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Editors Introduction
Holli A. Semetko
Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia
theorists argue that the news media are producing propaganda for the state all the time
(Herman & Chomsky, 1988), critics of the pluralist model have shown a more subtle
relationship between those elected leaders and government circles on the one hand and
journalists and news organizations on the other (Entman, 2003). Highlighting more
recent examples of failures of the U.S. press, Bennett, Lawrence, and Livingston (2007)
write
There is little doubt that reporting which challenges the public pronouncements of
those in power is difficult when anything deviating from authorized versions of reality
is met with intimidating charges of bias. Out of fairness, the press generally reports
those charges, which in turn reverberate through the echo chambers of talk radio and
pundit TV, with the ironic result that the media contribute to their own credibility problem. Yet it is precisely the lack of clear standards of press accountability (particularly
guidelines for holding officials accountable) that opens the mainstream news to charges
of bias from all sides. In short, the absence of much agreement on what the press should
be doing makes it all the more difficult for news organizations to navigate an independent course through pressurized political situations. (p. 13)
Commenting on this books stinging critique of the Bush administration, especially its policies in Iraq, journalist Marvin Kalb writes between the lines is a cry
for the media to wake up to its social and political responsibilities (http://
www.press.uchicago.edu/Misc/Chicago/042848.html).
In Part I of this special issue, authors of five articles discuss the news in times of
war and crisis, particularly in the context of the war in Iraq. In the first article,
Christian Kolmer and Holli Semetko show how television news in Britain, Czech
Republic, Germany, South Africa, the United States, and the United Kingdom as
well as the transnational channel Al-Jazeera reported on the day-to-day events in the
first weeks of the war in Iraq in March and April 2003. The picture that emerges
when one compares the volume and tone of news about the Allies in the war is one
in which the news organizations in each country are close to the position of their
government on the war, with the United States media closer than most. Embedded
journalism might be a part of the reason for this finding, and the second article by
Andrew Cortell, Robert Eisinger, and Scott Althaus explains why the Bush
Administration decided to embed reporters in the 2003 invasion of Iraq. In the third
article, Piers Robinson, Peter Goddard, and Katy Parry critically evaluate news and
news management in Britain during this early phase in the war. Robert Entman,
Steven Livingston, and Jennie Kim, in the fourth article in this section, offer a harsh
assessment of how the news on Iraq has actually repeated itself over the last 5 years.
In the final article in this section on war and crisis, Frank Esser takes us back to the
Gulf War in 1991 to discuss how the German press framed the role of the media and
the process of news management in 1991 and 2003.
purchased for less abroad and still draw large foreign audiences. The proactive efforts
of Karen Hughes, secretary of state for public diplomacy, to communicate effectively with Arabic-speaking publics though her interview on Al-Jazeera is the subject
of the second article. Sam Cherribi critically assesses how Arabic-language media
responded to the Hughes interview. Phillip Seib focuses on the ethical issues and
parallels between public diplomacy and journalism. Finally, we hear from American
practitioners on both sides of the fence: one lawyer-scholar turned journalist living
in Germany for more than 2 decades and one lawyer-scholar turned diplomat who
moved back to the United States recently after 20 years in England. Melinda Crane,
a German-speaking Tufts and Harvard Law graduate, anchors news and current
affairs programs on Deutsche Welle, Germanys global public broadcasting organization. She also placed guests on one of the Germanys most popular political discussion programs. Crane offers examples from the field of German television to
show how effectively public diplomacy can be practiced through this medium.
Colleen Graffy, one of the comparatively few Americans to be called to the Bar of
England and Wales as a Barrister of the Middle Temple, an exclusive group of
highly trained and powerfully speaking lawyers, left London for Washington, D. C.,
to work for the U.S. Department of State in 2005 as deputy assistant secretary of
state for public diplomacy in the European and Eurasian Affairs. Graffy provides an
insiders account of the strategy and practice of U.S. public diplomacy in recent years.
References
Entman, R. M. (2003). Projections of power: Framing news, public opinion, and U.S. foreign policy.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Graber, D. A. (2001). Processing politics: Learning from television in the Internet age. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
Herman, E. S., & Chomsky, N. (1988). Manufacturing consent: The political economy of the mass media.
New York: Pantheon.
Bennett, W. L., Lawrence, R. G., & Livingston, S. (2007). When the press fails: Political power and the
news media from Iraq to Katrina. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Norris, P. (2001). Digital divide: Civic engagement, information poverty and the Internet worldwide.
Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
Nye, J. (2005). Soft power. New York: Public Affairs.
Oates, S., Gibson, R., & Owen, D. (Eds.). (2006). The Internet and politics: Citizens, voters, and activists.
London: Routledge.
What is public diplomacy? (n.d.). Available at http://fletcher.tufts.edu/murrow/public-diplomacy.html.