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draw in the Myanmar navy into co‐operative maritime security efforts. Myanmar’s
assistance is required to effectively combat transnational issues such as drug
smuggling, trafficking in people and controlling against pandemic disease.
2 Is it a logical follow‐up to the US shift in emphasis on Burma, announced last year?
ANSWER: The change in US policy towards Myanmar is not a development Australia
can afford to ignore. It is in Australia’s interest to support the US and not take any
action that would undermine US‐Myanmar discussions. No doubt the change in US
policy influenced Foreign Minister Smith’s recent policy announcement. In October
2009, the Australian Charge d’Affaires accompanied the US Charge and the UK
Ambassador in meeting Aung San Suu Kyi. This is a ‘win‐win’ situation for Canberra,
it is acting in concert with its major allies and US policy provides cover if not
legitimacy for Australia’s policy change.
3. Timing: should they have waited till after the elections to announce any new
departure, or do you see this as Canberra acting now, and trying to dangle incentives
in front of the junta?
ANSWER: The political situation in Myanmar is at pregnant moment and now is the
time to express concerns about the forthcoming elections. The junta has released a
small number of political prisoners (128 out of an estimated 2,000) and Aung San
Suu Kyi has been allowed to meet with members of the executive of the National
League for Democracy and with diplomats from Australia, the United States and
United Kingdom.
While it is unlikely that the elections will meet the free and fair standards demanded
by international community, the emergence of a civilian government with imbedded
military influence represents a positive change from monopoly military control. It is
necessary to take a long‐term view. The case of New Order Indonesia indicates that
political change is possible in the long‐run. The Indonesian case also illustrates that
the military’s interests must be taken into account and that the immediate cut off of
the military influence is society is not possible.
If Australia waited until after the elections it would be presented with a fait
accompli. But there are no guarantees that present Australian policy, or the policy of
the Friends of Myanmar Group for that matter, will alter fundamentally the
contrived nature of this political process.
4. And will the development assistance actually make any impact on the lives of poor
Burmese? What controls, or M&E, will Australia have on how the money is spent?
ANSWER: Australia has been contributing humanitarian assistance to Myanmar for a
number of years. It is specifically targeted at combating major diseases affecting
public health (avian flu, HIV/AIDS, malaria and TB), providing food aid to rural areas,
and primary school education. Australia aid, according to Foreign Minister Smith,
contributed to the basic education of over four hundred thousand children.
AusAID appears satisfied that its delivery of development assistance through NGOs is
reaching the people on the ground. Aus AID seems satisfied that its controls,
monitoring and evaluation efforts are effective and will continue to be so. New aid
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will be administered through partnerships with UN agencies, ASEAN, other donor
nations and established NGOs.
Besides, as Foreign Minister Smith argued, the international community including
Australia inevitably will be asked to provide humanitarian assistance if internal
conditions in Myanmar worsen. Smith argued it is best to get on the ground now
rather than wait until conditions worsen. He announced that Australian aid would be
increased by 40 percent over the next three years from a present base of AUD$30
million in 2009‐10. Australia will move to expand aid from humanitarian assistance
to capacity building to address fundamental long‐standing development issues facing
Myanmar in such areas as public health administration, education and agriculture.