THE BOOKS OF CHRONICLES

The International Critical Commentary

AND EXEGETICAL
COMMENTARY

CRITICAL

ON

THE BOOKS OF CHEONICLES

EY

EDWARD LEWIS

CURTIS,

Ph.D., D.D.

PROFESSOR OF THE HEBREW LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE IN THE

DIVINITY SCHOOL OF YALE UNIVERSITY

AND

ALBERT ALONZO MADSEN,

Ph.D.

PASTOR OF THE FIRST CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH AT

NEWBURGH,

T.

&

T.

N. Y.

EDINBURGH
CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET

PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN B?

MORRISON AND

GIBB LIMITED

FOK
T.

T.

CLARK, EDINBURGH

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SCRIBNER'S SONS

....

First Printed
Second Impression

1910
1952

TO
BENJAMIN WISNER BACON
FRANK CHAMBERLAIN PORTER
AND

WILLISTON WALKER
OF THE

FACULTY OF THE YALE DIVINITY SCHOOL

THIS WORK IS DEDICATED IN
RECOGNITION OF AFFECTIONATE COMRADESHIP

DURING MANY YEARS

PREFACE
Commentary has been prepared not

THIS

less for the

readers

of the Revised Version of the English Bible than for those

Hebrew Text.

of the

times in the main comment.

duced

Hebrew words, it
They have been

is

true,

appear at

frequently intro-

to illustrate the origin of different readings arising

a similarity of

letters;

of the language.

then their force

They

is

clear without a

through

knowledge

also appear in connection with certain

genealogies, notably those of i Ch. VH, VHI, where without

their introduction critical comment would be impossible.
Elsewhere in ignoring them the reader unacquainted with Hebrew will

comment clear though less ample.

The Books of Chronicles are secondary; they
mainly through the new view which they give of
find the

are of interest
Israel's history

compared with the earlier narratives. This fact has been constantly kept in mind in the preparation of this Commentary.
Certain readers will doubtless feel that conclusions in details should

have been given with more dogmatism and that the word "probably" should less often occur. But about many matters of detail
I

am

far

from

certain, although I

have no doubt of the general

I have

historical, or rather unhistorical, character of Chronicles.

aimed

also to

make

the

work comprehensive

in giving the opinions

of others.

In regard to the literary structure of

follow the view of those

and

Chronicles

cannot

who

regard the author throughout as a

mere copyist, nor yet of those who hold that apart from his Old
Testament quotations he composed freely with no recourse for
I have given the view of a
composition but allowed a recourse to non-canonical written

information to other written sources.

free

sources.

by some

to

have given marks of unity of style in portions alleged

come from other writers, although I am fully aware
vii

PREFACE

Viii

that

if

the Chronicler were a copyist these

marks

of unity

might

sympathy with that suban author's scheme

beforehand
which
criticism
prescribes
jective
of composition and then regards all contrary to this scheme as
Inconsistencies or redundancies
or supplements.
be due to his main source.

have

little

interpolations

are not proofs of a lack of unity of authorship, especially in the

work

of the Chronicler.

Agreeably to the other volumes of

regularly as the

name

this series,

of Israel's deity.

But

Yahweh appears

this transliteration of

by y and Waw (1) by w has not been applied in other

since in a commentary on books containing so
names,
proper
as i and 2 Chronicles, designed to be used
names
many proper

Yodh

(")

in connection with the Revised English Version,

names given

retain the spelling of the proper

it

seemed best

to

in that version.

Medial Aleph (H) and initial, medial, and final 'Ayin (y) in italicised
names on their first appearance, but not necessarily on their
immediate repetition or in juxtaposition with the Hebrew letters,
have been represented by the smooth and rough breathings (").

The hard

letters

Heth

(n),

Teth

(13),

Sadhe

C^),

and Koph

(p)

have been represented by h, t, z, and k. (The introduction of s

But none of
instead of z would have been too violent a change.)

marks have been introduced, except incidentally, in the

Roman type, and in some familiar names like that of Israel they
do not appear. Modern geographical names appear in the spelling
these

of the authorities cited.

The completion
through serious

of this

illness,

volume had already been much delayed

when

in January,

1906, I suddenly lost

I felt
the sight of nearly one-half the field of vision in both eyes.
but
Professor
then that I should relinquish my task,
Briggs, the
me
allowed
and
it
continue
kindly
general editor, persuaded me to

to use the services of

an

assistant.

was fortunate

in securing

He has
those of Doctor Madsen, a pupil of Prof. C. C. Torrey.
while
and
since
that
book
me
the
worked jointly with
date,
upon
I

am

upon
under

work, his name properly appears

parts which he has especially prepared

solely responsible for the

the title-page.

my

The

and of nine the

commentary and notes on

direction are sections seven, eight,

Literature, of the Introduction, the

PREFACE
I

ix

XXI-XXIX, which had formed

Ch.

thesis,

and the textual notes on

Ch.

the subject of his doctor's

XX-XXXVI.

He

has also

amplified my own comment and textual notes on other portions

and contributed notes on the composition of i Ch. I-IX, XV, XVI,

and

Ch. I-IX.

of Zebulun,
eflScient

He worked

Ch. VII, and

out the restoration of the genealogy

am also indebted to him for most

aid in preparing the manuscript for the press

and

in

proof-reading.
I

wish also to express

my

appreciation for assistance rendered

many ways by Prof. C. C. Torrey, of Yale

much cannot be said of the care exercised by
in

University.

Too

the publishers in

work through the press.

This volume has many shortcomings, but I trust that it will fill a
needed place, since nothing similar has been published in English
later than Zoeckler's commentary in Lange's Commentary in 1876.
carrying this

EDWARD LEWIS
New

Haven, Conn.,
May, 1910.

CURTIS.

CONTENTS
PAGE

PREFACE

vii

ABBREVIATIONS

xiii

INTRODUCTION:

I.

2.

Name and Order

The Relation of Chronicles to Ezra and Nehemiah

3-

Date

4.

5.

Plan, Purpose, and Historical Value

The Religious Value

6.

Sources

7.

Peculiarities of Diction

8.

Hebrew Text and the Versions

9.

The Higher

"

X-XXIX.

6
16
~
.

COMMENTARY ON
I-IX.

Criticism and Literature

17

....

36
44

CHRONICLES:

The History
2

27

Genealogical Tables with

AND Historical Notices

COMMENTARY ON

Geographical
57

of David

180

CHRONICLES:

I-IX.

The History

X-XXXVI.

The History
the Exile

of Solomon
of Judah from

313

Rehoboam until
362

ADDENDA

527

INDEXES

529

ABBREVIATIONS.
I.

TEXTS AND VERSIONS.

ABBREVIATIONS

XIV
Kt.

m
M

NT.
OT.

Knhib,

the

He-

ABBREVIATIONS
I,

2K.

XV

XVI

ABBREVIATIONS
GAS.

XVll

XVlll

ABBREVIATIONS

HWB.

XIX

XX

xxn

INTRODUCTION.
NAME AND ORDER.
The Hebrew name for i and 2 Chronicles, which were counted
book in the Hebrew Canon, was Dibre hayyamim ('^"l^T

as one

D^i^Tl), The events of days or times, Daily events. This expression

preceded by the word book is of frequent occurrence in i and 2 K.
" " and oft.), also in Est. 2-^ 6' lo^ and i Ch.
9- "
15^
((/. I K. 14'

27" and Ne. 12", but always (except Est. 2"

6'

and Ne. 12") with

example, the book of the days 0/ King

or of the days of the Kings of Israel (i K. 14").

the days defined, as, for

David

Thus

(i

Ch.

27-^),

also the

further defmes the days of this

Targum

title

as

"from the days of antiquity" (SO^V ^^^^ j'^l) (PRE.^ iv. p. 85).
It is not altogether unHkely that originally of the Kings of Judah
belonged to this Hebrew

title

the

((/.

title

in

($^ immediately

mentioned).

The Greek
the

title

BacnXecov lovSa

The

was

kings of Jiidah

originally

in

The things

twofold

a, ditto rcov

division

omitted concerning
(TrapaXenrofjLevcov

^aaiXeicov lovSa

other uncials omit "BacnXecov lovSa

and

/3

rcov B'

(^^ Swete).
but the
I',

by the nomenclature in
Church and by the Syriac version (Bacher, ZAW.
XV. 1895, p. 305).
This Greek title was appropriate, since the
material of i and 2 Ch. apparently supplements the narratives
of I and 2 S. and i and 2 K.
Jerome, while retaining the Greek title Paralipomenon, sugoriginality of this addition is witnessed

the Ethiopic

gested that of Chronicles, "since," he said, remarking on the

Hebrew title, "we might more significantly call it the chronicle
of the

whole of sacred history."

{Quod

significantius

Chronicon

CHRONICLES

Thus
toHus divincB historic possumus appellare) {Prol. galeat.).
Luther used
arose the name adopted in our English versions.
the

same

Die Chronika.

in his translation

In the printed Hebrew Bibles Chronicles is the last book of the

"Writings" or the third division of the Hebrew Canon. This is
place according to the
Mss.
Some mss., however,

its

lonian

Codex and two

in

Talmud and

the majority of Hebrew

among them the St. Petersburg Babythe British Museum, and the Spanish

codices generally, place Chronicles at the beginning of the Kagiog-

A Massoretic treatise, Adahalh Dehharim (1207 A.D.),

rapha.
declares this to have been the orthodox Palestinian order.
This,
Chronicles by its late composition and
very doubtful.
supplementary character correctly finds its place at the close of the

however,

is

The references in Mt. 23" suggest also that at

the time of Christ, or the collection of his sayings, this book closed
The transposition to the beginning of the Hagiogthe Canon.
Hebrew Canon.

rapha probably was because the bulk of its history preceded the
dates assigned for most of the remaining Hagiographa.
(On the
order of the Hagiographa see Paton's Esther, pp. 1-3 Ginsburg's
While in rabbinical literature Chronicles
Introduction, pp. 1-8.)
;

was regarded with suspicion,

by Talmudic authorities and
letical

interpretation, yet

its

accuracy being doubted

held
to be a book for homibeing
as
some have thought,
canonicity,

its historical
it

never seems really to have been questioned (/.

Canon and Text of the OT. p. 31).

iv. p.

60; Buhl,

In the Greek version Chronicles follows the Books of Kings

(which include

and

2 S.).

Occasionally

it

precedes them or

But these variations were local or individual

no support in the uncial mss. of the Greek Bible (Swete,

drops out altogether.

and

find

OT. in Greek, p. 397).

derived from the Greek through

Intro, to the
is

2.

The
its

order in the English Bible

use in the Vulgate.

THE RELATION OF CHRONICLES TO EZRA AND NEHEMIAH.

The Books

of Chronicles are usually assigned to the

thor as that of Ezra

Hebrew Canon

and Nehemiah, which

as one book.

This

is

also are

same au-

reckoned

in the

not only the general opin-

'

RELATION TO EZRA AND NEHEMIAH

ion of

modern scholarship, but also was

them to Ezra. (Baba bath f.

ascribed

suum

that of the
i

15.

genealogiam in libro Chronicorum ad

et

the general view of the rabbins, the

commentators, at least as far as the

Church

Ezra

Talmud, which
scripsit

se.)

fathers,

librum

This also was

and

the older

Ezra was concerned,

that both that book and Chronicles were written by the same

Book

of

author, presumably Ezra.

(For a list of those holding this opinion see Zoe. pp. 8/.) (Owing to the separation of Nehemiah from

Ezra and the memoirs

of

Nehemiah being

written in the

first

person, the view became widely prevalent that Nehemiah was the
author of the book called by his name.) The reasons for finding

common

follows

authorship of Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah are as

of Chronicles and the beginning of Ezra are the

Ch. 36" ' =Ezr. i'-'^ to go up). This suggests that they
were originally one work, a common portion of each book being
(i)

same

The ending

(2

retained at their point of separation when they were cloven asunThis arguder, that their original unity might be recognised.
ment, of course, only has force in view of the order of the books in

The abrupt close of 2 Ch. is most naturally

the Hebrew Canon.
explained on the ground that originally it was continued by the
story of the return given in Ezr. i.
The separation in the Canon is apparently due to the fact that
the contents of Ezra-Nehemiah were regarded as the more important, since

was a proper continuation of the

already canonised in i and 2 S. and i and 2 K.,
its

narrative

sacred history
its narrative chronologically concluded the history of Israel;
while Chronicles was only supplementary to i and 2 S. and i

and

and 2 K., and therefore was not at first very highly valued and
was only at a later period received into the Canon.
Zoe., following Bleek {Einl.*
thinks the identity of 2 Ch. 36-

from an editor
distinct works

He

(the author of

149),

to be recognised as a kind of continuation of the

is

(pp. 9/.).

Ezra-Nehemiah

first.

presenting recent
against an original immediate connection with i and 2 Ch.

also holds that the plan of

history

doubts the unity of authorship and

and Ezr. i'-^'' better explained as coming

and 2 Ch.) who wished the second of two

'

in

CHRONICLES

(2) The same general character pervades both works.

show a fondness for the following particulars:
A.
Genealogical and other lists of families and persons.

Both

Thus

in

Chronicles are the genealogies of the families of the twelve

(i Ch. 1-8); the inhabitants of

and the houses of Saul and David

tribes

men

in David's armies (ii^^"); David's

the Levites, priests, and musicians that
assisted in the removal of the ark. (is^-"- i'-2j^; the families of the Levites

Jerusalem

(9'-^');

^^e mighty

recruits at Ziglag (12^-'- '-"

^o);

(236-23)1 the twenty-four courses of priests (24'-"); heads of families,

Kohathites and Merarites (242-3i); the twenty-four courses of singers,

names twice repeated (2^'-^'); the courses of gate-keepers (26'-");

Temple treasury {26''-"^); Levitical officers outside the
Temple (2623-32); the twelve commanders of the twelve courses of the
their

overseers of the

army (27'-'=); the princes of the tribes of Israel (ly^^--^); the twelve officers
over David's substance (27=^-31); princes, Levites, and priests sent by
Jehoshaphat to give instruction in the law (2 Ch. 17''); Levitical captains under Jehoiada (23'); Levitical leaders in cleansing the Temple

and Levites in charge of offerings in Kezekiah's reign (29'2-" 31'^-'*);

Levites mentioned in connection with the repair of the Temple and the
distribution of offerings at the passover festival in the reign of Josiah
"^
(34'
35')- These are paralleled in Ezra-Nehemiah by the lists of the
leaders,

and

of the families of the laity, the priests, the Levites, the

Nethinim, the servants of Solomon, and

singers, the gate-keepers, the

those without genealogy who returned with Zerubbabel (Ezr. 2^-*' Ne.
^7-63)- jjy the lists of those who returned with Ezra (Ezr. S--"); of those

both

and

priests, Levites, singers, gate-keepers,

wives (Ezr. 10"-"); of those

who

of the builders of the wall of

Jerusalem (Ne.

laity

who had

foreign

signed the covenant, the governor,

priests, Levites, and chiefs of the people (Ne. lo" -='*); of the priests and
Levites who participated in the promulgation of the law (Ne. 8^- ' 9^' );

priests,
J 232-36.
I

Ch.

and Levites who participated

41.42);

q{ the residcnts of Jerusalem (corresponding to the

9) (Ne. ii^-'s).

in Chronicles, those of

B.

3'-"); of the princes (?),

in the dedication of the wall (Ne.

We

also

have pedigrees corresponding

Ezra (Ezr.

71 -s)

Both works show a fondness

and

of

Jaddua (Ne.

list

of

to those

i2"'-'i).

for the description

of the

celebrations of special religious occasions.

In I and 2 Ch. are descriptions of the bringing up of the ark (i Ch.
15-16), of the dedication of the Temple (2 Ch. 5-7'), of the restoration
of the worship of Yahweh and the celebration of the passover under

Hezekiah

and

in

(2

Ch. 29-31), and of the passover under Josiah

Ezra-Nehemiah

(2

Ch. 35);

are descriptions of the erection of the altar at

DATE
the time of Joshua

and Zerubbabcl

5
(Ezr. 3), of the dedication of the

(Ezr. o'^"), of the celebration of the passover (Ezr.

Temple

613-22)^

of

the celebration of the Feast of Tabernacles in connection with the reading of the law (Ne. S^-'s),

C.

and

of the dedication of the walls (Ne. 12"-").

In the attention paid to the priests, the Levites, and espeand the gate-keepers, which latter

cially to the musicians or singers

classes are not

The

mentioned elsewhere

musicians are mentioned in

in the

Ch.

OT.

6'6i-

(sm

9331^16-21.

'

27

f.

164-42

and in
Ne. 11'' 128- -* "--^- "-" 135- '". The gate-keepers are menEzr. 3'
tioned (often with the singers) in i Ch. 917-29 15I8. 23. 24 16" 23^ 26' 12-"
2 Ch. 8'< 23<- 19 3in 3413 3^15 and in Ezr. 2- 'O f 10" Ne. 7'- lo^' "s)
235 c. 25 2

Ch.

5'2s. 76

gu

1.

2o"-

='

23"-

'8

2g^-"^-

30

30='

3412 3515

'

i9

1225.

45.

47

135 (Be. pp. xiv./.).

Thus, whatever are the sources of these writings, exactly the

interest and motive of compilation or authorship appear in

same

both, hence the conclusion that both are from the

This

same person

is

further supported by the following fact

(3) Both works exhibit in a marked degree the same linguistic
This is fully exhibited in the list of the Chronicler's
peculiarities.
irresistible.

is still

peculiarities of diction given

on pp. 2^

3-

ff.

DATE.

The data for determining the exact period of i and 2 Ch.

taken from those books are very meagre. The books close with a
reference to a decree of Cyrus in the first year of his reign (537
hence they cannot be earlier than that date. Money also is
in darics (i Ch. 29'), the Persian coinage introduced by
Darius I. (521-486 B.C.), hence they do not fall within the be-

B.C.),

reckoned

Then again the

ginnings of the Persian period (537-332 B.C.).
of
David's
is
genealogy
family
apparently brought do^^^^ to the
sixth generation after
3"-2<).

Zerubbabel (who flourished 537

This makes the date

for

and

-H) (i

Ch.

Ch., reckoning thirty

The Greek,
years for a generation, not earlier than about 350 B.C.
read
i
and
Latin
Ch.
texts, however,
Syriac,
3"-" differently (see in
bringing the genealogy down to the eleventh generation after
Zerubbabel. This would place the date, reckoning again thirty
loco),

CHRONICLES

years for a generation, at about 200 B.C. Thirty years, however, are
probably longer than an actual generation among the Hebrews.

Kamphauscn reckoning on

Hebrew kings

the descent of the

fixes

the length at twenty-three years {Chronologic derhebr.Komge, pp.

38

makes a generation even

Kittel

/.);

{Kom.

On

p. 26).

only twenty years

less,

this last basis eleven generations after

babel would extend only to about 300 B.C.

Yet

(^,

text,
probably have simply interpreted the difficult
really furnish a trustworthy basis for a date.

do not

was preferred by Kuenen

ing of the Vrss.

by Wildeboer {Die
But since i and 2 Ch.

Litteratiir des

also

A. T.

(Einl.
^

I.

Zerub-

^, and H
and hence

The

2,

read-

29, i);

25, 2).

were joined to Ezra-Nehemiah,

the period of the Chronicler can also be determined from those
" extends
books. The Hst of the high priests given in Ne. 12'
originally

'

'

to

Jaddua, who according

Josephus {Ant.
7, 8) was high
Alexander the Great. Darius is referred to

priest in the time of

to

as the Persian (Ne. 12") in a

xi.

that suggests that the Persian

way

kingdom had already fallen and that the time of Alexander (336323 B.C.) had been reached. Thus the close of the fourth century
B.C.,

or30o,

may be confidently given

as the period of the Chronicler.

The scholars who regarded Ezra as the author of i and 2 Ch. and also
Book of Ezra, have refused to allow the implications just mentioned

of the

drawn from
list

of six or

that

it

Ch.

holding either that the passage contained no

3''-",

more generations

was an

and likewise those who held

the

lists

after

Zerubbabel (Davis, DB.

insertion (Keil held both of these views,

of priests in

Ne.

that

p. 125), or

Comm.

p. 82);

Nehemiah wrote his book have regarded

i2'-25 either

as an insertion (Lange Crosby,

Ne.

of descendants of the priestly family, the last of whom,

Jaddua, might have been known to Nehemiah in his extreme old age
p. 2) or as

list

(Keil, Intro., trans,

4.

The Books

by Douglas,

PLAN, PURPOSE,

149).

AND HISTORICAL VALUE.

of Chronicles are a history of the

from the enthronement

of

David

of

Judah

to the fall of Jerusalem.

This

kingdom

history begins with a long introduction, consisting in the

series of genealogical tables,

showing the origin

of Israel

main

of a

from the

beginning of mankind, and their connection with other peoples

PLAN, PURPOSE,

AND HISTORICAL VALUE

(material derived from the Hexateuch), and giving likewise the

clans or families of the tribes of Israel, with particular regard to

and Benjamin

those of Levi, Judah,

(the three tribes

tant for the post-exilic

community), and also a

tants of Jerusalem (i

Ch. 1-9).

list

most impor-

of the inhabi-

Then commences

the history

proper, introduced with an account of the death of Saul (i Ch. 10).

This history is written throughout from a priestly point of view.

The

writer

concerned above everything

is

Israel centred in the

dwells at length
15-16);'

upon

worship

at the

upon the removal

his

else

Temple

of the ark

with the

life

by David

thought of a temple (i Ch. 17)

and

(i

of

He

in Jerusalem.

Ch.

13,

his prepara-

Ch. 21, 22, 28, 29); upon its structure

(2 Ch. 2-7); upon
its repairs in the reigns of Joash, Hezekiah, and Josiah (2 Ch.
And in connection with these last two re24*'< 29'-" 34'").
tions for

its

building

(i

and furniture and dedication under Solomon

given notable descriptions of passover festivals celebrated at the Temple (2 Ch. 30, 35'-'').

pairs are

The

ministry of the

sions of the Levites

Temple

and the

is

The

also fully described.

priests

and the

singers

and

divi-

the gate-

keepers, which are represented as established by David, are given

Ch. 23-26). These ministers also not only take a

in all the events connected with the Temple menpart
prominent
Priests
tioned above, but appear repeatedly in other history.
and Levites resort unto Rehoboam on the division of the kingdom
at length (i

(2

Ch. II"

'

They

).

the law (2 Ch. 17^')

are appointed by Jehoshaphat as teachers of

Levites take a
(2 Ch. i98).

and as judges

prominent part in the coronation of Joash and the death of AthaHah (2 Ch. 23' ^). Priests withstand Uzziah when he would burn
incense in the

The
are
(i

Temple

(2

Ch. 26"^).

activity of the singers, or musicians, is prominent.

They

mentioned not only in connection with the removal of the ark

Ch. 15, 16) and the dedication of the Temple (2 Ch. 5"'),

but they appear with the army of Jehoshaphat (2 Ch. 20'), at

the coronation of Joash (2 Ch. 23"), at the cleansing of the Temple and the celebration of the passover under Hezekiah (2 Ch.
14.

2Qi3b.

35").

25-28. 30

302'),

Their descent

and
is

at similar events

under Josiah

also elaborately given (i Ch.

(2

Ch. 34"

6""

*"-r>).

CHRONICLES

The

writer, then,

of the

is

same school as the author

of the

Equally with him he delights in all that pertains

He also has the same fondness
to the ministry of the sanctuary.
Code.

Priests'

for statistics,

and exhibits repeatedly similar exaggerations.

He

of the gold 100,000 talents, silver

gives the weight or value
which
David
prepared as king for the Temple
1,000,000 talents,

Ch. 22"); also 3,000 talents of gold and 7,000 of silver which
David gave from his private purse (i Ch. 29^); and then again
(i

and 10,000 darics, of silver 10,000 talents, of

brass 18,000 talents, of iron 100,000 talents, contributed by the
rulers for the building of the Temple (i Ch. 29'); and likewise he
of gold 5,000 talents

gives in thousands the

ligious festivals (i

Ch.

of warriors: those

who

number

of sheep and cattle offered at reCh. 29"'- 3024 35'' ); and the number
came to make David king, from the tribes

29=' 2

of Israel, 6,800, 7,100, 4,600, 3,700, 3,000, 20,800, iS,ooo, 50,000,

37,000, 28,600, 40,000, and 120,000 (i Ch. I2"-'* (=3.37)^; the officers
of David in twelve divisions of 24,000 each, one division serving
a

month

(i

Ch.

27'-'*);

Rehoboam

the warriors of

180,000 (2 Ch.

Abijah 400,000 (2 Ch. 13'); of Jeroboam 800,000, of whom

500,000 were slain (2 Ch. i3^'0; o^ Asa from Judah 300,000, from
Benjamin 280,000 (2 Ch. 14^), and of Zerah his opponent 1,000,000
II'); of

Ch. 14'); of Jehoshaphat

(2

in five divisions of 300,000, 280,000,

and 180,000 each (2 Ch. t7'*-'); of Amaziah

300,000 and 100,000 more who were hired (2 Ch. 25^ '); of Uzziah
307,500 under 2,600 chiefs (2 Ch. 26'-); and of Ahaz (the total
200,000, 200,000,

number

of

one day

(2

The

whose warriors
Ch.

is

not given) 120,000

who were

slain in

28'').

writer likewise, after the

manner

of P, indulges in registers

These not only appear in the genealogical tables of the

introduction (i Ch. 1-9) and in the classification of the ministers of
of

names.

Temple and the officers

heroes who came to David
the

vites,

of

David

(i

Ch. 23-27), but

in fists of

Ch. 12'-"); of priests, Letook part in the removal of

at Ziglag (i

musicians, and gate-keepers

who

sent through(i Ch. 15-16^); of princes, Levites, and priests

out the land to give instruction in the law (2 Ch. 17' <); of captains

the ark

(Levites)
of

heads

who

conspired to place Joash on the throne (2 Ch. 23');

Ephraim who commanded the return of

of the children of

PLAN, PURPOSE,
the captives of

who

assisted

Judah

AND HISTORICAL VALUE

in the reign of

Hezekiah

Ahaz

in cleansing the

(2

Ch.

Temple

28'^); of

(2

Ch.

Levites

29'2-'<); of

superintendents of offerings (Levites), also in the reign of Hezekiah (2 Ch. 3 1 '2 '); of overseers of the repair of the Temple, and of
rulers of the Temple (all Levites) under Josiah (2 Ch. 34'^ 358 ).
'

The

history

thus throughout of the character of the Priests'

is

subject-matter and form of presentation, and is

written entirely from the point of view of that legislation and thus

Code, both

in its

as a supplement to

and

2 S.

and

and

K.

The

priestly history

books ceases with the concluding stories

Samuel and Kings, while witnessing
Judges.

of Israel of the earlier

Book

the

of

of

to

a few examples of priestly revision, convey no picture of Israel's

history as it should have been had the priestly legislation origi-

nated with Moses and been upheld and carried forward by the

To remedy this defect was

He thus introduced a great

pious David and his godly successors.

clearly the object of the Chronicler.
deal of
its

new material, mentioned

ministry and

above, concerning the Temple and

But he was not simply

religious celebrations.

concerned with institutions and ceremonies and Levitical classes;

he was equally interested in the divine rule. He interpreted
Israel's life, after the pattern in the Priests'

Code

of

its

national

beginning under Moses, as that of a church with constant rewards

;:nd

punishments through signal divine intervention. This method

in some measure been pursued, with Deuteronomy

had already

The

as a standard, in the earlier histories.

Priests'

Code as

his standard,

Chronicler, with the

aiming to give a more complete and

consistent history, while drawing largely as a basis

and Kings, modified

their narratives.

the connection between piety

and

upon Samuel

He made more

prosperity,

universal

and wickedness

and adversity, heightening good and bad characters and their rewards and punishments, or creating them according to the exigencies of the occasion.
Thus grandeur is added to David by lists of

who came

warriors

king

at

Hebron.

adultery,

and the

to

On

him

at Ziglag

and

of hosts

who made him

the other hand, his domestic troubles, his

rebellion of

Absalom

are passed over in silence.

