Review

Author(s): Koky Murakami

Review by: Koky Murakami
Source: Social Science Japan Journal, Vol. 6, No. 1 (Apr., 2003), pp. 139-142
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30209425
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Book Reviews

139

mentionedabove, TheChangingFace offapaneseRetail

Combinedwiththe otherethnographies
of corporateorganizationand genderrelationsin Japanand also of
will deepen our understanding
the varyingchallengesthat Japaneseworkingwomen face dependingon occupation,education,
social class,and historicalmoment.We need books likethisto understandthe choicesthatJapanese
women makeas well as thosethatare forcedupon them.

References
HostessClub. Chicago:
Allison, Anne. 1994. Nightwork:
Sexuality,Pleasure,and CorporateMasculinityin a Tokyo
of Chicago Press.
University
London: Routledge.
Construction
Cohen, Abner. 1985. TheSymbolic
ofCommunity.
on thePast,
Fujimura-Fanselow,Kumiko and Atsuko Kameda, eds. 1995. JapaneseWomen:New FeministPerspectives
and Future.New York:The FeministPress.
Present,
Press.
Dreams.Durham: Duke University
Kelsky,Karen. 2001. Womenon theVerge:
JapaneseWomen,Western
Kondo, Dorinne. 1990. CraftingSelves:Power,Genderand Identityin a JapaneseWorkplace.
Chicago:
of Chicago Press.
University
Beesto WaryShoppers.
Richmond,Surrey:Curzon Press.
McCreery,John.2000. JapaneseConsumerBehavior:FromWorker
Ogasawara, Yuko. 1998. OfficeLadies and Salaried Men: Power,Gender,and WorkinJapaneseCompanies.Berkeley:
of CaliforniaPress.
University
of Hawaii
Roberts, Glenda. 1994. Stayingon theLine: Blue-collarWomenin Contemporary
Japan. Honolulu: University
Press.
Robertson, Jennifer.1998. Takarazuka:Sexual Politicsand Popular Culturein ModernJapan. Berkeley:
of CaliforniaPress.
University
75(5): 1542-1562.
Rohlen, Thomas. 1973. 'SpiritualTrainingin a JapaneseBank'. AmericanAnthropologist
of Hawaii Press.
in Japan. Honolulu: University
Media and Consumption
Skov, Lise and Brian Moeran. 1995. Women,

MURAKAMI KokyWlUniversity
ofTokyo
The Price ofDeath: The Funeral Industryin Contemporary
Japan, by Hikaru Suzuki. Stanford:
StanfordUniversity
Press,2001, xxvi+ 266 pp., $45.00 (hardcoverISBN 0-804-73561-1)

contrast
of Japanese
This book dealswiththecommercialization
funerals,
positinga conceptual
'funeral
the
commercial
'funeral
ritual'and
of traditional
betweenthe communality
thoroughly
linksbetweenthetwo,HikaruSuzukistudies
ceremonies'
oftoday.In orderto drawtheanalytical
conductedovera seven-month
the
lens
of
fieldwork
period
through
funerary
practices
Japanese
in
called
Moon
based
funeral
at
a
1994-1995
Rise,
undertaking
company
contemporary
during
an
of
Moon
Rise.
she
worked
as
For
most
of
that
time
employee
Kitakyushu.
anda conclusion.
ofan introduction,
sevenmainchapters,
The bookconsists
Chapter1 presents
andofresearch
on funerary
debateon mortuary
a detaileddiscussion
oftheanthropological
ritual,
how
cultural
The
has
demonstrated
in
folklore
studies.
former
values,thewayin
practices Japanese
and patterns
of culturalassociationare revealedin the
whichindividuals
are linkedto society,
betweenthelivingand
therelationship
The latterhas stressed
ritualsof each society.
mortuary
the
communal
funeral
thedead,as ancestors
oftheliving.Chapter2 coverspre-war
ritual,
tracing
their
of
'funeral
from
the
of
the
funeral
emergence
parlors'(sogiya)through
industry
development
into'funeral
companies'(s-gikaisha).
development

