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Money, capital markets, financing instruments and the economy related to real sectoral
activities (i.e. productivity in a social and economic sense) are not detached phenomena
in the study of social well-being with complementarity among the relational variables.
Such a social well-being function is based on the cause and effect of the totality of
interrelationships among the entities mentioned in this chapter and more. Hence if this
interactive view on a relational order is to be accepted then one is led to inquire first into
the nature of money and its relationship with real economic activities.
The questions before us are the following:
Do existing theories and the nature of money therein establish a cause and effect
(i.e. causal interrelationships) between money, capital markets, financing instruments and
real sectoral activities, all factors that together define the social well-being function? Can
such interrelationships be at all possible with the existing theory and nature of money?
How is an alternative conception of money derived in relation to the social wellbeing function that in essence describes the causal and complementary interrelationships
among money, financing and real sectoral activities as a subset of a greater range of
socio-economic activities?
What are the institutional and policy implications of the two conceptions of
money and their relevance to the Muslim World towards establishing an ummatic
globalization in the new millennium?
Objective
Our objective in this chapter is to answer the above questions in an analytical
framework and thus to bring out the ineluctable note that the epistemological foundations
of the Islamic worldview allows only endogenous money to prevail and have meaning.
Such a meaning of money brings out the causal interrelationships in an Islamic social
well-being function. While investigating this premise we will show that the conception of
endogenous money is functionally different from both the exogenous nature of money in
received framework of macroeconomic theory and from the perceived nature of
endogenous money in other models of money and the real economy. The policy and
institutional ramifications within a globalization process with integrated capital markets,
factor markets and product markets are then derived.
A review of literature
In recent times, the usual writings by Islamic economists on money have been
primarily in the following areas:
A neoclassical idea of money in utility functions with issues of moral hazard and
Islamic ideas of risk aversion has been thoroughly used. The mudarabah (profitsharing)-musharakah (equity participation) contracts are then studied in the
background of such a neoclassical economic approach (Khan, 1985).
A further development of the above neoclassical perspective on liquidity
preference theory against the background of Islamic values is the Tobin-Brainard
q-theory of resource allocation. This has been used to study money with (Tobin &
Brainard, 1968; Khan & Mirakhor, 1989) or without international trade in the
model of money and economy (Zaidi & Mirakhor, 1991).
Then there is the usual study of money as a Keynesian entity. Such studies have
used the well-known static Keynesian models of IS-LM and of spendingmultiplier relations (Chapra, 1996; Choudhury, 1989a).
Neoclassical treatment of money and goods (real sectoral activities = economic core)
With regards to the neoclassical economic conception of money in the utility
function it is clear that the epistemological question of interaction and complementarity
(integration) between money and goods is ignored in the marginal substitution theory.
Money now is treated as an asset worthy of acquisition as a substitute for goods.
Determination of the marginal rate of substitution and of marginal utility of
money in such neoclassical utility functions thereby implies the existence of a price for
money relative to prices of its substitutes, goods. This very implication, without which
the resource allocation problem using money cannot be meaningful in the neoclassical
economic framework, brings about the ineluctable need for a price of money, which is the
rate of interest. It also ineluctably assumes that such a preference remains embedded in
human behavior, and as such, within institutional behavior at large. Indeed, neoclassicism
(beyond being simply restricted to economics) manifests the hegemony of equalization of
technological change and technology transfers. These carry with them the concomitant
utilitarian values and specific kinds of institutions across trading nations that create the
harmonization of technology according to the neoclassical economic theory of factor
price equalization.
in the specter of global capitalism with managerial finance, why is a large part of
humanity being marginalized to poverty, financial bankruptcy, uncertainty and
unbalanced economic growth? Why is it that the last two hundred and fifty years of
teaching and practicing neoclassical economics in classrooms and bringing it up on the
drawing boards of the national and global institutions, have not reduced the cost of
technology, the uncertainties and the social costs? These questions enter utilitarian
analysis and render the perception of neoclassical economics with money as an asset in it,
as being totally contrary to the issues of complementarity, coexistence and social balance.
A different conception of money is therefore needed to replace the neoclassical
marginalist relationship between money and goods.
The utility-based conception on money describes a model of money and its
relationship with resource allocation in the framework of steady-state equilibrium.
Consequently, ethical values, laws and policy decisions that simulate the rules affecting
ethical and moral development, cannot remain sensitive in these regimes of optimal
states. Preferences on choices that entered the utilitarian values in the first place, are seen
as optimal, unchanging, and exogenous. An external hegemonic rule has, as if,
automatically regulates human preferences toward accepting the externally determined
datum of certain given values. They are based on neoclassical substitution, optimality and
equilibrium, each reinforcing the other ones. Shackle calls this human unrealism as the
impossibility of describing creative novelty in models of the neoclassical genre
(Shackle, 1971).
