Occupational Science:

Academic Innovation
in the Service of
Occupational Therapy's
Future
Florence A. Clark, Diane Parham,
Michael E. Carlson, Gelya Frank,
Jeanne Jackson, Doris Pierce,
Robert J. Wolfe, Ruth Zemke
Key Words: education, occupational therapy

Occupational science is a new SCientifiC diSCipline

that is defined as the systematic study of the human as
an occupational being. A doctoral program in occupational science has been established at the University

oj Sowbern California, Los Angeles, WUb Us empbasis

on the provision of a multidimensional description of
the substrates, form, function, meaning, and sociocultural and historical contexts of occupation, occupational science emphasizes the ability of humans
throughout the life span to actively pursue and orchestrate occupations. in this paper, occupational science
is described, defined, and distingUished from other social sciences. A general systems model is presented as
a heuristic to explain occupation and organize
knowledge in occupational science. The development
of occupational science offers several key benefits to
the profeSSion of occupational therapy, including (a)
fulfillment of the demand for doctoral-level faculty
members in colleges and universities; (b) the generation of needed basic science research; and (c) the justification for and potential enhancement ofpractice.

Seward Johnson, Jr. (1987), known for creating ultrarealistic bronze sculptures of persons participating
in everyday actiVities, such as fishing or reading a
newspaper, has said of his work, "I looked over the body
of my work, and found a common strain. In each case, I
celebrated a moment when the individual had taken control of his or her life.... I want my people to be unheroic,
and in so being, become universal. But I want their act
that I am celebrating, the existential gesture, to be heroic
in the lowest key" (p. 29). Just as Johnson celebrated the
familiar through the creation of works of art, occupational
therapy honors the power of ordinary experiences within
the context of health care, We have come to call the
ordinary and familiar things that people do every day
occupations, and we believe that humans are most true
to their humanity when they are engaged in occupations
(Yerxa et al., in press). The scientific discipline that provides explanations of the human as an occupational being
is occupational science (University of Southern California
[USC], Department of Occupational Therapy, 1989).
What is it about occupation that makes it so uniquely
human? Some of us can recall our patients' faces as they
focused their attention on the operation of a floor loom.
We can remember them visualizing the final product as
they selected yarn. We see their hands deftly weaving and
we recall the sustained glow of accomplishment when
they examined the final product of their efforts. Others of
us remember the sense of pride that our recovering alcoholic patients displayed as they reported to us that instead of haVing to take a drink to escape their fears and
loneliness, they were able to achieve peace and relaxation
by going fishing with some buddies, where the soothing
sounds of cascading water and the timeless presence of
ancient trees provided them with a fresh outlook on life.

J
Florence A. Clark, PhD, OTR, FAOTA, is Professor and Chair, Department of Occupational Therapy, University of Southern
California, 2250 Alcazar, CSA-203, Los Angeles, California
90033,
Diane Parham, PhD,OTR, is Assistant Professor, Department of
Occupational Therapy, University of Southern California, Los
Angeles, California,
Michael E, Carlson, PhD, is Research Assistant Professor, Department of Occupational Therapy, University of Southern
California, Los Angeles, California,
Gelya Frank, PhD, is Associate Professor, Department of Occupational Therapy, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.
Jeanne Jackson, MA,OTR, is a doctoral student and Assistant
Lecturer, Department of Occupational Therapy, University of
Southern California, Los Angeles, California.
Doris Pierce, MA, OTR, is a doctoral student and Assistant lecturer, Department of Occupational Therapy, University of
Southern California, Los Angeles, California.
Robert J. Wolfe, PhD, is Research Director, Division of Subsistence, Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Juno, Alaska.
Ruth Zemke, PhD, OTR, FAOTA, is Associate Professor, Department of Occupational Therapy, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, California.
This article was accepted for publication September 15, 1990.

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April 1991, Volume 45, Number 4