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140

Book Reviews

and describea numberof funeralceremonies

Chapters3 and 4 are based on Suzuki's fieldwork,
to
the
and
social
differentiated
according
age, gender
standingof the deceased and theirsurviving
ofJapanesefuneralceremoniesarefoundto includethefollowing:
relatives.The majorcharacteristics
the deceased is treatedas ifstillalive,death being denied untilthe ceremonyhas been completed
(p. 61); exceptforcremations,funeralsappear to have lost the sense of ritualpollution(kegare)
associated with death (pp. 92-93); most bereaved familiesare heavilyreliantupon funerary
professionals(pp. 96-97); and the time taken over funeralshas been greatlyreduced over the
years(p. 94).
The nexttwochaptersstudyprofessionals
at Moon Rise and other
workingin thefuneralindustry,
classdivisionsbetweenprofessionals,
but arguesthatthesearenotrelated
companies.Suzukiidentifies
to the presenceor absence of kegare(pp. 150-151). In thisshe departsfromtraditionalJapanese
folldorestudies,whichtend to drawa sharpdividingline betweenworkerswho come into direct
contactwiththecorpse,and are therefore
and thosein moredistant,
proneto ritualcontamination,
managerialroles. Instead,Suzuki findsthattreatmentof the body and supportforthe bereaved
familyare viewed as of greatimportance,and workersin both fieldsare dividedaccordingto the
theyshoulder (pp. 176-177). Chapter 7, finally,discussesa relatively
degree of responsibility
new serviceofferedby funeralcompanies:the BathingCeremony.This entailsrentingout to the
relativesof the deceased a special tool with which theycan wash the corpse themselves.This
is used by Suzuki to analysethe objectificationof values relatingto death and the process of
commoditization.
In the Conclusion,Suzukiuses thisconceptof 'commoditization'to illustrate
theshiftfromcomand themeaningof themoderncommercialfuneral.In thetraditional
munalto commercialfunerals,
communalfuneral,money(used to purchasefood and othergoods) is exchangedby the bereaved
This exchangeis unequal,withthe
familyforlabour,suppliedbyothermembersof the community.
whichis therebyobligatedto returnthefavourin
net gain seen as fallingupon the bereavedfamily,
As Suzukiputs
future.Consequently,thesefunerary
exchangesarecontinuedacrossthegenerations.
for
was
a
continuous
it, 'the labor the cooperativegroupprovided the deceased's family
obligation,
to be returnedin kindin the future'(p. 206). These repeatedexchangesused to strengthen
social
within
After
World
War
the
the
factors
such
as
II,
however,
community.
bonding
greatpopulation
flowfromthecountryside
intothebig citiesloosenedthosecommunalbonds.The intergenerational
chain of inheritanceof funerary
knowledgewas broken,and insteadthat knowledgecame to be
largelymonopolizedby the funeralindustry.
The resultwas thatfuneralscame to be dominatedby companiesof undertakers
equipped with
whathad become specializedknowledge.Bereavedfamiliesnow reliedupon funerary
professionals
forguidanceon theprocessingofthebody,and appropriate
ceremonialpractice.These professionals
workedto develop and maintainnetworksbetweenthe bereavedfamilymembersand the underthe deceasedfrom
takingcompany(p. 207). Wherecommunalfuneralshad emphasisedpreventing
into
a
and
the
crucial
role
of
the
the
funeral
commercial
successor,
turning
vengefulghost(onryo),
of
replaced these conceptswith that kensha-a 'positiveremembrance'of the deceased person
costsare standardized-andincidentally,
are almostentirely
funeral,
(p. 213). In thecommercialized
determinedbythedegreeofluxuryofthealtar(saidan) selectedbythebereavedfamily.
The money
reflects
the
social
the
and
of
deceased
These
commercialized
status,
218).
spent
age
gender
(p.
ceremonieshave become so widespreadthattheyare now the culturalnorm,and modernJapanese
people have been stampededinto buyingevermoreexpensiveservicesin orderto avoid losingface
withtheircolleaguesand friends(p. 219). Funerarytransactions
stillhave culturalvalue,but nowadaystheyalso havevaluein thecommercialsenseoftheword,as consumerproducts.The large-scale