Novelty involves the study of process as opposed to optimality. The abandonment
of process in the relationship between money and resource allocation in a neoclassical
economic framework annuls the relevance of continuous monitoring, policing, guidance
and discourse in the system. It thus becomes unacceptable to the world of human and
institutional conditions which are essentially embedded in discourse, novelty and change.
Q-theory of money-economy models and Islamic perspectives
Tobin-Brainard q-theory is an extension of the utility analysis of neoclassical
consumer behaviour in the area of holding of money without a debt instrument. Such a
retirement of the debt instrument can be attained through a balanced budget and equity
participation, none of which imply absence of interest rate in asset valuation.
Q-theory of money is also a re-formulation of its older version called liquidity
preference theory of money (Tobin, 1958). In both of these cases we find that the
discount factor for capitalizing an intertemporal allocation of money in resources is the
central issue.
Note then the following brief formulation: We contend that the problem with qtheory of money in shariah arises from the notion of discounting present in q-theory
(and in general with the entire idea of intertemporal discounting in resource allocation) .
This is an old debate among Islamic economists (Zarqa, 1983). To bring out the bone of
contention against acceptance of q-theory and the discounting methodology, let us first
innocently denote the discount rate by 'r' (and not with 'i' = interest rate) as our assumed
mudarabah-musharakah based rate of return or a weighted average of profit-sharing
rates. What does such a methodology mean in the Islamic concept of resource allocation?
Discounting is a dynamic version of marginal rate of substitution between saving
and consumption. An Islamic economist may argue that the saving can be in profitsharing outlets. This may be true. But the fact remains unchanged. The transfer of
resources intertemporally means that the money capital has been held up today in a
withdrawal called savings in macroeconomics. Hence this amount could not have entered
the cycle of spending. Spending on the other hand, brings about immediate financial
rewards in the form of personal and corporate tax-reductions, economic growth,
increased incomes through employment and inter-corporate profitability, reduction in
government deficits and the consequential price stability with higher real values of
earnings. Each of these social returns enhances socio-economic security at the current
time.
Now why would a person, business, institution and government hope to wait for
an economic return until a deferred moment in time? The argument can be made that
some returns from ventures appear after a gestation period, whereas the social benefits
appear continuously from the moment spending is made. On the deferred component of
economic returns from investment, the nature and meaning of the rate of return is
important to understand. Is this a guaranteed rate or a probabilistically expected rate in
the future? Shariah rejects accepting a fixed rate for asset valuation, whereas the
probabilistic nature of the rate makes it a gamble in the future. In the latter case, shariah
prohibits undue and indeterminate risk to shareholders.
Probabilistic rates defy measurement due to the appearance of contingencies.
What economists have done in such a case is to assume given probability distributions for
the rates and returns. Such is the case with the risk-aversion theory and the adaptive
Markovian models of random variables that Islamic economists have accepted as
methods while being oblivious of the Islamic questions underlying resource allocation
involving discounting (Choudhury, 1992b). Indeed, Imam Ghazzali held the view that
even the economic laws of demand and supply do not describe the real movements of
prices, which he linked with acts of Allah. In probabilistic rates too we find the same
impossibility of their precise measurement in the future (Islahi, 1995).
Let us go on in the arguments. Money cannot exist in the future if transactions are
not well determined then. In this case only probabilistic rates are assumed to exist over
time. This leads to economic speculation. Thereby, money cannot be held intertemporally
in the absence of known rates in the future. Thus in the end, our innocent looking 'r' has
become nothing different than the rate i, a price for waiting due to financial speculation
on future returns. Such a rate can be nothing other than the rates of interest (riba).
The verses of the Quran that support our arguments here are many (Quran
26:183, 55:7-9, 104:2-3, 2:261, 18:19). In so many ways the Quran has unequivocally
exhorted the believers to spend their resources in the way of Allah; that money and
possessions not become a circuit of wealth among the rich; that the absence of circulation
of money reduces its real worth.
The following saying of prophet Muhammad (hadith) speaks eloquently on the
meaning of valuation that must be associated with currently transacted things against
those that are intertemporally distributed:
Exchange of gold for gold is riba unless it is done on the spot in equal quantities;
exchange of silver for silver is riba unless it is done on the spot and in equal
quantities; exchange of wheat with wheat is riba unless it is done on the spot in
equal quantities; exchange of dates with dates is riba unless it done on the spot in
equal quantities; exchange of salt with salt is riba unless it is done on the spot in
equal quantities.