To them, occupation takes the form of an antidote to

psychological pain. Still others of us can remember our
elderly patients who, after having open-heart surgery,
expressed that they were finally getting back themselves,
as they became progressively independent in caring for
themselves. For them, occupation entails a struggle to
reconstruct a more dignified life. In our practice, we have
maintained that what our patients do really matters - it
influences their health, their self-respect, and their sense
of dignity. But we have also declared that it is not so much
what they do that is critical as is the acknowledgment that
occupation is always pregnant with meaning. Occupation
is a uniquely human enterprise because of the extent of
its symbolic vehicle.
Unlike occupational therapists who have traditionally been fascinated with what is at the heart of human
enterprise and activity, mainstream social science has not
focused on this question. Thus, we are left with an abundance of questions about occupation that must be answered so that the practice of occupational therapy can
be nurtured. We must begin to construct theories that
elucidate the reasons why persons choose one activity
over another (Harre, Clarke, & De Carlo, 1985), and we
must delve into persons' life histories to gain a sense of
the complexity of factors that ultimately influence how
one decides to live one's life in relation to work, rest,
leisure, and play. Why would a person choose to live in a
particular home on the basis of the availability of a tennis
court? Why would a young girl in Taiwan, where few
opportunities for a ballet dancer exist, choose to devote
her life to a career in ballet, when so many others quit
after several years of investment? Why do certain persons
derive an overwhelming sense of peace from activities
such as gardening or fishing, and to what extent are occupations dependent on specific ecological systems or environments? For example, if fish virtually disappear from
our streams, forests are eliminated, rivers and lakes become toxic, and air pollution is constantly at an unsafe
level, will humans adapt by replacing Fishing, hiking,
swimming, and Jogging with occupations that do not require a natural environment, or might artificial environments (such as swimming pools) be fabricated in which
to do these time-tested occupations? Once the place and
potency of occupation in our daily lives is understood
through systematic study, the practice of occupational
therapy may be enhanced.
In the present paper, we describe the emerging discipline of occupational science, its relation to other disciplines, examples of research that fall within its boundaries, and the potential contribution it can make to
society. Finally, we illustrate the ways in which occupational science can contribute to several realms of practice
to confront contemporary social and health problems.
Ultimately, we conclude that occupational science will
allow the profession of occupational therapy to take its
place while preserving its identity.

Definition and Ba, lC

haraeteristic'

As already stated, occupational science is defined as the

study of humans as occupational beings (Yerxa et al., in
press). Some of us may cringe at this definition, for we
have come to respond negatively to any definition that
uses the term occupation or any of its derivatives. We are
tired of trying to describe what occupational therapists
do, of seeing one article after another extolling the virtues
of occupation (whatever it is), and of hearing lectures that
promise once and for all to clarify the meaning of the term
occupation. Some of us, in fact, think that if we could JUSt
delete the word occupalional from the name of the profession, we would be far better off. To one in this frame of
mind, our claim about an emerging occupational science
may seem at best just another occupational nightmare.
In the conceptualization of occupational science,
however, an attempt was made to develop a jargon-free
definition of occupation that is easily accessible and that
can create a unified vision of what is at the very heart of
our practice. We define occupation, simply, as chunks of
culturally and personally meaningful aCtivity in which humans engage that can be named in the lexicon of our
culture (USC, Department of Occupational Therapy,
1989). Activities such as dressing, attending a party, gardening, watching television, making love, and preparing a
meal are occupations. Our use of the term occupation is
thus conceived generally and not in the conventional
sense of a career or job, nor does it only include aCtivities
that meet productivity needs. Many occupations are engaged in simply for pleasure (Ornstein & Sobel, 1989).
Occupations can be construed at an abstract level, as in
working, resting, or engaging in leisure aCtiVities, or more
concretely, as in reading a book, playing tennis, or painting a house.
Humans are not preprogrammed to engage in a
planned round of actiVities. Each day they make decisions
about what [0 do and what not to do. Thus, within the
course of a day, they configure activities within time that
can be chunked and correspondingly labeled. For example, in the morning, a person may awaken, then groom,
then eat, and then jog or may construct another variation
of such a sequence. Thus, each day, the person creates
his or her daily experiences through planning, orchestrating, and participating in occupations (Yerxa et al., in
press). The potential ramifications of this orchestration
with respect to health, adaptation, and sense of wellbeing are immense. Research has demonstrated, for example, that mundane, everyday experiences affect psychological well-being to a greater extent than do major
life events (Kanner, Coyne, Schaefer, & Lazarus, 1981;
Monroe, 1983) and can be enormously health-promoting
(Ornstein & Sobel, 1989). The net effect of thiS enterprise
is the perception of the quality of our experiences.
Unlike the activities of animals, occupations require
self-awareness, the ability to recall and project events, and

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301

the ability to elaborate personal and cultural meanings.

Whereas animals procure food, pursue interesting stimuli, and engage in rudimentary activity, such activity is
enslaved in the present and is limited in its symbolic
content. We therefore refer to the activities of animals as
proto-occupations, while recognizing that their activities
are no less important to them than ours are to us. The
major point of distinction rests in the extent to which the
activities carry a symbolic vehicle. To illustrate this point,
occupation in the postmodern world requires that it be
orchestrated in appointment books and calendars, tools
not needed by nonhuman species for their adaptation.
Nor do we suppose that animals are haunted by thoughts
of the meaning and the ultimate significance of their investment in particular occupations. When we attempt to
explain occupation simply as an activity unsaturated with
meaning, we miss its essence.
Because the focus of occupational science is on the
multidimensional nature of occupation, satisfactory explanations of it must surpass the discovery of simple causal chains between variables. In describing the fundamental requirements for a psychology of action, Harre et al.
(1985) argued that it is critical to study "the reasons for
action" as well as the "causes of behavior" (p. 17). Similarly, we believe that in generating theory about occupation,
we must examine the rules, moral convictions, symbolic
meanings, emotional responses, and sociocultural and
historical contexts that influence one's decision about
whether to invest one's energy in particular occupations.
Occupational science, however, must also include studies
on the neurobiological substrates of skills and occupation, such as those of eye-hand coordination or praxis.
Thus, we believe that occupational science must address minimally the substrates, form, function, meaning,
and sociocultural and historical contexts of occupations.
This requires a multidimensional perspective. The compleXity of the knowledge generated is anticipated to lend
itself to organization through the principles of general
systems theory (von Bertalanffy, 1968). Occupations are
carried out by purposive persons who have some sense of
their goals and who respond emotionally to the everyday
activities in which they engage. We expect that as occupational science evolves, numerous systems models will be
constructed to give a sense of coherence and unity to the
complexity of knowledge that is generated.

