaraju in Andhra and the revolt in Malkangiri
agency in Odisha in1942 under the leadership of Laxmannaik were famous.
Due to these circumstances the British government had to made certain
April, 2015
41

Acts, as the revolts of adivasis continued in India. In 1802 and 1908 Tenants
Protection Act, in 1874 Scheduled Districts Area Act, in 1917 Agency Area
Interest and Prevention of Land Transfer Act. But none of these Acts
protected the land of adivasis and their lives were not at all changed.
After the transfer of power in 1947, the Indian Constitution recognized
in 1950 the special existence of tribes, their special rights, that self
administration desire should be recognized and these were included as 5th
and 6th Schedules. The tribal areas of AP & Odisha are recognised as 5th
Schedule areas. The tribes living in scheduled areas have some special
rights and safeguards. According to the 1950 scheduled area order, 5400
tribal villages in 9 districts of united state (i.e. Andhra Pradesh & Telangana)
were included in the list of 5th schedule. Even in Odisha some tribal areas
were brought under this schedule. (Earlier a part of Madras Presidency,
the tribal areas in Visakhapatnam district were included in Odisha state
formed in 1936). But the conspiracies of the feudal landlords, inactivity of
the authorities, the lack of sincerity of the rulers- all these factors worked
to not include hundreds of tribal villages in the two States and all such
tribal villages are still kept as non-schedule area. The problem of the tribal
land again came onto agenda after the great Naxalbari & Srikakulam
struggles. Thereafter the Central Government brought an amendment in
1976 to the 1950 scheduled area order. A revision to the 5th schedule in
the Constitution was made by the Parliament by giving the power to the
President to increase the scheduled areas. According to this, it was notified
that some more tribal areas of the two States were to be included in the 5th
schedule. The then state government identified 753 tribal villages (undivided
AP) to be included in the scheduled area and submitted its proposal in
1980 for the approval of the President (456 villages were identified in North
Andhra, but there were more than 100 villages yet to be included. So also
many tribal villages in Nallamala forest area where the Chenchus, one of
the tribal race, have been living). But the list is still pending even after 33
years.
As per the 5th schedule the tribes and their village committees are
given special rights and powers in political, social and economic activities
in the scheduled area. The village committees have the power of decision
making over the land, forest products and mineral wealth. The tribals have
such a type of special local-self administration. The establishment of
Panchayatraj should not be implemented in the scheduled area. At the
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April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
time of reorganisation of Pachayatraj, the Govt. tried to implement the

panchayatraj establishment in the scheduled areas by the 73rd
Constitutional Amendment. But many movements came against this
proposal. Then the Central Government appointed Bhuria committee. Based
on the report of the Bhuria committee, the Indian Parliament in 1996 updated
PESA (The Provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled
Areas Act,1996) Act in tribal areas. In accordance with it, those states
should make such Acts. But the erstwhile AP state government, whatever
party may be in power and in position, took no step. They washed their
hands off the issue by making mere reservations for tribals in the
Panchayats and Mandal Parishads (just like Blocks in other states) in
scheduled area of AP
Prevention of Land Transfer Act 1/59 of Andhra, 2/56 of Odisha were

brought by rulers but these did not stop land grab of tribals. As a result,
landlords, money-lenders, excise (arrack) merchants cruelly robbed the
tribals in agency areas and they became burglars' institutions by grabbing
their lands. The tribals campaigned and built a strong movement against
this institution. The tribals in agency area of Old Srikakulam, Godavari
valley area of AP and the tribal area of South Odisha started armed struggle
under the leadership of the communist revolutionaries. As a result of this
struggle, the 1/70 Act was enacted making amendment to 1/59 Act in AP.
As per this, transfer of land among tribes and non-tribes and among nontribes also is prohibited. Immovable property in the agency should be sold
or transferred among the tribes only, otherwise the particular property should
be handed over to the government. As per this Act the transfers of land
after 1970 were not honoured. Non-tribes should prove they had the lands
before 1970. If they failed to prove, the lands on their hands will be
considered as uncommunicable (unauthorizedly occupied). In Odisha in
the year 1975, an amendment was made to 2/56 Act which provided for
proof of ownership from 12 years to 30 years. OSATIP Regulation 2, duly
amended in 2002 totally restricts the transfer of tribals' land to non tribals
in the 5th schedule area. By making an amendment, the power of transfer
of land was withdrawn from the S.D.Os and the District Collectors. However,
after tremendous pressure from the companies, the Govt. of Odisha through
the TAC (Tribal Advisory Committee) and Cabinet approved a further
amendment of this provision thus allowing transfer of tribals land to non
tribals from 2006 and sent this to the President of India for assent. They
had also argued and contended for educational benefits, development of
April, 2015
43