As in the time-value of money intertemporally, we would be trading current
money for money at each point of time in the future. That would be riba. In other cases,
such as for the real estate mortgage (businesses, hence basic needs = salt, dates etc. in the
above saying), we would be trading money today for the money value of the physical
asset in the future. In all such cases money must be transacted through real economic
activities, except in the case of a barter economy (counter trade). Intertemporal
transaction of money for money inevitably appears. This is a riba rule of transactions.
Once again therefore, the innocently looking 'r' as a discount rate of the neoclassical
economic genre and the q-theory alike is nothing but the abominable 'i' -- the rate of
interest.
I have not gone into further details here to discuss the analytical problems
associated with discount pricing and with the conceptions of optimality and marginal
substitution underlying all these when studied in the light of contrasting views. The
contrasting views are of complementarity, diversity and knowledge-induced evolutionary
discourses that are linked with the endogenous preference formation of the Islamic order.
But the keen reader may sense this from my earlier criticism of the problem of exogenous
preferences, optimality and marginal substitution in neoclassical economic theory. All
these are rejected in the context of the essential epistemology of universal
complementarity, interconnectedness, discourse and knowledge-centered evolution
presented in the Quran (13:3-4, 14:24-27, 42:49-53, 43:12, 29:19).
These attributes now bear upon the nature of money in Islam. They render all
variables and relations in Islam to be of the endogenous type. The study of such
interconnected an epiphenomenon in the Islamic economic and social universe is what I
term as the Islamic political economy as opposed to Islamic economics. The latter is a
detached way of looking at economic relations among neoclassical economic goods and
money as substitutes. This neoclassical economic principle of marginal substitution
between goods and money (hence between goods and alternatives) makes the study of
ethics and morality, policy and institutions, technology and knowledge benign to the
presence of process underlying preferences that otherwise remain exogenous to ethics
and learning in their substituted states of competition, independence and optimality.
The Quran never for once has emphasized saving against spending in the good
cause. One can read the profuse number of verses in the Chapter on Heifer (Bakarah) on
this matter. The lesson of spending is that an Islamic economy must be formed and
progressed on the basis of possibilities generated by product and risk diversification and
by extensive inter-sectoral and inter-agent participation. Socio-economic development
would then mean the attainment of socio-economic sustainability realized by dynamic
basic needs regimes of change. This is how growth menus, employment, technology,
markets and institutions will all be carried forward in tandem with each other. Here the
causal interrelationship between spending and real sectoral activities, as against saving, is
determined by treating money in circulation. When the contrary happens then money
becomes a saving category (M2). With this the rate of interest enters as a return on
savings. Withdrawal increases and resource mobilization is deterred.
In the end therefore, a Keynesian treatment of money in Islamic economics is
neither rich nor explanatory of the essential meaning revolving around the Quranic
worldview of paired complementarity, inter-linkages, discourse and knowledge
formation, and mobilization of resources for realizing social well-being. Issues relating to
bond financing, cost of capital, valuation and asset pricing, the resulting effects of these
on the Islamic ideas of financing and resource mobilization have all remained unhealthy
perspectives (Mirakhor 1996, Kahf 1997, Khan 1996, 1991). They could not contribute
an appropriate methodology to the study of money in Islam.
Endogenous money in Islam
Now after this long discussion on the state of the art respecting money and real
sectoral activities in the economy-wide sense we come to the alternative. The rejection of
the above-mentioned approaches to money and Islamic finance was due to their silence
on the substantively causal interrelationships between money and real economic
(sectoral) activities. In this regard, the endogeneity of variables, their relations and the
same for policies (decision-making), institutions and technologies, have been missed out.
Yet these are necessary for inducing the interactive, integrative and dynamically
evolutionary consensual processes of knowledge formation, within which the causal
interrelationships between money and real sectoral activities are to be studied.
Endogenous preferences, financial and social contracts, participation and
possibilities would then be formed, changed and evolved under a permanent state of
'novelty' that the principles of universal complementarity and diversity bestow within the
framework of process orientation of systemic unity. This is how the quintessence of the
oneness of God (tawhid) is explained in direct reference to the Quran in the worldsystem (alamin), which the Quran characterizes as being filled with His Signs (ayaths).
From the epistemological premise of tawhidi unity arises the unification of knowledge as
the process of complementing the diversity of ayaths by the discoursed capacity of
human reflection upon them (Qur'an, 41:53, 59:24). The principles of universal
complementarity and diversity of possibilities now arise as the governing characteristics
of the Islamic world-system. They completely annul the marginalist hypothesis of
mainstream economics.