The history of Solomon is similarly treated. No mention is

made of the intrigue by which he came to the throne, or of his

CHRONICLES

lO

near the close of his

idolatries or troubles

tion

no mention

made

is

Its history is entirely

life.

After the disrup-

N. kingdom except incidentally.

as
that of an apostate or heathen
ignored
of the

nation.

is

Rehoboam, of whom nothing commendable is written in Kings,

approved and exalted in the early years of his reign (2 Ch. 11),

clearly that he as well as his people

trast to

Jeroboam and the northern

may

tribes;

stand in sharp con-

and then

later in ex-

planation of the invasion of Shishak, he is accused, with all his

people, of having forsaken the law of Yahweh (2 Ch. 12'').

whom

in

reign of three years

is

Abijah, of

Kings only

evil is

recorded and whose brief

absolutely colourless save in the mention of

war between him and Jeroboam, is also transformed and exalted

after the manner of Rehoboam, and is not only given a great victory over Jeroboam, but

the Priests'

Code

(2

made

a preacher of the righteousness of

Ch. 13).

Asa according to Kings was a good king, and he removed idols

and an abominable image made by the queen-mother, but it is said
"the high places were not taken away." The Chronicler, however, makes him at first the remover of high places, and gives him
a mighty
of

army and a

victory over a Cushite host of 1,000,000

which the earHer narrative knows nothing

(2

Ch.

14'-'=).

men

Later

the Chronicler quotes the passage concerning the high places but
applies it to Israel, the N. kingdom, over which Asa had no control.

Asa, according to the earlier narrative, invoked the aid of Syria

King of Israel. This act is made the subject of

prophetic rebuke, and Asa, from then on, is painted in dark colours
as the oppressor of the prophet and the people.
This wickedness,
was
to
be
his
connected
with
diseased feet
doubtless,
designed
against Baasha,

mentioned

in Kings.

his disease, not the

right in the eyes

very brief.

Chronicler also adds that he sought, in

physicians.

commended in Kings for doing "that which was

of Yahweh" (i K. 22"), but the record of his reign

is

Jehoshaphat
is

The

Lord but

This gave the Chronicler a full opportunity, and

is rebuked for his alliance with Ahab

hence, although Jehoshaphat

(an alliance mentioned in Kings), and the wreck of his merchantvessels built in conjunction with Ahaziah,

King

of Israel (also

men-

AND HISTORICAL VALUE

PLAN, PURPOSE,

II

tioned in Kings), is declared to be a punishment for the sin of such

He is endowed with
a partnership, he is yet exalted exceedingly.
riches and honour in abundance. His army is very great, although
apparently entirely superfluous, since a divine interposition of
panic and self-destruction destroys an immense host of invaders

from eastern Palestine

(2

Ch.

20).

But the name

of the

King

seems to have suggested the special form of his good works.

"Yahweh judges,''' and to him are assigned

commendable acts of sending teachers of the law throughout
the land and the appointment of judges (2 Ch. 17' ^- 19' ").
Joram, who according to Kings did that which was evil, is magnified in wickedness and disaster.
In his reign Edom revolted
from Judah, and the Chronicler connected this, as the older narrative did not, directly with Joram's sins. Moreover, he also saw
in Joram a seducer of his own people, and threatened him with
Jehoshaphat means

the

letter from Elijah, who, according to

had already died in the reign of Jehoshaphat.
These plagues befall the monarch through a sack of Jerusalem
by a horde of Philistines and Arabians, and a fearful incurable

fearful plagues

through a

the older narrative,

disease

whereby the King's bowels

After the death of Ahaziah,

fell

out (2 Ch. 21).

a year, Athaliah the

who reigned only

until at the end of six years she was

and
slain
a
deposed
through
conspiracy directed by Jehoiada the
This conspiracy gave the Chronpriest, and Joash was crowned.

queen-mother seized the throne,

icler the

opportunity to

make one

of his

most marked reconstruc-

According

to the earlier narrative the conspira-

tors are captains of the royal

mercenary body-guards; according to

and the whole narra-

tions of history.

the Chronicler they are captains of Levites,

tive is rewritten in the interest of the exaltation of the Levites

and

the preservation of the sanctity of the Temple (2 Ch. 23).

The
He suffered the
reign of Joash was unfortunate in the extreme.

Temple and of the palace in purchasing the withdrawal of Hazael, King of Damascus, from Judah,
and later he was assassinated. The Chronicler tells how he deloss of all the treasures of the

He makes him, after the death of Jehoiada the

an apostate from the worship of Yahweh and the murderer
of the son of his old benefactor the priest.
He adds also to his
served this fate.
priest,

CHRONICLES

12

calamities by stating that at the time of his death he suffered

great diseases (2 Ch. 24).

Amaziah waged a most

Israel.

of

disastrous war with Joash, King of

wall of Jerusalem was broken down and the treasures
and palace taken. Amaziah also met his death through

The

Temple

a conspiracy. These dire events needed an explanation and the

Chronicler introduces an apostasy of Amaziah in the worship of
Edomitic gods and threatens him through a prophet with destruction (2 Ch. 25").

Uzziah, one of the best (2 K. 15') and most prosperous of the

kings of Judah, became a leper and made his son Jotham regent.
The Chronicler finds a cause for this leprosy in a usurpation of
priestly prerogative in the burning of incense in the Temple, and

he says, "The leprosy broke forth in his forehead before the priests
''
in the house of Yahweh beside the altar of incense
(2 Ch. 26").

Ahaz was not

good king, and

to deliver himself

from the com-

bined forces of Syria and Israel he successfully invoked the aid of

But not
Assyria and seems to have suffered no great loss (2 K. 16).
so did the Chronicler write his history.
He delivers him into the
hand of the King of Syria with a very great loss in captives; and
also into the hand of the King of Israel with the slaughter of 120,-

000 men

in

daughters.

one day and the capture of 200,000 wives, sons, and

Edomites and PhiHstines also invade his land and the

King of Assyria distresses him (2 Ch. 285^).

Hezekiah was a good king and in the older narrative he reformed the worship of Yahweh and departed not from the divine

commandments.

The

Chronicler accordingly magnifies at length

prominence to the priests and Levites

his conduct, giving great

Ch. 29).
But Manasseh his son was an exceedingly wicked
and
he
king,
reigned the unusual period of fifty-five years. The
(2

Chronicler explains this anomaly by a repentance of Manasseh

after

an imprisonment, of

which the older narrative knows

nothing, in Babylon (2 Ch. 33'^).

Josiah was a good king and reformed the worship of Yahweh.
As in the case of Hezekiah, the Chronicler magnifies this element of
his reign, but Josiah met an
untimely death at the battle of Megiddo.

This required explanation, and hence

it

is

recorded that

PLAN, PURPOSE,

AND HISTORICAL VALUE

13

he was disobedient to a warning given by Necho from the mouth

ot God (2 Ch. 35^").

The

Chronicler introduces on critical occasions warning and

At the invasion of Shishak, Shemexhorting seers or prophets.

aiah addresses Rehoboam (2 Ch. 12'); at the overthrow of Zerah,
Azariah exhorts Asa (2 Ch. 15'^ ), and when Asa invokes foreign
aid Hanani reproves him (2 Ch. 16' " ); and Hanani's son Jehu likewise reproves Jehoshaphat for his alliance with Ahab, and Jehaziel
encourages Jehoshaphat in the conflict with Moab and Ammon

Ch.

(2

20'' <^),

his partnership

and

Eliezer prophesies against Jehoshaphat for

with Ahaziah

Ch. 20");

(2

Zechariah the son of

Jehoiada the priest testifies against the people in

the days of
of
Ch.
and
Oded
unto
the
men
Israel in the
24");
speaks
Joash (2
of
Ahaz
A
of
in the
Ch.
few
these
are
mentioned
28'").
reign
(2
earlier

books but are unknown on these occasions or with such

They

edifying speeches.

are clearly supplements by the later

writer.

In

many minute
Of

revised.

particulars the earlier accounts are glossed or

Saul's death

it is

added

and because he asked counsel

(i

Ch.

10'').

The

of

statement that David and his

the idols of the Philistines (2 S.

destruction by

ing

less,

was regarded

men

of

changed to that
David (i Ch. 14"^).

keep

it

from defilement.

and Obed-edom the

descent

its

(i

Ch. 6

the tabernacle

'^^

own house

<"

(i

Ch.

13'^).

'

and the ark

i6'

(2

Noth-

S.

6"")

of

Obed-

6'='),

but

This would

Both Samuel the Ephraimite

Gittite

of their

as suitable for such abominations

from such a pious king. The ark entrusted to the care

edom does not remain in the house of Obed-edom (2 S.
with this household in

spirit

carried off

is

5^')

command

the

fire at

evidently,

that he died for his trespass

one having a familiar

(i S.

i')

are given a Levitical

26^^) as required of the servants of

in P.

Goliath the Gittite slain by Elhanan the Bethlehemite (2 S. 21")

becomes Lahmi, the brother of Goliath the Gittite (i Ch. 20').
This removes the discrepancy with the story of David's conquest
(i S. 17).

"the

David's sons are changed from "priests" (2 S. 8") into

the hand of the king" (i Ch. i8'0.
A non-Levitical

first at

priesthood supported by David was unthinkable to the Chronicler.

CHRONICLES

T4

Yahweh. who

David

led

to

number

Israel (2 S. 24'), since a direct

was not agreeable to the later theology, becomes

Ch. 21'); and agreeably to the later angelology the de-

divine temptation

Satan

(i

stroying angel is placed between the earth and the heaven (i Ch.
21") instead of remaining simply by the threshing-floor of
the Jebusite (2 S. 24'^). The price paid by David for the
threshingfloor is changed from fifty shekels of silver
(2 S. 24") into six hun-

Oman

dred shekels of gold (i Ch. 21"), since, forsooth, the former sum
was too paltry to be given by such a monarch as David for the
future site of the Temple.

Fire also

heaven and kindled David's

sacrifice,

dedication of the

Ch.

of the later

Temple

(i

said to have fallen

is

and
Ch.

2i= 2

from

also Solomon's, at the

7').

This

is

mark

The

high place at Gibeon

where Solomon sacrificed is explained as the seat of the brazen
altar and the tabernacle (2 Ch.
i'-^), particulars une.xpressed in the

wonder-seeking theology.

parallel narrative in

K.

King

of

Tyre

tegrity of the

Solomon

(2

the city of

K.

(i

Holy

Ch.

8'

David

g'"

Thus

(3^).

The

within the priestly law.

),

).

Solomon

by Solomon

to

is

kept

Hiram,

becomes, to preserve, doubtless, the

Land, the reverse

'

the act of

gift of cities

The removal

a
of

in-

by Hiram to
Pharaoh's daughter from
gift of cities

into her house

newly built by Solomon (i K. 9")

motived because the place in proximity to the ark must be
kept
holy (2 Ch. 8"). These striking glosses and changes by no means
is

exhaust the

number made by

the Chronicler.

Wherever he makes

use of the earlier canonical narratives

they are present in a greater
or less degree.

Thus

the entire history of the

reconstruction,

and

it is

kingdom of Judah has suffered

Books of Chronicles are a

clear that the

tendency writing of little historical value. The picture which they

give of the past is far less, accurate or trustworthy than that of the
earlier Biblical
writings; indeed,

it is

a distorted picture in the

terest of the later institutions of

post-exilic

historical value of these

notions of that period.

having trickled

shall

facts,

oral or written tradition, are doubt-

the amplifications

These we

in their reflection of the

Yet at the same time some ancient

down through

less preser\'ed in

Chronicler.

books consists

in-

Judaism; and the main

and embellishments

have occasion

of

the

to point out in our

AND HISTORICAL VALUE

PLAN, PURPOSE,

oi

the imagination,

mass

are few indeed

They

commentary.

and must be

The

following

new

of

names and

material, exclusive of

p. 67).
notices in the

Ch. 1-9, has been presented by Kittel, by the use

genealogical section,

compared with the products

wheat from a

sifted like kernels of

Cooke, Notes on OT. History,

of chaff {cf. S. A.

15

heavy type, in his commentary as historical: (i) the additions to the

of David's heroes (i Ch. ii"''-!?); (2) the family of Rehoboam

list

(2

Ch. ii'8-");

13');

the

(4)

name

the

(3)

number

mother of Abijah (2 Ch.

and children (2 Ch. 13"); (s)

of the father of the

of Abijah's wives

the teaching delegation sent by Jehoshaphat (2 Ch. i7'-0; (6) details of

the military might and building operations of Uzziah (2 Ch. 26-'
-i2. 14

in part only); (8) the

(.); (7) the same of Jotham (2 Ch. 27^^.^.^ y.
invasion of the Edomites and Philistines in the reign of Ahaz (2 Ch.
28'" ); (9) the conduit built by Hezekiah (2 Ch. 323='); (10) the place

of Hezekiah's grave (2 Ch. 32"b);

of Jerusalem by Manasseh (2 Ch.

probably of no historic worth;

t,^,^^).

Of

of the wall

and

these (4)

(5)

are

some may be acthe commentary in locis.)

Genuine

others are doubtful;

(See

cepted, especially (6)-(ii).

(n) the enlargement

history has also been found in these additions of the Chronicler:

(i)

Abijah's victory (2 Ch. 13'-"); (2) Asa's victory (2 Ch. 148" (s-it));
(3) Jehoshaphat's victory (2 Ch. 20' -3); (4) Uzziah's resistance to the
priests (2

Ch.

26"'-");

The ground urged

and

(5) the

repentance of Manasseh

(2

Ch. 33"").

for this, as far as the victories are concerned,

is

that

Judah for three hundred

and fifty years with enemies on the south and revolted Israel on the
north is hardly to be explained except on the hypothesis of some such sucthe continued existence of the

little

kingdom

of

cesses as the Chronicler describes (2 Ch. 13^^

i^saotr

>

20'^), gained by

Judah (Ba. pp. xxx-xxxiii). This is a plausible but a specious argument.

The kingdom of Judah was too poor a country to be very attractive to its
neighbours or to entice distant hordes to make such invasions. Raids
may have been made into Judah and some reminiscences of these may

be behind these stories (see commentary), but nothing further can be

affirmed. The motive for (4) and (5) is so strong that no historical probability

on the ground of

can be asserted.

their record

A change of religious

policy by Manasseh in his old age, considering how his reign is viewed
by the prophets, is utterly unlikely. VVinckler, in connection with his
theory of the contact of the kingdoms of northern Arabia with Israel, has

found historical reminiscences

(2

the

Ch. 26'

Hagrites

Ch.
(i

4<' 2

Ch.

Ch. 20'
"

s'"

in the Chronicler's allusions to the

05), the

20).

The

Arabians

(2

Ch. 17" 21"

basis for this inference

is

that the chronology of the appearance of these people in Ch.

They

are mentioned just

(Musri, Meluhha, Ma'in,

when

historically they

MVAG.

1898, pp.

Meunim

i4><),

and

the claim
is

correct.

might be expected

42/.; KAT.^ pp. 142/,

CHRONICLES

l6

On the other hand it is strange that the older and more historical
144).
Books of Samuel and Kings contain none of these notices or similar ones,
and it is readily credible that these names might have been current in
post-exilic times (if not certain that they were), and thus at hand for the
Chronicler to introduce as the enemies of Israel (We. Prol.

Noeldeke, EBi.

I. col.

The

5.

p.

208;

274).

THE RELIGIOUS VALUE.

religious value of Chronicles lies in the

emphasis given

to

the institutional forms of religion.

tions of

one sort

Forms, ceremonies, instituor another, are necessary for the maintenance of

The Chronicler, it is true, overemphasised their

life.
importance and his teachings are vitiated by a false doctrine of
divine interference without human endeavour, and a false notion of
religious

righteousness consisting largely in the observance of legal forms

and ceremonies. Yet in his own time, unless he had been a direct

forerunner of Christ, he could not have been expected to give

a different message, and in his day his message rendered a most
important service. He belonged not only to the same school of
writers as the author or authors of the Priestly element of the Pen-

tateuch, but

and

was kindred with the prophets Haggai and Zechariah,

especially Malachi.

"The

course of events since the restora-

had made the Temple with

its high priest and its sacrificial

for
a
centre
the
community much more than it had been
system
this
fact
had a providential significance in view of
but
before,
very

tion

the future.

It

was

essential for

Israel's

preservation that the

ceremonial obligations laid upon it should be

and that it should hold itself aloof socially from

strictly
its

observed,

heathen neigh-

bours" (Dr. Minor Prophets, II. in NCB. p. 297). However narrow the Chronicler's teachings maybe considered and however artificial their

products, without the shell of the Judaistic legalism and

it is difficult to see how the
precious truths of divine

ecclesiasticism

Hebrew prophecy could have been preserved. Otherwise amid the encroaching forces of the Persian, Greek, and Rorevelation in

man

civilisations they would have been dissipated and no place

would have been prepared for the appearance of Christ and the
growth of Christianity. The work of the Chronicler fostered the

SOURCES

17

it enspirit of Jewish exclusiveness in its list of genealogies;

hanced Jerusalem as the rallying-point and centre of Jewish life; it
favoured the maintenance of a hierarchy and emphasised the out-

needed

ward forms

and national

of religion in sacrifices

this contributed largely to the religious solidarity

the people

and gave them a tough

Through these writings the past

norm for present activity and

as a

festivals,

but

and strength

all

of

quality.

also

was

idealised

and

future development.

glorified

Nothing

better than the authority of the past could have served in those days

and devotion of the ancient Jew. The divine

law of retribution and special providence, which the Chronicler
taught, was a most powerful factor also for preserving the Jewish
Church. It must also never be forgotten that it was under the
to intensify the loyalty

tutelage of

men

like the

Chroracler that the Maccabees were nour-

ished and that the heroic age of Judaism

A.

The source

SOURCES.

6.

was inaugurated.

of canonical material.

According

to the

sketch just given the Chronicler supplemented and in a measure

revised the history o*" Israel narrated in the canonical books, especially

and

source of his

and the

2 S.

and

work.

and

The

earlier writings.

These then constitute a main

K.

following are the parallels between his

(These parallels include the Chronicler's

modifications of the canonical material and hence are not as restricted as

some

lists

the Chronicler.

:h. I'-^

which omit

For these

all

observations and additions of

details see

commentary.)

i8

AND

Ch.

CHRONICLES
s'- "", cf. i3t.
and 2 K.
Gn. 461" Ex. 615 Nu. 261-^

2 s. 32-5

3'-,

4
"

<28-33

"

Gn. 46' Nu.

2 K. 1513

5'.

"

"
"
<

r25.

56

265

'

'.

29

cf.

(16-19.

51-4.

Ex.
"

22)

"

67-13

(22-28")

6l-

20.

18-

62<

9'->7%

Ne.

317-

19.

S-9

20-39.

iii-i9^

S. 31.

101-12,

iii-^

2 S. 5'-3-

"

i7 18".

Nu.

S. I' 82.

Jos. 2I"'-"-

"

23

6"-**.

6"-^' (M-sn

"

"

'.

Jos. 192-8.

s-io.

jjlO-47

238-39.

13'-".

6i-'i.

"

"

-11-16.

141-7- 8-17^

17-25

5'
612-23.

"
17.

"
18,

"
19.

10.

20'-,

Ill 1226-51.

20<-',

21I8-22.

"
"
"

24.

21,

Ch.
"

"
"

i6->3,

T14-17
*

I026-29.

el6-30

II&-2I7 (2),
-l_rl

(1-15),

6, 713-5'.

>

i>

34.I6,

"
5^7'.
"

711-22

101-13. U-JS.
929-3.,

I 141-43.

lo'-iiS

121-2'-.

122-

3.

I4I.

1421-31.

9-lG,
2.

22.

(2.

13..

23

2.

(i^,),

151

7.

8.

3>,

15' -'%

1511-18.

16I.6. 11-14,

1517.24.

182-3^

22S-3S.

2241-ei

20"-2l',
2i5-10. 20

K.

(SO).

8i'-2.

221-6. 7-9,

82i-29 Q16-28 10I2-4

2210-2321,

II (II1-20).

24I-U.
2^1-4.

23-27^
11.

17-28,

I2I-I7.
J

.1-14.

(ll21-I2"'^ T2l8-!(W-21).
17-20.

20

AND

CHRONICLES

This direct use, however, was formerly questioned, because the

variance between the parallels seemed destructive to the infallible
Hence arose the theory (held by
inspiration of the Chronicler.

many commentators, and

represented in

its final

and most

perfect

form especially by Keil) that the Chronicler and the writers of the
canonical books both used common sources, and that the parallels
were independent extracts from common sources, each made from
a point of view peculiar to itself (Keil, Intro. 141).

To
I

illustrate this view:

Ch. 10) there

is

In the account of Saul's death

(2 S.

31 and

agreement almost word for word until the treatment of

the corpse of the King.

The

WTiter of

S. says:

The

Philistines cut off

armour and put his armour in the house of AsThe Chrontaroth, and then fastened his body to the wall of Bethshean.
icler says:
They took his head and his armour and they put his armour
in the house of their gods and fastened his head in the temple of Dagon.
The original source of both of these accounts Keil held must have contained an account of both head and trunk, which the author of i S. followed
as far as the trunk was concerned and the Chronicler as far as the head.
his head, stripped off his

in comparing 2 Ch. 2 with i K. 5'=-'- 'i-is)^ in the former we read

when Solomon purposed to build the Temple he sent to Hiram, King
Tyre, and asked for a cunning workman and for timber and hewers of

Again
that
of

much grain and wine and oil in return, while in i K.

only timber and cutters of timber are requested and no promise of oil
Here again Keil held that these are extracts from a
is mentioned.
timber, promising

common

source, one writer emphasising

one particular and the other

another.

This supposition of Keil (an unnatural one compared with that

and really not worthy of further consideration) breaks

dowTi completely if the results of recent scholarship in reference to
the sources of the canonical books can at all be trusted, since these
of direct use

sources always appear in Chronicles in the same combinations in

which they are found in the canonical books, and never apparently
otherwise;

i.e.,

they appear always edited and not in their original

form.

The names

in

Ch. i5=3 are grouped as they appear

^-', a combination of three sources, P, J,

and

in

Gn. lo-"-

(Dr. Gn.).

Gleanings
from Gn. 35, 38, 46 representing P, J, and R appear in i Ch. 2. (No one,
however, has ever seriously argued that the Chronicler had access to the
sources of the Pentateuch, since, forsooth, to Keil and those of his
school the Pentateuch had no sources in the modern sense.)

SOURCES
In
2 S.

Ch. i8

~^

5'

2 S.

II

a combination of three sources.

is

parallels with 2 S.,

tions because underlying 2 S.

and

K.

it is

Glosses in

The
are reproduced in i Ch. ii* 's.
however, are not favourable for presenting combinaSBOT.)

(Budde,

23'^

21

and

different,

In

almost entirely a single source.

is

here, following the analysis of Stade

and

Schwally {SBOT.), a number of sources appear combined in nearly

In i^-'^
i K. 3'-'5 three;
in in-'?
i K.
every parallel in 2 Ch.
||

||

in

I026-39 three;

three;

K.

in

5^7'"

1 2" -2'

Ij

||

K.

K. 8

"-6)

s's-'o

three; in g'-^s

two; in 31-5'
||

K.

lo'-^s

||

K.

6,

7'3-5'

two; in io'-ii<

||

a similar manner throughout the entire list

(The analyses of Ki., Kau., Sk., give a similar result.)

four;

of parallels.

The

c.

and thus

in

Chronicler then used our present canonical books and not

matter common to both works. He might still,

their sources for all

however, have used their sources for material not found in the
canonical books, but of this there is not the slightest evidence and
in

form

list

new

all

material (excluding genealogical matter and the

i Ch. n^ib-^?) jg of the
compo-

of David's additional heroes,

sition or style of the Chronicler.

Sources ALLEGED BY THE Chronicler. After the manner

i and 2 K., the Chronicler refers to written sources.

B.

of the author of

These are
of the

of

Kings

two

classes;

and Jehoiakim (2
Judah and Israel,
kiah

{v.

i.

first,

(o)) (2

Ch. 16"

25^6 28^6 ^2^^).

Ch.

titles: (a)

A Book

20'^) (v.

i.

(c)

A Book of the

Kings

and the reigns of Jehoshaphat

(d) A Mid(m)) and Manasseh (2 Ch. ^s'')-

of Israel, for genealogies (i

(2

those with general

and Judah, for the reigns of Jotham, Josiah,

Ch. 27' 35" 368). (b) A Book of the Kings of
for the reigns of Asa, Amaziah, Ahaz, and Heze-

of Israel

Ch.

9')

Book

of the Kings, for the reign of Joash (2 Ch. 24").

Secondly, those with specific prophetic titles: (e) The history (lit.
words or acts, so also below) of Samuel the seer, (f) The history

rash of the

of

Nathan

the prophet,

(g)

The

three are given for the reign of

history of

David

Gad

the seer.

prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite. (i) The

These two and also (f.) are given for the reign of Solomon
9").

(j)

The

of

Iddo Ihe

(2

Ch.

of

Abijah

(2

(2

Ch.

Shemaiah the prophet, (k) The history

These two are given for the reign of Rehoboam
The Midrash of the prophet Iddo for the reign

history of

seer.

i2'5).

These

Ch. 29"). (h) The

visions of Iddo the seer.

(i

(1)

Ch. 13").

(m)

history of the prophet

Jehu which

22
inserted in the

is

AND

Book

CHRONICLES

of the

Kings

of Israel, for the reign of Jc-

hoshaphat (v. s. (c)). (n) A writing of Isaiah the prophet, for the
(o) The vision of Isaiah the prophet
reign of Uzziah (2 Ch. 26").

Book

in the

Hezekiah

of the
s.

{v.

(p)

(b)).

Judah and

of

Kings

Israel, for the reign of

history of the seers for particulars

concerning Manasseh (2 Ch. ;i:i^^).

Authorities thus are given for the history of

all

the kings of

Judah except Jehoram, Ahaziah, Amon, Jehoiachin, and Zede(Naturally none are given for Athaliah and Jehoahaz.)
Also the following works are referred to
(q) A genealogical regiskiah.

Jotham and Jeroboam II (i Ch. 5").

compiled
day
of
The
later
David?
history
(r)
(i Ch. 23").
(s) The chronicles
of
which
David
in
the
census
taken
(lit. words)
by Joab was not
in the

ter

entered

The

(i

of

Ch.

first

collection of lamentations (2 Ch. 35").

27-^).
(t)
three of these works (a) (b) (c) are generally allowed

to represent a single

Kings
which

of

in

work whose

and Judah,

of Israel
(c)

abbreviated

is

full title

was.

Judah and

or

The Book

Israel,

of the

and the

Israel representing the

people and not specifically the N. kingdom, since under

the reigns of Jehoshaphat

and Manasseh are

treated.

title

entire
(c)

This work,

which is cited as an authority for reigns as early as that of Asa and

as late as that of Jehoiakim, was clearly a comprehensive one, but
not the canonical Books of Kings, because it is cited for matters
not in those books

i.e.,

genealogies (i

Ch.

9'),

the wars of

Ch. 27') and the prayer of Manasseh (2 Ch. t,;^^') and

the abominations of Jehoiakim (2 Ch. 36').
Neither was it the

Jotham

(2

sources mentioned in

and Judah,

and

since they were

K.

two

for the political history of Israel

distinct works.

It may, however,
have been a work dependent upon those sources (Be. p. xl.; Graf,
GB. p. 192; Dr. EBi. I. col. 768, LOT.^^ p. 532), or since the real

from this book apart from that in the

extremely meagre it may have been dependent
upon those books, a Midrash or commentary on them (Kuenen,
Einl.-p. 160). In their earliest form i and 2 K. may have contained
historical material derived

canonical books

fuller

is

information than in their present Massoretic form. A warlies in the occasional fuller text of (g, which

rant for this inference

implies an earlier, fuller Heb. text (Bu. Gesch. Altheh. Lit. p. 229).

SOURCES
Winckler gives the following genesis of

and Judah.

Pre-exilic chronicles of Israel

book

Exilic, lost

Midrash.

of Kings.