tribals etc. Govt. of Odisha has attempted this twice since 2006. But both
the times, the President of India has returned the proposal without agreement
for any changes.
Yet these amendments do not serve to protect the lands of the tribals.
For e.g. in the united AP state, even today, 7,53,437.7 hectares of land out
of 18,48,209.7 hectares belonging to the tribals in the scheduled area is in
the hands of non-tribals. According to the official notification 48% is in the
hands of non-tribals but as a matter of fact it is 65% according to experts'
estimation. Not only that, now the transfer of tribal lands in the agency
area takes another shape. The migrated feudal landlords and the local
exploiter sections, different businessmen and the bureaucrats who are
earning crores of rupees through scams and irregular methods not only
grabbed the lands of tribals, they are also occupying tribal lands in the
name of 99 years lease.
After the transfer of power in 1947, the expectations of people- equal
justice, rule and rights- have not been achieved. All these exploiting rulers
whichever party they might belong to, submissively offered imperialists
the riches of the country. After 1990, they speeded up this process and
aggravated it in all the fields. They further opened the gates for foreign
exploitation. The last UPA govt. made a big show by bringing an Act on the
rights on forest lands in 2006 by giving the Pattas to the tribals on the
forest lands, telling them they would create a legal right. On the other hand
these exploiting rulers plotted to send the tribals away from the forest. The
UPA government thereafter offered and gave minerals such as bauxite to
the corporate companies to mine and permitted them to establish several
industries. They prepared to hand over to corporate companies the bauxite
mineral riches in the area of 8 thousand hectares in Visakha forest area in
AP. As a result of the mining 5 Mandals in Visakha district viz Gudemkotthaveedhi, Chintapalli, Koyyuru, Araku and Ananthagiri would not have
been seen here and 60 thousand farmers and workers of coffee plantations
would have forgone their livelihood (upadhi). 8 thousand hectares of forest
would have been ruined. Total 247 villages and the inhabitants were to be
put in danger and thousands of tribal families were to be on the roads. As
the tribals opposed this proposal and began to agitate, the then rulers
temporarily retreated from this decision. But now the TDP state government
recently under the veil of the tribal agency decided to offer the corporate
companies, the right to continue mining the Bauxite again. The BJP
44
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
government at the Centre is also ready to hand over the immense mineral
wealth in the forest to the corporate companies. It is ready to amend all the
tribal and forest Acts for this purpose. The central government declared a
major industrial corridor from Rajasthan to Delhi. On account of this the
tribal people in that area will be facing severe destruction.
complete this without any hurdles and objections, has made an Act in
Parliament while bifurcating the state. This Act included some Mandals of
Telangana to be submerged in Andhra Pradesh. Thus it is decided to shut
out the ideas and opinions of the people in those Mandals and Govt. is
thereby ready to destroy their lives.
Not only in Andhra Pradesh but country wide in other states also, the
destruction of tribal lives continues as usual. The rulers handed over
thousands of acres of forest area and the lands of the tribes in Odisha to
the Tata steel project in Kalinganagar, for the Bauxite mining by Vedanta
company in Niyamgiri, Posco steel plant in Dinkia in Jagatsinghpur district,
Harshad Mittal steel plant and Sterlite steel plant in Keonjhar district, Aditya
Birla company in Semiliguda in Koraput district. The Govt. applied serious
repression on the tribals who are agitating to protect their forests and their
lands. The State fired and killed 14 people in Kalinganagar. Previously 4
tribals were killed among those who were agitating against Alumina company
in Kashipur of Rayagada district. In the midst of the Govt.s serious
oppression, the tribals are continuing life and death struggle against the
corporate companies in Odisha. In the remaining areas in the country, in
many places, more precisely in the eastern states, the tribes have been
agitating for their self administration, their rights and to protect the forest.
The problem of the land of the tribes, their right on the forest and local
self administration etc. continues as tribals have been deceived and cheated
by the rulers for hundreds of years. All the Acts and constitutional provisions
prepared to safeguard the rights of the tribes- they remained as writings on
paper and they could not save the tribes from exploitation and harassment.
The special existence, the community life style, the traditional rights of
the tribes are ignored and their existence is itself at stake. Due to the LPG
policies and exploitative methods adopted by the present rulers, the tribals
are being driven further away from the forest which gave them food and
shelter over thousands of years. Tribals are endangered as never before
and they face annihilation. The Govt. has been imposing severe repression
on one side and on another side they create illusions among the tribes with
the help of local political brokers who are ready to destroy the movements
of the tribes by deceiving and splitting them.
The Govt. decided to build the Polavaram project on the river Godavari
in AP in the name of supplying water for farmers. This will destroy the
tribals. Overthrowing the rights of tribes as recognised in the Article 244
(1) of the Indian Constitution and also neglecting the powers of self
determination and self rule by PESA (The Provisions of the Pachayats
(extension to the Scheduled areas Act,1996) and endangering the tribals'
existence they prepared to construct this project. As a matter of fact it is
not for the advantage of the farmers when it submerges 300 villages and
1.9 laks people will become shelterless and all these people will be on
roads. As part and parcel of the coastal corridor to be established, the
destructive and dangerous industries to be built under the PCPIR (Petroleum,
Chemical & Petrochemical Investment Region), the Govt. allotted 1848
million litres of water per day through its left canal of Polavaram project.
The Govt. has taken a decision to complete this project as an emergency
for the only purpose of the industries by MNCs. Though people have been
objecting and opposing construction of this project, the Govt., in order to
April, 2015
45
It is a dire necessity to work for more unity and move forward to support
and stand by the movements and agitations raised against the method
which is causing the destruction of tribal life in the country. The
revolutionary, democratic forces and the tribal organizations should stand
together firmly to safeguard the tribal rights, lead and participate in their
agitations and struggles.
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Houthis and their allies take over major part of Yemen
Old Actors React to

Changes in the MiddleEast as Turmoil Deepens
Developments in the Middle-East continue to convulse the Arab world.

The old order in the region is trying to assert itself against the winds of
change brought about by the international and regional developments. This
reassertion is leading to a spate of wars in different countries. The old
order is waging wars against those forces and factors which they think are
upsetting or may upset their domination in the region.
For long western imperialist powers dominated oil resources of the region
and to that end its economic and political life. Since the commercial refining
of oil, western imperialist powers had established their military bases and
controlled the region with their armed might. Gradually they carved this
region among their vassal states guaranteeing security of the regimes
brought into power with military might. They patronized Jewish dream of
homeland in Palestine. They utilized all conflicts and developments in the
world and the region to establish the regimes loyal to them and hostile to
the people of the region. It was their necessity as they wished to rob and
did rob the people of the region of their natural resources. With defeat of
Ottoman Turkey, the overlord of the region, in the First World War they
carved out different states and took steps towards establishing Jewish
state on the lands seized from Arabs. Since Second World War, Israel and
Gulf monarchies led by Saudi Arabia have been the mainstay of the
domination of the region by western imperialist powers led by the United
States. While Egypt and Iran have been in and out of their influence, the
basic architecture of US led western domination was woven around these
twin pillars. The winds of Arab nationalism were weathered by this
establishment countering Arab nationalism with promotion of Islamic
fundamentalism. This architecture has held out for decades. The regimes
have been keeping the people of the region suppressed and powerless
while oil wealth allowed them to hand out doles. This imperialist domination
April, 2015
47