important to note that this mcx:leJ, as such, is not construed as

a final solution to the concerns of occupational science.
The model, which employs general systems theory,
depicts the human as an occupational being. Presented as
a h.ierarchically arranged set of concrete and abstract subsystems, the person is seen as an open system in interaction with his or her environment over the entire life span,
from birth to old age. Use of a systems model to explain
developmental changes in occupation is consistent with
the work of Sameroff (1982), a developmental psychologist at Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island, who
advocated the application of general systems principles
to the analysis of developmental processes.
We emphasize that occupation is designated in the
model as the output of the system. Clearly, occupations
either facilitate or limit the capacity of the person for
successful adaptation to environmental demands.
The model, which is shown in Figure 1, presents the
human system as comprising six levels (subsystems),
which are presumed to be critical for the understanding
of occupation. These six subsystems are discussed below.
Although tentative, the selection of these six subsystems
is grounded in a long history of seminal works by Boulding (1956), Reilly (1974), and von Bertalanf~' (1968).

The Physical Subsystem

This level encompasses phenomena that can be appropriately described by physicochemical processes. For example, anatomic subsystems such as those of muscles and
neural synapses are explained in this level. Of interest
here is the support that physical systems proVide to the
enactment of occupations. For example, explanations of
the physical mechanics that contribute to skilled use of
the hands constitute theory falling within the conceptual
boundaries of occupational science at thiS level.

The Biological Subsystem

This subsystem is distinct from the physical in that it
comprises living systems that directly relate to biological
adaptation (von Bertalanffy, 1968). Phenomena of inter-

INTERNAL HUMAN SUBSYSTEMS

Transeendeotal

The 1I C Model of the Human Subsystems That

Influence Occupation: An Organizing Heuristic
The faculty of the USC Department of Occupational Therapy
has developed the USC Model of Human Subsystems That
Influence Occupation to provide a coherent conceptual
framework for the organization of knowledge generated in
occupational science and to illustrate the human subsystems
in order to provide a comprehensive explanation of occupation (USC, Department of Occupational Therapy, 1989). It is

Symbolic-EvaJu:uive

Sociocultural
Historical Context
Environmental
Challenges - -

Sociocullural

Occupational
fnfonnation Processing

Bebavior

Biological

t
t

Physical

I
IL _

Feedback

Figure 1. The University of Southern California Model of the

Human Subsystems That Influence Occupation.

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April 1991, Volume 45, Number 4

est at this level include the biological drive for competence, the contributions of sensory integration to purposive and exploratory behaviors. Theoretic discourse
generated at this level is expected to explain the biologically programmed aspects of occupation. For example,
studies of primate play may reveal a biological basis for
the seeking out of vestibular stimulation.

The Information Processing Subsystem

This subsystem deals with the cognitive operations that
are used by humans to organize behavior (Miller & Miller,
1985). Phenomena addressed include perceptual and
conceptual functions, learning, memory, and planning as
they shape engagement in occupation. An example of
knowledge already developed at this level is Reilly's
(1974) work on the concept of rules in relation to skill
acquisition and habit formation.

The Sociocultural Subsystem

This subsystem focuses on the person's perceptions of
social and cultural expectations for occupational behavior. Occupations are enacted in social contexts; thus, social and cultural standards structure occupational roles
(Parker, 1977). Knowledge development in the area of
role enactment, expectations, and perceptions; their interrelationships; and the effect they have on occupational
behavior are subsumed within this level. Lever's (1978)
work on the relationship of participation in childhood
games to the development of strategies for sex-role performance represents research at this level.

The SymboliC-Evaluative Subsystem

This level addresses the social systems used in the personal assessment of the value of an occupation. Examples
of such systems include "language, logic, mathematiCS,
sciences, arts and morals" (von Benalanffy, 1968, p. 29)
The content and meaning of communication, the complexity of value systems, and the transcription of images
into historical documents as well as the symbolic meaning
of art, music, poetry, and human emotion are represented (Boulding, 1956). In the model, this level is included
because of the contribution symbol systems can potentially make to an explanation of occupation, particularly
insofar as they inform choices of action or influence the
degree of significance conferred on selected occupations,

The Transcendental Subsystem

This subsystem is concerned with the meaning the person ascribes to his or her life experiences and the will that
impels him or her through life, The word transcendence
is used here to connote "one's relation to, or purposive
direction into the future in accordance with ideas, emotions, hope, preparation, goals" (Angeles, 1981, p. 296) A
sense of life satisfaction, purpose, and quality of life is

seen as the net result of engagement in carefully orchestrated occupation.