On the matter of money in Islam the same causal interrelationship between money
and real sectoral activities is to be explained in view of the social well-being function that
simulates interrelationships in the knowledge-induced framework of the complementing
entities (Choudhury 1998d). Money is thereby not an exogenous factor in economic
activities. Likewise, the real sectoral activities are not independent of money.
A simple explanation relating to price, output, quantity of money and preferences
can be made here. Households have preferences for holding money first for purchasing
dynamic forms of basic needs and comforts. These are Imam Shatibis refinements
(dhururiyath, hajiyyath, tahsiniyyath). Secondly, money is used for earning stable and
secured yields from spending it in the good things of life. Examples here are of profits
and returns from Islamically productive investments; in government financing to enable
the formation and simulation of knowledge-flows among participants, that in turn can
provide essential services, such as, monetary control, security, and defense. Central banks
are induced to control currency circulation as endogenous money and to monitor relevant
policy and departments conducive of this realization. We note that in each of these
agencies the role of a unifying process of knowledge formation is essential. Such is the
interactive, integrative and dynamically evolutionary process of knowledge induction
relating to socio-economic variables and their interrelations. The resulting interactive
preferences then determine the rules and inferences from shari'ah (ahkam as-shariah).
They thereby, link the socio-economic variables with money in the light of the
knowledge-values.
With the continuous introduction of knowledge-flows, a quantity of money as
currency enters the economy in response to the categories of activities as mentioned
above. In turn, as this volume of currency mobilizes resources and increases participation
and linkages in the economy, the productive strength of money is enhanced in turn. This
kind of a causal interrelationship between money and real sectoral activities alters the
picture presented by the controversial M-C-M cycle regarding which both the classical
economists and Marx wrote (Heilbroner, 1985). In the Islamic cycle of causal
interrelationship it is the prevalence of tawhidi episteme that causes unifying knowledgeflows to arise within the complementarity framework of these causal interrelationships.
The guidance to realize these complementary rules from the essence of unity in Islamic
world-system is provided by the way of shariah instruments linking money with real
sectoral values. Hence, by the central presence of knowledge at every new emanation of
causal interrelationships the IIE-worldview overcomes the problem of random circularity
as reflected in Marx's M-C-M cycle (Carchedi, 1991).
With the introduction of endogenous money in Islam, the meaning of demand and
supply of money disappears. That is because neither central banks nor financial
intermediaries can create money exogenously. Exogenous money exists in the form of
promissory notes created by commercial banks with statutory reserves. In the endogenous
monetary system a quantity of money enters economic activity in response to the
financing of real sectoral activities. Money flow thereafter changes in volumes through
recursive interrelationships with the level of economic activity. Now as economic activity
increases, an extra quantity of money is released. Subsequently, this increased quantity of
money enhances more of the activities, and the banks respond. The nature of loan
transactions by commercial bank is determined by discourse among the clients, the bank
and the monetary authorities on the appropriateness of the activities for financing. Such a
discourse rather than being cumbersome, can be regulated by means of manuals
developed through the experience of discourse among agents. They are the result of
evolving perspectives on ahkam as-shariah governing the endogenous causal
interrelationships between money and real sectoral activities with the social well-being in
mind.
(5.1)
variables during a range of interaction. We will also identify interaction with knowledge
formation processes, and thus proxy [Pr] by the same uniquely consensual -value. We
now write,
M =
(5.2)
M(, x(),P()),
(5.3)
(5.4)
Z = fi(yi; W)[],
(5.5)
endogenous as well. For such endogenous transformations to occur the role of markets
becomes very important. The role of government (state) then reduces to simply guiding
the formation of knowledge and directing choices to the shariah possibilities. The state
becomes a participant with the rest of the agents while it maintains control over limited
principal functions. The derivation of causal interrelationships between money and goods
in the Islamic political economy being different from that of the relations of the quantity
theory of money, the theory of endogenous money in Islam is consequently also different
from the mistaken caption of endogenous plastic money in the present days consumerist
society (Desai, 1989).
a combination of gold and silver. The numeraire can also be denoted by the value of a
basket of core basic needs (Choudhury, 1992a). There is averaging and indexing required
in these kinds of numeraire selection. Indeed, choices of such basic needs were practiced
by the Prophet Muhammad. The same practice was carried on for many years afterwards,
until the Mamluks devalued the Dinar by replacing it with copper fulus. Price instability,
indebtedness and fundamental disequilibrium in the external sector then appeared
(Allouche, 1994). The same predicament happened to the Turkish Lira when the British
Government of the time monetized the Ottoman external debts with paper money. Today
such a monetization of debt is continuing on in terms of the appreciating U.S. dollar
against other currencies. This is causing massive currency devaluation on a global scale.