23
Ch.:

Legends of Prophets. Midrash.

Canonical Book of
Kings.
Chronicles.

Musri, Meluhha, Main, MVAG. 1898, p. 42.

In reality no one can decide the exact basis of any unknown work.
Many and extensive volumes may lie before an author whose work is
restricted

and meagre.

Whether the Midrash

is

was

(e)

The pecuHar

uncertain.

same as this Book of Kings

would suggest a distinct work

the

title

on the other hand

(so Be., Zoe., Oe., Ki.);

it

is

not apparent

was a comprehensive work dealing

with the kings generally, it should not be the same work as the one
just mentioned (so Ew. Hist. i. p. 187; We. Prol. p. 227; Francis

why

if,

as

its title

Brown, DB.

I.

shows,

it

P..395; Dr. (the probability) EBi.

I. col.

768).

The word Midrash (amn 2 Ch. 13" 24" f from tfm to seek) in
Rabbinic literature denotes an exposition, an exegesis. This frequently
took the form of stories (such as those of Judith, Tobit, etc.), and the
probability
Israel

is

that the

Midrash

Kings was a reconstructed history

of

of

embellished with marvellous tales of divine interposition and

prophetic activity, such as have been reproduced in Ch.

The prophetic writings

(e) to (p)

are not in

all

probability distinct

works, but are illustrations of the usual Jewish manner of citing

As in the NT. we read, "Have
sections of comprehensive works.
ye not read in the

Bush" (Mk.

Book
more

of

1226), or

Moses

aptly,

The

saith in Elijah" (Rom. ii^).

in the place

"Know ye

concerning the
not what the scripture

"histories" of Nathan,

Gad, and

the others are then the sections of which Nathan, Gad, etc., were
the catchwords in the

Book

possible exception of (n)

Book

of Kings,

i.e.,

the

where the reference

of Isaiah (cc. 36-39),

and

also (e),

Midrash with the

is

probably to the

(f), (g), (h),

and

(i),

not

unlikely refer to sections of our canonical books {v. commentary).

This is proved first because the history of the prophet Jehu (m)

24

and the

AND

CHRONICLES

vision of Isaiah (o) are expressly

mentioned as

in this

Book

of Kings, and secondly because the Chronicler never cites the au-

of Kings and the history of a prophet for any

The main
where
one reign except
they are coupled together.
all
in
are
the
Chronicler
sources used by
likelihood, only two,
then,
the canonical books and this Midrashic History of Israel, and if this

thority of the

Book

was dependent upon the canonical books then in reality he

had no really historical material apart from those books in their
Whether the Midrashic history contained
original form (v. s.).
latter

all his extra-canonical genealogical material, or whether he gathered some from elsewhere through written or oral sources, it is im-

possible to determine.
It is also possible that

the Chronicler has cited sources simply to

and that their

produce the impression that he is writing with authority,
titles are mere literary adornments suggested by those in the Book of
of the
Kings. This is essentially the view of Torrey, who, speaking
comprehensive work so generally held to have been used by the Chron"
It is time that scholars were done with this phantom
icler, says,
'

source,' of

which the internal evidence

external evidence

is

is

absolutely lacking, and the

limited to the Chronicler's transparent parading

while the evidence against it is overwhelming"

The uniformity of the Chronicler's non-canonXXV. p. 195).
ical material certainly supports this view, yet at the same time it is
also phusiblc that the Chronicler may have had before him one or
of

'authorities';

(AJSL.

more sources from which he derived subject-matter which he freely

composed in his own way. Certainly some of the new historical reminiscences preserved in Chronicles were, in all probability, derived from

written sources.

Eliminating the canonical quotations, the remainder of Chronimarked and homogeneous in style that it has been

cles is so

usually (and properly) treated as the work of a single author,

the Chronicler.
(Thus We. Prol. p. 227; Dr. EBi. I. Art.
Chronicles; and especially Torrey, AJSL. xxv. Nos. 2, 3, 1909.)

i.e.,

In

recent

years, however,

this

remainder has been

analysed

This presentation has such scholarly support that it

of
statement, and throughout our commentary we give,
worthy

into sources.
is

with criticism,

its

conclusions.

In an article published in 1899 (in

argued that our present

and

ZAW.)

Bvichler, a

German

scholar,

Ch. are a revised edition of a work that

SOURCES
made no

originally

distinction

25

between the priests and the Levites.

This distinction he held was introduced

later

by the Chronicler, who

magnified the position of the Levites and brought

Under

cians.

the

musi-

in the Levitical

apparently of Biichler's investigations,

influence

Benzinger, in his commentary (appearing in 1901), presented also the

view that the Chronicler was

than

much more an

any way an independent

in

writer.

and mere compiler

was reached
and i and 2 K. Some

editor

This

result

through a study of the parallels with i and 2 S.

of these parallels agree essentially verbally with their source, others
show a considerable departure from the canonical text. These latter

come not from

are held to

the

hand

of the Chronicler but

from a

fore-

runner whose work he copied; and as the Chronicler was only in the
main a mere copyist in his treatment of the canonical writings, so like-

was

must he have been in his treatment of his other

Hence his work contains almost no original composibeyond inserted notices respecting Levites and musicians. (Movers

wise,

it

inferred,

source or sources.
tion

had presented

Thus

in

mainder,

in 1833 essentially this view, Untersuchungen,-pp. 163^.)

Ch. 10-29 only cc. 23-27 are from the Chronicler. Of the re-

cc. ID,

II,

13, 14,

17-19 are from

S.

Chapter 12 reveals no

and

c.

15 records six Levitical

special interest in anything Levitical;

and modest numbers, hence, except

a paragraph concerning Levitical singers (vv. """), both of these chapters are not from the Chronicler; c. 12 coming from uncertain sources

families instead of the usual three

c. 15 from the work of a forerunner.

Chapter 21 contains, with the
absence of a sufficient theological motive, too great departures from
2 S. to have been written by the Chronicler: hence it is from another

and

work, which appears continued in cc. 22, 28, 29. This work is admitted to be of the same vein and spirit of the Chronicler, showing an
interest in the religious cultus alleged to have been developed by David,
but

held to differ from the Chronicler's work:

is

(i) in its

more modest

-^
presentation of contributions for the Temple, 29' (to be compared with
22" 15, a paragraph owing to the great numbers assigned to the Chron-

(2)

icler);

in the

Deuteronomic colouring and

P, since no objection
of Oman.

In

is

in the lack of interest in

raised to David's sacrifice at the threshing-floor

Ch. 1-9, which presents a history of Solomon's reign, following,

with the single exception of a paragraph on Solomon's chariots and

horses, the order of i K., the departures from the canonical text
(2

Ch.

115-2'' (2i-'8)) are

supposed

to

the Chronicler, since the Tyrian artist

be too great to have come from

is

Huram-Abi, instead

of

Hiram

commentary), i K. 7'''), with his mother a Danite instead

of a widow from Naphtali (2 Ch. 2'3(i4) i K. 7"), and he is a worker not
(2

Ch.

2'2(>'"

(see

simply in metals but weaving, etc., and the place Japho, unnamed in i K.,
is mentioned.
Wanting also are the numbers of the workmen given in

26

AND

K. 5"'-

<"'>

CHRONICLES

and the embassy from Hiram

to

Solomon

(i

K.

5').

The Deuteronomic

reason for building the Temple, i.e., a dwelling-place,

is changed also into a
priestly one, i.e., a place of worship (2 Ch. 2' " i K.
5'9 ') In the description of the Temple and its furniture,
again
>

owing

from the account given in i K., the Chronicler is held

have had another source before him, and in part is this held also of

to the variations
to

the dedication.

The remainder of

Ch.

(cc.

10-36)

is

assigned by Benzinger to different

The Chronicler

sources, according to the character of the material.

throughout is a copyist. He only composes introductory and concluding

sentences and notices of the Levites.
Kittel, in his commentary (1902),
accepts the theory of Benzinger and builds largely upon his conclusions.
He endeavours also to unify the various sources, and distinguishes (with

a variety of type and

and

his predecessors.

letters

on the margin) the work

He warns

of the Chronicler

one, however, against regarding the

He points out, by his mechanical

from the canonical books; (2)
material next in age of various sort and origin, yet
mostly of historical
value (v. s. p. 15); (3) material from a Levitical writer, a forerunner of
the Chronicler, who wrote between 500 and 400 B.C.;
(4) Midrash
material of two sorts (M and M=), taken in all likelihood from the cited
sources of the Chronicler; and finally (5) material of a
period later than
the Chronicler, added by another Levite.
This theory of the composition of Chronicles, as we have said, rests
on the assumption that the Chronicler was essentially a mere
conclusions thus expressed as final.
(i) the material derived

devices:

copyist;

but even

if

at times

no reason why

at

he follows most closely his canonical sources there is

other times he should not have been as free and

who is introduced as his forerunner. Exact connot necessary to the Oriental mind, and
especially to a writer
like the Chronicler.
A Deuteronomic colouring, along with a colouring
original as the Levite

sistency

is

of the Priests' Code, implies

would be naturally versed

no diversity
in

of authorship, since
every

Jew

Deuteronomy as a people's book, one

more by every pious Jew than the Priests'

probably read and studied far

Code, even by a Levite. Neither also, with a variety of traditions before
him, is there any reason why the same writer might not
at
differently

times enumerate Levitical families or statistics

concerning the Temple.
The unity of style and composition, so individual and marked, already

mentioned,
its

is

against this patchwork theory of composition, although

view of our limited knowledge cannot be denied.

possibility in

PECULIARITIES OF DICTION

In

common

7.

27

PECULIARITIES OF DICTION.

with other late books of the OT., Ch. (including

many peculiarities of phraseology and syntax.

made to do service in new ways either rare or
older language, and new words, the product of the

Ezr.-Ne.) exhibits

old words are

Many

unknown

in the

organisation and view-point, appear frequently.

Also the incoming Aramaic, already a well-knowTi language, had
its influence on the Hebrew of the Chronicler, as is shown both by

late

religious

the presence of Aramaic loan-words and by many common Aramaic constructions. The many peculiarities of syntax, which are
against the common usage of the earlier writers, indicate that the

compiler and author,

some

who was

bilingual, either used

difficulty or that the language itself

In addition to

its

common

Hebrew with

was decadent

late characteristics, this

in his

group

day.

of writ-

marked peculiarities of style and vocabulary. Words and

not
found at all elsewhere are met frequently both in pasphrases
from
older
sources which have been worked over and, parsages
ings has

ticularly, in additions

No OT.

bearing the certain marks of the compiler.

more certainly. The reader feels

writer reveals himself

almost instinctively when he passes from an excerpt from an older

source to a paragraph by the compiler himself.
Sentences are
often

awkward and

The

unnecessarily involved.

author's pet

and almost without fail on

doubt many of the marks of

phrases are introduced without stint

every possible opportunity.
slovenly and

No

careless composition

which are so

common

are due to

copyists' errors (see 8 Text), but so many of them are certainly

original that the compiler cannot be vindicated as a careful com-

poser.

Probably not a few errors of his text which have been

ascribed to copyists were simply due to his

own

carelessness

when

copying from his sources.

The following list contains the more marked peculiarities of the

Chronicler's writings, including new words and phrases, old ones
with a new or unusual sense, and syntactical usages peculiar to him,
and

also all of these found frequently in other late books as well as

occasionally in earlier writings, but which are particular favourites
with the Chronicler, hence characteristic of his style. For con-

28

AND

CHRONICLES

venience those found only in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. are marked with an

It should l)e borne in mind, however, that words or
asterisk (*).
expressions marked rare or peculiar may have been common usage
in the Chronicler's day, this statement being due merely to our
meagre supply of literature of that period.
1.

howbeit, hut, 2 Ch.

''3X

i'

19'

Ezr. 10", also Dn. 10"

t,t,^'

-'

i^^

f-

older Heb. with an asseverative force, verily, of a truth Gn. 42^'

2 S. 14' I K. I" 2 Iv- 4'^ and with slight adversative force, nay,

Gn. 17"

but

niJ.N letter, 2

3.

7\'m^ possession,

and
4.

(P)

Ch.

2.

to

Ch.

Ne.

30'-

6*- i'-

, also Est. 9^6

Ch. 11" 31' Ne.

7-* 92 2

11'

"-^

f.

and often

in Ez.

P.

promise or command, sq

-i^N

2'-

27. 30

^li.

2921.

Ne.

3521

inf.,

Ch.

27^ 2 Ch. i'* 14' 21'

K. 8"' Dn. Est. and

21'"

also 2 S. 24" 2

915,

elsewhere.
5'

purple, 2 Ch.

IJ^")?<

Dn.
6.

Ch. it^

155 cf.
^

(text dub.) 9'-

n:;u'N

Ezr.

"

'

9*-

'^

Ch. 21'

wrong-doing, guiltiness,

TfT,"^

'

Ne.

'9

10'"

9= 10", also

Ezr. 10"

2313
V''3.

Aram.

M^^unx

Ch.

13-

t,

Nu.

'

155 1710 20-" 32'3-

Ch. 24"

28"'-

"

"

i'

"

infreq. elsewhere.

Sna Niph. separate oneself (reflex, of Hiph.),

lo"-

9.

cf.

Gn. 26'- , including Israel's territory Ezr. 3'

" Ne. io-; in
any sense pi. is almost wholly

34''

8.

i:p^3"!>f),

Ch. 14" 22' 292 2 Ch. g-^ 12* 13'

Ezr. 9^ Ne. g'^ 10", v. No. 91.

late

7.

form of

t (a late

29.

lands, designating districts of Israel's territory

niS"jx

>

5"-

16='

Ch. 12' Ezr.

be separated *

(P) t;

6=' 9'
i

Ch.

t-

I Ch. 4^' 152' 2 Ch. 2'^ 3" 51=, also Est. i^ S'^ and Ez.
(where Cor. strikes out with (S) f28'^ Ezr. 9" Ne. 3'*, also Dn. ii^' m
5/)oj7, ftooiy, 2 Ch. i4'3 25"

V? byssus,

27'6

10.

nn

11.

(3)

15-

Est. 9'-

r^? *

16

f.

5*z7/ef, 5j!r77/(f (in), i

(kindred meanings mostly

12.

n^'3

Temple, Ne.
"
315 8" 9613.

ni'j-i"?

14.

nVTN

ri'3

Ezr.
I.",.

Dn.

fortresses, 2

82 f.

Ch.

i7'2 27* f-

fathers' houses, families, clans,

2*3 lo's

Ne. 7"

a^nSvsn n^a house of

God

lo^^,
i

anna,

ni

* chosen,

Ch.

4'*

21

f.

Ch.

also often in P.

Ch.

6^^

also of sanctuary at Shiloh Ju.

16.

Ch. 26* 34121

2732 2

"

2* 72 f;
'2

25'-

t; of fortress near
Temple, i Ch. 29'
Shushan iA palace, Ne. i' Est. 1= s 33 5 3

of

palace;

(-a5//e,

Ch. 15"
late).

Ch. 7"

9"-

'3-

51

1.

in

i83'.

922 i6^'

Ne.

5>8 f-

Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.,

PECULIARITIES OF DICTION
17.

inj

troop, of divisions of the

Jb. 2925 Mi.

18.
19.

20.

21.

25'-

'"

i'

26", also

i Ch. 10'= f (late,

cf. NH. and Aram.).
*
treasury, i Ch. 28" also 2820 (restored text) t {cf. NH.; a
-wp
loan-word from or through Persian).
cnjn common-land, suburbs, i Ch. 5"= 6" + 40 t. i Ch. 6, 13- 2 Ch.
ii 31", also in Ez. and often in P.

ini Niph. hasten one's

uni

nini

Ch.
*

Ne. 7" Ne.

vi

769-

f; D^jb-i-'_!<,* i

prayer and worship,

Ch. 16" r=Ps.

143-6 1512 1612 229 26^; a^n'^N(n)

Ch. 22"

Ch.

Ezr.

i5'3 20^

'i,

5r">in

25-

^"!:P i^'?"!^

26.

poetry
* how,
i\n

27.

nini('^)

Ch.

commentary, exposition,

1322 242' f.

adornment, only 2 Ch. 202"

Ch. 1629
Ps. 96' Ps. 292 f.

^Jy/y
i

elsewhere in

in prose,

I Ch. 1312, also Dn. lo'' f (an Aram.

form).
SSn * praise Yahweh, of technical Levitical function,

235.
I

cf.

30

36

i64.

2313

Ch.

D'hSnS 't

62';

i7 3121 343 Ezr. 42.

24.

\'^t::^

269

in

193 265 3o"9; nin^S 'i

2

Qal

t-

Yahweh

^ee^'

6'^ f,

fJ.).

a'ro^ii * drachma, Ezr.

297, Ezr. 82'

hurry, 2 Ch. 26=", also Est.

self,

(NH.

105^) 283 2 Ch. i2

28.

Ch.

7' 2

7\BM * body, corpse,

Ch.
23.

Ch.

4'''.

Est. 3'5 8'^ t

22.

army

29

Ch.

253 2

Ch. 29" 2 Ch.

2930 312 Ne. 1224

great number,

SSn * abs.

2021 t;
-j-^

Ch.

2o'9 2930 3021 Ezr. 3"i- "

13

515

.j^,

No.

29'6

Ch.

Ne.

Ch.

s'3,

76 S'^

47.

Ch.

Ch. 23=

1'

1123

also Je.

3110^

4932 f;

multitude, 2 Ch. 1123 (corrupt v. in loco) 13' 1419 202 '2. is. 24
" " 12. 13 and
32', also Dn. iii"freq. in Ez., but only exceptionally in early prose.

29.

n kind, 2 Ch. i6, also Ps.

10.

15

mr * Hiph.

31.

1_>7

32.

|->;5TD

33-

nnj

34.

nnanp

35-

^r\}

36.

rejects
2

enraged

refined,

Ch.

(=

Ch.

earlier Qal),
19

26'9-

28'

-|-

Ch. 28'

(weaker

* binders,
joints,

29^ also

Is.

Ch. 223

Ch.

ii'< 2919 f.

25^ Ps. 12' f-

Ch. 34"

f.

t-

Py' I Ch. i627 Ne. 8', Ezr. 6"! (Aram.) t (an Aram. word).
3
5. 7. s. 9. 10. u.
c'-^p month numbered not named, i Ch. i2'5 27214. 15
12. 13
2 Ch. 23 + 12 t. 2 Ch., Ezr. 3' + 10 t. Ezr., Ne.
7"
.4.

also

"4,

^JP seer,

also 2

K.

Ch. 2i9

K.

1232.

(=

33

and

Je. i3 Ez.

2 S.

24") 2929

1713 Is. 29"' 3010 (2S15

oft. in

Ch.

929

P.
1215 ig2 2925 o^is.

cf BDB.) Mi. 3?
Ch. 293" 3515

Am.

712,

19^

and

* i Ch.
25^ 2
applied to singers
prnrn strengthen oneself, 2 Ch. i' i2'3 1321 158 (= take courage)
17' 2i4 23' 25" 276 Ezr. 728 (= gain strength, also t S. 30" 2 S.
-j-.

38.

35-

in earlier usage).

* come
out, appear, of leprosy, 2 Ch. 26'9

82

37'

Aram. Dn.

f (also in B.

+)_

30.

^^

13

i44'3.

AND

30
3 I

K. 20" Dn.

Ch.

137-

also

Dn.

'

t;

CHRONICLES

(=

lo's

gain strength)

f;

hold strongly with,

withstand, 2

sg. v.??'

Ch.

Ch. le^*
(Use in earlier books, put forth strength, use

5g.

3i'

io=> f-

ii' 2

one's strength.)

royal power, 2 Ch. i2t 26'8, also

39-

^P^]^ strength, of

40.

nSh *

41.

D".'^nD

42.

npSniD * division, course, technical term of organisation of priests

te sick, 2

'"

35<-

43
44*

11.

12.

Ch. 23^

Levites,

10.

U.

13.

Dn.

ii^ f.

i6'2 f
(usually n'^n).

Ch.

sickness, sufferings, 2

and
9.

Ch.

15

28'-

242* f.

21

19

12.

24' 26'13.

'

271-

Ch. 5" 8"-

Ezr. 618 (Aram.) Ne. ii^e

l<

2.

4.

4.

4.

e.

s.

23S 3l2-

7.

s.

1. 17

16.

f.

pious acts, 2 Ch. 6" 32'' 3526 Ne. 13" f.

^^7^^^ trumpet, as sacred instrument for use by priests only, i Ch.
28
14
166. 42 2 Ch. 512- 13
2028 2926- 27. 28 Ezr. 310
138 1524.
13I2.
Ne. 1255. 41 also 2 K. 12" Ps. 98^ and Nu. lo^- 9. lo ^^e
'!^'?n

^ooi works,

(^11

2 Ch. 2313 13 Ho. 5^

P) t; general use 2 K. iin n
* Pi. and
Hiph. sound a trumpet, i Ch. 15=^ 2 Ch.

"'Xxn

f;

512

76

1314 2928 f.

45.

n3''t3n

'''y?

Ne.
Ezr.

46.

iriSx-i'-p

28 Ezr.

according

2I8;

my God upon

nin^ Ezr.

728;

om.

me,

njian,

76.

Hiph. praise, of
253 2913 2 Ch. 513

nn;

good hand of

to the

Ne.

79 Si' c/.

ritual worship,
6

Ch.

2022 312 Ezr. 311

73-

'

16^

Ne.

3<-

35.

41

2330

"^ also

iii' 1221

freq. in Ps. and rare in earlier writings v. No. 47; Hithp.

give thanks, in ritual worship, 2 Ch. 3022 f
confess 'Ezr. iqi
;

Ne.

47
48.

H, and Dn.
nmn thank and praise, i Ch. i6^ 2330 253
^h'^}
Ezr. 311 Ne. 122^ cf. i Ch. 29" 2 Ch. 76, v. Nos.
D113

16 92-

01"'

Ezr.

49.

rmnn

"

69

1215 31I6.

JD^

52.

B-r;

17.

19

18.

genealogy, Ne.

nnSin generations,
and freq. in P.

51.

earlier

(Aram.) Ne.

01''

Ch.

ai'), i

1222 2

Ch.

513

312

46, 27.

Ch.

813

24"

3021

81s f.

* be enrolled
by genealogy,

t'n-

50.

also in P,

day by day (=
3<-

Ch.

3,

Ezr. 2"

Ch.

433 51.

17

7.

9.

4o

8i-

22

g\.

75.

Ne. 7" Ezr.

'

Ne.

7* f.

7^ f.

Ch.

129 5?

4.

72-

828 qs

Hiph. use the right hand, i Ch. 122 f.

aged, decrepit, 2 Ch. 361' f (</ K"^';,

34

^-.

2631, also

Ru.

4I8

Jb. 1212 1510 298

32* t).

53-

*
^'7.^.

footstool, 2

Ch.

918

{cf.

NH.,

id., step, stair;

Aram., a rude

seat).

54.

p?n

5e; up, prepare, i Ch. 932 1239 142

151 28? 2 Ch. 121 175
33 t.
Ch., and Ezr. 33; esp. with 2":^ set the heart, i Ch. 29I8 2 Ch.

1214 19- 2o33 3019

Ezr.

71".

PECULIARITIES OF DICTION
55.

56.

Dj: gatJier,

Niph.

;'JJ

12

Qal

30"

1313

32^6 3312-

19-

28'9, also

Dt. 93
Ch. 28"- ''

Ju.

n^sD * bowl,

27

2427.

Ch.

oneself,

23

23.

Ps. 33' Est.

i2<<

Hiph. humble, subdue,

7'3 etc.;

57.

Ch. 22= Ne.

humbled, humble

be

3612

Ch.

31
Ec.

4'^

'

i2

also Lv. 26" (H)

j^

(=

ly'" iS'

2 S.

Jb. 40'= Ps. Si'^ lo;'^

" i'- " Ezr. i'- 1 8^' f-

"

35 f.

7'^

Is. 255

423

2^

2^-

Ch.

20' 2

Ch.

80

'

I S.

f.

59.

VnipD * bemantled, i Ch. 15" f (</ B. Aram. N'j'an? Dn. 321)'^

S'D-\? * crimson, carmine, 2 Ch. 2^
^h^ possibly also Ct. 7" for

60.

i
3.7? vn-iling,

58.

Ssi3, f (a Persian loan-word).

Ch.

61.

Ch.

2819 2

Dn.

also Ez. 13S

35^ Ezr. 22

2'"

i"

10=1 Est.

312.

na^lDT onS of row5 of shew-bread only,

'rn jn'-c* i Ch. 2816 2 Ch. 29I8 f;

Ch.

T>pn'D

Lv.

'2

2' t;

24-

'

9.

4s gs.

Ch.

'"

Ne. 7" Ezr.

n

9.

927

Ne.

9^2 23-=*

Ch.

"^^lyo

lo^^ f;

13"

f;

form was

(Earlier

(P) f-

4',

-j-.

D''J3n an':.)

62.

y;'-;

*
Hiph. /e^^, 2 Ch. 3616 (c/. nH. Hiph. f(f., and ^ Ethpa. /J.).
Hiph. woc^, deride, always in bad sense, 2 Ch. 3o'<' Ne. 2'9 3^3,
also Jb. 2i3 Ps. 228 Pr. iS' (for M, V^iT^\ cf. BDB.) f {cf.
-j-

63.

J>:^

64.

-i^cS.T

65.

nse;'?

NH.

id.).

* 5c/w/ar,

chamber,

2812 2

Ch. 258 t

Ch. 31" Ezr.

room

in Ez.; of

829

and NH.).

(late

rooms

of the

cell,

of the

Ne.

io'5

iqss-

at high place

original We., Dr., Klo., Bu.)

Temple,

Ch.

39. 4o

6.

s.

nSd consecrate,
29.

28"

33.

K.

175

6. 6

45.
t.

35

71 81

3229

Lv.

(accepted as

used in the sense

is

^p^h No.

Cf.

i633 2931, also

Nu.

833 1533 211

sovereign power,
26
935 1222, also

Ne.

77.

Ez. 4326 Ex.

Ch.

iii"

Est., 16

t.

t.

27

t.

Ch., Ezr.

Dn., Ex. 4'S

njiSp.)

68.

1 Ch. 2^
Sjp commit a trespass,
' Ne.
299 30' 36" Ezr. io2-

io,

NSD Niph. be present,

"

70.

13

Ezr.

825,

-j-;

52.

fjj

525

Ps.,

iqis

Ch. 122

2616

28'9

22

i^ 4'6

sheath,

Ch. 5"

and On.
i

Ch.

offer oneself, volunteer,

{Cf.

)-.

i^ 13=7, also freq. in

Ch. 29"

also Est.

aijnr, offer free-will-offerings,*

268 35

71.

t.

Ez. and P;
*
trespass, i Ch. 9' io'3 2 Ch. 28'9 2919 3310 36^ Ezr. 92also Dn. 9' Jb. 2i3^ and freq. in Ez. and P.

j^a

69.

and Ju.

33 (all P),

(In earlier writings usually ^^'^pn or

and elsewhere.

Je.,

Ch. 139

29= 2

I's <S

2328

also oft.

|^

1333.

maSa kingdom,
3

Ch.

29912

67.

and

S. 9^2

of store-room only in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.

66.

134.

The word

f-

"
g"^^-

Ch.

loan-word).

same

1915 (J)
e.

9.

295-

Ch.

171"

9.

S. 1315n. n. n

Ne.

Aram. Ezr. 713- is. kDn. 7'=- (Aram.) f (NH.

in B.

212?, also

33

2929 3021 311 3432,

is

357.

21^ f.

y^-^t.

112, also

Ju.

is
)-.)

id.;

a Persian

'

AND

hath extended loving-kinduess, Ezr.

72.

-ipn nipn

73.

D>p3: riches, 2

oversee,

ri??^

r}'^h

'

Ezr. 3'

75.

2p_i

Ch.

i"-

728 9'.

an

also Jos. 228 (P), Ec. 5'8 6= t (prob.

'=,

Aram, loan-word).

Assy, or

74-

CHRONICLES

Ch.

overseer,

Niph. te expressed by name,

also Nu. I" (P) t-

Ch.

1222

Ch.