Summary of the Model's Characteristics

Some assumptions of this model are (a) that occupation
cannot be explained through the focus on a single level
(subsystem) of the human system; (b) that occupation
muSt be studied within the context of both the immediate
environment and the person's history; (c) that occupation is fired by the human system's drive for efficacy and
competency; (d) that although it may be observed as a
behavior, occupation cannot be fully understood without
consideration of its significance to the individual (for example, eating for survival vs, eating as a respite from
work); and (e) that the most productive study of occupation requires a synthesis of knowledge from the biological
and social sciences.
We are interested in how occupation is founded in a
person's genetic inheritance; in his or her unique patterns of skills, interests, and abilities; and in sociocultural
role expectations. The overriding issue of meaning is concerned with the ultimate valuing of what one does with
one's time, resources, and skills.
Several features of the model are noteworthy, First, it
presents a view of the human that is unique to occupational science, that is, it emphasizes the complexity and
symbolic character of occupation. Second, it circumscribes the discipline's major theoretic constructs as well
as its conceptual boundaries. Third, it is intended to rrevent research endeavors from becoming fragmentary. In
short, the USC Model of the Human Subsystems That
Influence Occupation is a sort of blueprint from which
the research activities of the faculty and students flow and
through which the findings generated are organized into
a unified corpus of knowledge.
Examples of potential research topics in occupational science are (a) the manner in which one's organization
of time changes from childhood to adulthood to retirement; (b) the contribution of childhood occupations to
adult competency and achievement motivation; (c) the
relationship of work and leisure to health, happiness, and
quality of life; (d) the manner by which the shared occupations of mothers and their children affect adaptive skill
development of the child; (e) an exploration of what
constitutes a healthful balance of work, rest, and leisure
within the daily round of occupations; (f) the ways in
which cultural differences in the customary round of activities of children shape their adult work habits; and (g)
the description of the rules, moral convictions, and other
symbolic systems that gUide one's choice of occupation.

The Relation of
Discipline.

ccupati nal S ien e to Other

The question of whether occupational science constitutes

a new and unique discipline must be addressed. Occupa-

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tional science is inherently interdisciplinary. Because occupations commonly engage people in multiple ways
(e.g., dancing appears to involve a person physically, psychologically, and socially), theoretical concepts from outside disciplines such as biology, developmental and socia!
psychology, and anthropology may contribute to a fully
orbed understanding of occupation. Nonetheless, we argue that occupational science constitutes a conceptually
distinct field of inquiry with its own subject matter and
emphases.
The issue of academic boundaries is not unique to
occupational science; indeed, it has been the subject of
ongoing discourse in the social sciences. Psychology, for
example, has been defined as the science of human experience and behavior, both overt and covert (Chaplin,
1985). The broadness of such a definition could easily be
construed as subsuming anthropology and sociology. In
his pioneering work, Tylor (1871/1959) characterized anthropology's science of culture as concerned with "that
complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art,
morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits
acquired by man as a member of society" (p. 3). Despite
the aJl-encompassing quality ofthis definition, anthropology has a well-established place as a distinct discipline
today. Wilson (1966) defined sociology as the study of
patterns in human relationships and stated that its distinction from anthropology is a matter of tradition and
emphasis rather than logic. Similarly, occupational science is distinctive in its tradition and emphasis. The
unique traditional base lies in the practice of occupational
therapy, with its concern with the adaptation, by way of
engagement in occupation, of persons with disabilities
(Bing, 1986; Yerxa, 1987). Occupational science is distinct
in that it attempts theoretically to address the entire
range of phenomena surrounding human occupation.
This goal requires the conceptual synthesis of physical,
biological, psychological, sociocultural, and symbolic considerations, and thus demands a novel, systematic approach that conSCiously seeks to arrive at complex models of occupation, such as that which would be produced
through the use of the general systems theory. This multidimensional emphasis, in conjunction with a view of the
human as an active orchestrator of his or her occupations
as a means of confronting life's challenges, distinguishes
occupational science as a unique and important sphere of
inquiry. In short, occupational science acknowledges the
critical role that values, vision, imagination, reflection,
and emotion play in decisions about what to do each day
and how to do it. It regards the human as a conscious,
active agent who dynamically interacts in specific sociocultural and historical contexts.
Although traditional disciplines occasionally address
issues related to particular occupations, such efforts typically are theoretically circumscribed and interpretively
construed within the traditional framework of the discipline in question. For example, the potential effect of