of the natural resources and occupation of Palestinian Arab lands by Zionist
aggressors had been brewing discontent among the people and sections
of elites in these countries leading to periodic outbursts. However, owing
to small size of industrial working class and absence of any powerful agrarian
movement of the peasantry, these outbursts have been mostly led by
sections of elites, including military officers, and propelled by middle class
disenchantment providing strength to these outbursts.
All these aspects have been asserting themselves through the
contradictions prevailing in the region i.e. contradiction between imperialism
and Arab people and countries, contradiction among different imperialist
powers and contradiction between chieftains of the pre-capitalist social
formations and the masses of the people. Ruling elite of these countries
are tied to imperialist powers whose loot and plunder they facilitate and in
this loot and plunder they partake a share. Many Bedouin tribal chiefs long
accustomed to trade have been transformed into compradors of the
imperialist powers. They have wielded weapons of religious fundamentalism
to keep the people suppressed. They have wielded their wealth and religious
fundamentalism to extend their influence in different countries to help
imperialist powers as well as themselves for subverting regimes there which
were inconvenient to their domination of the region. They also extended
support to ruling elite of several countries to be summoned in case of
emergent need of suppressing rebellion at home. For long this architecture
held sway though the region whihc has always been unstable, marked by
peoples movements and Israeli expansionism interspersed with attempts
by rulers of several of these countries to break the shackles imposed by
this architecture. These attempts were met by intimidation and aggression
by imperialists and subversion by these monarchs.
Over the past years two serious developments have impacted this
architecture and these developments have affected the contradictions
operating in the region. First had been the decline of superpower US
imperialism which has been militarily dominating the region and has been
providing military security to the continuation and influence of these
regimes, particularly monarchies and which has been acting as gendarme
against the people of the region and forces threatening to upset the
architecture of western imperialist domination. The decline of US
imperialism is also manifested in its inability and unwillingness to send
military forces to control the region. This decline has deepened the sense
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of insecurity of these anti-people regimes, particularly monarchies and has

aggravated the contradictions among imperialist powers on this changed
basis. Both Russia and also France have sought to increase their role in
the region, albeit in contradictory terms, the former is opposition to western
alliance and the latter from within this alliance. In the wake of its declining
position, US imperialism is trying to reach a compromise with Iran on its
nuclear programme and to accommodate Turkey to add two additional pillars
to the two pillar structure of its domination of the region. But both these
additions are unacceptable to Israel and Saudi Arabia, the existing pillars
of US domination of the region.
Turkey is currently ruled by a party sprung from Muslim Brotherhood

(MB). It has adapted its Islamist moorings to bourgeois democratic political
system. MB has widespread influence in Arab countries particularly among
Sunni Arabs. Its opposition to monarchies has repeatedly brought it into
conflict with Saudi rulers of S. Arabia and other Gulf monarchies. Upsurge
in peoples struggles which resulted in the overthrow of military dictators in
Tunisia and Egypt, brought MB affiliated parties to power in the elections
held after their overthrow. This un-nerved Gulf monarchies particularly
House of Saud who supported Army in toppling Morsi Govt. in Egypt in a
military coup. Turkish rulers' support to Hamas, the ruling group in Gaza
which also owes its origin to MB, has also soured its relations with Israel
to an estent. Saudi rulers are not prepared to accept enhanced role of
Turkish rulers in the affairs of Arab world.
More problematic for them is to accommodate the role of Iran which

has emerged as a powerful challenge to their domination of Arab world.
Iran is a large country situated to the east of Arab world and has influence
in many Arab countries. Its brand of political Islam, a bourgeois democratic
exercise circumscribed to the rule of Fakih, poses threat to Arab monarchies
by its electoral model and also its penetration in Arab countries helped by
sectarian divisions in these societies. Iran sees an opportunity to expand
its role in the region piggybacked on the decline of US imperialism. US and
its main allies in the region, Israel and Saudi Arabia, have long been raising
the bogey of Iranian threat to keep the region under their control. They
have raised the bogey of Irans nuclear bomb to impose sanctions on Iran
to keep it away from benefiting from its immense natural resources.
However, failure of US military aggressions in the region, particularly in
Iraq, have increased the reach and strength of Iran. Civil war in Syria has
April, 2015
49

particularly demonstrated the limits of US power in the region and rising
strength of Iran and increasing role of Russia in Middle-East. Rise of Islamic
State from the anti-US forces in Iraq has further complicated the situation
in the region where US imperialists and its allies are facing a threat from
new forces. IS, an amalgamation of Salafi, MB and Bath elements, has
emerged as a big force in the region forcing US imperialists to make common
cause with Iran in containing IS. US has been forced to accommodate Iran
in managing the Middle-East. It obviously does not mean that US imperialists
would abandon their efforts to curtail Iranian influence and at least contain
it. It only means that it would no longer be part of axis of evil and hence
will be subject to both cooperation and collision in the region. This
engagement is neither going to be smooth nor free of twists and turns or
even reversals. A new Middle-East is being born but not exactly the one
desired by US imperialism.
Framework agreement between US (P5+1) and Iran has less to do with
nuclear programme and more to do with the new architecture of MiddleEast balance of power sought by US imperialism. It is this which has angered
Israeli and Saudi Arabian rulers who have been opposed to any deal
between Iran and US led western powers. Israeli rulers do not want any
strong power in the region which is not controlled by their US patrons and
themselves. They have raised a lot of hue and cry over Iranian nuclear
programme prophesying apocalypse in the event of any deal with Iran.
Saudi rulers who wanted US to crush the head of (Iranian) serpent are
aghast at the deal. They had repeatedly warned against the deal but rulers
of US and EU have gone ahead.
While decline of US imperialism and changes sought by it in the new
architecture of domination over the region is one big development, the
other serious and even more significant in the long run is the rising struggle
of Arab people against these autocratic regimes including monarchies.
These struggles, often amorphous and not well directed, lacking clear
programme and leadership, have nonetheless shaken the status quo in the
region. They led to fall of military dictators. Though military could come
back to power in Egypt, the rising of the people for democratic rights and
better living conditions in the land full of gas and oil has by no means
disappeared. It has left the autocrats and Zionist rulers of Israel with whom
these autocrats are in league, unnerved. They sought to crush peoples
upsurges through military suppression and sought to drown it in the blood
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April, 2015
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of sectarian strife. Their efforts, sometimes apparently successful, have