23^

152'

and

in

16"

also in the titles of 55 Pss.

I;

''

2'-

the

Ch.

"

34'=

Hb. 3".

title

28'5 3119 Ezr.

82",

76.

as wife (usually with

.srj take

77.

nrtt'j

*;

g--

* chamber (a rare
parallel of ^"v'7

12-'*

78.

i; jp:

submit, yield

i'3-

721 8'-

(Aram.)

7V.

to, 2

Ch. 30^

do a thing,

r:-yr: * Nethiiiim,
21

Ch.

92 Ezr.

20 JSfg.

20.

S"-

'

268

'^-

-'

God,
2813'"

35--

31--

13.

14.
'*

'^-

also Ex. 366 (P)

I

help,

Ch.

Ch.

14.

16.

Ne.

2'6
^^

6i'

20.

70

ss.

Ch.

id., i

292*;
j.-^j

lo'^

Ne. 7".

g^^.

-[-_

-j-.

21.

28

is.

gu.

3622

-2

eo.

21

29? 2 Ch.

Ezr.

2s.

26.

2321.

21

32

23.

8^ 128

243-

is

24I2 29^5

Ez. and P.

io33 f, also oft. in

Ch. 30^

Sip i';vn7 proclaim, 2

p3

t\

^Qii jjS.

326.

nnoj." service of
251-

rnn

f;

2^3.
31

Top * enumeration, census, 2 Ch.

"*!>

3=

f.

81.

83-

Ne.

65),

away, Ezr. 10"; h 3^7

Ch. 22" 2 Ch. ii'^, also Dn.

80.

82.

(.v.in/oca)

late usage.

No.

i'.

5.

-^

ii='-

i^.

]^]give their pledge to send

5^/ ;/;e /icar/ to

Ec.

Ch.

13" t-

N'Xin'7 oy^

79.

Ch. 23"

S), i

10" Ne. 13", also Ru.

'2

Ezr.

13=' 243

i',

Ezr. lo^ Ne. 8'%

f.

12^^- 2'

t (text dub.,

textual notes;

r/.

correct

if

Aram, loan-word).
84.

-\}V

help of divine assistance,

Ch.

i2'8 1526

Ch.

'

Ch.

520 2

85.

TSy

next

Ne.
86.

to (in

a series), 2 Ch.

*
268

88.

le-

exceedingly,

guidance

3115

of,

Ch. 252

25

293-

85,

also Est.

Ch. 20<

4" and

211 2

16" (= Ps.

2o2i 2413 (f/.

io33 1231

^'^y

Ch.

Ezr.

I ^11. 30^

28)

also

105"))

Ch.

255-

Dn.

ii"-

17" 222 2

s.

13

-}-

e.

t.

Ch.

1612 1712

20"

Ne.

Ch.

Ch.

i'

2023

Ezr. 2"

books
Ch.

814

station),

98 i5.

305 312 338 352 Ezr. 38

'3-

'4;

make a stand

(in

Ne.

22

4'

195.

73

a covenant),

3432.

Sy ipy stand on standing-place,

Dn.

32-

Dn.

freq. in

I'^VT" appoint, institute, establish (in earlier

Ne.

s^' 3313.

Ch. 142 22^ 23"

i?y rise (for earlier Dip),

616 1516. 17

90.

18

1715-

f.

7 Ne.
89.

Ch.

3, 1313, esp. late.

T^-S^, ^y-^V_ according to the

^'7"?'?

Niph.

2615.

2318 2613 2927 Ezr. 3', also Je.

87-

iS^' 258

i4>''

26' 328, also freq. in Ps., less freq. in earlier books;

8'8 iQii

-f-;

Ch.

30I6 3431 3510

with cip for t?V Ne. 93 f

Ne.

no verb Ne.

131",

8- f.

PECULIARITIES OF DICTION
91.

Ezr
92.

n3

3;ii:n u-ei^,

Dn.

59's

so

's.

S^

i2> 2616-

94.
95.

p'.-iy

96.

'^y

^3) *

98.

13"'?

set

sort of

cymbals,

Ch.

1>DS he-goat, 2

* need, 2 Ch.

Pr. 192 Jb.

nus

312 42.

1"

'

expressed

f (a

27I 2

Ne. 7"-

70

8'3

II"

Ch.

19.

(=

K.

NUT

i^- 821

Nu.

106'

24

21
-j-.

22

29'6-

Ezr. 8", also

word,

cf.

9.

Ch.

lo711 S^-

23^

t;

4o
g,i3

28

i3.

qq.

33.

34

2"

198 232 2612 Ezr. l5

l2

Nu.

3126

the phrase wita

ro

also Ex. 625

Ex.

241, also

same

sense)

6'<

Nu.

Ch.

i*
'2

57-

oi first in a series)

12"
9

29

223-

s-

<

s.

8.

h.

is

21

292.

ii23 14I4 159 168 lyS ig'-

Ne.

92^,

Ch.

i'^

2025 241'-

24

also Zc. 14".

JNe. 7^6
Ch. 297 7 Ezr. 2"
Dn. ii" Ho. 8'2 Jon. 4" f28' 2 Ch. 202^ 21''' >7 353 3229 35'
1

Ch.

2731

Dn. 11 '3 24. 28^ and Gn.

12. 16
le. 21
P), and Gn. 14"

iqs, also

act wickedly, 2

Ch.

2o35 223

Ne.

933,

126 i3 3i'8 36?

igi4

-j-.

also Jb. 3412 Ps.

14" corruption, cf. Sm. Sam.) \.

Ch. 29' 2 Ch. 3025 Ezr. 3''- " 622 Ne. 8"

9^ ii32 12'" (i S.

common

2
2

also Ps. 68'8

71^

i632 353 (all

Dn.
a

4^8

316 325-

nnnt' great joy,

I2'3,

'^

s'2-

s.

s.

8^

common Aram,

P)

(alone in

tew thousand, myriad,

Hiph.

n'i'vij

tr'NT

22'^;

property, goods,

46

Ch.

Dn.

also

8'=,

22.

i2'2

(all
7.

Ch.

72.

1027) 28 418 91.

Ezr. 2" Ne. 770

Ezr.

'

21

24.

s'^-

Ch.

13-

tt'i3i

f.
^

20_

273 293s 3o5-

27

32

Jos. 14' 19^1 21'

abundantly,

927

109.

j (probably Persian

and (appar. combined with the idea

_|_

11.

278.

17'

f.

'"

26"=

21" 2 Ch.

12'^

26.

72 i7'8 25"" Jos.

7' 828

131.,

Ch.

Est. 4^ 923

2621-

31

245-

gi ioi=

3228 36'-

ai'^

14"

f (Aram. word).

2'^

2'

=2).

f-

'rs-j /2eaJ5 of fathers' (houses),

21

'J'^")

17* 18' 32=',

26 6> 7's t).

1512 239-

108.

Ch. 23^

Ezr. 61' (Aram.)

2921

'^5P receive, take, accept, i

107.

i'- >2

138

103.

106.

Ch.

'733).

Ch.

portico,

l"ii

105.

Ch. 9"

open

102.

104.

^s

29'=

loan-word; cf. D^-inp 2 K. 23").

*
r\-;t-Q-z
hip or buttock, i Ch. 19^ (2 S. 10^ oninirr)
's- =
*
i65- 42 2511 Ch.
D:n'?X3
is'"-

Dn.

Dn.

'3-

from duty,

free

some

also

t-

i Ch. 422 f (an Aramaism, cf. Dn. 79nno n^n the fear of Yahweh came upon, 2 Ch.

2925 Ezr. 31" Ne. 122'

ioi.

2^ i^"" 22',

197 20-9 (2^^'?x ins) f (elsewhere 'Ui

99.
lOO.

Ch

* ancient,

97.

'rO

Ch. 323" 1,1,^^ also Is. 47= 45'

Ps. 75' 103'- 107' and /u. 20" (corrected text, cf.

Ch. 7"

Moore, Ju.) f.
TiaDi ir; r/t7;e5 at/ hoiwur, i Ch.
also I K. 3'3, Pr. 3I6 S's Ec. 6^ fnini

('^"^

'''

possess power, be able, i Ch. 29'^ 2

16
116 -j-; om. nr 2 Ch. 1411 20"

-\x;-

'

Ch. 13" 321-

peoples of the latids, 2

u N,^ ^30 ;o2d, r -NTo

2.

3' 91

108.

93.

nii^.ifn 'Di'

33

expression of the Ciiiunicler.

AND

34
no.

It;"

prince, chkj, tuler, ui religious office, i5-'-

Ch. 35'
111.

CHRONICLES

OVr*-^
i?;r-: *
67.

744.

Ch.

cf.

6.

155

7.

8.

9.

10

"''

(Is. 4328

chiefs of the priests, 2 Ch.

36H Ezr. S^^Ch. 6" 9" + 11 t. Ch., Ezr. 2"- .

5/^er,
72 E2r.
7' io2< Ne. 7' + 12 t. Ne. f'T-^*

"

esp.

iqs f.

70

2^^-

corrupt), aud

Ng.

114.

na^nr * act of slaying, 2 Ch. 30'" f*

Niph. 6c negligent, 2 Ch. 29" fn^r
rhz! weapon, 2 Ch. 23'" 32* Ne. 4'i- '?, also Jb. 33i 36'^ Jo. 2' t;

115.

^JV~^'

112.
113.

sprout Ct.

28" 29*
*

20-0

116.

(beginning a speech),

t;

</

Gn.

Ne.

19

t.

Temple, etc., a sacred function, i Ch.

'0
Ne. 7"- " Ezr. ^^ id^* Ne. 7' + 7 t.
but corrupt for '^"J'^} and 2 K. 7"- " but of

Ch., Ezr. 2"-

(also 2 S. 18=^

Ch. 282 2 Ch. 13' 15'

" " '^ (all P).

236 (hear us), w.'-

gate-keepers, of

a^^;"''"^;'

9'"

4'^.

?e

/i^a''

secular function).

Also the following list of syntactical peculiarities appear either

exclusively in Ch. (including Ezr.-Ne.) or are frequent else-

where only in
117.

late books.

Sentences are often abbreviated in a peculiar manner, producing

an awkward reading; a the subject omitted (where earlier

would not venture

writers

K.

(i

Ch.

118.

The

inf.

Ch.

9^^''

^'"'

'S''-

2ii5 26i8'> 28"'' 29'

b.

33 24'4 {cf.

Ch. iS^

b expressed without a verb,

Ezr.

31') ^t,^^

236 a.
n for the relative (derived from

art.

Ch.

Ch.

so),

303
often used almost as a subst.,

cstr. is

g^
Ew. Lehrb.

The

do

ii^^b (?) 15' i6i=-

Ew. Syn.

Cf.

233' 2

IIQ.

Ch.

1513* 2

'"b.

3c'

to

22^ otherwise) 19^'' 35-';

'^-

Ch.

Ezr. i" Ne.

"

12'^.

'

*"

Cf.

2628 298-

"

Ch.

i (r?.\i?) 293*

its

demonstrative use),
'".
8=5 lo'*
This

Ezr.

is very doubtful in early writings, viz. in Jos. 10=' i S. 9^'

Dr. Notes on Sam.). Cf. Ew. Sy7i. 331 b, also foot-note
on p. 209, Koe. iii. 52, Ges. 138?.

use
{cf.

120.

The

relative omitted (in prose almost entirely confined to

Ezr.-Ne.),
(</

Je-

50

3i>"> Ezr.

l?i.

Ch.

9-'' 12=' i5>='' 29' (but v. in loco)

14' {cf. Is.

i5-

Ne.

40") 15" i69 20"

S'" 13=3.

Cf.

in

what,

i22.

The

relative

27".

combined with the prep.

Ch.-

Ch. 13^

2411 289 29=' 3o'8'>-i9a

Ew. Syn.

two strange idioms is almost equivalent

I Ch. i5'3 (nrrNiac'?) 2 Ch. 30^ (nc'?)
note= on these pf'^sagjes.

np

3i>

3,

333

b,

Ges.

to the relative
f.

en.

See textual

25'

(v.

i /<))

PECULIARITIES OF DICTION
123.

The combination
I

124.

Ch.

7-

75-

two plural forms (contrary to better usage),

also No. 91 above.
Cf. Zunz, Gottesd.

of

" "

35

etc.,

Vortrdge, p. 23.
the idea of
repeated, often strengthened by Sj, to express
all considered distributively, i.e. every, as "ijjb'i i;^;', ^^ny1 ^^^^J?,

Words

01^1

-iv,

-i^yi

Ch. 26" 28'<- '^ 2 Ch.

Ne. 13=', also Est.

D^S

12.

125.

12.

12.

12.

14

11.

9-

43 89-

28

27.

q21

rl3

2?. 12 I

^I

[-8

was

"'nM

g"-

Pg. 45I8 87^

prefixed),

22'' 24'''- 22b.

23

22.

202"-

12

3^-

IJ^^^^.

25

261^-

Ch.

21^' 2

Ch.

202'- 29 oil.

1'''

Dn. S^t. is lost. nb. 15. i9b

9191ii2. 4 ij^b.
Cf. Dr. Notes on Sam., on i S. 17".
The inf. (with S prefixed) at the end of a sentence, i Ch. is'"19- 21
22* C7'i.?:'V) 255 2 Ch. 5" 223b 2519 (2 K. 141 otherwise)
3-

33'2 34H Ezr.

e'i

3619

iqi, also Est.

Ezr. 3 12.

mucn more

fre-

(in earlier writings either

alone

Also prepositions in usages either new or

quent than in earlier books.
127.

28^5

19^

22

22-

i^-

Subordinate temporal and causal clauses are placed at the

beginning of the sentence (where in the earlier language either
they were introduced later, or, if placed at the beginning for
sake of greater prominence,

126.

17

17.

13.

ii>=

8'^

3i'9 322s 3413 3515 Ezr. 10"

^ ly a strengthened

would

1412 i6i2-

before an

"ly

Ch.

20' h

Ch.

4^9 12^'-

"'

59

2820

13^

alone) Ezr.

Ch.

g*'s

268-

241

Ch.

232^ 28? 2

289 293" 3ii 361s Ezr. 313

15

1712 268-

inf. i

K.

(2

3224

11

form of

before a subst.

serve);

loi-i

f;

2928 311

lo", also Jos. 13^ Ju. 3'

K.

l829 f.

128.

Aram,

S as the sign of the ace. (from

verbs (contrary to earlier usage),

Ezr.

8i'5;

2412b 2614''
I

Ch.

frequently,

certain

hbn only in

2920 Ne. 112, Tin 2 Ch.

Ch. 5" 6" 177 245 3413
b at the end of an enumeration, i Ch. 28^^ 2 Ch.
2823; c marking the definite object after an indefinite

Ch.-Ezr., Pin
32I', also

a with

influence):

lyn-;

Ch.

262' 2912,

Ch. 16"

2918 2

Ch.

1^2

212

23';

Ch.

186 251 2922-

22

after the sufifix of

a verb (as

in

'o
2815, cf. Ne. 932; e defining
Syriac) r Ch. 52^ 236 2 Ch. 255the suffix of a noun i Ch. f 2 Ch. 3116- is Ezr. 91 iqI'.
Cf.

Ges.

129.

117H.

S with the inf.,

expressing tendency, intention, obligation

frcq. in earlier writings),

Ne.

192 265 3121 3619

{permitted)

to,

Dav. Syn.

Ch.

esp. after

8i3b;

95 b

N^

Ch.

Ges.

22^ 2

63^ 925 ioi3

there is no need

20 229 3515 Ezr. gi5^

Cf.

to,

t'!*

'^

it

Ch.

(less

2^ 8'3 1122

is not possible
2326

Ch. 5"

Ch. i2'2Ezr. 6^ (Aram.)

Dr. TH. 202-206.

5' 152 2

114/,

or nS

|vv'

Ch.

AND

36
130.

^3*7

as regards

all,

CHRONICLES

thai is all (in

adding a summary or a further

specification), i Ch. 13' 2 Ch. 5'= 25' 28'^ 3i' ^7," (so also 2 K.
Also '^ of
Cf. Ew. Syn. 310 a.
21') Ezr. i'', also freq. in P.

"introduction," i Ch.
I K. 9') Ezr. 728.
iDi'3 01''>3i.7

131.

16"
132.

Ch.

omitted

in earlier

^"^"^

134-

^.?T>

135.

Si^.T

a5 concerning,

Is.

3 of

Ch.

language,

7-'

cf.

(7

Ex.

wanting

5'-'),

in

Ch.

Ch.

22^

Ch.

14'= 20^5

21'* 36'

Ch.

-j-.

s'8 1-

32'^, also Ps.

63O taccompaniment (without a

119" (used differently

in

59'8

256* 2

29i> 2

t-

3
3
* without, 2 Ch.
15'* 2 Ch. ii'2 168 Ne.

133.

='

8'< 31'= t-

* without or so that not,

px*^

Ezr. 9"

136,

(ii

28'"''-

5= 7'

Ch.

5'2 76 1310

35" Ezr.

HEBREW TEXT AND THE

8.

verb),

Ch. 15"

="

21.

22

j^s

312b.

VERSIONS.

The Hebrew

Text. The text of Chronicles is in fair condition, though by no means up to the standard of many of the older
Old Testament books. The late date of composition, together
with the fact that these books probably were less read, hence less
copied, than most of the Jewish Scriptures, would lead us to expect
a better text. The many lists of proper names, where the context
could not assist the scribe to the true reading, are responsible for a
large number of the textual errors, but the narrative portions also
are not free from serious corruptions showing that the text must
have been handled freely for a considerable time. The late recep-

OT. Canon (cf. Wildeboer, Origin of

OT. p. 152) allows for a considerable period of
The Hebrew mss. contain few variants and these

tion of Chronicles into the

the

Canon

of the

such freedom.

involve largely only the Massoretic accentuation, and give little aid
for restoring the true text.
Baer, in his edition of the text (Liber

Chronicorum), notes nineteen

variations

between the oriental

(Babylonian) and occidental (Palestinian) texts, only fourteen

which concern the consonantal reading. Of these six are due
the confusion of

and

and the remainder

',

of
to

three to unimportant omissions of letters,

are equally insignificant.

In seven instances

the Qr. of the oriental text calls for the occidental reading.

HEBREW TEXT AND THE VERSIONS

37

In the case of those portions of Chronicles which are parallel to

the older canonical books the textual critic

is

The

may

text of the sources with their versions

to the versions of Chronicles as

an aid

particularly fortunate.

be used in addition

for restoring the original text

of Chronicles, as vice versa Chronicles

often useful for the criti-

is

cism of the text of the older books, frequently preserving the origThese older books, however, must be
inal reading {v. p. 19).
used with extreme caution for the purpose of emending the text of
Chronicles, since

when

due

are

many changes

The

Chronicler.

text of the older

to the intention of the

books was already

them

in a corrupt

Frequently he
made changes in the interest of better sense, doing the best he could
with a difScult or corrupt reading, and often he simply incorpostate

the Chronicler used

as sources.

The task of the textual

rated from his source an early corruption.
restore
the
is
not
to
critic of Chronicles
original source reading of
a given passage, but only to rewrite the text as nearly as possible as
The failure to observe
it came from the hand of the Chronicler.

has often caused confusion.

this principle

The Greek

Versions.

The

Greek version

of the

books of

Chronicles (commonly supposed to be the Septuagint rendering

an extremely

of these books) is

regard

and

in the

The

Ecclesiastes.

there can be

no doubt

its

translator

century)

is

belonging in this

of Ezekiel, Canticles,

followed so closely that

had our Hebrew recension

We are not so well supplied

(VIII-IX
is

Greek

Massoretic text

that

text of Chronicles in the uncials

and

the

with old Greek MSS. as in

we possess a complete
but
Testament
Old
books,
many

before him.
the case of

literal translation,

same category with

centuries), and for

also available.

(V century),
i

Ch. 9" to

(IV century),

irpcoi to

19" S(IV

Numerous cursives (about thirty)

dating

between the tenth and fifteenth centuries should be added to

list,

but

how many

of these

this

have any independent value has not yet

been determined.
In addition to this ordinary Greek version, the first book of
Esdras, which begins with the translation of the last two chapters
of 2 Ch., is an important witness for obtaining the original text of
these chapters.
text

and has a

This translation

different

Hebrew

is

much

freer than the received

recension behind

it.

The book

is

AND

38

CHRONICLES

preserved in the uncials A, B, and

(except most of last chapter,
Holmes and Parsons), but not in N; also in nearly thirty

cf.

cursives.

Before any

critical

use can be

made

of these

two versions

for

they are distinct versions their respective ages must be determined. That our received text of Ch. is really the translation of

Theodotion has been maintained by such scholars as Grotius

(1644), Whiston (1722), Pohlmann (1859), and Sir Henry Howorth
(1893, 1901-2), but the evidence has been set forth most convincby C. C. Torrey (see AJSL. vol. XXHI. pp. 121 ff., and

ingly

ATC. pp. 60 ff.). He maintains that i Esd. represents

the only extant remains of the real Septuagint of Ch.-Ezr.-Nc.,

especially

and

was later supplanted by the version of Theodotion, whose

was soon forgotten and which was therefore accepted as the

this

origin

true Septuagint.

The argument has

generally been that since our

Greek version bears the marks of late origin compared with the
version preserved in i Esd., and since Theodotion's translation
Daniel supplanted the older translation, it is plausible to suppose that the same thing has occurred here and our received text
of

is really the rendering of Theodotion.

has collected much direct evidence

Theodotion's, and

Torrey, in addition to
that

the

received

this,

text

is

he states along the following lines {ATC.

60
Theodotion's
habit of transliterating words of
pp.
ff.).
(i)
difhcult or uncertain meaning, and often without any apparent
reason,
pla,

I.

is

this

one of his most striking characteristics

{cf.

Field,

pp. xxxix-xlii, also Swete, Introduction, p. 46)

also the

common

practice

of

the translator

of

and

Hexathis is

Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.

Seventy such words are listed and they appear regularly distributed throughout these books.
Some of them are identical

by Theodotion elsewhere. (2) Unusual

Theodotion rendering of Daniel are duplicated
the Chronicler's books.
(3) According to the custom of this

with

transliterations

translations in the
in

translator, gentilic

names

are

transliterated

exactly instead of

being given the Greek adjective ending, though these have often
been substituted later in the mss., especially in L.
In view of

our meagre supply of extant passages from Theodotion's translation (Daniel being merely a revision of the old Greek), from which

HEBREW TEXT AND THE VERSIONS

his characteristics

must be determined,

39

this evidence is surprisingly

strong.

Moreover, evidence is not entirely lacking that the Greek version of Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. current before the time of Theodotion and
"canonical"
apparently accepted as the Septuagint was not our
version, but a

somewhat

Hebrew

free translation of a different

If our Greek was

Esd. formed a part.
recension and of
it
is not surprising
time
of
in
the
the accepted Septuagint
Josephus,
three
the
of
the
culled
have
he
should
that
youths from
story

which

Esd. (Ani. xi. 3, 2-8 = 1 Esd. 3-4), since this story is wanting elsewhere, but it is strange, as has frequently been noticed, that he
should have quoted in other places from i Esd. in preference to
I

In Ant.

the aiitlwritative Septuagint version.

^acn\ev<i Xeyec 'Eirec fie

6 6eo<; 6

airehei^e

top

jBacrikea^

lpo(To\v/xoL<i
I

Esd.

22'-

iv

but

TTj

cf.

.So also

to prefer.

'lovBuia
Esd.

Aut.

i=,

xi.

2,

xi. i,

fie'ryiaro'i

avrov

vaov

KOpo?

otKOv/xevri^

otKoSofirjaco

iv

follows closely the text of

X^P^

which we should
2

rr)?

i.

e.xpect

Josephus

^aaiXevf; Ka/x^vcrr]'? 'Va6vfi(p

ra irpooTrLirrovra koX BeeX^e/x&> Kai "EefxeXio)

rot?
\oi7rol<;
roi?
avPTaaao/xevoa Kal
ypa/xfxarel
oUovaiv iv "Lafxapeia Kal ^olvlkt] rdSe Xeyei is certainly
taken from i Esd. 2=' and departs widely from 2 Esd. 4''

TM

<ypd<^ovTi

kuI

(notice the transliteration

translates).

If

where

Josephus

rendering of the canonical

lation of a variant uncanonical
the latter
ever,

unaccountable.

we suppose him

if

Greek

is

knew
Hebrew

to

Esd., followed by Josephus,

2
Esd. as the Septuagint
text

and

Esd. as the trans-

fragment, his preference

His action

is

perfectly clear,

for

how-

have been acquainted with only one

which i Esd. was a part. Again,

version, the Septuagint, of

a quotation from the Greek version of

historian

Ch.

Eupolemus, writing about 150

2'^

B.C.,

made by

the Greek

contains the clause

ovpavov Kal rrjv yr^v eKTiaev, which,

almost certainly taken from a version of
Esd. formed a part (cf. ATC. p. 77, esp. f. n. 22).

u\oyriT6<; 6 ^eo? 0? rov

as Torrey argued,

which

is

The accepted Greek

text

(Theodotion 's), therefore,

is

only of

value for recovering the authoritative Hebrew of the second cenour

tury A.D., and beyond the limited assistance from Josephus, is

AND

40

CHRONICLES

chief early authority for criticising the text of

Field (Hexapla, vol.

Aquila

(r.

125 a.d.)

Ch.

to 2 Ch. 34.

notes a few readings from the version of

Ch. 15" 25'^ 29", and a larger number from

I.)

Symmachus (c. 200 a.d.) i Ch. 5" 9' ii^ 1527 21'" 25'-3 26==
Ch. 12' 15' 19" 23" 26^ 30= 31" 32^ ;^T,^ 34", but these are not exFor the criticism of 2 Ch.
tensive enough to be of much value.
that of
2

35-36 we
served in

by the
in

may add
I

Esd.

the testimony of the true Septuagint as pre-

This dates from before 150

I.

Eupolemus fragment

(v. s., cf.

B.C., as is

evidenced

Schiir. GescJiJ III. pp. 351 /.).

Both the old Septuagint (i Esd.) and Theodotion are availabb

two forms, the Lucian recension, based upon the Syro-Palestin-

ian tradition,

and

The Lucianic

text

Mss. representing the Egyptian tradition.

in the cursives 19, 93, and 108,* and

in
is

found

these are the basis of Lagarde's edition of these books in Lihrorum

Veteris Testamenti Canonicorum pars prior.
The remaining mss.
represent the Egyptian tradition and may be divided into two
groups; one led by B includes also S and 55, the second includes A

and the

The

B.

^rC.
The

The remaining

rest of the cursives.

certain, but

seems

to follow the

MSS. of the

B group

pp. 91/.).
Lucian recension

Palestinian tradition.

the natural textual

is

uncial

un-

is

group more frequently than the

are probably Hexaplaric

(cf.

Tor.

a thorough revision of the earlier Syrochanges, together with

The many arbitrary

corruption, make the

task of detecting the

hence Lagarde's Lucian text must

be used with extreme caution. Doubtless some of its many conearlier basic text a difficult one,

flated readings

go back

to the true

Hebrew

text,

but this cannot be

assumed even when the reading would be a great improvement on

our Massoretic tradition.

Much

of the plus of

does not even

have a Hebrew original behind it. The Syro-Palestinian tradition

back of the Lucian recension probably did not differ very widely

from the Egyptian.

of MSS. than

The

by B and

its

latter is better

followers.

preserved by the A group

has frequently been rep-

resented as extensively corrected from the Massoretic text, but close

examination shows that no such comparison with the Hebrew could
*

It

appears from Swete, Introduction, pp. 154, 156, that 19 does not contain Ch. or i Esd.
is wanting in 93, but cj. Holmes and Parsons, vols. II. V., where they are given

and that Ch.

in

the

lists of

mss. containing these books and variants from

them

are frequently noted.

HEBREW TEXT AND THE VERSIONS

41

have been made, since nearly every page contains palpable blunders
which, in that case, would not have been allowed to stand. A conforms more closely to the Hebrew because it has, on the whole,
the better text, not because it has been made to conform, hence it
should always be given the preference over B, other testimony being
The B ms. for Ch. is in especially poor condition. The
equal.

proper names are often damaged beyond recognition, dittographics

are only too common, and omissions by homoeoteleuton arc very

When compared with the A group and

B often furnishes valuable aid

frequent.