television vieWing on both interpersonal aggression (see,

for example, Feshbach & Singer, 1971; Leyens, Camino,
Parke, & Berkowitz, 1975) and sex-role behavior (see, for
example, McArthur & Eisen, 1976; Walstedt, Geis, &
Brown, 1980) has received attention within social psychology. Although this research addresses a prominent
occupation (i.e., watching television), the approach that
is taken reflects disciplinary emphases that direct attention away from many of the key processes involved. For
example, the television viewer is generally regarded as a
passive recipient of external stimulation and not as an
agent who chooses to engage in this occupation. AdditionaJly, social psychological analyses emphasize the direct effect of specific types of television content (viz., the
portrayal of violence as well as of sex-role stereotypes) on
corresponding, specific social-interactional response domains that have traditionally received attention within the
discipline. The result is that the influence of television
viewing on the viewers' emotional state, as well as its
long-term ramifications for achievement motivation, for
the ability to initiate and derive pleasure from less passive
occupations (e.g., making a ceramic pot or gardening),
and on moral decisions is ignored. This example underscores the need for systems thinking in guiding research
that is explicitly organized around the concept of
occupation.
In addition to expanding and systematizing knowledge about occupations that has received attention Within existing fields, occupational science, because of its
unique content focus, addresses important topicS that
have been largely ignored by the traditional disciplines.
Examples of such research foci, some of which have already been tackled by scholars in our profession, include
the influence of childhood play on the sense of competence, resourcefulness, and coping in adulthood (Reilly,
1974); the optimal balance of work, rest, and leisure at
different stages of the life span; and the development of
praxis, defined as an intelligence of doing (Ayres, 1985)
that enables one to effectively mediate transactions in the
physical-spatial world.
Occupational science, therefore, does not belong
under the aegis of other disciplines because it has a
unique focus that is not investigated directly by scholars
in other fields. Although occupational science can profit
from knowledge contributed by other fields, its pressing
questions are not formulated in a coherent manner within the research programs of other disciplines. Because
occupational science involves a synthesis across disciplines, compartmentalization under one of the contributing disciplines would stifle the investigation of the full
range of concerns relevant to the study of occupation. A
well-established knowledge base specific to occupation is
highly unlikely to emerge unless research efforts are explicitly directed toward the study of occupation as a
uniquely human, symbolic enterprise.
To summarize this section, much of the gamut of

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human functioning and behavior is linked to occupation,

yet the concept of occupation as an organizer of theory
and research falls outside the domain of traditional (Iisciplines. This idea provided strong justification for the development of occupational science as a scholarly
enterprise.

Evidence of a Legitimate S holarly Discipline

Scholars arc increasingly recognizing the central role of
occupations in enabling human adaptation. The conceptualization of occupational science presented in the present paper is similar to work being done by faculty hoth
within and outside the discipline of occupational therapy.
Some of these works are listed below; this list, however, is
by no means exhaustive.
At the USC Department of Occupational Therapy,
scholarly contributions hy Mary Reilly, Emeritus Professor
(Reilly, 1962,1974), and Jean Ayres (deceased), Emeritus
Associate Professor (Ayres, 1963, 1972, 1979), led to increased understanding of play, work, and skill attainment.
The philosophical assumptions underlying occupational
science were elucidated by Emeritus Professor Elizaheth
J. Yerxa (1988) Currently, USC faculty are further extending occupational science. The first and second authors,
continuing in the tradition of Ayres, have been studying
the construct of praxis (Clark, Parham, Mailloux, & Fanchiang, 1983; Parham, 1989). The eighth author and colleagues (Iherall, Preti, & lemke, 1989) have been investigating the moderating effect that sense of purpose has on
eye-hanel coordination. The fourth author (Frank, 1984,
19BB) (Ioes intense ethnographies of the interplay of sociocultural context and biographical construction on the
life adaptation of persons with chronic disability. Allen
(1987, 1990) has examined the cro::;s-cultural and crossspecies similarities in information processing during occurations and proto-occupations. Neville-Jan (1986) has
been studying the relationship between personality variables, such as locus of control, on adaptive behaviors in
patients with depression, while Fazio (1988) has investigated the importance of sexuality in the occupational
index of the well elderly. In her effort to develop a themy
of infant object-rule acquisition, the sixth author (Pierce,
1988) is forging a groundwork for under::;tanding adult
uses of objects as tools, as aesthetic statements, or as
environments. Recently, the Fifth author (Jackson, 1989)
received a grant to study the ratterns of and emotional
response to daily occupations of aclolescents with
disabilities.
Work in occupational science is also being done in
other occupational therapy departments in the United
States. Kielhofner, at the University of Illinois, Chicago,
and Burke, at Thomas Jefferson Univelsity, Philadelphia,
developed and are testing a Model of Human Occupation,
which views the person as an open system in interaction
with the environment (Kielhofner, 1980a, 1980b; Kiel-

hofner & Burke, 1980; Kielhofner, Burke, & Igi, 1980).