however not eliminated the democratic aspirations of the people. These
rulers are seriously apprehensive of awakening of Arab people. They are
trying to further weaken and disorganize the people by sponsoring several
groups of fundamentalists. But they are not able to erase peoples strivings
and struggles against domination of imperialists and rule of these agents
of imperialist powers.
Arab monarchs are deeply fearful of their own people. They depend on
outside powers for their survival as they cannot trust their own people.
They dare not arm them for the fear of these arms turning against them.
Hence they depend on outside armies to maintain them in power. They fear
rise of any power in their vicinity as this may embolden their subjects. But
most they fear their own people and their democratic aspirations. They
feed them on a daily dose of religious fundamentalism and stage spectacles
of medieval brutalities to instil fear in their hearts. They are assisted by
Salafist religious establishment but they cannot fully trust them either.
These highly insecure ruling groups are fearful of any change in the balance
of power in the region. They need to continuously engage their people with
their diversionary tactics and show of the power of ruling groups, their
ability to shape and reshape the region as they will. On this fear and awe
they depend for their continuation in power.
With the perceived weakening of foreign assistance, particularly from

US imperialism, Saudi rulers are seeking to 'return to their roots'. They are
encouraging and strengthening Wahabbi religious establishment and their
"foreign assets" (religious fundamentalist groups) not only to keep their
own people in subordination, but also to advance their interests abroad.
The present king, Salman, is an old hand of Saudi establishment who dealt
with Al Qaeda and other Jihadi groups in Afghanistan and the other main
powerful person, Prince Nayef, has been instrumental in dealing with Al
Qaeda in Arab Peninsula (primarily Yemen). In fact in the Saudi
establishment, the group having closer links to fundamentalist organizations
has gained strength. The new coterie has concentrated power in its hands.
Hence the present belligerence of Saudi establishment also has an inner
dimension.
In this background Yemen has erupted. It has shaken the already uneasy
balance in the Arab world and further unnerved Saudi monarchy.
April, 2015
51

Developments in Yemen have their roots both in the recent developments
as well as in the long history of this poorest country of Arab world. Yemen
was shaken by the rise of popular struggles in the Arab world. People
demanding democratic rights rose against dictatorial regime of Army dictator
Abu Saleh who was forced to leave. US imperialists and Saudi rulers brought
his deputy Mansour Hadi to power. Hadi had been a leader from South
Yemen and his forces were defeated by Salehs Army leading to unification
of Yemen in 1990. However, during Salehs rule a powerful insurgency in
the north by Zaidis, their militia also known as Houthis after the name of
their founder leader, had been continuing for several years and had fought
many battles against Salehs Army. They had successfully fought back
the offensive of Saudi Govt. in 2009. They had been holding on to their
stronghold in Sada province in the north. In South Yemen, which had existed
as a separate state till its forcible unity with North in 1990, a secessionist
movement of tribes of South has been in existence. In addition to these, Al
Qaeda has been having strong presence in Yemen, particularly in South
and Central Yemen. AQAP (Al Qaeda in Arabian Peninsula) has been based
in Yemen.
This country of 24 million people is situated to the south and west of
Saudi Arabia with whom it shares a long border. It is separated from Djibouti
and Somalia by a small expanse of Red Sea. It has historically served as
a trading route to India. Its population has over a third of Zaidis (a sect of
Shias) and the rest are Sunnis. Population is sparse in eastern part. Of the
7 million work force, nearly 25% are engaged in industries and services
and rest in agriculture which is diverse. Its petroleum production constitutes
25% of GDP and 63% of total Govt. income. There are a large number of
immigrants particularly in technical and professional jobs.
With Hadi brought to power by western imperialist powers and Saudi
monarchy, conditions continued to deteriorate and corruption increased
much. Hadi Govt. increased economic burden on the people. People who
had risen against Salehs dictatorship were disenchanted with the new
regime. Army, mostly still loyal to Saleh, also grew distant from Hadi Govt.
On the other hand, AQAP continued to grow in Yemen, particularly making
eastern part as its base. Western imperialist powers and Saudi monarchs
were keen on keeping Yemen under their control and paid no attention to
the peoples problems or aspirations. While Saudis were keen to keep Zaidis
in check in North, US imperialism periodically bombed AQAP bases. With
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the growth of peoples disenchantment, anger against Hadi Govt. increased.

A large section of people started supporting Houthis. Houthis battling the
Yemen Govt. scored one victory after another, ousted the Govt. from
northern region and drew close to Saana which they captured in September
2014. In this they were helped by Yemen Army still mostly loyal to Saleh.
People fed up with Hadis corrupt dictatorship did not oppose Houthis capture
of the capital. A power sharing pact was reached between Hadi, Houthis
and other forces. But Saudi monarchy was against this pact and incited
Hadi to renounce this pact. Hadi, who was first confined to his palace in
Saana, fled to port city of Aden in South Yemen. Houthis and their allies
continued their victorious advance and reached Aden. Hadi fled from Yemen
to Saudi capital. UN interlocutor for Yemen has openly stated that different
sections of Yemen were close to an agreement when Saudi rulers
apprehensive of such an agreement chose to strike.
Saudi monarchy brought together a coalition of Arab monarchies to oust