Palestinian tradition

with the Syro-

toward regain-

ing the original rendering, but it should not be quoted as SeptuaGengint or even as the Greek text, an all too common practice.

when

erally speaking,

the

and B groups and

the

agree they furnish the original Greek rendering, but

it

recension

sometimes

happens, especially in proper names, that none of these agree with

the Massoretic text when the latter was doubtless the translator's
original, all the

Greek

texts

having become corrupted.

In the commentary the received Greek, i.e., the version of Theodotion,

(S and the Septuagint (in 2 Ch. 35-36) as (8 of i Esd.

has been quoted as

Generally speaking, when the reading of certain Greek Mss. has been

regarded as representing the original Greek rendering,

hence a variant Hebrew text, but frequently a variant Greek reading
cited, these are

found

in

one or more MSS. has been presented merely because

it

is

of

When the original has been regained by a comparison

possible worth.
of corrupt readings, it is cited with an asterisk ((*).

The Latin

Versions.

The

Old Latin version would be

of

special value for the criticism of the text of Chronicles, since the
Septuagint, from which it was made, has disappeared for all except
the last two chapters {y. s.).
Unfortunately the Old Latin fared
little

better.

No

extant ms. contains any extensive

these books, but a

number

portion of

fragments can be culled from the

quoted extensively from them. Sabatier {Bibliof

Latin fathers, who

orum sacrorum Latince versiones antiquce, vol. L 1741) collected
from these and ms. sources the ancient Latin version of the fol-

13.

17

eb-12a

22''"''

28' 2

Ch. i" 2"-

lowing passages:

Ch

jQ2b-ll 20'^'^'

^^

5'"''''^^
'

36-37

"

"i^

II^'''

2l'^-

""

n^

^''-

i2'8- ^S"

12b-16a

24*'' 2'^"''

jr2
*'

nb.
lyn.u 218jg7b-9.
'^-l^.

20.

12

27

12.

j-^S-Ta.

26'^''""

42
="

29= 32=^"
v.ith

^;^'\

AND

CHRONICLES

These excerpts, however, must be compared

more recent editions

In the case of

trusted.

of the Latin fathers before thcv

Esd.

we

are better

off,

the

can be

Old Latin being

preserved in three mss. (Paris ms. Bibl. Nat. lat. iii, the ^ladrid
E. R. 8, and a Lucca ms., cf. Swete, Introduction, p. 95).
This

iMS.

version

of

is

some value

for recovering the Syro-Palestinian tra-

dition of the Septuagint.

The Latin version of Jerome, commonly called the Vulgate, was

new translation made from the standard Hebrew text of the end
and independent

of the fourth century A.D.,

late origin detracts

from

its critical

of the Septuagint.
value for textual purposes.

Its

By

comparing it with the Theodotion Greek it frequently aids in the

removal of corruptions which made their way into the Hebrew text
a comparatively late date.
Its chief value, however, lies in the
realm of interpretation, where it supplies an early rendering of
the consonantal Hebrew text for the most part as it now stands,
at

which

is

often superior to the

tradition.

The

Syriac Versions.

modem

The

influenced by ]Massoretic

Syriac translation of Chron-

first

now

a part of the Peshito, but originally Chronicles was not

received into the Syriac Canon.
Indeed, when the book was subicles is

sequently translated it did not meet with general acceptance. This

Syriac version seems to have been the work of Jews of Edessa.

While

brew

in

most Old Testament books the Peshito follows the He-

text faithfully

and even

literally,

with here and there extensive

influence from the Septuagint, Chronicles stands alone as the trans-

mere Jewish Targum and exhibits all the faults which

might be expected from such origin. One of its most striking
characteristics is found in the fact that the text has very frequently
lation of a

been conformed to the text of Samuel and Kings.

This

is

even

true of extended passages, as where i K. 12"-^" followed by i K.

The substitute has the
14'-' are substituted for 2 Ch. 1 1^-12 '2.

authority of the best mss.

and must be accepted as the

original

Syriac text, i.e., the original translators had the text of S.-K. before
them. Numerous other instances might be cited where the text

agrees with S.-K. against Ch. in which

Syriac text,

but where

its

testimony

is

we may

possess the original

absolutely worthless for the

HEBREW TEXT AND THE VERSIONS

criticism of the

Hebrew

text.

Since there can be no doubt that

either the translators, or perhaps

conformed Chronicles

43

some

later copyist, frequently

to its sources, the Peshito

(^)

may never

be

of S.-K. as original in Chronicles.

This fact, together with the character of its origin, makes the

cited hi support of readings

Peshito text of Chronicles practically worthless for critical purposes.

The

For discussion, see Frankel, JPT. iS'jg, pp. s^^ffPeshito text of Chronicles is available in a number of edi-

but all go back to the Paris Polyglot of 1645. The London

Polyglot (Walton's), published shortly after, reproduces the Paris
text without change.
The first edition was printed from a very

tions,

poor MS., "Syr. 6" of the Bibliotheque Nationalc. Recently

W. E. Barnes has published the variant readings of the Mss. available to-day, and of the printed editions {An Apparatus Criticus to
Chronicles in the Peshitta Version, 1897).
Walton's edition cor-

rected by this apparatus furnishes a good Peshito text.

The Syriac version of Paul of Telia was made in 616-7 a.d.,
from a Greek ms. ultimately derived from the Septuagint col-

umn

of Origen's Hexapla.
This was first made known to Europe
Andreas
who
died
in 1573, and he had a MS. which,
Masius,
by

with other books, contained Chronicles, but this has disappeared.

British Museum possesses a catena (Add. 12,168) contain-

The

fragments of Chronicles and the Books of Esdras.

fragments of Chronicles are found on Foil. 57a-6oa
ing

MSS. in Brit. Mus. Part

Gwynn {Remnants of the Later

Wright, Cat. of Syr.

II. p.

published by

Syriac

of the Bible, 1909, Part II. pp. 5-17).

The
(Wm.

905), just

Versions

The

and Ne. were published by Torrey {AJSL.

portions of i Esd.
Oct. 1906, pp. 69-74),

i Esd. i.
The Syro-Hexaplar
found elsewhere and has been pub-

but the MS. contains nothing of

text of

Esd., however,

is

lished

by Lagarde {Libri veteris testamenti apocryphi syriace),

hence we have its testimony for the recovery of the original
Septuagint text of 2 Ch. 35, 36 (i Esd. i).

The Arabic

Version.

The

Arabic version of Chronicles

is

and London Polyglots {v. s.),

It is far removed from the
orig-

available in printed form in the Paris

but
inal

is

of

little

or

no

critical value.

Hebrew, and as a translation

of the Peshito text

(r/.

Burkitt,

AND

44

DB.

I.

version

CHRONICLES

137) simply duplicates the testimony of that uncertain

p.

{v. s.).

The

Ethiopic Version.

The

Books

of Chronicles are not

extant in the Ethiopic version, which, however, does contain the

This is of value for regaining the Egyptian
first Book of Esdras.
recension of that portion of the Septuagint {v. s.).

The Targum. The Aramaic paraphrase of Chronicles, like

the

Hagiographa, never had official

Targums
and
was
a
rather than a translation.
It
commentary
significance
was made from our Massoretic te.xt and possesses little critical
of the other

value.

The

text

was

from an Erfurt ms.

*

books

in

of the

first published by ^Matthias Friedrich Beck

1680 and 1683. Later (1715) David Wilkins

published the Aramaic text from a ms. in the Cambridge Library

with a parallel Latin translation (Paraphrasis Chaldaica in Libriim
priorem

Lagarde

et

posteriorem Chronicorum).

discussion see
in

It

was

also published

by

Hagiographa Chaldaice, Leipzig, 1873. For a full

Kohler and Rosenberg, Das Targum der Chronik,

in his

Jud. Zeitschrift, 1870, pp. 72/., 135/., 263/.

9.

THE HIGHER CRITICISM AND LITERATURE.

The Books of

Chronicles, from their supplementary and, through

their genealogical material, their unedifying character,

been a favourite

field of

have never

study and investigation, hence their

litera-

The books also, in their

ture has always been relatively meagre.
variations from the other canonical writings, presented to early
students peculiar difficulties.
Jewish scholars in the period of the

Talmud regarded them with suspicion, and later shrank from

many problems which their genealogies presented (/. IV. p.
R. Simon, Hist. Crit.

dii

V. Test.

I.

IV.).

the

60;

Jerome, on the other

hand, was extravagant in their valuation, declaring, "He who

thinks himself acquainted with the sacred writings and does not

know these books only deceives himself" (Epist. ad Paulinum de

Studio Scripturarum).
And again, "All knowledge of the Scripture is contained in these books" {Praf. in libr. Paralip., Epist.
ad Domnionem)
This valuation rested, however, without doubt
an
upon
allegorical interpretation and not upon any apprehension
.

of the real character of

and

Ch.

No

one seems to have

fol-

THE HIGHER CRITICISM

lowed Jerome

in

erally vindicated

his estimate,

45

and while the books were gen-

by the few Jewish and Christian scholars who

commented upon them through the general assertion that they rested
upon authentic sources and by explaining away all appearances of
error, yet at the same time their discrepancies were made the basis
of

arguments against the authority of the sacred Scriptures {cf.

Comm. in V. T. IV. p. 510). (Spinoza had ridiculed the

Calmet,

attempts of Jewish scholars to remove the discrepancies between

the narratives of Chronicles and those of the earlier books and expressed his wonder that they had been received into the sacred
Canon by those who rejected the Apocryphal books, Trac. Tlieol.
Politki, cc.

ix.

and

x.)

G. F. Oeder in his Freie Untersuchungen iiher einige Bucher

des A. T. (1771) spoke of their many corruptions (Ke.)But for
real criticism

and a worthy explanation we begin naturally with the

Eichhorn
(i 780-1 782, 3rd ed. 1803).

introduction of Eichhorn

went beyond the simple assertion of the Chronicler's use of authentic and reliable sources to a theory upon which the variations

and agreements between Chronicles and the

earlier

books

might be explained. In regard to the genealogies he recognised

that the Chronicler drew from the earlier canonical books, but
along with them he held that he had access to registers carefully
kept by the Levites and preserved in the Temple, serving as
titles to inheritances.
These registers, subject to copyists' mistakes, were not always repeated in their complete form and many
pedigrees were abridged, hence the genealogical variations in i Ch.
The basis of the Chronicler's description of David and Solomon

was an old life of those two monarchs, also the basis of the narratives in I and 2 S. and i K., which in the course of transmission
through

many hands had suffered many

made changes, such as

Chronicler also

the kindling of sacrifices by

also

fire, etc.;

the Chronicler mentioned the

lists

changes, and in which the

his introduction of Satan,

from

of the priests

historic records

and Levites, the

contributions for the Temple, and other things of a similar nature.

The various works cited by the Chronicler such as "the words of

Shemaiah the Prophet and Iddo the Seer"

rash of the prophet Iddo" (2 Ch. 13")

"

(2

Ch.

12'^),

the words of

"the Mid-

Jehu"

(2

Ch.

20^0, the writing of

works mentioned
tinct writings of

the

AND

46

Midrash

Judah and

"

CHRONICLES

Ch. 32"

contemporaries

Book

of the

Ch.

Israel (2

Amoz"

Isaiah the son of

in 2

of

2^-^

(2

Ch. 26"), and the

Eichhorn regarded as

33^^'-,

of Israel's kings,

now

lost;

dis-

while

Kings and the Book of the Kings of

27' 28" 35-' 36') and the Book of the

were secondary works; the last two

same
work
and identical with the Book of the
one
and
the
being
Chronicles of the Kings of Judah cited in i and 2 K. (Einl.^ ii. 595).
Kings

Ch.

of Israel (2

20=^)

Eichhorn held strongly to the

reliability of

and

Ch., owing to the

careful use of historical sources by the author.

This representative view

De Wette

of

Eichhorn was sharply

(in his Beitrdge zur Einleilung,

1S06).

criticised

by

He, by com-

showed that Eichhorn's supposition of the Chronicler's

use of the underlying sources of i and 2 S. and i and 2 K. was
untenable.
No real evidence was present that both the authors of
parison,

the canonical books

and the Chronicler had drawn

their material

from the same source; but far more likely all commion passages
were due to the use by the Chronicler of the canonical books. De
Wette then examined the variations between the writings and he

showed

came marks of his late period,

and alterations of meanadditions were marked by a preference for the

that through the Chronicler

slovenly or careless writing, confusions

ing,

and that

his

concerns of the Levites, a love of marvels, apologies and preference for Judah and hatred of Israel, and embellishments of the

Thus

history of Judah.

the unreliability of the Clironicler

was

abundantly shown.

Of

the Chronicler's sources

writers," he said,

Who

Chronicles.

before us

thus

may

De Wette made

"might have taken part

will

in

little.

"Several

producing our present

contend about that? But as the work

lies

one character and one individuality and

be assigned to one author" {Beitrdge, p. 61). The quesit is

entirely of

tion of the reliability of the Chronicler

of the Pentateuch,

Scriptures.

and

was

of the general

largely

bound up

in that

view of the Old Testament

Scholars or writers of a so-called rationalistic tend-

ency disparaged these books and accepted the conclusions of De

Wette (a good example is seen in F. W. Newman's History of the

Hebrew Monarchy,

1847), while on the other

hand conservative

or

THE HIGHER CRITICISM

47

orthodox scholars held the general view of Eichhorn in regara to

sources and defended the trustworthiness of i and 2 Ch. through-

Even upon

out.

those of a freer tendency,

De

Wette's work

made

less of an impression than might have been expected.

Bertholet,
who was willing to accept De Wette's low estimate of the historical

worth

of Chronicles {Einl. III. p. 983),

argued

in behalf of the use

common

sources by the writers of Kings and Chronicles.

Ewald also, who had a clear conception of the general character of
the books, still in his history used them as a source of information
of

very nearly upon a par with the other Old Testament books. The
view in general was that the Chronicler, while often introducing the
notions of his

though more

own
free

age, yet carefully followed his sources, which,

and homiletic than the older canonical books

in

were scarcely inferior as records of

two
when
the
could not be reconciled the former
though
history
were to be received as of greater authority. (C/. Bertheau's treattheir treatment of history, yet

ment throughout
II. p.

694, 1854,

De
by

J.

his

commentary, 1854, 1873; Dillmann, PRE.

PRE.'

p. 224, 1878.)

Wette's work was answered twelve years later in a small treatise

G. Dahler {De Librorum Paralipomenon Auctoritate atque Fide

Hislorica Argentorati, 18 19).

order from the beginning of

examined by

itself

Each

alleged discrepancy, taken

up

in

Ch. and through the two books, was

and explained away or harmonised; and the author
i

concluded concerning the Chronicler: "Absolvendum

just is criminatioiiibus, et fidemejushisloricam,

eum

esse ah islis in-

puram esse atque inte gram."

Dahler, as most of the apologists who followed him, overlooked the fact
that the judgment of a work must be determined by the impression made
by its phenomena grouped as a whole and that phenomena taken singly

can ordinarily be explained away. It had been the great merit of De

Wette's treatise that he "shaped the superabundant material to convey
the right impression."

Dahler's work was refuted by C. W. P. Gramberg in Die Chronik

nach ihreni geschichtlichem character and ihrer GlaubwUrdigheit gepruft
This work was of little weight, owing to its charge of
(Halle, 1823).

extreme

falsification

by the Chronicler.

In 1833, C. F. Keil published his apology for Chronicles Apologetischer

Versuch iiber die Bucher der Chronik und iiber die Integretdt des Buches

This work, essentially in its main contentiori, 'reproduced later

Intro, and Commentary on i and 2 Ch., held, as already noted
above (see p. 20), that the Chronicler did not draw his material from
Ezra.

in his

OT.

AND

48

CHRONICLES

the earlier canonical books of the

OT., unless in the list of the patriarchal

and hence the parallelism between i and 2 Ch.
and 2 K. is due to common sources underlying each

families (i Ch. 1-22),

and

and

2 S.

and

(the view of Eichhorn).

examples mentioned above,

Cf.

p.

20.

The

varied charges brought by De Wette were refuted in detail and the

Chronicler was absolved from all error of statement, although later Keil
recognised in one instance that he was guilty of

misapprehension

{Intro. II. p. 82).

In 1S34 appeared Kritische Untersuchiing iiber die biblische Chronik,

F. C. Movers, a German pastor residing near Bonn.
This work,
although defending in a large measure the historical reliability of i

by

and

Ch., since the author held to the Mosaic origin of the Levitical
was characterised by much critical acumen. In the matter

institutions,

of sources the author

advanced views practically

identical with those

He held that the Chronicler used first of all the

current at present.
canonical books, and secondly one other source, the Midrash or Commentary upon the Book of Kings. This Book of Kings was neither
our Book of Kings, nor the "Chronicles" or Annals mentioned in
Kings, but a work which the authors of Samuel and Kings had used,

and whose author had made use of the Chronicles or Annals mentioned
in Kings.
But the Midrash or Commentary on this Book of Kings was
a post-exilic work more didactic than purely historical, a connecting link
between the canonical Scriptures and the Apocrypha. Of this work
and

of the canonical Scriptures the Chronicler

Movers' view

mentioned

in this respect is that of

(see p.

The problem
in his

was

essentially a copyist.

Benzinger and Kittel, already

25).

of Chronicles

was

also discussed in detail by

Die Geschichtlichen Biicher

d.

AT.

(1S66).

K. H. Graf,

Graf examined the

narratives of Chronicles in the light of those of the canonical books,

his conclusions

were similar to

De

and

Welte's respecting the work as a tend-

ency writing largely unhistorical in character. He differed from Movers,

holding that the Chronicler was not a mere copyist and that to him as

an independent writer belonged the characteristics

to

he had

reminiscences in his
of our

of his

work and not

On

the other hand, he rejected the notion that

no other sources than the canonical books and allowed historical

a Midrashic source.

problem

is

new

The

next most fruitful discussion

brilliant

chapter on Chronicles in his

material.

Wellhausen's

Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels {iS,-?>, 1883, Eng. trans. 1885). There
the position of De Wette is restated and the Chronicler's work is exhibited essentially in the character which we have given, although W2
are inclined to find more of historical reminiscence in certain instances

than Wellhausen allows, but his sketch of the Chronicler's work as a

whole is correct. For the recent views of Benzinger and Kittel respecting the composition of Chronicles see pp. 25/.

LITERATURE

49

LITERATURE.
(Authors of the

most important works are indicated by the heavy

type.)

S.

Baer and F. Delitzsch, Liber Chronicorum (1888) (text

with critical and Massoretic appendices by Baer and an introduction
by Del.); David Ginsburg, aiDinji ovn^dj min (1894), pp. 1676Text.

1808 (text based upon the Boniberg Bible of 1524-5, with variant readR. Kittel, The Books of Chronicles in Hebrew

ings in the foot-notes);

(1895) (in Haupt's Sacred Books of the

by B. W. Bacon);

critical notes trans,

OT.) (the unpointed text, with

R. Kittel, Biblia Hebraica, II.

(1906) pp. 1222-1320 (text with foot-notes citing variants in MSS., Vrss.,

and

Bibl. sources).

Translations and Commentaries.

tiones Hebraicce in

Paralipomeua

in

Hieronymus

appendix

(d.

420), Quaes-

to vol. III. of his

works

(pub. in Migne's Palrologia Latino, vol. 23, coll. 1365-1402); Theodoret,

Bishop of Cyrus (ist half of 5th cent.), Quaestiones in Paralipomena

(pub. in Migne's Patrologia Graca, vol. 80, coll. 801-5S); Procopius

(ist half of 6th cent.), Commentarii in Paralipomena (pub. in

Gazasus

vol. 87, part I. coll. 1201-20); Rabanus

776-856), Commentaria in libros duos Paralipomenon (pub.

Migne's Palrologia Grceca,

Maurus

(c.

Migne's Patrologia Latiiia, vol. 109, coll. 279-540); David Kimhi

(1160-1235) (Kimhi's commentary on Ch. was pub. in the Rabbinic
Bible of 1547 and elsewhere); Levi ben Gerson (i 288-1344) wrote com.
in

on Ch. (Rich. Simon, Hist. Crit. p. 28); Alphonsus Tostatus (Tostado),

Comment, (on hist, books of the Bible, 1507); R. Joseph fil. David
Aben Jechija {Comment, in Hagiogr. 1538) (Carpzov); R. Isaac bar R.
Salomo Jabez {Hagiogr. Constantinople) (Carpzov); Basil. Zanchius,
In omnes divinos libros notationes (1553); Erasmus Sarcerius (1560)
Vict. Strigel, Libb. Sam., Reg., et Paralipom. (1591);

(Carpzov);
Lavater,

Comm.

in

Paralip.

(1599);

Sebastian.

Lud.

Leonhardus (1613)

(Carpzov); Nic. Serarius, Comment, in libr. Reg. et Paralip. (1617);

Casp. Sanctius, Comment, in 4 libr. Reg. et 2 Paralipom. (1625); Jac.
Bonfrerius, Comment, in libr. Reg. et Paralip. (1643); Hug. Grotius,
Annotatt. in Vet. Test. (1644) {Paralip. in edition of 1732 (Basil) vol. I.

Arthur Jackson, Help for the Under sta7iding of the Holy

PP- i7S~89);

OT. 2 vols. (1643 and 1646);

in sacram .Scripturam (1650); Christ.
Schotanus, in Biblioth. histories sacrcs V. T. vol. II. (1662); D. Brenius,
Scrip.; or Annot. on the Hist, part of the

Thomas Malvenda, Commentaria

Annot. Parol,

Comment.

(in

Opera Theologia, 1666,

foil.

21-23);

Fran. Burmann,

(1660-83); Jacob Cappel, Observationes

in Lib. Paralip. (in Comment, et Not. Crit. in V. T.
by Lud. Cappel,
1689, pp. 651-4); S. Patrick, .4 Commentary upon the Historical Books

of the

OT.
4

Paralip.

(1694;

Ch.

in

new

edition, vol. II. (1842) pp. 464-618); Jo.

50

AND

CHRONICLES

Commentarius in Vetus

Clericus,

Matthew Henry, An Exposition

in vol. II.

dubia ac

1708);

Test. vol. II. (1708) pp. 519-640;

of the Historical Books of tlie O. T. (Ch.

H. B. Slarck, Notce

difficiliora Pent.,

sel. critt.

Chron.,

philoU. exegg. in loca

(1714); J-

H. Michaelis

and Rambach, Anttott. in Paral. (1720) (in Uberiores Adnotationes in

Libros Hagiographos V. T., J. H. Mich, wrote on i Ch. and Rambach
(1758);
on 2 Ch.); S. J. Mauschberger. Comm. in LL. Paralip.
des AT. mil Anmerkk.fur Ungelehrte, vol.
J. D. Michaelis, Uebersetzung
XII. (1785) pp. 151-310 (the trans.) and pp. 171-304 of app. (notes);
.

A. Calmet, Commentarius Literalis in

Adam

Omnes

Libros Testamenti, vol. IV.

The Holy

Bible (Ch. in vol.

F. J, V. Maurer, Commentarius Grammaticus Criticus

(1791) pp.
1821);

512-S27;

Clarke,

II.

in

Vetus Testamentum, vol. I. (1835) pp. 232-44; J. Benson, The Holy

Bible with Critical, Explanatory and Practical Notes (Ch. in vol. II.
etc.^ (1868)
1850, pp. 233-38S); Chr. Wordsworth, Kings, Chronicles,
C. F. Kail,
and
with
Notes
Bible
of
The
III.
Introductions);
Holy
(vol.

BUcher der Chronik (1870)

trans,

by Andrew Harper,

(in Biblischer

1872);

Kommentar

.AT. Eng.

iiber d.

B. Neteler, Die Biicher der biblischen

Chronik (1872); E. Bertheau, Bucher der Chronik"- (1873) (in Kurzgef.

Exeget. Handbuch zum AT.); George Ravk'linson, Chronicles (1873)
in
(in vol. III. of The Holy Bible, edited by F. C. Cook); O. Zbckler,
E.
trans,
G.
Bibelwerk
Reuss,
Murphy);
J.
by
(1874)
(Eng.
Lange's
Chronique ecclesiastique de Jerusalem (1878) (La Bible. IV. part); Clair,
Les Paralipomenes (1880); Vilmar, Josua bis Chronika (1882) (in
Prakt. Erkl. der Heil. Schrift herausgegeben von Chr. Micller); C. J.
Ball, in

Baker,

Bishop Ellicott's Commentary for English Readers (1883); P. C.

and II. Chronicles (in The Pulpit Commentary of Spence and

/.

Exell), 2 vols. (1884); S. Oettli,

Bucher der Chronik (1889)

{in

Kurzgef

Kommentar z. AT.); M. J. Tedeschi and S. D. Luzzatto, Commentar zu den BB. Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah und Chronik (1S90); J.
Robertson, in Book by Book (1892), pp. 111-19; W. H. Bennett, The
Books of Chronicles (1894) (in The Expositor's Bible); E. Kautzsch,

Exeget.

Die Heilige Schrift des Alien Testaments (1894),

translation, pp. 936R. G. ISIoulton, ChroniW. E. Barnes, The Book

1012, critical notes in supplement, pp. 91-9S;

cles (1897) (The Modern Reader's Bible);

of Chronicles (1900) (Cambridge Bible); I. Benzinger, Die Biicher der
Chronik (1901) (in Kiirzer Hand-Commentar z. AT.); A. Hughes-

Games, The Books of Chronicles (1902) (Temple

Bible);

R. Kittel,

Die Biicher der Chronik (1902) (in Handkommentar z. AT.); R. de

Hummelauer, Comment, in Librum I Paralipom. (1905); W. R. HarveyChronicles (1906) (The Century Bible).
Critical Discussions.
Richard Simon, Histoire Critique

Jellie,

dii

Vieux

Testament (1685), Book I. Chap. iv. pp. 27 /.; Joh. Gottlob Carpzov,
Introductio ad Libros Canonicos Bibliorum Veteris Testamenti (1731),

LITERATURE
Part

5I

pp. 279-303; J. G. Eichhorn, Einl.^ II. (1803) pp. 579-601;

L. de Wette, Kritischcr Versuch ilber die Glaubenswiirdigichkeit

I.

W. M.

dcr Biicher der Chronik (1806) {BeUrdge ziir Einl. in d.

AT.

vol. I.);

L. Bertholdt, Einl, Part 3 (1813), pp. 963-91; J- G. Dahlcr,

librorum Paralipom. auctoritate atque fide historica (1819); C. P.

De
W.

Gramberg, Die CJironik nach ihrem geschiclUlichen Charakter tind ihrer

Glaubwiirdigkeit neii gepriift (1823); C. P. W. Gramberg, de geloofwaardigheid en het belang van de Chron. voor de Bijb. Gescli. (1830); Die
Biicher der Chronik. Ihr Verhdltniss

den Biichern Samuels und der

zii

Konige; Hire Glaubwiirdigkeit, und die Zeii ihrer Ab/assung, in Thcologische Quartalschrift (Tubingen, 183 1), pp. 201-82; C. F. Keil, Apologetischer Versuch ilber die Chronik (1833); F. C. Movers, Kritische

Untersuchungen

Chronik (1834);
(1S52) pp. 237-259; T. H.

ilber die biblische

d. AT.'' I.

Einleitung in

W. M. L. de Wette,
Home, Introduction

Study of the Holy Scriptures^o (1856), vol. II. pp. 673-688;

K. H. Graf, Die Gefangenschaft und Bekehrung Manasse's, 2 Chr. 33,
to tlie Critical

in

Theologische Studien und Kriliken (1859), pp. 467-94;

J.

Bleek,

Eng. trans, from 2nd ed. 1869);

und
Die
Manasse's, in Theol.
Bekehrung
Gerlach,
Gefangenschaft
Studien u. Kritiken (1861), pp. 503-24; W. H. Green, Date of Books of
Einl. (i860) pp. 371-401 (4th ed. 1S78,

Die GeschiclUlichen Biicher

d.