Nelson, at Western Michigan University, Kalamazoo, is
conducting research and cleveloping theory in the area of
occupational analysis, a study of the intrinsic qualities and
meanings of occupations (Nelson, 1988; Nelson, Thompson, & Moore, 1982). Maguire, at Florida International
University, Miami, is studying patterns of occupation and
leisure concepts among the elderly (Maguire, 1983). Finally, Cermak and her colleagues and students (MacWhinney, Cermak, & Fisher, 1987; Magalhaes, Koomar, &
Cermak, 1989) at Boston University have been doing extensive work on the praxis and body image constructs and
on bilateral coordination as substrates of skilled motor
performance in children.
In other disciplines, researchers are developing
knowledge of relevance to occupational science. Work
already generated on emotional responses to partiCipation in occupation (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975; Csikszentmihalvi & Csikszentmihalyi, 1988; Csikszentmihalyi & Larson, 1984), on time (Berk & Berk, 1979; Gross, 19B4;
Robinson, 1977), and on action (Ginsberg, Brenner, &
von Cranach, 1985; Harre et aI., 1985) are examples.
Although occupational science directs attention to
the ways that persons adapt over the life span through
the olchestration of occupations, it is recognized that
occupational behavior occurs in social contexts. Thus,
research identifying the structures and processes of social
mganii'3tiol1, including the political economy, proVide a
necessary framewmk for the understanding of occupations and may be considered in this light as of great
relevance to occupational science. The point becomes
clearer with historical examples that relate to the cultural
definition and social organization of health and health
carc.
Bell's book, 110/1' Anorexia (1985), suggests how, in
the medieval period, a preponderance of holy women
recognized by the Roman CatholiC church appear to have
been anorexic. Critical dimensions seem to have been
psychological (e.g., the need for autonomy) and sociocultural (e.g., the limited avenues for self-expression by
women in a patriarchal social structure). Thus, anorexia
can be understood not only in today's terms as a health
condition related to the single occupation of feeding oneself or as a psychiatric diagnosis related to distorted body
images, but as the basis for an occupational role. In medieval times, this meant the filling of an institutional niche
in which roles and resources, including social status, were
controlled and limited by patriarchal hierarchical organization. A rethinking of anorexia in tcrms of modern occupational roles for persons (mainly young women) who
exhibit this disorder is suggested by an occupational science approach.
A contemporary example of thiS phenomenon is the
W<lY in which jobs are defined as unskilled clerical jobs or
service Jobs in a hospital, said to distinguish mental from
manual labor. Yet, as Sack's (19B8) cthnography of labor

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organizing at a medical center shows, entry-level unskilled female ward clerks are expected to do an enormous amount of mental labor, coordinating multilevel
medical teams without authority or recognition. Sacks
shows how people at work define their activities very
differently for themselves than for their employers, yet
are also constrained to act in given ways; the study of such
tensions in the identification and performance of occupations is within the province of occupational science.
Finally, Goodall's (1986) recent studies of chimpanzees demonstrated the role that primatological research
plays in elucidating the relevance of biological factors to
occupation. Goodall's focus is on rudimentary manifestations of occupation (protooccupations) as expressed in
such activities as feeding, grooming, and tool use. In addition to their direct outcomes, these activities have been
shown to affect patterns of dominance and stability within
chimpanzee society. The suggestions of Goodall's work
for occupational science are twofold: (a) that there is a
biological influence on the organization of occupations
among human beings and (b) that patterns of occupational behavior may have important ramifications at a
sociocultural level. In her capacity as Distinguished Adjunct Professor within the USC Department of Occupational Therapy, Dr. Goodall will be directly contributing
to occupational science by providing ideas on appropriate ethological methods for studying occupation and by
sharing her knowledge about the proto-occupations of
primates.

The 'V1ethod logy of Occupational

ienc

A wide variety of conventional as well as new methodologies are expected to be used in occupational science,
Mainstream social science methodologies such as experimentation and quasi-experimentation are optimally used
to examine circumscribed research questions involving
the overtly observable facets of occupation, Because of
the multidimensional nature of occupations, it is expected that quantitative multivariate-eausal modeling analyses may be appropriate for a wide spectrum of research
problems in occupational science.
Because occupational science must address the symbolic and transcendental systems that govern the choices
of occupation in specific sociocultural and historical contexts, however, methodologies that enable the uncovering of the reasons for action, such as the dramaturgical
methods described by Harre et al. (1985), may be particularly useful. Existing methodologies that allow detailed
description and analysis not only of the overt manifestations of occupation but aLso of the phenomenological
experience of the doer while engaging in occupation become those most likely to prevail in occupational science.
The methods used, however, will depend on the kinds of
research questions asked. We expect that as the discipline progresses, new methodological strategies for the
study of occupation will emerge periodically,