The stability of 100 per cent reserve requirement monetary system is further
enhanced by maintaining the growth of the volume of currency in line with the growth of
demand for real goods and services. The aggregate demand is now derived by aggregate
output in terms of its non-linear aggregation, as mentioned earlier. With such a balance,
total productivity can be preserved and inflation can be removed. Likewise, indebtedness
can be annulled and the average propensity to spend can be increased both domestically
and by foreign investors. Foreign investors would have to strictly comply with the
shariah requirements of non-speculative investment and transact in specifically
integrated markets outlets.
Monetary vouchers for holding endogenous money in 100 per cent reserve
requirement system
The route to monetary stability starts from the time money is held in the form of
currency to the time it is spent in shariah approved outlets. Any delay in this respect
becomes a leakage, which is denoted by savings. A bank client can be given a voucher
denominating his bank deposits. The deposits at any time are instantly converted into 100
per cent reserves with the central bank. Only a marginal amount is kept as cash-in-vault
to meet the instant liquidity demand. The client can fractionally liquidate his voucher just
as a check and claim his deposits proportionately on that basis. There will be an
accompanying return that would have been generated in the pool of invested fund in
which that deposit was initially absorbed as soon as it was converted into 100 per cent
reserve and allocated into approved spending outlets. The client could re-deposit the
unused money for the equivalent residual value of voucher.
The effect of the voucher is like that of a treasury bill. Now the Central Bank
instead of creating money supply sells bills that commercial banks hold. This sterilizes an
equivalent amount of money creation that could have been generated by an increase in
foreign reserves (Brown & Hogendorn, 1994). The difference between endogenous
money vouchers and treasury bills is this. Since the specifically integrated markets for
goods and services that link up with 100 per cent reserves in the Islamic framework tend
to Islamize the political economy, shariah outlets must be well-determined. The very
fact that this kind of spending establishes stability and socio-economic returns is instilled
as an incentive through moral suasion using the IIE- knowledge forming the process
explained earlier.
Policy conclusion
In conclusion, we note that the abolition of interest-based transactions by means
of profit-sharing ventures of different kinds will require an extensively participatory
political economy. In such a venue, financial capital and integrated markets for goods and
services must become directly interlinked. Only non-speculative real sectoral activities
would be accepted. Through such a web of participatory worldview the whole range of
productive activities is to be simultaneously realized. Thereby, stability of prices, storedvalue of money and yields can be secured. Participation brings with it product and risk
diversification.
The Islamic Development bank has been promoting trade and development cooperation in its membership (IDB, 1997). The programs here take the form of finance
ministers co-ordination meetings on trade related issues; co-operation with Islamic
banks; investment, insurance and export credit schemes; contributing to the activities of
COMCEC (OIC standing committee on economic and commercial co-operation);
regional economic co-ordination efforts. Yet at the end we note that IDB still has much
more active role to play in contributing to the development planning of member countries
in bringing them into mutual harmonization and thus realize economic integration. The
IDB and her member states should now think anew in the area of monetary, financial and
institutional transformation along the lines that we have prescribed in this chapter. The
impediment to change has come about due to the absence of participatory will. The lack
of participation among all segments of society, particularly with the grassroots and the
Muslim countries subservience to the Bretton Woods economic policies and programs
have caused unbalanced development and trade diversion rather than trade creation
within the Islamic bloc.
In order to realize such an economy-wide and ummah-wide participatory political
economy, money becomes an important instrument of valuation of real transactions that
occur. Such endogenous money can simply have a store of value that it reflects on the
basis of the exchange value of the goods and services according to shariah
permissibility. But here, shariah promotes market friendly goods and services under its
ethical and moral norms. It dissuades excessive institutional policing. Thereby,
knowledge formation becomes the central force behind a participatory transformation of
the future ummah in the framework of endogenous socio-economic reality including
money, markets, economy, society, policy variables, institutions and appropriate
technologies.
The instrument of moral suasion in bringing together money with the direct
valuation of the real economic activities according to the standards of shariah forms a
critical element of the knowledge formation process in shuratic discursive systems. Such
a shuratic process is signified by the interactive, integrative and evolutionary worldview
(IIE-methodology). Money finds itself as a creative instrument in such an unifying
process and becomes an universally complementary and participatory instrument of
sector disequilibrium caused by the heavy indebtedness of the industrial sector relying on
imports.
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