Ein Lateinischer Commentar

Chronik

AT.

kritisch verglichen mil d.

ff.;

Judischen Quellen (1866);

H. Ewald, History of

Schr. Einl. (1869) 224-33;

pp. i6g

XXXV.

(1863) p. 499; K. H. Graf,

(1866) pp. 114-247; Abr. Rahmer,
aus deni 9. Jahrhund. z. d. Biichern d.

Chronicles, in Princeton Review,

De

Israel,'^ I.

Kohler and Rosenberg, Das Targum der Chronik,

Zeitschrift (1870), pp. 72/., 135/., 263/.; J.

Wette(1869)
in Jiid.

Wellhausen, De Gentibus

enumerantur (1870); C. F. Keil,

//.' (1873) 138-144 (Eng. trans, from 2nd ed., 1870); W. R.
Smith, Chronicles, Books of, in Encycl. Britannica^ (1878); R. O. Thomas,

et

Familiis Judceis qucB

A Key

to the

Chr.

2. 4.

Books of Samuel and the Corresponding Parts of Chronicles

The Book of the Chronicles, in Sunday School

Frz. Delitzsch,

(18S1);

Times

(1S83),

Nov.

Scripture (1883),

I.

24, pp. 739/.; G. T. Ladd, The Doctrine of Sacred

pp. 108/., 373 f., 546 f., 686/.; E. Schrader, COT.

[1883] (1888) II. pp. 52-59;

J,

Wellhausen, Prolegomena

(1883), pp.

176-237, Eng. trans. (1885) pp. 171-227; J. L. Bigger, The Battle

Address of Abijah, 2 Chr. 13: 4-12, in OT. Student, vol. 3 (1883-4),
pp. 6-16; F. Brown, The Books of Chronicles with Reference to the

Books of Samuel, in Andover Review,

I.

(1884) pp. 405-26; Miihling,

Neue Untersuchungen ilber die Genealogien der Chronik r, 1-9, und

deren Verhdltniss zum Zweck dieses Buches, in Thenlog. Quartalschrift
(1884), pp. 403-50; W. H. BTOwn, The OT. Explained, Giving the Key
to the Harmony of the OT. Writings, and espec. the Books of K., Ch., etc.
(1885);

Cornely, Hist,

et crit.

Introductio in V. T. libros sacros

Compen-

AND

52
II.

dium,

(1887), pp.

German

433-520,

CHRONICLES

311/; A. Kuenen, Onderzoek^

trans.,

Einl.

part

I,

div.

(1890),

I.

(1887) pp.

103-89;

pp.

in Essays on
Terry, Chronicles and tlie Mosaic Legislation (1888),
Penlateuchal Criticism (edited by T. W. Chambers, and republished
under title Moses and his Recent Critics, 1889), pp. 213-45; E. Alker,

M.

S.

(1889);
Die Chronologic der Bilcher Konige und Paralipomenon
B. Stade, Geschr- (1889) I. pp. 81-84; C. H. Cornill, Einleitung (1891),
.

L. B. Paton, Alleged Dispp. 268-276, Eng. trans. (1907) pp. 225-39;

and Kings, in Presbyterian
crepancies between Books of Chronicles

G. Wildeboer,
Quarterly (Richmond, Va.), vol. 5 (1891), pp. 587-610;
Origin of the Canon of the OT. [1891] (1895) pp. 142 /., 152, 162;
K. Budde, Vermutungen zum "Midrasch des Baches der Konige," in
A. C. Jennings, Chronicles, in The
8-16,
393-401; C. G. Montefiore,
199-206,
Thinker,
pp.
Hibbert Lectures (1892), pp. 447/-. 454, 483; H. E. Ryle, Canon of the

ZAW.

vol.

12 (1892), pp. 37-51;

vol. 2 (1892),

(1892) pp. 138/., 145, 151, 162; W. R. Smith, OTJCr- (1892) pp.
H. Winckler, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen (1892),

OT.

14/., 182/.;

als geschichtsquelle); A. C. Hervey,

pp. 157-67 {Bemerkungen z. chronik
The Book of Chronicles in Relation to the Pentateuch (1S93); H. H.

The True Septuagint Version of Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah, in

The Academy (1893), vol. 44, pp. 73/.; E. Konig, Einl. (1893) 54;
W. Sanday, Inspiraiion (1893) (Bampton Lectures), pp. 102, 244, 253/.,
the Historical
H. Varley, The Infallible Word
39S, 443, 455

Hovvorth,

Books of Kings and Chronicles (1893); R. B. Girdlestone,

Accuracy
on the Text
Deuterographs, Duplicate Passages in the OT., their bearing
and Compilation, etc. (1894); T. F. Wright, Chronicles, in New Church
of the

der
Review, I. (1894) pp. 455-6; W. Bacher, Der Name der Bilcher
Chronik in der Septuaginta in Z.A.W. vol. 15 (1S95), pp. 305-8; S. R.

Driver,

The Speeches

in Chronicles, in

Exp. 5th

series, vol. i. (1895) pp.

in
Valpy. French, The Speeches
241-56,
Chronicles; a reply, in Exp. 5th series, vol. 2 (1895), pp. 140-152;
F. Kaulen, Paralipomena, in Kirchenlexikon, vol. 9 (1895), pp. i479/-;
vol.

S.

Krauss,

2,

1895, pp. 286-308;

Bibl.

Volkertafel in

Talmud. Midrasch und Targum, in

d. Judenthums, vol. 39

Monatsschrift fur Geschichte u. Wissenschaft

(1895) pp. i-ii, 49-63; G. Wildeboer, Lit. d. AT. (1895), pp. 404-420;
E. Barnes, The Midrashic Element in Chronicles, in Exp. 5th series,
vol. 4 (1896), pp. 426-39; G. B. Gray,
(1896) pp. 170-242;

W.

HPN.

W.

E. Barnes, Tlie Religious Standpoint of

tJie

Chronicler, in

AJSL.

XIII. (1896-7) pp. 14-20; W. E. Barnes, Chronicles a Targum, in

On 2 Ch. 14 9,
Expos. T. VIII. (1896-7) pp. 316-19; T. K. Cheyne,
H. L. Gilbert, Forms of
etc., in Expos. T. VIII. (1896-7) pp. 431/;
Names in I. Chronicles 1-7, in AJSL. XIII. (1896-7) pp. 279-98;
:

Fr.

W.

Hommel, Serah
E. Barnes,

the Cushite, in Expos. T. VIII. (1896-7) pp. 378/-;

Criticus to Chronicles in the Peshitta

An

Apparatus

LITERATURE
Versiofi (1897);

W. D.

53

A Harmony

Crockett,
of the Books of Samtiel,
in the Text of the Version of 1884 (1897); W. E.
Barnes, Errors in Chronicles, in Expos. T. IX. (1897-8) p. 521; John F.

Kings and Chronicles,

Stenning, Chronicles in the Pesliitta, in Expos. T. IX. (1897-8) pp. 45-7;

W. Bacher, Zii I. Chron. 7 12, in ZAW. vol. 18 (1898), pp. 236-8;
:

F.

Chronicles

Brown,

I.

and

Klostermann, Die Chronik,

DB.

II., in

PRE.^

in

I.

(1898) pp. 389-397; A.

III. (1898) pp.

85-98; Schurer,
Gesch.^ (1898) II. pp. 309, 339/., III. p. 311, Eng. trans, (from. 2nd ed.)
II. i. pp. 309, 340, iii.
p. 162; W. J. Beecher, Is Chronicler Veracious

Historian for Post-exilian Period? in The Bible Student atid Religious

Outlook (Columbia, S. C), vol. 3 (1899), pp. 385-90; Adolf Biichler,

Zur Geschichte

Tempelmusik und der Tempelpsalmen,

der

in

ZAW.

19 (1899), pp. 96-133, 329-44; Grigor Chalateanz, Die Biicher

Paralipom. nach der dltesten. Armen. Uebers., etc. (1899); Hope W.

vol.

Hogg, The Genealogy of Benjatnin; a Criticism of I. Chron.

JQR. XI. (1899) pp. 102-14; A. van Hoonacker, Le Sacerdoce
dans

Loi

VIII., in
Levitique

dans I'Histoire (1S99), pp. 21-116 {Les pretres et les

levites dans le livre des Chroniques)
E. Kautzsch, The Literature of the
OT. (1899) pp. 121-8 (trans., with revision, from supplements to Z)ze
Heil. Schr. d. AT."^); J. Koberle, Die Tempelsanger im AT. (1899) pp.
la

et

81-150 (Chronika); O. Seesemann, Die Darstellungsweise der Chronik,

in Mitth. u. Nachr.f. d. Evang. Kirche in Russland,
55 (1899), pp. 1-16;
W. R. Smith and S. R. Driver, Chrojiicles, Books of, in EBi. I. (1899)
coll.

763-72;

T. G. Soares, The Import of Chronicles as a Piece of

Am.

Jour, of Theo. III. (1899) pp. 251the Tribe of Levi in i Chron.

23-26, in JQR. XII. (1900) pp. 291-8; J. A. Howlett, Wellhausen and
the Chronicler, in The Dublin Review, vol. 126 (1900),
pp. 391-411;
Religio-historical Literature, in

74;

M.

Berlin,

Notes on Genealogies of

K. D. Macmillan, Note Concerning the date of Chronicles,

and Reformed Review, XI. (1900) pp. 507-11; Hope

terian

in

Presby-

W. Hogg,

The Ephraimite Genealogy (i Ch. 7 20/.), in JQR. XIII. (1900-01) pp.

147-54; G. O. Little, The Royal Houses of Israel and Judah (1901);
J. Marquart, The Genealogies of Benjamin, in JQR. XIV. (1902) pp.
:

J- W. Rothstein, D. Genealogie d. Kgs. Jojachin U7id seiner

Nachkommen (i Chron. 3
17-24) in Gesch. Beleuchtung (1902);
W. H. Bennett, Chronicles in JE. IV. (1903), pp. 59-63; Mos. Friedlander, Genealog. Studien 2. AT. D. Verdnderlichkeit d. Namen in d.

343-51;

Stammlisten

d. BUclier d. Chronik (1903); C. C.

Torrey, The Greek
Versions of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, in Proceedings of the

Society of Biblical Archceology,

XXV.

(1903) pp. 139/.; W. J. Beecher,

in The Bible Student and

The Added Section in I Chron. XI-XII,

Teacher, vol.

The Royal
R.

St.

i,

New

Series (1904), pp. 247-50;

R.

St.

A. Macalister,

Expos. T. XVI. (1905) pp. 379/.;

A. Macalister, Tlie Craftsmen's Guild of the Tribe of Judah, in
Potters

Chron.

423,

in

54

AND

CHRONICLES

Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement (1905), pp. 243-253,

32S-342; P. Asmusscn, Priesterkod. u. Chr. in ihrent Verh. zii einand.,
in Theolog. Studien u. Kritiken (1906), pp. 165-179; G. Tandy, / a. II
Chron., an Elementary Study in Criticism (Interpr., Oct.) (mentioned in
Theolog. Jahresbe., 1906); S. A. Cook, Critical Notes on OT. Hist.

(1907), pp. 67 n.

I,

98

n. 3,

104

Some Unconventional Views on

Chronicles, in Proceedings of

(1907) pp. 31-38, 61-69;

S.

tlie

n. i,

the

114/., 118 n.

i;

Text of the Bible.

H. H. Howorth,
VII Daniel and

Society of Biblical Archcsology,

K. Mosiman, Zusammenstelltmg

glcichuiig d. Paralleltexte d. Chr. u. d. dlteren BiicJier d.

XXIX.
u.

Ver-

AT.

(1907);
Tlie Ap-

R. Driver, LOT.^^ (1908) pp. 516-540; C. C. Torrey,

paratus for the Textual Criticism of Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah, in
Harper Memorial II. (1908) pp. 55-11 1; W. E. Barnes, The David of
S.

Book of Samuel and the David of the Book of Chronicles, in Exp.

7th Series. No. 37 (1909), pp. 49-59; A. Klostermann, Chronicles, in
The
Schaff-Herzog Encyl. vol. III. (1909) pp. 68-71; C. C.

the

New

Torrey, The Chronicler as Editor and as Independent Narrator,

AJ.SL. XXV. (1909) pp. 157-73, 1SS-217.

in

A COMMENTARY ON
1 CHRONICLES

COMMENTARY ON

CHRONICLES

GENEALOGICAL TABLES WITH GEOGRAPH-

I-IX.

ICAL
I.

AND HISTORICAL NOTICES.

Primeval genealogies with a

Edom.

This

list

of kings

and phylarchs

chapter serves to introduce the genealogies of

the tribes of Israel by showing Israel's place among the nations

of

to the ethnic discussions with

and thus corresponds

which mod-

Its matter is derived

ern writers frequently open their histories.
All the genealogies of those chapters are
entirely from Gn. 1-36.

included in this compilation except that of the descendants of

Cain (Gn. 4'8-"). The author's method of abridgment, in giving
lists

of

names

'-^

(vv.

et al.)

without stating their relation to one

his readers to have been thor-

assumed

another, shows that he

oughly familiar with the narratives of Genesis.

While the source is clear, the question has recently been raised whether
the chapter is substantially in the form in which it was left by the
Chronicler or whether an original nucleus by him received numerous

Benadditions until the genealogical material of Gn. was exhausted.

vv. i-"" *'''' 24-28.
zinger maintains that the original text comprised only
3">.

The Vatican

text of <& lacks vv. "-2',

which are

in the

Hexapla under

the asterisk (Field), and a sort of doublet exists in vv. '^'^ and vv. 24. ^,
These facts have furnished the ground for assuming the secondary

But the

character of vv. ""'.

significant

words

vlbs

"L-fifi.

AiXa/x Kal

lacuna of (^^, are certainly a remnant of v. "

thus making it extremely probable
so marked in Swete's edition

'Affffoiip,

found

in this

that the original (B contained the whole passage.

(This omission by
Origen is only one of many illustrations which might be cited of the

poor quality of the text which he had; see Tor. ATC. pp. 94/.) The
"'^ and vv. ^4 25, are not indicative of two sources, since
parallels, vv.
in

one the compiler

is

tracing the collateral lines, while in the other

his purpose to give the lineal descent of Abraliam.

57

The

it

is

transpositicici

CHRONICLES

58
of vv. "-"

(= Gn.

since

easily explained, the

it

is

and

25"-'")

vv.

""

(= Gn.

25'*) has no significance,

descendants of Ishmael, the first-born,

being placed first and those of Isaac, by the compiler's habit, come last.
^sa jn v. 3^".
The
Equally trivial is the repetition of the substance of v.
descendants of Esau (vv. ^ ^ ) are as much in place here as the descendants of Ishmael and of

cause to doubt that the

come down

1-4.
of

Abraham by Keturah.

Hence there

is little

chapter of the Chronicler's history has

to us in essentially the same form in which it left his hand.
first

The ten antediluvian patriarchs and the three sons

Noah.

This

names

of

list

is

a condensation of Gn.

by the

omission of the chronological statements and those of descent from

father to son; and the list in Gn. is apparently modelled after the

Babylonian one of ten ancient kings which has been preserved by

Berossus (Dr. Gn. p. 80, KAT J pp. 531/., Gordon, Early Trad, of
Gn. pp.

The names appear

4Sff-)-

derived from the Babylonian

in a large measure with the

1.

list

in

some instances

and are

names found

man

to

have been

also directly connected

in the genealogies of

mankind, an appropriate
name for the first man, the father of the human race; hence a
proper name (Gn. 4" 51-5, RV. wrongly in Gn. 3"- =', v. DTS,
"
3. B'DB.).Seth] (Gn. 4"
5'
f) derived in Gn. 4^, proba-

Gn. 4

(J).

Adam]

i.e.,

or

'

bly from mere assonance, from ri"'tr "to appoint," hence, "subotherwise entirely
the meaning or derivation is
stitute";

obscure.

Enosh]

(tl-'l^S)

(Gn.

4-^

poetical

|)

5^

word

for

man and probablv in folk-lore a name like Adam for the first man.
The third Babylonian name Amelon or Amilarus has also the same
meaning.

2.

Kenan]

(Gn. 5'

(p"*^)

be connected with

f) to

with the meaning of "smith," and thus

),
(j'^p) (Gn. 4'
corresponding with the fourth Babylonian name Ammenon, whicli
"

Kain
is

equivalent to "artificer."

ite,

Ne.

11* f).

MahalaVel] (Gn.

The meaning

a Hebraised form of the

fifth

is

"

5'^

also a

"praise of God."

It is

Judah-

possibly

Babylonian name Megalarus, a cor-

Jared]

also a Calebite 4" f),

(Gn. 5'*
from the root meaning to go down, but the significance of the name

ruption of Melalarus.

is

not apparent.

3. Hanoch] EVs. Enoch (Gn.

born of Cain, Gn. 4"

hiA," translation,"

is

'

also a son of

Reuben,

"

5'*

Ch.

also the

53).

first-

He, from

the most notable of the ten patriarchs (Gn.

I.

ANTEDILUVIAN PATRIARCHS

1-4.]

59

The name may mean "dedication," and might in the story

Cain be connected with the building of the first city (Gn. 4"), or
derived from parallel Babylonian king Enmeduranki. who

5'<).

of
if

probably was the mythical high priest of a place linking heaven and
earth, the

name might imply

dedication to the priesthood.

considering Enoch's religious character,

initiation of

Enoch

more

is

This,

The

plausible.

into heavenly mysteries, according to the later

Jewish story, probably arose from a connection between him and

was the possessor of such

the Babylonian parallel, since the latter

knowledge.

Methushelah] (Gn.

corresponding name

"man

sha-ili,

of

The
f), "man of missile."
5='
=
miituMs
Methushael
4'
Babylonian
The corresponding name in the Babylo-

Gn.

in

God."

Amempsm\is= a mel-Sin, "man

nian Ust

"missile," shelah,

is

probably another

Lamech] (Gn. 4^^^

god.
Larnech

5"ff

in the line of Cain,

tives of three social classes

in the line of Seth,

title

of the

god Sin"; hence

of Sin,

i.e.,

The important

}).

where he

is

the father of the representa-

nomads, musicians, and

where he

is

moon-

of the

position of the

smiths

Noah and

the father of

and

grandfather

mankind, reveals the

origin, but whence the name

of the representatives of the three races of

probable identity of the two persons in

is derived is still obscure, probably from an ancient Babylonian

4.

Noah] (Gn. 5"^ and frequent in story of the flood, Gn.

The Noah of Gn. 5" (J) is clearly the
20).
husbandman who produced wine (Gn. 9^* ), and thus gave man

god.

rest,

549 Ez. i4i-

Is.

6-10,

refreshment, and comfort in his toil. Why the hero of the

name is not clear, since no certain connection is

flood also bore this

discernible between the

name Noah

(nj)

and Ut-napishiim, the

" ^^ Gn.
Babylonian hero of the deluge. Shem] (w.
21
23. 26
31
nio |) mcans rcnowu, i.e., glory,
jqi.
^32 510 yi3 gi8.
and apparently was a name of Israel (r/. Gn. 9^^ Blessed be Yah-

name

of the

f.

weh

the

gis iQi.
list

of

Kemet
EBi.

God
6.

20)

of

Shem,

f.

i.e.,

of Israel).

Ham]

Gn. 5"
name Canaan in an

superseding possibly the

Noah's three sons

the Egyptians'
II.

f.

col.

(r/.

name

Gn. 9"

6'

(v.

J) is possibly derived

of their

art.

country (DB.,
1204 absolutely denies this connection).

stands for Egypt in Ps. 78^' 105"- " 106".

priately represented the peoples southward

Thus

Ham

7''

earlier

from

Ham;

Ham
appro-

from Palestine.

6o

CHRONICLES

^i
Gn. 5" 6' 7'' 9'' " " 10'
-}-)_
According to Gn.
from the root (nnS), meaning " to be open " (so
BDB., MargoHouth in DB. suggests a derivation from nS^ "to be
It primarily comes
fair)," but the real origin is still obscure.
without doubt from some appellation of the peoples or country

Japheth]

(v.

9" the word

is

lying to the north and west of Israel, because in those directions

the descendants of Japheth are found (vv. 5-7).
Japheth may

have represented originally the Phoenicians, since the expression

dwelling in the tents of Shem (Gn. 9") points to c land ad-

{DB. Extra

jacent to Palestine

2. jrp] so too

show a

Gn.

5'

The descendants

cf.

now

of Japheth.

exhibit are

due

Cainaii, in both places,

may have

diphthong which

SBOT.

Ki.

directly without change from Gn.

the two texts

^-^, but C5 ^aivdv,

different pronunciation of the

use in the Chronicler's day,

5-7.

vol. p. 80).

Kom.

pp. 52/.,

been

in

pp. 2/.

These verses are taken

10--" (P).

Whatever variations

to the copyists of

one or the other

unless the text used by the Chronicler differed from the archetype
of ^.
This is also true of all other cases where the Chronicler

words

clearly reproduces the exact

see textual notes.

the north and west of Palestine.

38^,

name

For variations

of his parallels.

These nations or peoples must

of a person

Ho.

i' f)

5.

Gomer]

all

(v.

be sought to

Gn.

10-

'

Ez.

a people of Asia Minor identical

with the Gimirrai of Assyrian inscriptions. Their territory in

Armenian is called Gamir. It corresponds to Cappadocia. They
are the Kimmerians of the Greeks. Magog'\ (Gn. 10- Ez. 38= 396 f )

from collocation
to

in Ezekicl

Gog, which apparently

is

and from assonance

the Gagaia of the

is

closely related

Amarna

tablets,

The traditional identification

designation of northern barbarians.
with the Scythians is plausible (EBi. II. coll. 1747/.). Madai] i.e.,
'
the Medes mentioned frequently in the OT.
Gn>
Javan] (v.

Dn. 8'-' io- 11" Zc. 9'^ pi. Jo. 4 (3'') f) the
more properly the lonians. Tubal and Mesliech]
(mentioned always together Gn. 10= Ez. 27" 32^5 38^
39', except
Is. 66'% where Tubal occurs alone and Ps. 120% where Meshech,
10-

'

Is. 66'^

Greeks,

Ez. 27'3

'3

or

'

alone).

They

arc the Tibdli

and Mushku

of the Assyrian inscrip-

I.

DESCENDANTS OF JAPHETH

5-7.J

tions

and the Moschoi and Tibarenoi

78).

In the Assyrian period their

and

east of Cappadocia; later they

mountainous region south-east

of

6l

Herodotus

home was

(iii.

vii.

94,

north-ea:t of Cilicia

retired further to the north to

Black Sea (Dr. Gn.).

Tiras] (Gn. 10- f) formerly identified with the Thracians (so Jos.
Ant. i. 6. i) but now generally with the Tyrseui (TvpaTjvoi), a pithe

of the

ratical people of the northern shores

i.

(Hdt.

57,

Thuc.

same as Tarshish
1900, col. 290).

iv.
'

v.

109).

(W.

6.

and islands

Tims has

of the

^Egean Sea

also been regarded as the

Max Miiller, Orient Lit. Zeitnng,

Ashkenaz] (Gn.

10' Je.

51"

-j-).

15 Aug.
Their home,

according to Jeremiah, was

in the region of Ararat, and they are

the
Ishkiiza
of the Assyrians; an ally of the
Ashkuza,
undoubtedly
from
the
of
Asarhaddon
onward, and possibly
reign
Assyrians
identical with the Scythians {KA T.^ p. loi) the Hebrew name has
;

arisen apparently through a confusion of letters (TJ^D'S instead of

Tirii'S).

Riphath^]

cording to

not yet clearly identified or located; ac-

Josephus (Ant.

i.

6. i),

The

10^ Ez.

the 'Paphlagon'mns.Togannah]

references in Ez. indicate a northern

27" 38'' f).

(Gn.
country furnishing horses and mules, usually identified with the
Armenians and by some connected with the city Tilgarimmu of the
Assyrian inscriptions (EBi. IV. col. 5129, Del. Par. p. 246). 7.
sons ofJavan] to be sought naturally among the countries

And the

or peoples belonging to the Greeks. Elishah] (Gn. 10' Ez. 27 'f), a

"
land that according to Ezekiel furnished blue and purple," hence,
since these dyes were procured from shell-fish, a Grecian maritime

country: lower Italy and Sicily have been suggested

Cohans

(AioXet?)

(Del.),

though called Elissa

where),

commonly

Kitlim]

(Gn.

11^" f) represents

(HXi?)

Tarshish] (Gn.

in Cilicia
10^

Cyprus.

Nu.

6.

nfl^-11]

which

is

to

io< tr'ijnpi.

10^

has also been

24^^

Is.

the

(Dill.),

Carthage as

and frequent

The name

named (EBi.

'*

23'
is

Kition on the south-east shore of the island.

wrongly Dodanim)

(Boch.),

else-

identified with Tartessus in Spain, yet not con-

Tarsus

clusively so.

4898).

(SS.).

Elis

people of the Island of

Je.

2i

Ez.

IV. col.
27'=

Dn.

derived from the city

Rodanim f

(Gn.

10*

Rhodes.

about thirty mss. (Kennic, Gin.), 05, B, and Gn. 10' nom,
be restored as the original (Kau., Ki.). 7. ni'^a'im] Gn.

The

final n

probably arose through the influence of the

62

CHRONICLES

preceding

naf>hi<

The former
(Gin.)

and

and

is

to be

removed (Kau.,

Ki.).

a'jnm] Gn.

d^jtii.

the true reading, supported in Gn. by some Heb. MSS.

(6 and accepted by Ball {SBOT.), Dill., Holz., et al.
is

8-16. The Hamites.

from Gn. los*-

This

vv.

-'

passage

is

also without

change

The

'^-'^^

intervening
verses, Gn. lo^ the summary Gn. 10^-"= descriptive of the kingdom
and cities of Nirarod, are omitted as irrelevant in a brief outline.
'3-''*;

(P),

(J).

Geographically the Hamites w^ere south and south-w^est of Palestine

and included also the so-called Canaanite peoples of Palestine.

8.

10*

and frequent elsewhere)

(see vv.

') the land

Cush} (Gn.
and people of upper Egypt, commonly called Ethiopia. Mizraim]
Egypt. The Hebrew word is usually accepted as a dual referring
to

upper and lower Egvpt, though also regarded simply as a locaform {EBi. HI. col. 3161). Put'\ (Gn. io Je. 46' Ez. 27' 30^

tive

38^ Na. 3' f), usually reckoned as the Libyans (so rendered by (^
in Je. and Ez.) but more probably the Punt of the Egyptian inscriptions, the district of the African coast of the

Red

Sea,

"from

the desert east of upper Egypt to the mod. Somali country"

(W. Max Miiller in DB.). Canaan'\ reckoned as a son of

Ham

because so long under Egyptian control and from the religious

antagonism of Israel toward the Canaanites. 9. The sons of

Cush], as the notes below show, were located on the

across the straits into Arabia.

formerly after

and the

district

2"

"

lo'-

Josephus

river Atbara, but

with a

25''

Red Sea and

This might imply a migration from Africa

eastward in Arabia.

Seba] (Gn.

identified with

more recently

on the west shore

S. 15^

Ch. I"

1).

of the

10" Ps. 72"' Is. 43^ f),

Meroe between

after indications

Red

Sea.

the Nile

by Strabo,

Havilah] (Gn.

These passages require

several

Havilahs or they indicate the uncertain geographical knowledge of

the ancients regarding southern Arabia and Africa.
As represented here
straits of

it

may

be on the African coast, a little south of the

Gti.), or Havilah is a large central

Bab-el-Mandeb (Dr.

and north-eastern Arabian

district of which sometimes one part is

and sometimes another {EBi. II. col. 1974). Sabtah]
f) probably to be connected with the old Arabian town

referred to

(Gn. 10'

Sabata, an ancient trading emporium, the capital of Hadramaut.

I.

DESCENDANTS OF HAM

8-16.]

Ranm]

(Gn. 10' Ez. 27"

63
with Sheba and

in Ez. associated

[)

thus without doubt a district of Arabia (the 'Va^ixavnai of

Vabia.
Strabo).
Sahtecd'\ unknown but to be sought in

Sheba'\ (Gn.