Potential ontributi os of 0 cupational S ienl'l.:

to ~ i [V
Beyond its role in promoting basic knowledge, occupational science has the potential to substantially benefit
society in practical ways. First, as discussed below, the
continued development of a science of occupation will
generate a knowledge base capable of improving the
practice profession of occupational therapy. Second, increased public knowledge of the discourse and findings in
occupational science may make human lives more productive, meaningful, healthy, and satisfying.
Participation in occupations has been shown to significantly relate to multiple outcome variables such as
health, self-esteem, social competence, happiness, and
satisfaction with life (e.g" Reich & Zautra, 1983; Rodin &
Langer, 1977; Stone, 1981, 1987). Consequently, the
widespread dissemination of new information regarding
such topics as the role of the immediate environment in
altering the manner in which occupations influence people; the factors that lead some people, as contrasted with
others, to ignore the goal of balancing work, rest, and
leisure in their daily routines; and the effects of early
childhood patterns of occupation on adult competence,
career choice and mobility, and life satisfaction has the
potential to affect countless lives in a positive way,
To contribute meaningfully to society, the scientific
study of occupation must provide insights that transcend
everyday knowledge, Occupational science overcomes
many of the limitations of common sense in that it should
afford a more critical, detailed, and systematic understanding of human occupation, Thus, for example, the
commonly held assumption that a balance of work and
leisure is healthful, although probably correct in a general
way. fails to define work, leisure, or what constitutes a
balance; does not specify the aspects of health that are
promoted; and is not seriously subjected to the possibility
of disconfirmation. Occupational science, because of its
systems approach, can remedy each of the above omissions, Additionally, it will improve on everyday knowledge through both the study of phenomena about which
commonsense assumptions do not exist and the creation
of useful, novel theoretical concepts. Indeed, the very
concept of occupation is novel, as evidenced by the lack
of recognition encountered when using the term in the
specialized sense proposed here.

Relationship Between Occuparional Science and

OccupaTional Therapy
Distinction Between Occupational Science and
Occupational Therapy
As already stated, occupational science is the study of the
human as an occupational being, including the need for
and capacity to engage in and orchestrate daily occupations over the life span (Yerxa et aI., in press). The field is
named occupational science rather than occupational

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Aprit 1991, Volume 45, Number 4

therapy because it transmits a basic science regarding the

substrates, form, functions, context, and meaning of occupation. Although knowledge derived from occupational science may be applied to the practice of occupational
therapy, it is also applicable to an array of other disciplines. The primary focus of occupational science is not
immediate application to therapeutic intervention, but
rather, transmittal of the most general principles and concepts of occupation.
The profession of occupational therapy has developed a rich background of experience and technical expertise in enabling patients to achieve independence and
self-sufficiency. J;u.vever, occupational therapy was
founded primaril r 'm em piricism rather than science.
Thus, an intender t-,'Jrpose of occupational science is to
organize and tran~rnit the interdisciplinary knowledge
that supports practice. Similarly, the profession of medicine in the United States, with the implementation of the
Flexner Report (Flexner, 1910), although based originally
on clinical practice, became organized around the new
paradigm of laboratory practice and germ theory, emphasizing the basic sciences as essential to the training of
physicians. In this respect, occupational science is to occupational therapy what anatomy and physiology are to
medicine.

Importance of Occupational Science to Occupational

Therapy
The development of occupational science as a recognized
sphere of scholarly inquiry offers many important benefits to the profession of occupational therapy. Three current priorities of the profession that will be positively
effected by the emergence of occupational science are
discussed below.

The demand for/aculty prepared as scholars at the

doctoral level. A shortage of doctoral-level faculty to
teach in occupational therapy curricula currently exists
(Leonardelli & Gratz, 1986, Parham, 1985). According to
one survey, only 17% of full-time faculty in baccalaureate
and postbaccalaureate occupational therapy programs
held doctoral degrees (Parham, 1985). Most faculty members (70%) held master's degrees. This condition has had
a negative effect on faculty research productivity. In recognition of the gravity of this faculty shortage, the American Occupational Therapy Association (AOTA) report,

Occupational Therapy Manpower: A Plan for Progress

(AOTA, 1985), recommended that a major goal of the
profession be to "increase the numbers of qualified occupational therapy faculty" (p. 62).
Because only three doctoral programs are currently
offered by occupational therapy departments, the majority of occupational therapists who hold doctoral degrees
have obtained these degrees in other fields, such as allied
health, anthropology, psychology, education, anatomy,
and public administration. These doctoral students are