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Book Reviews

141

consumptionof these servicesin turncreatesnew culturalvalues and actions.Suzuki concludes

thatthe massconsumptionof funeralceremoniesboth presentsopportunities
forpeople to display
individualdifference,
and 'servesas a basis of social and culturalcohesionin contemporary
Japan'
(p. 221).
betweenthe
Readingthe book, however,one cannothelp beingstruckby a certaininconsistency
conclusionand the fieldwork-based
chaptersthatprecedeit. The resultis thatSuzukioverstatesthe
betweentraditionaland modernattitudesto funerals.I am particularly
unconvinced
discontinuity
her
assertion
that
the
sense
of
ritual
that
was
to
attach
to dead
by
kegare,
dangerous
pollution
thought
bodiesin pre-warfunerals,
has largelydisappearedfromthemorecommercial
post-warfunerals,
except
forcremations.
That exceptionin itselfshouldgiveus pause forthought:whyshouldcremations
be
different
fromothertypesof funeralin thisrespect?I would arguethatkegareawarenesslingerson
in all kindsoffuneral,thoughno doubt thereare differences
in degree.PerhapsSuzukihas confused
a quantitativedifferencebetween cremationsand other funerals(more and less kegare)with a
qualitativeone (kegareand no kegare).
Suzuki statesin Chapter5 thatworkersin the funeralindustryhave a hardtimefindingmarriage
partners,and mentionsthat the parentsof an upper-classgirlwho workedat Moon Rise were
opposed to her choice of employmentas a funeralattendant,and concealed the factfromtheir
acquaintances(p. 134). These are unmistakable
signsof occupationaldiscrimination
againstfuneral
and surelythe connectionbetweenthatdiscrimination
and the contaminationassoprofessionals,
ciatedwiththe dead bodyis fairly
obvious.
As Suzulkipointsout, the standardizedpriceson the funeralcompany'stariff
do not necessarily
have anyrelationto the actualcost of the itemsconsumedat the funeral.Usually,productscarrya
higherpricetag when theyare used in funerals.This relatesto the customestablishedin the old
communalfunerals,in whichan upper-classfamilywould lavishmore food, moneyand goods on
funeralgueststhanwould one of lowersocial standing.The moneyspentwould be a formof comratherthan
pensationforobligingpeople to acceptkegare.So heretoo, I see conceptualcontinuity
disjuncture.
Suzuki also mentionsthat,in an industry
witha lot of female,part-time
and casualworkers,direct
of
the
is
restricted
to
full-time
and
male,
handling
corpse
companyemployees, is a signof highstatus
withinthecompany.To her,thisconnectionbetweenhighstatusand handlingthebodymayappear
to be evidencethatkegarethinking
has weakenedor disappeared.I would rathersee two conflicting
strainsof logic, commercialand social,at workhere.The mainbusinessof funeralcompaniesis to
processdead people; hence withinthe funeralcompany,the people most directlyengaged in that
workhavehighstatus.That is commerciallogic. But ifyou look at societyas a whole,all thepeople
who workin the funeralindustry,
That
high-statusones included,are subject to discrimination.
is social logic. In myview,the old ideas of death-relatedspiritualpollution are stillverymuch
alive.
Allowme to presentone moreexample.One oftheethnographic
observationsadduced bySuzuki
as evidenceof the disappearanceof kegarethinkingis the factthatcertainfemalecustomerscome
and drinktea in thefuneral
unconcerned
company'scafeeveryday,apparently
bythecaf&'sinauspicious
To
this
is
based
on
a
similar
mind,
however,
surroundings
(p. 213).
my
argument
misunderstanding
to thatdiscussedin the case of statusand body handlingin the previousparagraph:forkegareis a
social,not an individual,mode of thought.Kegareis not as weak now as Suzulkiargues;nor,one
suspects,was it as strongas she arguesin pre-wartimes.
To illustrate
whatI mean,allowme to discussthetraditional
folkpracticeofplacinga knifebythe
breastofthedeceasedperson-a practicecustomarily
explainedas beingdesignedto preventthespirit