10"

mentioned frequently) the weahhy

people of south-western Arabia famous for traders.

10' also

mentioned frequently).

The

district

or

Dedan] (Gn.

references point to both

northern and southern Arabia, due most

likely to the extension of

who were probably a tribe of central or

southern Arabia. The name occurs in Sabean and Minean in10. Cush]. The original writer of Gn. probably
scriptions.
the trade of the people

thought Cush represented Ethiopia. Many modern writers, however, think of a Cush representing the Kasshii of the Assyrian
inscriptions, the ^oaaaloL of the Greek writers, a predatory
and warlike tribe dwelling in the mountains of Zagros near Elam,

who were

so influential that they provided

some

dynasty of kings for

the

Mi.

five

and a

Babylon with

its

third

half centuries, beginning about

middle of the eighteenth century B.C. Nimrod] (Gn. 10^

Two theories prevail con5" f) not yet clearly identified.

cerning him: (i) that he

maraddash, one of the

is

a historical character, most likely Nazi-

later Kassite kings (c.

1350 B.C.) (Haupt,

Andover Rev. 1884, Jul. p. 94, Sayce, Pal. Pal. pp. 91, 269); (2)
that he is the same as the mythological Babylonian hero Gil-

gamesh (KAT.^ p. 581). 11. And Egypt begat]. The change of

form of expression is due to the use of the document J by the
compiler of Genesis.

Ludiin]

(Gn. 10"

Je. 46', sg. Ez. 30'^).

In

the last two of these passages this people is mentioned with Cush
and Put (see v. ). Otherwise than thus a people of Egyptian or

adjoining

Anamim]

territory,

they are
lo'^

unknown and have not been

not yet

identified.

identified.

(Gn.
10" f) equivalent to Lubim, the Libyans (Na. 3" 2 Ch. 12' 16*
Dn. 11^3 f), who dwelt on the western border of Egypt. Naph-

(Gn.

\)

LeJiabiiu]

10" f) not yet definitely explained or identified

EBi. II. col. 1697). 12. Pathrusim] (Gn.
iC* f) the people of Pathros (Is. 11" Je. 44'- "> Ez. 29'^ 30'* f),
upper Egypt. The word is an Egyptian compound meaning

tuhim] (Gn.

(for conjectures see

south-land.

Cashluhim]

unidentified.

The

from 'whence the Philistines went forth,

is

following

misplaced.

It

clause,

should

64

CHRONICLES

follow Caphlorim, the people of Caphtor, since that country

peatedly mentioned as the ancient home of the Philistines

is re-

(Am.

9' Dt. 2'' Je. 47^), see further textual note.

identified

Caphtor is usually
with Crete yet also and perhaps with more probability

with the southern coast of Asia Minor, called by the Egyptians

In either case its people are
(see EBi. III. col. 3715).
children of Egypt through political relationship of the Philistines
with Egypt. 13. Sidon his first born\ Sidon was later eclipsed

Kefto

by Tyre, but

its

original greater

when Tyre had gained a

prominence

is

seen in the fact that

reputation the Phoenicians were

called Sidonians (Dt. 39 Jos.

13M

K.

ii^ 16'').

still

Heth] (frequent

Gn.) represents the Hittites, the Cheta of Egyptian monuments and Hatti of the Assyrian, who from 1600 to 700 B.C. were
an independent power north and north-east of Palestine with
in

centres at
phrates.
at

Kedesh on

Hebron and elsewhere

of the Hittites
col.

vv.

'^

in

Palestine.

with the Canaanites

is

ethnic connection

Any

uncertain. Jastrow (EBi. II.

14. This verse with

2094) regards Heth in Gn. as a gloss.
giving various Canaanitic peoples, is a supplementary
'

addition to J in Gn.
similar enumerations

Dt.

and Carchemish on the Eu'

the Orontes

Offshoots of this northern nation seem to have settled

7'

20'^

Jos.

(SBOT. Oxf. Hex., Gu.,

3'"

cj.

Gn.

9'

ii^

1519-21

128

Ex. 3*

2411.

The

anciently inhabiting Jerusalem (Jos. 15^

^a

Dr.,

et

i'

13= 2325

For

al).

"

0^2

^^u

Jebusite] the

tribe

2 S. 5^', et al.,

men-

tioned frequently).
The Amorite] (very frequent) with a double
usage: (i) the people ruled by Sihon east of the Jordan, Nu. 21 '3,
et al.; (2) the pre-Israelitish people west of the Jordan, a usage
especially in

E and D

inscriptions

in

(Dr. Dt. p. 11), very frequent also in the

Amarna

letters,

northern Palestine, in Assyrian

Hebrew kingdoms and in general " the

641).
(On an early Amoritic Semitic in-

inscriptions the land of the

West" (EBi. I. col.

vasion both of Babylonia and Palestine, see Pa. EHSP. pp. 25^:)
The Amorite is a racial name while Canaanite is a geographical
name, and thus the two become general designations
Israelitish inhabitants of Palestine (Dr. Gn. p. 126).

of the pre-

The

Gir-

Their logashite] (Gn.

15=1
71 Jos. 3' 24" Ne. 9' f)cation is uncertain.
15. The Hivite] mentioned frequently and
io'

Dt.

I.

DESCENDANTS OF SHEM

17-23.]

65

usually taken as a petty people of central Palestine connected

11'', also with Shechem, Gn. 34-, with Herand Mt. Lebanon, Ju. 3=. Perhaps in these last

with Gibeon, Jos. 9'

mon, Jos. II',

two passages Hittites should be read {EBi. II. col. 2101). The
following five names do not occur in other lists and are geographical,

representing the inhabitants of five cities of northern Palestine.

of Arka, mentioned frequently in Assy. ins. and a

The Arkile]

city of importance in the Roman period, the birthplace of Alexander Severus (a.d. 222-235), the mod. Tell Arka, about tw^elvc miles
The Siiiiie] of a place not
north of Tripolis {EBi. I. col. 310).

positively located but appearing in the Assy. ins. SLinmc grouped

with Arka (EBi. IV. col. 4644).
16. The Arvadite] of Arvad

(Ez. 27*

Assy,

"),

ins.,

p. 354).

mentioned

and frequently

letters

in

mod. Riud, twenty-five miles north of Arka (Baed.*

The Zeinarites] (Gn. 10" f) of a city or fortress Simirra,
the

mentioned frequently

known

Amarna

the

in

in

Amarna

to the Greeks, the

south of Arvad.

The

quently mentioned
east of Arvad,

and Assy, ins.,

(Baed." p. 351), six miles
of the wdl-known and fre-

letters as Siimiir

Summ

mod.

Hamathite]

Hamath on

mod.

Hama

Gn.

10'

the Orontes, fifty miles east-north-

(Baed.'' pp. 36S/.).

10. in-] (6 -1N->n-] Gn. nr:>-ii.

Ki;cTj76s
probably a gloss from Gn. lo'. 11-23. These vv.
11. D^^ii^] Qr. 0'~^'-', Kt. a-.-yr.
are wanting in <^ (v. s.).
Ki.
is transliterated in the
prefers the latter on the basis of <$''^, but D^
9.

N-DD

T-s

same manner

n-aoi.

is

else>vhere.

12.

u^r'^^D ayv)

iNi'i

i-'X a^ir^D^

rx

].

This

transposition seems required by Am. 9' Dt. 2^3 Je. 47^ and, in spite of
all the Vrss. giving the present order, is regarded as the original in
Gn. io by Dill, and Ball (SBOT.), not, however, by Holz. Ki.

assumes

it

to

have been the original order

in

our

text,

but

it

is

more

probable that the Chronicler had our present Gn. text before him.

17-23.

The

These

wanting in (^^ and

s.), were taken origwithout change from Gn. lo--", vv. "
(Ch. v.") P, vv.
Semites.

verses,

placed by Ki. as a subsequent addition (but v.

inally

""

The Semites

(Ch.
geographically were, in the
in
a
central
zone
between
the
main,
Japhethites and the Hamites.
Political considerations and a knowledge of racial affinities as well
vv. '8") J.

as the geographical situation

5

may have

influenced their grouping.

66

CHRONICLES

17.

Elam] mentioned frequently

Elamtu, and in the

times)
4Q31.39 (seven

OT. (Gn. lo"

Ez. 32=^ Dn.

lonia, lying directly at the

8^),

head

in Assy. ins.
14'-

'

Is.

Elama, Elamma,

11" 21^ 22 Je. 25"

a land and people east of BabyGulf to the north

of the Persian

and

east.
Civilisation early flourished there, and about the
twenty-third century b. c. an Elamitic suzerainty was exercised
over Babylonia. Racially the Elamites were entirely distinct from

Their inclusion among the Semites was due either

the Semites.

to their proximity to Assyria (Dr. Gn.) or because in very early

times the land was peopled in part at least b}'^ Semites (Del.
Par. p. 321). Asshiir'\ the kingdom and people of Assyria, fre-

and OT., situated in the upper portion of

the Alesopotamian valley about the middle course of the Tigris.
quent

The

in inscriptions

people were closely akin to the Phoenicians, Arameans, and

As conquerors from the fourteenth to the eighth cen-

Hebrews.

have well been called the Romans of the East.

' "
Gn. lo- " jjio.is
obscure, formerly
Arpachshad] (w.
turies B.C. they

-j-)

identified with 'Appa7ra)(tTL'i (Ptol. vi.

the upper Zab, in Assy. ins.

Arbaha

COT.

(Sch.

syllable;

I.

p. 97),

i.

2),

the hill country of

Par.

(Del.
pp. 124 /.),
but this does not explain the final

Arrapha

hence a compound of
C]"lS=Arabic Si.

= Chaldeans,

and Keshed

"boundary"

hence boundary or land of the Chalde-

ans (Sch. COT. I. p. 98); or after the Assyrian Arba-kisddi,

"
land of the four sides or directions " (Del. Par. p. 256) or of four
;

banks,

i.e.,

and Euphrates (Jen. ZA. xv, p. 256); or a

Ar = Ur, the ancient home of x\braham and pa

of Tigris

contraction of

the Egyptian article and Keshed, i.e., Arpachshad, Ur of the

Chaldeans (Horn. AHT. p. 292); or a contraction through
copyist's error of ]S"iS representing Arrapha, etc. (see above)
and Keshed, the passage having originally read Elam and Asshur

and Arpach and Keshed (Cheyne, EBi. I. col. 318). This last
would be the most plausible were it not for the appearance of
Gn.

Lud] (Gn.

lo^^ Is. 66' Ez. 27'" 30^ f)

naturally Lydians of Asia Minor, Assy. Luddu, also obscure since
it is difficult to see
why in this connection they should be men-

Arpachshad

in

ii'"-".

tioned between Arpachshad and Aram, and they were not at all a
Semitic people.
Jensen would identify them with a land of

I.

DESCENDANTS OF SHEM

17-23.]

67

Luddu mentioned

in Assy. ins. and

apparently on the upper
{Deutsche Lit. Ztg. 1899, No. 24, v. Gu. Gn.). Aram]
frequent in OT. and ins.; not a land, rather the name of a

Tigris

Semitic people dwelling north-east of Palestine widely

spread.
Their inscriptions of the eighth century B.C. have been found at
Zenjirli in the extreme north of Syria, and inscriptions at Tema,

north of Medina, show them to have been in north-western Arabia

about 500 B.C. Other inscriptions show them to have been on the

lower Tigris and Euphrates.

Indeed, in Babylonia and Assyria a

if not the
larger, was probably

large portion of the population,

Aramean

But their especial land was

very early date.
while
the
Mesopotamia, yet
Assy. ins. never place them west of
at a

was their home par excellence in the OT.

"
are
Aram of the two
They
distinguished by special names as
rivers" (Gn. 24"> Dt. 233 <<> Ju. 38) (rivers uncertain,
naturally
the Euphrates and Tigris, but according to some the
the Euphrates, that

Euphrates

and Chabor), "Aram

(: S. io-

From

s).

of

Damascus"

(2 S. S^),

"Aram

of

their position or other causes their

became widespread,

both

as

Zobah"
language

commerce and
supplanted Hebrew as
of

language

(Is. 36"), and after the exile it

the language of the Jews (Noeldeke, EBi. I. col.
276/.). The
four following peoples or districts are in Gn. the sons of Aram,

diplomacy

which statement was probably originally

^2
Gn. 2221 36=8 Jb. I' Je. 25-" La. 4='
(v.
here

and

(La.

4=')

Gn.

where Uz

here
f).

{v.

The

i.).

'Uz]

connection

a son of Nahor, suggests a

people or district to the north-east of Palestine, while its appearance
in the list of the Horites
(Gn. 36") and in connection with Edom
in

22=',

is

suggests a tribe or locality south-east of Palestine.

name has not

The

yet been clearly identified in the

Assy. ins. (but

see Del. Par. p. 259).
Hiil] (Gn. 10" ]) unidentified although
possibly to be seen in HalVa (Del. Par. p. 259), a district near Mt.

Masius.

10"

Gether]

Mash

(Gn. lo"

which

f)

unidentified.

Meshech]

in

Gn.

without doubt the true reading, representing

f,
the district of Mt. Masius.
(On Meshech see v. ^) 18. Shelah]
24

(v.

Gn.

10=^ ii>2-

is

"

{Cf. Mez, Gesch.

d.

15

f).

element of Methuselah

Cf. V. K

Since Shelah

probably the

is

the second

name

of a god.
Stadt Harran, p. 23, v. Gu. on Gn. 11 '2.)
{cf.

v. '), it is

68

CHRONICLES

eponym simply derived from Hebrews

Eber] an

or from

("'"'iSy)

the geographical term indicating the early home of the Hebrews

"beyond the river," i.e., the Euphrates (Jos. 24* ') or Jordan,
"
Gn. so'"- " Jos. 17^ Dt.
cf. "beyond the Jordan
(jTiTt "I2J?)
I'' et al. (some thirty times), BDB. 19. Peleg] (v. " Gn. io

11I6.
derivation and representation uncertain.
-j-)
Sayce
connects with the Babylonian palgu, "a canal," and makes the
land Babylonia divided by canals (Expos. T. viii. p. 258).
Hommel compares the land of el aflag in central Arabia (Gu. Gn.).
17.

19

18.

Usually the division of the land

dispersion of population, Gn.

pears in the primitive tribe

this fact is usually

no

assumed

is

interpreted as referring to the

9"

Kuhhu

lo'^

Joklan].

This ap-

to

Arabian genealogists, but

be derived from the OT. and thus of
of

The name then

historical value.

11'.

in its Biblical origin

entirely obscure, but the thirteen sons, vv. ="=3, are clearly
tribes or localities, only a
identified.

20.

whom

Almodjd] unidentified, a

"God" and

hi>

few of

"nii2

fr.

now be

can

compound

1~T either active or passive

is still

Arabian

definitely

possibly of

God

loves

Maudad

in ins.,

especially the Gebanites in their relation to the kings of

Ma'in

or is loved (BDB.), or the

(Gl. Skiz.

ii.

p. 425).

Hadramaut
local names
mentioned
the

name

(see

word means

possibly to be connected with places in

It is

Holz. Gn.).

Sale/,

Salf,

in Sab.

ins.

Sheleph]

near

Yemen

appears in tribal and

Hazarmaveth]
mod. Hadramaut,
southern Arabia a little east of Aden.

and preserved

of a district in

the family

(Gl.

ib.).

in the

Jerah] (Gn. 10" f) not clearly identified (but see Gl. ib.). 21.
Hadoram] (Gn. 10", in i Ch. iS'" 2 Ch. lo'^ names of persons).

Possibly Dauram in the neighbourhood of San a.

Uzal'\ (Gn. 10"
Ez. 27'8 f) generally identified with Sand, capital of Yemen.
Glaser disputes this and seeks it near Medina {EBi. IV. col.
5239, Gl. Skiz.
tified.

22.

local

name

Sheba].
is

meant.

same as

ii.

pp. 427

Diklah]

(Gn. 10" f) uniden-

'Ebal] ('Obal Gn. lo^') usually connected with the

Abil in Yemen.
Abima'el] (Gn. lo'^ f) unidentified.

See

23.

v.

'.

Perhaps here a colony

Ophir] (Gn.

the land of gold

Solomon's

ff.).

fleet

is

lo^s).

of the

Whether

and the terminus

uncertain.

BDB.

regards

this

main people
Ophir

is

the

of the voyages of
it

as an

entirely

I.

DESCENDANTS OF SHEM

17-23.]

69

Others identify the two and place Ophir on the

up the Persian Gulf (EBi. III.

distinct place.

eastern coast of Arabia stretching

3513 ff.). Havilah]. See v. \ This must be a Havilah connected with the district in Arabia. Jobab] (Gn. 10", elsewhere
name of a person, cf. 1^^) generally regarded as unidentified.
col.

Glaser discusses the sons of Joktan with the following conclusion

"Almodad,

Hadramaut, and Jarah represent the entire

Arabia from Bab-el-Mandeb to beyond Mahra;

Shalaf,

southern coast of

Hadoram, Uzal, and Diklah the Serat range from San'a to Medina;
Obal, Abimael, and Sheba the Tihama from 'Asir and from
Hidjaz (eventually from Yemen) and the Sabderland ; Ophir,
Hawilah, and Jobab, eastern and central Arabia unto 'AsirHidjaz" {Skiz.

ii.

pp. 435/-)-

D">< ''J31, which should be sup17. DiNi] (&^ (= <&) and Gn. 10='
(and the following i dropped), since these words have probably
fallen from the text by a copyist's error (Ki., Bn.), although it is pos-

plied

assumed that the relation of Uz, etc., to Aram

would be understood, and hence the omission, cf. v. (Be., Ke., Zoe.,
sible that the Chronicler

Oe.).

which

^J3

1^t1'iD^N1

for fiyi

must have

is

doubtless a corruption of ^Ni'V oiNi before

fallen out.

Mash

well

"l^^'ri]

^, and Gn. t'r.r A

cuneiform inscriptions,

six mss.,

the

attested

by
appears
nrn appears in v. ^ Gn. lo^ Ps. 120% and from greater
was probably inadvertently substituted by a copyist
district

perhaps already
18.
has Mocrox-

the

in

"i'^^']

Chronicler's

(^'^^

tov

text

Yiaivav

of
koll

Ga

familiarity

(Bn.),

since

'Kaiva.v

(&

yet
there

eyevvriaev

as

This plus is certainly not original here. Note the

^
20. nia-isn]
(^^ Apafxwd,
addition of Kaivav in (&^ of v. =.
Acrepjxud, H Asarmoth.
Ptolemy (vi. 7. 25) and Strabo (xvi. 4. 2)

(B

of

Gn.

lo^i.

speak of XarpafiuiTiTai and Xarpa/xCoTai., and Sabean inscriptions write

rciJn alongside of niDiin {ZDMG. xix. pp. 239^^., xxxi. 74 ff.), hence Ki.

Since mmsn is a
or nin
cf. ni.n^x and mc'i'S.
{SBOT.) points piD
word and as such might have been changed by the Hebrews in
order to provide it with a meaning, and since riri might well have
foreign

been transliterated p-uO by Greeks, Ki.

of JH. 22. 73';:.] Gn. lo^s Sav-

now (Kom.)

retains pointing

Japheth are fourteen, of Ham (omitting

Shem, twenty-six, making seventy in all,
representing the seventy nations of the globe which played an

The descendants

Nimrod),

thirty,

of

and

of

CHRONICLES

70

important part in Jewish thought. CJ. also the occurrence of

^
seventy in Nu. ii' Lk. lo'
24-27. The descent of Abram from Shem. Abridged from
.

Gn.

ii'-" (P)

This

vv. -^

by retention of the names of the patriarchs only,

list

in the priestly

document was

f/.

clearly designed to

bridge over a period of considerable length of which there was

nothing to record. The names appear to be derived from tribes
or places, or possibly in some instances from deities (see Shelah,
Reu, and Terah), and also some are found in the older list of J

" and see

above, vv.

io='-

(Gn.

w.

'Eber, Peleg]

(see

probably the

name

v. '8).

"

"

'^

'

19).

of a

Shem, Arpachshad, Shelah,

Reu] (Gn.
n

).

's.

ii'^-

god {EBi. IV. col. 4087,

is-

:o.

-j-)

Mez

cf.

above,

21-
23
a district and city, Sarugi in
-j-)
near Haran, well kno-\Mi to Arabic and Syriac writers of

Seriig] (Gn. ii^"

Assy, ins.,
the Middle Ages.
Nahor] (Gn. 11", etc., fifteen times, Jos. 24').
The name of a deity (Jen. ZA. xi. p. 300, Skipwith, JQR. xi.p.254)
and also without doubt a tribe w-hose city was Haran. Tera}i\

(Gn. II"-

27.

26.

=5.

28.

deity (Tarhu, Tnirgu)

em

Jog, 34= f) identified with

32

31.

whose worship was widespread in northdistricts and whose name has

Mesopotamia and adjoining

been preserved apparently

Greek names (Jen. ZA.

that is

in the

vi. p.

element rapK of

knowm

as

Abram

(divine) father

is

lofty,"

names,

may

local hero of the region of

name

of a

and Abraham
it

16),

only another

Hebron" and "Abraham

EHSP.

p. 41).

The

maintained by Ewald {Hist.

is

name

knowTi by the
to Abiram, "the

is

way

of

the collective

group of Aramean people, including not only the He-

tribes" (Pa.

i.

Abram

is

braic clans but also the Ishmaelites

is

Cilician

possible that two persons, of the

have been fused into one, "Abram a

name, although

different

27.

(11 26-1 7 5) until (17) his

changed to Abraham, and henceforward he

The name Abram is equivalent
latter name.
is

spelling the

many

70, Hittiter, p. 153).

In the narratives of Gn. the progenitor of

Abraham].

Israel is first

two

an ancient

Cornill

and a number

of other desert

historical character of
i.

pp. 300

ff.),

{Hist. People 0/ Is. p. 34),

Abraham

Kittel

{Gesch.

Hommel {AHT.

pp. 146/.), McCurdy {HPM. 444-448), Ryle (in DB.), and

others, but the basis for this belief seems somewhat sentimental.

I.

ABRAHAM, ISHMAEL, AND KETURAH

24-33.]

71

is a creation of the prophetic period and he

have been created to connect together the peoples kindred

Abraham's character
seems

to

to Israel in a genealogical

that he

system of relationship. It is possible

deity worshipped in southern Judah,

came from an ancient

especially at

Hebron.

suggestive

name

for this deity

is

seen in

"

"
most high, Gn. 14"). A southern
Ely on
(Dl) lofty {cf.
of Ram (2").
Sarah (princess), the
the
name
clan
bore
Judean

Ram

wife of

Abraham, has been

ZA.

p. 299).

xi.

24. Ki.
Nin D-I3S]

after

view of (&^ inserts

his

<&^ and

v.-anting in

probably supported

clearly identified as a goddess (Jen.

so

''J3

before

ac-

{v.

s.).

27.

omitted by Bn., but original (S

{cf. (S*i^').

28-33. Sons of Abraham, Ishmael, and Keturah. 28. The

This statement has no
sons of Abraham, Isaac and Ishmael].
exact parallel in form in Genesis.
Isaac, although the younger,
Vv. "-3' are conis mentioned first, since Israel came from him.
^2-33 from Gn.
The
252-^ (J).
(P) and vv.
change of order from that of Genesis introducing the sons of
Ishmael before those of Keturah is noticeable. Isaac] probably

densed from Gn.

25'2-i^

represents a tribe

whose

name may have been

original

Isaac-el

This tribe
to Ishmael, Israel, etc.
(^S'pni"') corresponding
seems to have dwelt in southern Judah, since the home of the
Why the tribe should form a link in the
patriarch is placed there.
genealogy and become prominent in the story

The

relationship between Israel

and Edom

is

not clearly known.

clearly

demanded

for

both a common father, and he might well be seen in an ancient

A deity has been found
tribe which had been absorbed into both.
expression "Fear

also in Isaac through the

31"

") (Luther,

ZAW.

ihe personification
of

a group of tribes

xxi. p. 73).

[of]

Isaac" (Gn.

Ishmael] (Gn. i6"-

'5-

'e/ al.)

and without doubt the ancient historical name

regarded as near kinsmen of Israel dwelling in

the northern part of the Sinaitic Peninsula and, according to the

sons mentioned below, extending further into Arabia. Nebaioth]

and Kedar] (Gn. 25'^ Is. 21'^ 42" 60'

Both of these tribes are mentioned in

(Gn. 25'3 28' 36' Is. 60' t),

Je. 2'

49" Ez.

272' f).

CHRONICLES

72
Assy.

among the conquests of Ashurbanipal (Del. Par. pp.

The latter appears the more widely spread and
299).

ins.

296/.,

prominent; both dwelt at some distance east of Edom and

Moab' and the latter at the time of Ashurbanipal extended up to

Whether

the Hauran.

(See EBi.

uncertain.

in Assy. ins.

Egyptian

with

home south-west

Mishma

Simeon

(Gn.

25'^,

Nabateans

Adhbe'el] (Gn.

of the

frontier (Del. Par. p. 301).

the genealogy of

30.

the Nebaioth were the later

III. col. 3254.).

2,^'^

Dead Sea toward

the

Mibsam] (Gn. 25", also

in

Ch. 4" \) not mentioned elsewhere.

likewise in the genealogy

of

is

f) also

Simeon

1) possibly the name is preserved in Jehel Misma', one

hundred and sixty miles east of Teima, or in another Jebel
I

Ch.

26

4=5

Misma one hundred and twenty miles north-west of it (Dill.,

see Dr. Gn. p. 242).
Dumah] (Gn. 25" Is. 21". perhaps there

Edom,

Jos.

15"

in

Judah, where we should probably read

Rumah

f) the oasis Duma now usually called dl-Jof, on the southern

border of the Syrian desert, mentioned by Ptolemy and Arabic

geographers (Dr. ib.). Massa] (Gn. 25'* f) in Assy. ins. and

located near the Nebaioth (Del. Par. pp. 302 /.).
Hadad] (Gn.
25'5) not identified.
Tema] (Gn. 25'* Jb. 6" Is. 2i'< Je. 25" -j-)

mod. Teima, south-east from the northern end of the Elamitic

Gulf. 31. Jdur and Naphish] (Gn. 25'^ i Ch. s'^ q. v. f).

Kedmah]{Gn. 25'^ f) not identified.32. Ketiirah] (Gn. 25'The name means "frankincense" and might appropriately
f).
be chosen as the name of the mother of tribes trading in or
producing that commodity. The sons of Keturah were tribes
dwelling east and south-east of Israel which the Hebrew historian
<

recognised as kin to Israel but held them less closely related than
those called Ishmaelites {v. s.), and hence the Chronicler called
their

mother a concubine, a term not used of her in Gn., or else

feeling that Sarah properly was Abraham's only wife.

from the

Zimran] (Gn.
(Ptol.

name
Very

-j-)

city

Zabram

Red Sea. As a
Zemer
have
been
derived
from
(iDT), mountain
may

vi. 7.
it

252

usually connected with the

likely

5) west of

the

same

2S''^).Jokshan] (Gn.

Comparisons

Mecca on
people
^

25=-

of doubtful

-j-)

the

appear
unkno^vn.

in

the

"Zimri"

Medmt]

worth have been made

tribal

goat.
(Je.

(Gn. 25^ |).

with a Wady

I.

ABRAHAM, ISHMAEL, AND KETURAH

24-33.]

73

Dedan and with a Yemenite god Madan (EBl. III. col.

This probably is not a real name but has arisen by a
Midian] (Gn. 252 and
copyist's error from the following word.
frequently) a well-known people early disappearing from history,

Medan

near

3002).

Gulf of Akaba, whose

dwelling east of the

nomad branches

forays into Edom (Gn. 36" Nu. 22^ ') and across Gilead
The name Midian appears in MoBiava
into Palestine (Ju. 6-8).

made

on or near the Gulf

'Akaba

of

(Ptol. vi.

7.