Houthis and restore Hadi to power. They have unleashed air strikes since
March 25, 2015. They have targeted schools, hospitals, old age homes
and civilian areas besides arms depots. In these raids they have killed
hundreds, mostly civilians, and caused vast damage to infrastructure.
Despite their continuous air raids, Houthis and their allies are continuing to
advance. This is a blatant aggression against a neighbour by Saudi
monarchy and its allies. US imperialism has also aided Saudi aggression
by giving military aid and more importantly intelligence inputs for targets.
Even more importantly, US imperialists have stopped air raids against Al
Qaeda bases and fighters who are also battling Houthis and Yemen Army
units. Yemen is yet another example where US imperialists are collaborating
with Al Qaeda and its affiliates for their strategic interests while they
continue to claim to fight Islamic fundamentalism
Saudi rulers have unleashed a virulent propaganda campaign against

Houthis in Yemen. They have portrayed it as an aggression supported
and orchestrated by Iran. They have also played up Houthis being Shias to
create and exploit Shia-Sunni division. The propaganda of Saudi rulers is
totally baseless. Firstly it ignores that Houthis in this fight are in alliance
with many Sunni groups, particularly Yemens Army which is mostly Sunni.
In fact, Saudi led air raids have targeted Yemen Army and its arms' depots
besides Houthis. In fact this struggle was never about Shia-Sunni conflict.
In Yemen any way such conflict has not been there and Shias and Sunnis
April, 2015
53

share common historical legacies. Saudi charge backed by US Admn. about
Iranian involvement is also frivolous with regard to Iran's military support.
Besides launching air strikes, Saudi monarchy also tried to enlist
Pakistan and Egypt for providing military support particularly ground forces.
Egyptian military rulers, hesistant to send their Army, instead proposed
setting up of joint Arab force. Pakistan rulers were caught in a dilemma.
There was a widespread peoples mood against participation in this Saudi
war. But the Pakistani ruling classes, particularly ruling Pakistan Muslim
League (Nawaz), have deep ties with Saudi monarchy. Gulf monarchies
have been extending financial assistance to Pakistan besides a large
number of Pakistanis working in Gulf countries. PML(N) brought the issue
before Pakistan parliament to avoid sending troops to Yemen. In a unanimous
resolution Pakistan parliament decided to remain neutral while standing
for the territorial integrity of Saudi Arabia which is any way not threatened.
This resolution drew sharp rebuke from Saudi and other Gulf monarchies
with UAE foreign minister threatening that there would be consequences.
Religious organizations funded by Saudi and other Gulf monarchies have
organized a number of programmes denouncing this parliament resolution
and demanding that Pakistan stand with Saudi monarchy. PML(N) has gone
into a flurry of activity after these rebukes and repudiated the neutrality
clause of the parliaments resolution. While Pakistan Govt. may make a
somersault there is widespread opposition in Pakistan to sending ground
troops to Yemen, both among the people as well as sections of ruling elite.
It has been variously reported that foreign pilots are engaged in this
bombing campaign. Involvement of Pakistanis, Egyptians and those from
western countries is being talked about. While these govts. are reluctant to
commit their troops, they are extending help in raining devastation from
the sky. Saudi strategy is to cause widespread destruction and help forces
loyal to Hadi and even those affiliated to Al Qaeda to take over Yemen
from Houthis and their allies. But air campaigns have their limits; they can
change the balance of power on the ground but ground forces are necessary
to take control.
In the meanwhile UN Security Council has met to impose sanctions
against Houthis and their allies. However, UN has not condemned the
unprovoked act of aggression by Saudi Arabia. Such is the clout of oil
exporting Gulf monarchies that this blatantly partisan resolution was
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supported by all except Russia. Russia proposed that this embargo should
be placed on all parties to the Yemen conflict. However, it is significant
that Russia also did not veto the resolution but only abstained. China
supported the resolution. After passage of this resolution, Pakistan govt.
got into hyperactivity to shed neutrality clause from the parliament
resolution. It is hiding behind UN Security Council resolution to extend
support to Gulf monarchies.
Red Salute to Com. Kanuri !
Today morning at 7:30 AM, longstanding

stalwart of the revolutionary cultural
movement, Com. Kanuri Venkateshwar Rao
breathed his last.
He has left behind a rich legacy of

service to the revolutionary movement of
Telengana, Andhra Pradesh and rest of the
country, being one of the most prominent
contributors to the revolutionary cultural
movement. His contribution in this field has
been colossal and unparalleled.
Iran, Syria and Hezbollah (Lebanon) have condemned the Saudi

aggression. Houthis and their allies have vowed to defeat the Saudi
aggression and continue the struggle. Big demonstrations have been held
in capital Saana and other cities of Yemen denouncing Saudi airstrikes.
Saudi monarchy and other Gulf monarchs long used to protection by

western imperialist powers, are feeling nervous of the changing landscape
of the power equations in the Middle-East. Most of all they fear the people
of their own countries and hence want to pre-empt any rumblings of dissent.
Saudi rulers had sent their tanks into Bahrain when people there demanded
democratic rights. Till now vast majority of people are agitating for
democratic rights in Bahrain, home to the Fifth Fleet of US Navy. So much
for the propagation of democracy by US imperialists who use this tool only
to further their imperialist interests.
US imperialism and its twin pillars, Israel and Saudi monarchy, are
biggest enemies of democratic rights in the Middle-East. The first round of
upsurge of the peoples struggles in Arab world was sought to be drowned
in blood bath. But people continue to rise. Peoples struggles would definitely
undermine the existing status quo in this part of the world. Saudi monarchy,
its Zionist friends and its imperialist patrons, would not succeed in stopping
for long the wheels of history from rolling.
His active life spanned Great Telengana