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142

Book Reviews

of a cat enteringthe bodyand bringingit back to life.Now the people who carriedout communal
funeralsneverreallythoughtthatwas going to happen-that was just the explanationtheyoffered
to Japanesefolldorists,
havingheard it frompreviousgenerations.Even today,however,it is still
in
customary manypartsof Japanto place a knifeby the breastof the deceased afterthe body has
been broughtback to the home-and nowadays,thatknifeis generallypreparedby employeesof
the funeralundertakers.
So it seemsto me thatSuzuki'smodel of funeralscommunaland commercial is an over-simplification:
thereare importantcontinuities,
as well as differences,
betweenprewar funeralsand thoseof today.
I also remainunconvincedbySuzuki's discussionof the salesmanship
of the 'BathingCeremony'
serviceas an instanceof thecommoditization
of funerals
and thehomogenizationof theirassociated
culturalvalues.She observedtheintroduction
and promotionof thisnew funeralserviceduringher
the
sales
talk
used
to
it
that
Suzukidescribes(pp. 194-195) is actuallyalmost
fieldwork,
yet
promote
the same as the powerfulemotiveappeal thathas long been used to persuadebereavedfamiliesto
purchasemore expensivesaidan altars.It is fundamentally
implausiblethat the seven monthsof
Suzuki's fieldwork
could be a long enough periodfora new funeralitemto appear,have cultural
values ascribedto it, become a commercialproduct,and consequentlyrenovatethe boundariesof
culturalvalues.
As a matterof fact,theJapanesefuneralindustry
is foreverthinking
up new productsand services
-miniature altarsforuse in crampedpublicapartments,
burialserviceswithdryice and laserbeam
shows,and so on-but it is veryrareforanyoftheseinnovationsto becomewidelyestablished.Such
or
thingsas 'the quest forthe culturalvaluesof the funeral',and contemporary
re-interpretations
of those values,are the stuffof funeralindustryslogans,and do not alwayshave
re-affirmations
muchto do withreality.
I fearthatSuzuki overstates
theroleplayedbytheindustry
in transforming
the contemporary
funeral.
Japanese
A large part of the problemseems to be thatSuzuki has giventoo much weightto secondary
materialsand not enough to her own fieldwork.The mid-1990s,when the fieldworkwas being
carriedout, followeda periodfromthe end of the 1980s when manybooks criticalof commercial
funeralshad been published,to which the industryhad respondedat lengthwith discoursesin
defenceof its practices.These debateswere largelyconductedin the contextof cases takenfrom
Tokyoand othermajorcities,and cannotbe appliedjustlikethatto smallerprovincialtowns.In the
ruralprefectures,
it is commonforagricultural
or consumerco-operatives
to playtherole of funeral
undertaker.It mayindeed be truethatthe daysof the funeralassociation(soshiki-kumi)
are over,
withthesecommunity-based
to
undertakers.
organizationsgivingway professional
However,I think
we need to bear in mind that these professionalgroups come in quite a wide varietyof forms.
The disjuncturebetweenfieldworkand conclusionin thisbook stemsfroma misguidedattempt
to applythe findingsof a singlecase studyto the whole of contemporaryJapanesesocietyin all
its complexity.
researchhas been published,evenin Japanese,on therole of the
Verylittledetailedethnographic
funeralcompanyin contemporary
Japanesefunerals,or on the people who workat funeralseither
insideand outsidethose companies.Suzuki's observationthatthereis a class structure
withinthe
ranksof funeralprofessionals,
and thatthisstructureinfluencesthe handlingof the body and the
is a freshinsightthatdeservesfullcredit.However,
degreeofsupportextendedto bereavedfamilies,
I thinkone mustinsistthatthisis not an ethnography
ofcontemporary
in general,
Japanesefunerals
but strictly
of a singlefuneralcompany.

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