typically required to demonstrate research competency

and contribute to the scholarship of those disciplines.
Consequently, it seems reasonable to assume that, perhaps in an effort to continue their research programs, a
substantial number of these persons leave occupational
therapy rather than contribute to its development as an
academic discipline.
Currently, the options for doctoral study for prospective faculty are limited. The recent establishment of a
doctoral program in occupational science at USC offers an
alternative that is highly relevant to occupational therapy.
Further, the continued growth of the basic science of
occupation has the capaCity to spawn additional doctoral
programs that will produce scholars who will contribute
to the occupational therapy profession through teaching
and research.
The need for basic science research. Because its
scope of practice involves all age groups and any disability
that might interfere with function, the occupational
therapy profession deals with problems of significant
complexity, yet its knowledge has not been fully synthesized or organized. For example" children with chronic
disability are often unable to engage in normal play (Mogford, 1977; Parham, 1980). This incapacity may have a
profound effect on their exploratory behavior and learning of adaptive skills and thus may prevent them from
developing work-related capacities as adults. Yet, too little is understood about play in general to enable occupational therapists to intervene effectively. The same paUCity of organized knowledge persists throughout all of the
dimensions of occupation in relation to every age level.
Phillip Austin, president of Colorado State University, Fort Collins, and chancellor of the Colorado University
System, identified the need for a science of occupation
when he stated, "What is it that makes occupational therapy an academic discipline, as opposed to simply a program of training in an applied activity that incorporates
the theoretical base and the methodology of other fields?
This is the primary question that has to be answered
before we can turn our attention to larger pedagogical
and scholarly concerns" (Austin, 1986, p. 53). Occupational science, as conceptualized herein, is posited as the
answer to Austin's question: It is proposed as the foundation for an academic discipline.

The justification and potential enhancement of

practice. Occupational science is empowered by the values of occupational therapy. Like occupational therapy,
occupational science pays homage to the central role that
occupation plays in health, adaptation, and life satisfaction; views the human as an active agent shaping his or
her daily life; concentrates on the practical aspects of
living; and emphasizes the perspective of the individual,
just as therapists have valued the perspectives of their
patients. These themes should ultimately create a resonance between occupational science and occupational
therapy practice.

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307

More concretely, we helieve that the research and

scholarship generated in occupational science will be deployed by therapists to recast and reconstruct traditional
practice. Recourse to occupational science may also enable occupational therapists to position themselves to
meet some of the most critical social and health problems
confronting society and, hence, carve out new practice
niches.
Through this process of occupational science being
generated and therapists using it for the benefit of society, both the science and the profession will be given an
even more powerful valence. Occupational science studies, for example, may begin to document the customary
round of activities (occupations) of homeless people,
thereby providing a database from which psychiatric occupational therapists can begin to conceptualize treatment for the over 350,000 homeless persons, many of
whom were displaced from psychiatric facilities (Wolch,
Dear, & Akita, 1988). As studies are conducted on the
relationship of daily engagement in occupations (e.g.,
work and leisure) to outbreaks of family violence or child
abuse, we may discover powerful methods of counteracting such events by assisting our patients in the construction of a less stressful, tension-releasing itinerary of daily
activities. Further, as research in occupational science
elucidates the relationship between engagement in occupation and immunocompetence, therapists may be in a
stronger position to assist their patients with AIDS in
delaying the disease process through engagement in selfchosen and satisfying occupations (Clark & Jackson, in
press). As another example, reportedly, the suicide rate
among the elderly is increasing (Staff, 1989). Knowledge
generated in occupational science may help the elderly
enjoy a better quality of life, while medical technology
prolongs their years. As a final example, as the effects of
occupation on stress levels become better understood,
we may gain insights into how engagements in specific
occupations (e.g, running) may curtail the desire for
drugs.
Occupational science appears to hold the potential
for proViding important knowledge of relevance to the
social and health problems with which society is currently
beset. Because its focus is on occupation, thiS knowledge
is bound to nurture the practice of occupational therapy.
Finally, as advances in occupational science receive puhlic
attention, occupational therapy as a profession will become better understood and its professional image enhanced, because the very heart of its practice-occupation - will no longer be enigmatic.

Conclu

Carlos Fuentes (as cited in Terkel, 1988, Notes) said, "We

must go forward, but we can not kill the past in doing so,
for the past is part of our identity and without our identity
we are nothing." The formal establishment of occupation-

a1 science represents a giant stride for our profession. Its

emergence, we have argued, will enable knowledge to be
generated that has the potential of benefiting society at
large as well as the practice of occupational therapy. Further, as occupation becomes more visible and better understood, the professional identity of occupational therapy will ultimately be enhanced. A.
Ackno\\ It.:d~enls
We wish 10 acknowledge the substantive contributions of Elizabeth .1. Yerxa to the conceptualization of occupational science
and the development of the proposal for a doctoral program in
occupational science, on which this paper is based.
This proposal was approved by the graduate school of the
University of Southern California, Los Angeles, in February 1989.

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Coming in May:
A comparison of the cost-effectiveness of two types of service
provision
The transition to oral feeding
Two approaches to the study of involvement in leisure activities
after a stroke
Early object rule acquisition
What is worth knOWing in occupational therapy'

UPDATE

Turn to AJOT for the latest information on occupational

therapy treatment modalities, aids and equipment, legal and
social issues, education, and research.

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Apn't 1991, Volume 45, Number 4