Armed Struggle and Godavari Valley
Resistance Struggle. He had joined Praja Natya Mandali in 1945. He was
arrested in 1949 and released in 1951. In 1956 he moved from Krishna
district to Warangal. He was a founder of Arunodaya.
He always stood for the communist revolutionary movement and against
revisionism and reformism. He translated into songs and dances not only
the lives of common peasants and workers but also their revolutionary
strivings. In his unique style he transmitted Partys revolutionary message
to the broad masses of the people.
He wrote, sang and danced. He preserved the people's older cultural
traditions and improvised to make them effective vehicles of the message
of revolutionary change. He taught and trained generations of revolutionary
cultural activists, many of whom played and continue to play prominent
roles in the revolutionary cultural movement. His contribution lay not only
in what he himself did which was enormous by itself, but also in what he
enabled others to do. His songs continue to be sung by the revolutionary
cultural activists and struggling people. His choreographic innovations
continue to be followed.
He was always close to the people. His songs and dances were inspired
by their lives and their struggles. He integrated himself completely with
April, 2015
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April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
them which has been and continues to be an inspiration to revolutionary

cultural activists. He remained active almost to the very end.
Division in AAP
'Left' Wing of Ruling

Class Parties
His life was simple, his needs frugal. His opposition to those who craved
for material gains was legendary. The cultural movement that he pioneered
and in which he grew was devoted to the people and people alone. His
commitment on that score is a beacon light to all involved in revolutionary
cultural movement.
Central Committee of CPI (ML)-New Democracy dips its red banner in

the revolutionary memory of one of the commanders of the revolutionary
movement in the cultural field. We vow to continue and intensify our efforts
to develop the revolutionary movement for which he lived and breathed.
We vow to contribute to the victory of New Democratic Revolution in India,
a cherished dream of Com. Kanuri.
CPI(ML)-New Democracy also offers condolences to his sons and

daughters.
Red Salute to Com. Kanuri!
Develop Revolutionary Cultural Movement!
Victory to New Democratic Revolution in India!
(This message from Central Committee of CPI (ML)-New Democracy

was sent on April 10, 2015. It was read out at the funeral meeting held on
10th April evening in Khammam.)
Aditya Prakash
Lenin had remarked that bourgeois parties like to keep an unofficial left
wing. This is true of Indian ruling class parties as well. However, when
such a left wing, tolerated and in a way deliberately kept by the ruling class
parties, tries to assert itself, it is shown the door. So long as they exhibit
their skill to promote the wares of the ruling class parties who skilfully
showcase them during elections, so long as they help in hoodwinking the
masses by making appropriate noises in favour of their issues, but do so
only in service of the enemies of the very people, such leaders are kept
even in prominent positions. But when they challenge the real leadership
of their parties or its policies, the leadership does not wait a minute before
kicking them out. It has long been the practice of the ruling class parties in
India, and parties of the exploiting classes generally. History is replete
with such examples. The recent saga of expulsion of founding members of
AAP, Prashant Bhushan and Yogendra Yadav, is yet another example of
the same.
Supporters of Arvind Kejriwal have termed this struggle within AAP a
struggle between extreme left politics and politics of welfarism. Bhushan
and Yadav responded with terming their expulsion from AAP akin to Stalinist
purge by Kejriwal & Co. Both the factions are excelling each other in terming
their opponents as extreme lefts and Stalinists. This parody is their attempt
to endear themselves to powerful ruling class constituencies crucial to
their survival or emergence as ruling class parties.
AAP was a ruling class response to sharp alienation of urban middle
classes due to exposure of rampant corruption within the system, with
sharply deteriorating conditions of the vast multitude contrasting with even
more sharp rise in the affluence of a handful. Less than a percent of the
people of the country control over half of the national income. The policies
April, 2015
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underlying this alarming increase in the gulf between rich and poor had to
be protected from the peoples anger boiling over big corruption scandals
whose exposure had become the catalyst to the rise of this anger. So
peoples anger had to be and was channelized to target only the political
leadership at the helm then but not the policies which had led to these
mega scandals in the first place, particularly the corporate out to subvert
and subjugate to themselves the whole institutional framework of the
system. Big media controlled by corporate helped in this channelization by
practicing Dig here not there, by fashioning the agenda of public discourse,
by decisive intervention in favour of a parliamentary outlet for this anger.
While they projected Modi led BJP to speed up development at an all
India plane, they also helped rise of AAP for channelizing the middle class
anger in particular. Both Modi and Kejriwal berate media for opposing them
and they have medias indulgence for such berating, for it does help corporate
and media controlled by them if their products are not identified with them.
AAP had risen at a particular juncture. Helped by corporate media,

supplied by cadres by the NGO networks, channelizing the middle class
anger and digging into deep disillusionment of laboring masses with main
ruling class parties, AAP emerged as a hope for those unable or unwilling
to look beyond the present system, who would like the system to purge
itself of its ills, who refuse to see the umbilical link of the rampant corruption,
increasing destitution and misery of the people, sharp price rise and
escalating unemployment with the very base of the present system. These
are the people who are among the privileged in the system but not privileged
enough to be among the ruling elite. Their blind spot is skillfully used by
the ruling elite to keep their anger within ruling class confines. It was in
this atmosphere of disillusionement with the traditional ruling class parties,
their left wings included, of mass anger accumulating that ruling classes
threw up another alternative. This alternative was helped by peoples
aversion with main ruling class parties. It tried to position itself as a vehicle
of mass aspirations. It delinked fulfillment of peoples aspirations from the
policy framework which was responsible for their frustration. In a way it
positioned itself to fulfill the promises of the left within ruling class confines
and so in popular parlance it became fashionable to project it as having the
programme of the left without the language of the left. In this it was helped
by isolation of the parliamentary left or traditional 'left' wing of the ruling
classes, particularly its largest component CPM, which had staked its all
in the high gambit of land acquisition in West Bengal and come a cropper
April, 2015
59

which helped accentuate its decline for which causes were maturing due to
its service of the ruling classes. In this it was also helped by unemployed
socialists and a few retired communists who had suddenly discovered their
midas touch, who were surprised by their success, who were lulled into
believing that they had after all discovered the right potion for their ills,
which they believed to be a cure of the ills of the system. They harboured
and helped spread illusions among the gullible and diehard optimists of the
system berating the left includng the revolutionary left with having failed to
mix the different ingredients in correct proportion to prepare the heady mix
of revolution without revolution. All the while pitying themselves why they
could not come up with this magic potion earlier little realizing that they
could not have discovered it earlier; unable to see and refusing to see the
hidden hand of the ruling classes.
At all important junctures those desirous of short cuts fall prey to the
temptation of despising the hard arduous journey and try to believe in
deliverance without suffering. Due to the state of their frustration with the
slow pace of development of class struggle and harsh conditions of antisystem struggle, they jump to new alternative. They sing paeans to their
new found deliverer and coin new phrases to justify their new faith. They
see in the new venture what was missing in their earlier practice, see the
possibility of leftward shift of the ruling class politics through this new
venture particularly with their participation in this. Expulsion of Bhushan
and Yadav has given a rude shock to the votaries of such a course. It is
worth recalling how CPM had in the wake of their crucial support to
Manmohan Singh led UPA govt. had dreamt of and propogated carving out
a leftward shift of Indian polity. Its results are now known to everyone.
There are examples galore from the past i.e. Dangeite progressivism of
Nehru led Congress or even toying with the idea of left block within Janata
Party after massive defeat of Congress after Emergency. Only in the present
case, the end came too fast as the products manufactured by Indian
corporate do not have long shelf life. There are obviously different contexts
to these historical examples and also vastly different importance. These
are being alluded to only to illustrate the phenomenon of 'left' wing among
ruling class parties.
It brings the question of why the ruling class parties try to have an
unofficial left wing after all. Why do they need to indulge in left posturing
while pursuing hard core right agenda. This also brings up the question of
60
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
what type of left wing these parties try to keep or what are the characterstics
of such an unofficial left wing. In a class divided society particularly
managed through parliamentary democracy in whatever mutilated form,
ruling classes try to get popular sanction for their organs of repression
through periodic electoral exercise. In these elections they have to goad
the people to vote for the parties which inevitably put into practice the
policies opposed to the very people who constitute overwhelming majority
of the electorate. The main vehicle of this electoral management is obviously
ruthless crushing of the revolutionary movement so that it does not remain
a 'viable' alternative for the people. This is also supplemented by an electoral
system which is designed to manufacture and produce results in favour of
the ruling classes thereby preventing any hiccups which may be produced
by a diverse electorate. But in order to somewhat ease the class tensions
and manufacture popular consent for their rule ruling class parties deliberately
promote individuals in their ranks who articulate views in favour of peoples
concerns. Obviously they do so placing their views in the overall framework
of their Party policies thereby spreading illusions as though such policy
prescriptions are also part of otherwise hardcore anti-people agenda of
their parties. For such individuals to be successful in their parties they
have to skilfully place their views so as to give hope to the people without
rubbing the powerful the wrong way. For such an unofficial wing or its leaders
to succeed it is incumbent that they should not try to make their views
official policy. For if they do so, they are quickly called to order. Gandhis
curing Nehru of such infantile disorder though he otherwise did not tire of
boasting of having a socialist in Congress leadership in the person of Nehru,
is quite illustrative.
However, the success of this stratagem, or even its very need, is

dependent on overall situation of class struggle nationally and internationally.
If the class struggle is low and urge of the alternative on the part of the
people is weak, there is not much need of such a wing, Such were the
times when what is, is right. That was long ago. With class contradictions
rising sharply and the need to manage them in the interest of ruling classes
ever increasing, the need of such a wing is quite strong for all major ruling
class parties. Even otherwise ruling class parties give a pro-people spin to
their essentially anti-people agenda. Development is the new euphemism
for loot and plunder. Peasants are deprived of their land for their own welfare
and improvement of their conditions. Workers are denied labour rights for
April, 2015
61

the sake of their own employment and well being. But such patent twisting
of the ordinary meaning of words cannot be sustained for long. Hence the
need for an unofficial left wing to make appropriate noises to mobilize
support.
The whole exercise is obviously meant to not only shore up the particular
party but also the system which serves and is dominated by the exploitative
classes. So not only do the individual parties have an unofficial left wing,
but even the ruling classes have official left parties. This obviously depends
on the state of class struggle and the pull left alternative exercises on the
people. Ruling classes obviously spare no effort to slander the alternative
to claim TINA. But its longevity is continuously undermined by growing
contradictions within the system and rising struggles of the people. Ruling
classes monitor the rhetoric of their left spokesmen to suit the given state
of struggle in the society and the need to temporize the restless populace.
In case of either lowering of class struggle or increase in the need of ruling
classes to speed up anti-people policies- sometimes the two factors acting
in unison, sometimes at cross- ruling classes mount pressure on their left
representatives to tone down their rhetoric, obviously in the name of
remaining relevant to the changing situation or what they call as mood in
the country, but which essentially reflects their own needs at the moment.
Such parties are egged on to rediscover themselves, to discard what was
deemed necessary at an earlier period and to adopt what is deemed
necessary at the present juncture. This exercise becomes easier for such
parties when they are down, when challenges facing them are used as
opportunity by their more opportunist wing to move in the direction egged
on. Quite often recourse is taken to the excuse of change in the situation
to affect changes of the above nature.
However, all this exercise is meant to yoke the people to the chariot
wheel of exploitation, of plunder by the ruling classes. Though it has
elements of reflection of popular yearnings, but its purpose is to subordinate
these yearnings to the requirements of the present system. Its success is
in subverting the class consciousness among the labouring masses, in
preventing the articulation of their interests in terms other than those of the
ruling classes and in essence, turning the people away or weaning them
away from the revolutionary movement. Herein lies the real rub. These
representatives pose as the real spokesmen of peoples aspirations.
Opposition by the more reactionary sections of the ruling classes gives
62
April, 2015
NEW DEMOCRACY
them some credibility, deliberately or otherwise, reflecting divisions among

the ruling classes. However, playing out of these divisions is linked to the
underlying causes of these divisions and also the state of class struggle
which crucially but often contradictorily affects this development.
This contradictory movement creates the task of unmasking the real

character of this unofficial left wing of the ruling classes while also saving
the causes espoused by them from disrepute even as their inconsistent
and insincere nature is exposed. The development of revolutionary struggle
is the single most important factor to help in overcoming this stage, of
overcoming this diversion while going beyond appearances to reality, of
ridding the people of illusions while developing their realization. It is by no
means an easy task. A nuanced approach often becomes necessary to
save the causes of the people when insincerity of such practitioners is
exposed. It calls for intensifying efforts to develop revolutionary movement
while taking appropriate measures to harness the energy of the people.
Sometimes the twin tasks are inter-connected. After all, it is the people
who make revolution. However grand the theory, howsoever meticulous
the project, it becomes a material force only when it grips the masses.
When the chips are down, the unofficial left wing abandons its role and
lines up with the reactionary classes. But the whole point is to enable the
masses to take up the revolutionary cause and the tasks, going beyond
the present to move to fulfil their aspirations.
Coming back to AAP, it has settled into the role of yet another party of
ruling classes having a particular regional base e.g. Delhi. Differences in
AAP cropped up after its gambit to sacrifice its Delhi govt. on Jan Lokpal
issue to garner greater glory throughout the country. That gambit failed.
There was a flurry of apologies to people of Delhi and attempts to take
Congress support to prop up its Govt. once again, even enticing its MLAs
to defect in case Congress did not come to the rescue. Congress, which
had supported AAP Govt. only in view of then impending general elections,
did not oblige nor did the ploy of carving out a split in Congress work. The
stage was set for elections in Delhi. This time AAP did away with peoples
selection of candidates, going for winnability of candidates. Focusing on
Delhi, it did not contest elections elsewhere thereby disappointing leaders
having stakes in other states. Due to sharp dip in Modi led BJPs fortunes
due to peoples disillusionment with Modi Govt. setting in, AAP notched a
landslide win. People from different sections and communities, fed up with
April, 2015
63

Congress misrule and disillusioned with Modi Govt., flocked to AAP.
Having enthroned itself in power, Kejriwal & Co. were in no mood to

tolerate the likes of Prashant Bhushan who had been raising the issue of
suitability of the candidates, etc. Gone were the days when Kejriwal thought
that these elder brothers had a right to slap him if he went wrong. In came
the hard reality of power politics. Kejriwal having established himself as
the mass leader, had no need of such elements causing periodic and now
avoidable inconvenience. He engineered their expulsion from AAP. The
oustees cried death of democracy. Their experiment was after all a ruling
class experiment and their cries for it not being different are out of place.
How could it be essentially any different when it was not meant to be?
Since coming to power, Kejriwal has made two profound statements.

First he said that the AAP manifesto is to be implemented over the next
five years and hence it is futile to expect that AAP Govt. would begin
implementing it right away or any time soon. Second, he said he would be
happy if his Govt. could implement half of the promises his party made to
the people not specifying which half he wants to dump.
These statements might have disappointed those who imagined AAP to

be different. But AAP leadership, now in power, is not bothered about this.
For those desperate to believe in ruling class alternatives it is better to get
over their illusions. It is not important what they thought or imagined it to
be, it is important what it is and what in accordance of that being, it would
do or not do.
64
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NEW DEMOCRACY

Oppose Hashimpura Verdict

CPI(ML)-New Democracy expresses its grave concern at the acquittal

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Srirampur- West Bengal

6th All India Conference of Indian

IFTU leaders at the head of the Rally

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

rousing sloganeering by delegates in honour of martyrs. Songs remembering

Chairman of the Reception Committee Dr. Gun, welcomed the delegates

Inaugural Session: Chairman of the Reception Committee Dr. Gun

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Delegates from various states offered various suggestion to improve

This was followed by an authoritative presentation by Com. Pradeep of

as the new NC amidst resounding slogan shouting.

Then the delegates proceeded to elect the new National Committee. On

National Committee elected by the 6th All India Conference

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

CPI leader Govind Pansare (popularly called as Com. Pansare) had

Pansare had launched an aggressive campaign to expose the Modi

In the recent elections in Maharashtra, BJP won a stunning victory in

In a meeting held in Kolhapur district on 13 January 2015 he spoke on

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Railway Budget 2015-16 pitches for

Railway Budget for 2015-2016 presented by Union Minister for Railways,

Railway Budget reflects the deep economic crisis plaguing Indian

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Union Budget 2015-'16

Revenue Deficit, Decrease in Plan Expenditure, False claims of

Total budgeted tax collections are estimated to be Rs 14,49,490 crores.

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Concessions to the corporate bodies in terms of revenue foregone have

It is also interesting to note the rise in interest payments made by the

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Measures to woo Foreign Investments and boost the Share

In comparison, small businesses, constituting 5.77 cr units, have been

GAAR (General Anti Avoidance Rules) will be postponed by two

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

introduced, several FIIs and MNCs threatened to pull out their

GST, Goods and services tax, will now be implemented by April 1,

Taxes on technical services sought from abroad have been cut

Earlier the Economic Survey had laid emphasis on providing subsidies

Voicing concern about rationalizing subsidies, Mr Jaitely targeted them

Social Sector spending has been reduced substantially. Several

Agriculture and Retail Trade Sector

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Transfers to States and Union Territories

NSSO Agricultural Survey 2012-13 (70 Round)

On 19th December 2014, the NSSO released its Situation Assessment

The NSSO Survey 2012-13

The Survey states that 57.8% of rural households (according to the

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Change in Definition Itself

The earlier survey of agricultural households by NSSO was conducted

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Worsening Agrarian Situation

On sources of credit, there is high dependence on non institutional

After Gajendra Singhs suicide in Delhi, on 23rd April 2015 Economic

Organ of the Central Committee, CPI(ML)

Census 2001 & 2011

Disparity in Live Stock Counts too

Thus Bovine (1+2)

Sheep & Goat