2),

mod. Madyan

(EBl. III. col. 3081). Jisbak] (Gn. 25^ -j-) unidentified unless
with Yasbak, a district in northern Syria mentioned in Assy. ins.

i5g).Sln{ah] (Gn. 252 f) the tribe of Job's friend

This has been identified with Suhu of the
Bildad (Jb. 2").
but this is
Assy, ins., a district on the Euphrates near Haran,

{KB.

I.

p.

doubtful.

Sheba and

Cf. v. ^

Dedan].

Different sources give

The

Chronicler has here

genealogical relationships.
of
sons
the
his
source
omitted from
Dedan, given in Gn. 25'''.

different

33. 'Ephah] (Gn.

6o%
Judah and Caleb i Ch. 2'^ ')
tribe mentioned in Assy.
Arabian
north
a
probably the Hayapa,
the district of Midian
dwelt
in
It
Par.
ins. (Del.
p. 304).
cf. in

25^ Is.

25% name
EpJier] (Gn.
^oSi).
Manasseh
Ch.
in genealogy
4'^
5=* f) possibly a ditJudah
This
tribe
and the three folof
the
previous 'Ephah.
tography
and
Elda'ah
Abida
(Gn. 25* f except Hanoch
lowing, Hanoch,
V. ', a Reubenite 5^), have not yet been clearly identified.
(Noeldeke, EBi.

III.

col.

of

cf.

(Cf Gl.

Skiz. p. 449-)

28-31 This condensation has retained of Gn. 25'2- i^'^ only the first
two words nn"?in n"?wS, the suffix o also being added, opn'^in. Vv.
29. "'NDini]
29b-3i follow the text of Gn.
n^.si almost exactly.
25'3b-i6a to
so too Gn. 25", but (S ^a^e{ai)T]\ in both places. 30. T.Z'r.] Gn. 25'^ 't\
same as Ch., but
syz] Gn. 'Ci. -nn] some Mss. i^n. Gn. 25'= the
.

there

m'?' Dn-\3K

of

w.

mss.

many
M-33

PiT" ^J3i

B'.j'?'i3]

Qaifxav. 31. nsip]

direct verbal parallel in

Gn.

anj.- 32-33,
The remainder

s'^

follow the text of Gn. 25"', beginning with pci pn, except that
substituted for i'?'' P'P''1 and after j-ni are omitted vn p-i ^J3i

is

Na/JSatrjX

Chronicler

mirvS.

adds these words, so also

<J5a plus TayovtjX

The
AaiSav, following (g of Gn. 25'.
icx is a son of db'
probably omitted the clause since

D"'Cn'^i D''B'rJ'?i
Ktti

Tin. d>-']
have no

according to

after

v. "

Kai

vloi

CHRONICLES

74

34-42. The sons of Isaac and Esau, including the sons of

V. " has no exact verbal parallel in Genesis; v." is con-

Seir.

densed from Gn. 36^ ^"; v. = from Gn. 361'- ^^% where Timna' is
described as the concubine of Eliphaz and mother of Amalek; v. "
=8-" are taken
is taken verbatim from Gn.
36'"'; vv.
verbatim,
with slight omissions, from Gn.

3620-28

(P).

34,

'Esau] (Gn.

Edom (Gn. 36'- 's);

frequent
Gn.)
ancestor of the Edomites, Gn. 36^ " (r/". v. ^5); "probably originally a god whom the Edomites regarded as their ancestor"
'

25"

identified with

in

"'',

(Noeldeke, EBi. II. col. 1182). Israel]. In Gn. the second son
Isaac was primarily called Jacob (Gn. 25==).
Israel is the
name given later in connection with a special revelation (Gn.
of

2 228

The

351'^).

Chronicler prefers Israel to Jacob in speaking

and so the OT. writers generally. Jacob is more

The truth lying back of the two names is probably that

of the people (9')

poetic.

an older

Jacob or Jacob-el, was fused into Israel. 35.

where
the mothers of the sons are given: Adah
Cf.
36^
of Eliphaz and Basemath of Re'u'el and Oholibamah of
Jeush,

one of Job's friends

Ja'lam, and Korah.
Eliphaz] (Gn. 36^

Moses'
Jb. 2" et al.) from Teman v. ^\
Re'u^el] (Gn. 36*
tribe,

Gn.

5%

father-in-law Ex.
I

Ch.

For the

98).

365-

name

in

Edom
in

"

2"

Hb.

(Gn. 36"
allied

first

Ch.

Korah]

9'3).

name

Omar] (Gn.
(Jos.

a Gadite Nu. 2", a Benjaminite

half of the name cf. v."K
Jeush] (Gn.
lo^",

y'"

8"

both

3',

the

36"-

'6

)).

of

"^

36.
a

(Cf Gn. 36".)

district in

home

northern

Teman]

Edom

of Job's friend Jb.

(Am.

2'i cf.

]).~Zcphi] (Zapho Gn. 36"

Kenaz].

Ja'lam]

and clan or guild

showing a connection with

personal

-^

is

elsewhere

112

Je. 49'-

20

Ch. I's).

-)-). Ga'/aw]

Cf. v. ", elsewhere connected with Caleb

I" y- ") showing that the Calebites were closely

with the Edomites.
Timna'] in Gn. 3612 the concubine of
15'^ Ju.

Eliphaz and the mother of Amalek.

is

" 2 Ch.
23"'11").

Israel doubtless historically

the

Ez. 25"

>8

I).

{cf.

OT.

Nu.

name

365", a personal

(Gn.

2^^

the sister of Lotan,

Edom. These
of genealogies.

and

in

Gn.

In Gn. 3622 i Ch. i^s Timna

i Ch. i^' chief or clan of

36^

variations are not surprising considering the origin

Gunkel regards Gn. 36'2'' as an insertion in P.

Amelek] an ancient people south

of

Canaan, and marauders

I.

DESCENDANTS OF ESAU

34-42.]

(Nu.

Esau

clan of
tion

3"

24'" Ju.

in

Gn.

36'= as a subordinate

extincpoints to their later position of inferiority or

Ch. 4"). 37. These clans from Gn. 36" are otherwise

(r/.

Their place

et al.).

75

unknown. But as the names of other clans

Nahath 6"<26) 2 Ch. 31", Zerah 2* 4^* 6 9' 2 Ch.

or individuals
148

(',

cf.

Shammah

All of these
I S. 16^ 2 S. 23'- =S probably i Ch. 27' (BDB.).
as chiefs
sons of Eliphaz and Reu'el are given in Gn. 36'^
of

Edom; and

also in

Gn.

t,6^^

Jensh, Ja'lam, and Korah.

38. Seir] in Gn. 362" called the Horite, showing that the writer
there had in mind the earlier inhabitants of the land of Edom.

Hence they properly are sons of the country Seir rather than
the race Edom.
Seir, the territorial name meaning "hairy,"
equivalent to

probably

The name appears

in

of
is

"wooded," "covered with brushwood."

the Saaira of the Egyptian inscriptions

"
f) possibly to be con1182/.). Lotow] (Gn. 362{EBi.
nected with Lot (Gn. 11=' i2< et al.), derived from the ancient
II. coll.

name

of the country east of the Jordan; in Egyptian inscriptions

^
Gn.
Ruten, Liitcn (Pa. EHSP. pp. 38, 59, 123).5// 06a/] (v.
^
"
On meaning of name
", in Caleb 2^- ", in Judah 4'f ).
36"">
Gn. 362as young lion cf. Gray,
Zibeon] (v.
p. 109.

HPN.

14.

20.

24.

29
-j-)_

'Anah]

^^

(v.

The name means hyena (Gray, HPN. p.

Gn. 362- ' 2- ^i- 25- 29 )). The present text

95).
of

Gn.

a daughter of Zibeon and (36-0 a son of

Zibeon. Dishon] (Gn. 36'-', son of Anah 36"- " i Ch. i"- '\
The name means pygarg, a kind of antelope
chief Gn. 363 \).
gives

Anah

or gazelle

(v."' Gn.

Lotan].

a clan

(36^)

Dt. 14^). zcr]

{cf.

''8.

36=='

Cf. v. ".

name

so

^^

(v.

I) clearly a

Hori]

Gn.

mere

27.

^<^

362'-

variant of

^).Dishan]
Dishon.

(Gn. 36", a Simeonite Nu.

this is striking.

Perhaps

originally in

f).

it,^

Gn.

39.

it

As
was

(On meaning cf. Dr. Dt. 2'\). Homam]

This
name possibly has connection with
(Hemam Gn. 36^2 -f).
Heman 2 since Zerah was Edomitic as well as Judaic, cf. v. ".

the Gentilic adjective.

40.

Shobal]. Cf. v. ^KAljan] ('Alwan

be compared with 'Eljon, the Most
Manahath] (Gn. 36" f). Cf. i Ch.
High, the name of a deity.
2" 8 but probably vdth no connection with the foregoing.
Ebal]
(Gn. 36^' f). Cf. with possible identification in name (not

Timna']. Cf. v. ''.

Gn. 36" \) possibly

to

with 'Ebal of i".Shephi] (Shcpho Gn. 36"

locality)
for

CHRONICLES

y6

meaning

bare

bareness,

"'Sw'

Onam]

height.

Q"-

f)-

(Gn. 36", a

Judah i Ch. 2^^- "f). Probably the name is identical

with Onan, Gn. 38^ i Ch. 2\Zibeon]. Cf. v. ^\Aijah] (Gn.
2 S. 3' 21"- '" " f) meaning hawk, cf. Lv.
36", father of Rizpah
Gn. 362* adds: "This is Anah
Dt.
II'*
14".
'Anah]. Cf. v.".

chief of

who found the hot springs ( ?) in the wilderness, as he fed the

'^.
v.
father."41. 'Aitah].
his
Cf.
asses of Zibeon
form
The
Gn.
v.
3628
f).
^\Hamran] (Hemdan
Dishon]. Cf.
m!2n

in Chronicles suggestive of

Hamor

he-ass,

Shechem, considering the other animal

names

the father of

in this section, is not

improbably the true ont.Eshban] (Gn. 36" '\).Jithran] (Gn.

i Ch. 7" f)Q"- Jether, a common
36", also man or clan of Asher
noime. Cher an] (Gn. 36" ^).42. Ezer].
Cf v. ^\Bilhan]
(Gn. 36", a Zebulunite

Ch.

Some connect with

7'" f).

the concubine of Jacob (Stade, Gesch.

p. 146, A.

i.

Bilhali

j).Zawan]

arisen from
(Gn. 36" \).Jaakan] ('Akan Gn. 36" f) perhaps
or possibly to be connected with "the sons of
and Akan

(jpVl)

'

Dt.
Jaakan" Nu. ^3^'
V. ".
36=8
Aran] (Gn.

io<^.

Cf

Dishan].

v.

'\--Uz].

Cf.

The

intro-

-j-).

34. Snt:"'!

YZ-;]

(^^ 'IaKw/3

K.

'Hcrai/,

^ /foi

Bcrav

k. la/cwjS.

^
This is adopted by Ki.
(g.
ductory /cat of the latter points to as original
and Bn. since the son of the promise, though the youngtr, |-,recedes in
about thirty MSS. and Gn. 3611 las. (& here and in Gn.
V. 2s._36.
sj]

Sw0ap

ifli.

This may represent an ancient scribal error

wherefore the reading of Gn.

^6>> 'p^.
p'^:;y

p'^::;^ j!:r:-i]

^"

rx.

EXi0a^

ereKey

Kal

Gn.

rys

avTt]

is

probably original.
iSni yyy

id'SnS

Qafiva

(other

MSS.

ai^r^J)

to;'

(n for

g,

rjp] 05,

'A^aXijK and

^6^"- ^D<'^i<h

Qafxva

i),

S, Gn.

pcni
vaWaKT}

ifj'?^) ."i.tti

5e

Afia\i]K

t;

doubtless

are

The te.xt of Ch. is not

harmonising glosses, probably originating in (^.
The
Chronicler may have
maintains.
Bn.
as
variant
a
persistent
likely
"
misread Gn., taking ];:^:^^ with the preceding as a niasc. name (cf. v.
= Gn. 36'"') and reading the following, tltere was a concubine to
37. m?]
to Eliphaz Amalek.
Eliphaz the son of Esau, and she bare

36'3 'Ti. 38.

Gn.
Ball,

ii:-"-!]

SBOT., on Gn.

(g

and Gn.

3621.

Ki.

so
36=' n instead of i,

Kom.

retains '^i. 39.

Ki.

SBOT.,

ncini]

Gn.

(5 in both places Al/xhv, hence Bn., Ki. BH.

3622 Kt. DCini, Qr. OD^rn.
OCO1. 40. r>] many mss., (SS and Gn. 36" p'-y, adopted by Ki. and

Bn.

>pr]

Gn.

lor.

(6^ Soj^ap,

of

which

Sw^

is

probably a mu-

I,

RULERS OF EDOM

43-54.]

tilation,

iDt:'

Ovyar-np Ava,

v.

lor,

Gn.

cf.

3626.

s.

v.

p-n]

'.

41.

^b

77

pu"i>]

'Ejuepwc,

^^^

aid

/cat

EX(/3a/ia

Many

Afjia5a(fjL).

MSS. and Gn. 3626 p^n, favoured by Ki. holding the root icn better
42 ]p-;'] twenty-two MSS. and Gn. 362' jpyi
suited for a proper name.

but read with (&'^^\ H, , ]n"\

cf.

Nu.

S3'"- Dt. lo^

correspondence between the three lines of descent from Noah

through Shem, Ham, and Japheth, and the three Hnes from

Abraham through
been found.

As

Isaac, Ishmael,

and the sons

has

of Keturah,

Noah appear in seventy

Abraham may be reckoned

the descendants of

peoples, so likewise the descendants of

as seventy tribes, Ishmael furnishing twelve; Keturah, thirteen;

Isaac, two; Esau, si.xteen (five sons and eleven grandsons); Seir,

twenty-seven (including Timna v.") (Be.). Another reckoning

omits Timna (v. ") but includes Ishmael (Oe.). Others reject the
idea of seventy tribes having been designed by the Chronicler
(Ke., Zoe.).

This

latter

appears quite probable.

Edom. Taken

43-51a. The kings of

generally but Dr. P).

and

Since no king

their residences change,

rulers

and comparable

it

is

is

from Gn. 36"-" (J

the son of his predecessor

probable that these kings were

to the judges in Israel or represented dif-

ferent dynasties frequently

changed as

in

northern Israel.

phrase before there reigned a king of the children of Israel

The
(v.

")

mean

before a king reigned in Israel, i.e., before Saul,

or before a king of Israel reigned over Edom, i.e., before the con-

may

either

quest of Edom by David (2 S. 8'^). This latter interpretation is

43.
to be preferred (Buhl, Edomiler, p. 47, Dill., Holz., Gu.).
"
the
similar
to
Balaam
is
so
name
Bela the son of Be or]. The

son of Beor" (Nu. 22-24) th^t some have regarded the two persons as identical {EBi. I. col. 524, Gray, Nu. p. 324). Bela also
son of Benjamin,
location

unknown.

8',

Reubenite

44.

Jobab]

58.

Dinhabah]

(Gn.

36-^',

cf.

v.

(Gn.
")

36^=

f)

otherwise

unknown.Zera/z] Cf. v. ^'.Bozrah] (Gn. 36" Is. 34^ 63' Je.

" Am. i'=
of
4g'3f) mod. Busaireh, twenty miles south-east
the Dead Sea and thirty-five miles north of Petra (Dr. Gn.).
45. Husham] (Gn. 36^^
f cf. Hashum Ezr. 2" Ne. 7-).

'

Teman].
Cf. v.^'.46. Hadad] (Gn. 36'^ ',
an Edomite who troubled Solomon i K. ii'^

cf.

also

vv."

f) the

',

name

78
of

CHRONICLES

an Aramean deity found

ezer.

Bedad]

range of

hills

Amon

upper

36"

(Gn.

in the

(Dr. Gn., Gu. Gji.).

to

be connected with a

on the eastern side

called el-Ghoweithe,

Masrekah] (Gn.

names Ben-hadad, Hadad-

possibly

|)

47. Samlah]

(Gn.

the

of

36'

'
f).

The name may mean " place of choice

48.
vines," cf. Nahal Sorek "wady of choice vines" (Ju. i6^).
Sha^id] (Gn. 36" ) the same name as that of Saul, King of Israel,
36= f ).

'

and

also of clans of

Simeon

(4=^)

and

of

Levi

(6" (">).

Rehoboth]

(Gn. 36", name of a well Gn. 26", and Assyrian city Gn.
10" f).
The River] is certainly not the Euphrates and the place
Rahaba a little south of the mouth of the Habor (Dr. Gn.),

but the river of Egypt,

Gesch. Isr.

I.

of

David

of

Hannibal

of

Baal

192).

Ch. 27-8

in

p.

{cf.

Edom

i.e.,

49.

-j-).

the

Wady el-Ansh

(Gn.

15'

(Winck.

Ba al-hanan] (Gn. 36'^

an official
The name "Baal is gracious," a synonym
'

also Elhanan, Johanan), points to the worship

(Dr. Gw.).

(Still

"Baal"

is

more a generic

title

'

than that of a specific deity.).

also a courAchbor'] (Gn. 36^8
tier of Josiah 2 K. 22'2- '< and perhaps Je. 26" 36''
f, BDB.).
The name means "mouse." 50. Hadad] (Hadar Gn. 36", but
'

some

and Samaritan Mss. read Hadad). Cf. v. .

u
Gn.
Pai] (Pa
36" f). Perhaps we should follow (^ of Gn.
and read Pe or ("ilJJS), a mountain and city north-east of the
Dead Sea not definitely located (cf. Nu. 23=8 Dt. 3"). The
mention of his wife and her maternal ancestry is striking; posforty mss.

through this connection he laid claim to the kingship.

occur only here and in Gn. 36'', except Mehetabel,
"God confers benefits," which is the name of an ancestor of the

sibly

The names

prophet Shemaiah (Ne.

false

gold."- 51*.

6').

Me-zahab] means "waters of

And Hadad died] not in Gn., probably a copyist's

or the Chronicler's blunder, thinking that the list of kings continued.

51''-54. Tribal chiefs of

briefer introductory

mary.

Why

tribal chiefs,

Edom.

Taken from Gn. 36^1-" with

formula and omission of the concluding sum-

the Chronicler should have given these as chiliarchs,

when he omitted

in the previous lists this title given

not clear unless he felt that they were the
followers of the kings.
This list has been differentiated from the
in

Gn.

36'5-''- "-30^ is

I.

RULERS OF EDOM

43-54.]

79

previous ones because the chiefs were heads of territorial

subdivisions and not purely tribal and possibly ruled after the
Israel

by

conquest

similarly in the

Gn.

('Alwah

(Dr.).

names

36* f)

lite

51''.

following.

Jdheth] (Gn. 36" t)-~52. Oholibamah]

Cf. v.

].

(in

=.

Aljah]

Alwan

with

perhaps identical

wife of Esau, ^6^^ as here f).

Timna] and

chief of

Timna

Gn.

v.
'4-

^-

40.

n the

's.

362-

Elah] probably the seaport usually

Pinon] (Gn. 36^') probably Pimon of Nu. t,^'^ ',

Petra
and Zo'ar {Onom. 299, 123). 53. Kenaz\ Cf.
between
".
V
Teman]. Cf. v. ^\ Mibsar] and Magdi'el] (Gn. 36^= f)

called Elath.

both in the Onom. (277, 137) located in the district of Gebal (south
of the Dead Sea), and the former, under the name of Mabsara, as a
considerable village belonging to Petra.

Edom 'Arammu

king of
(Ball,

Gn.

is

said

to

43. Snic"

(B^^

make

36'2

has aiN3

d^dSdh] (B^

SBOT.

relative clause as

The

ol

latter

A
ins.

a footnote.

Ki.

avrQv

an^oScn adopted

inserts a^^-'on with the

Kom.

follows

i|,

which

succeeding
better, since

is

Before ySa Gn.

the originality of the Vatican text doubtful.
I'^ci.
y^2] (i BdXa/c, o-;^2 were influenced by the simi-

names in Nu. 22 {cf. Sayce, art. Edom in DB.). 46. T(3]

Gn. 36'^ BapaS = nna. rwj'] Qr., some MSS., B and Gn.
(6 Tedda.{L)ix here and in Gn. = a name like D(^)n>% hence Ki.

and

niTi?.

many

in

has a lacuna
pn]

(Gn. 36^').
mentioned in Assy.

(3a(rtXe?s

larity to the

36^5

Iram]

p. 94).

by Bn., Ki.

(& here

b.,

in the text.

MSB., CS,

Gn.

47.

3639

_|_

Vv. "t-^ga jn (gB follow

^^^zy;

p.

-nn] Gn.

v.

^la.

50.

Sj:3

but there some

ii.-i,

Samaritan Pentateuch inn which, .as the dynastic

SBOT. adopts. Ki. influenced by vtos BapaS of
(6^ corrects to Tin.
i;^d]
many mss., B, Gn. IJD. in both places
= nya and so Bn. More likely ij'd - i>'0. V. ^'^ is wanting in
<i>o7wp
MSS. of

name

(&^,

of

and

of the

Edom,

Ball,

and so considered a

later addition

from Gn. by Bn., but the con-

51. pdm
fusion of the Vatican text at this point discredits its value.
The text of Gn. 36<o^ ^z'y ifliS' nicif nSsi
Tin] wanting in Gn.

phylarchs to have been contemporaneous with the kings previously recorded, while its substitute ^si'?n vn^i
ons suggests that they followed the kings (Be.). This is given directly
DPDiJ'a DPDiId'? onnflcnS allows the

in Tl,

Adad autem mortuo

duces pro regibus in

Edom esse

coeperunt

so also

Probably, however, the Chronicler's change was simply that of

condensation without introducing an exact order of succession. rv'Syj
in

QI.

Qr.,

many

MSS., B, S,

Gn.

36^" niSp.

(g

TuXa

nSi;'

probably from

8o

CHRONICLES

of Jacob.
The pedigrees of the sons
of Jacob are arranged according to the geographical position of
With Judah (2'-4")
the territory occupied by the several tribes.

II-IX.

The descendants

as the proper starting-point, the Chronicler passes through Simeon

(4" -"3) on the south, sweeps around the Dead Sea through the easttribes, Reuben
Manasseh (5"

Jordanic
tribe of

(5''),

'

Gad

and the eastern

(5"-")>

from the south

half-

to the north, and, after

inserting Levi (5"-6" (6' -')), with his cities in both eastern

and

western Palestine (Jos. 21), at this convenient point, crosses into

the northern part of western Palestine to Issachar (7'-*), Zebulun

on

(7-" corrected text, see

(7"),

Manasseh

(7''"),

c. 7),

Dan

Ephraim
Benjamin

(7'^

corrected text), Naphtali

and Asher

{/-"-'),

(7="-'),

com-

(cc. 8, 9"") and the list of the

inhabitants of Jerusalem (9'") unless this list came from another
and later hand. Asher should appear earlier in the list, but see

pleting the circle with

comment on
is

Ch.

yso-si,

(Jn 27'^

given to the descendants of

space
other tribe, one hundred verses in

is wanting.)
More
than
to
those
of
Judah
any

Asher

all,

while the tables of the

house of Levi occupy eighty-one, Benjamin

eighty-six

suffice

inquiring

further

properly,

should

be

the

for

into

editorship
expected

Nehemiah

is

notices for

Judah and

it

other

the

may

ten

tribes

of

fifty,

authorship

question
be observed that this

from the

and a scant

combined.

Chronicler.

is

Before

more
exactly what
or,

Chronicles-Ezra-

primarily a Levitical history of the Judean people.

In the body of the work events of the N. kingdom are ignored,
Hence it is not strange
except as they touch Judean affairs.
that the Chronicler should have collected the most genealogical
Levi.

Benjamin

also

would receive

special

attention, since according to the post-exilic conception that tribe

remained loyal to the house of David and was part of the

kingdom (v. EBi. art. Benjamin, 7).

S.

The

analysis of these chapters depends upon the idea of the ChronWith the premise that he intended these
character and purpose.
chapters only to serve as an introduction to his history of the Davidic
icler's

kings, the task of striking out those parts of the genealogies carried down
beyond the time of David becomes merely mechanical. But this premise

cannot be sustained only on the ground that these tables precede the

n.

THE SONS OF ISRAEL

1-2.]

Davidic history.

Nor can an

that the Chronicler

8l

analysis be based on the presupposition

to avoid conflicting* details either

would be careful

own composition or in the matter he incorporated, since all that

Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. reveals about his character as a writer stamps him as

in his

anything but consistent.

an

The

historical introduction cast

first

in a

chapters do not appear to be only

genealogical mould, but also a

As
genealogical and geographical preface to the succeeding chapters.
such they served a useful purpose, especially for a period of Hebrew
As a reader consulting a modern
history without a chronological era.
history of Israel for information concerning one of the kings can turn
to the chronological appendix first to learn the dates of his reign which
suggest the general setting, so the reader of Chronicles could learn the
chronological position by consulting the table of the kings (3'" s), or,
if

it

were a high

priest, the table of the

high priests

(6^

^-

(5"

^
) ).

Furthermore the Chronicler

may have introduced some genealogies

without any particular reason aside from his own interest in them.
C. i
clearly shows that he used practically all the genealogies he had for the
early history, hence it is reasonable to suppose that the following chapters
contain pretty

considered

it

much

eve'-ything he

more important

was able

to find.

He

seems

to

have

that a genealogy should be preserved than

that it should be consistent with others already incorporated.

An
account of the geography of many of the tribes was also of interest to
the reader of the Chronicler's history.
This was probably suggested by
the account of the distribution of territory in Jos. 12-24, which precedes

the history of the Hebrews in Palestine recorded in Ju.-S.-K.

These
geographical notices are omitted strangely enough from the records of

was known as Galilee in the later

Dan, and Asher. A possible explanation

those tribes which occupied what

times, viz., Issachar, Zebulun,

be found in the fact that this territory is not involved in the

Instead of giving the dwelling-places of Judah
and Benjamin he inserts the inhabitants of Jerusalem (9' ^), their com-

may

Chronicler's history.

mon
II.

great city.

The sons

1-2.

for the subsequent

of Israel.

These are introduced as a basis

enumeration of the famiUes of

Israel.

They

are given as follows, Reiihen, Simeon, Levi, Jitdah, Issachar,

and

sons of Leah, Dan, son of Bilhah Rachel's maid,

Joseph and Benjamin, sons of Rachel, Naphtali, also a son of
The
Bilhah, and Gad and Asher, sons of Zilpah Leah's maid.

Zebulun, the

position of
ing.

six

Dan before

the sons of Rachel, instead of after,

Otherwise the order

is

the

same as

in

Gn.

35"*'-^^

is strik-

and Ex.

i'-

(omitting Joseph), late priestly narratives (P), where Dan follows

Benjamin. The tribes, however, are not enumerated uniformly in

82

the

Dt.
of

Old Testament,
2)2>^-^^

cj.

(For a

et al.

CHRONICLES

Gn. 46*"
full

49=

" Nu.

i"-"

".42
1^4.15

26'-"

exhibition of the orders of arrangement,

which there are some seventeen

ones

diflferent

for a discussion of the subject, see

EBi.

art.

in the Bible,

and

Tribes by G. B.

Gray, also art. in Exp. Mar. 1902.)

II. 3-IV. 23. The genealogies of

Judah. This passage condescendants of Judah to Hezron's sons Jerahmeel,

and Caleb (2^-5); (2) the descendants of Ram down to

tains: (i) the

Ram,

David and

his

nephews

(2'-"); (3)

the family of a son born to

descendants of Caleb, including

Hezron

in his old age (2's-2<); (4) the

descendants of Jerahmeel (2"-"); (5) a supplementary table of
(2^'-''); (6)
supplementary tables of Calebites
supplementary tables of the descendants of Ram (c. 3);
a second genealogy of Judah (4'").

Jerahmeelites
(2^2.55).

(8)

(y)

At first sight we seem to have here a confused mass of genealogical

matter accumulated through various insertions (the view of Bn., Ki.).
Both 2" " and 2*- s- contain tables of Calebites, but if either were a
later addition

we should
in

supplement

expect the interpolator to have placed his

direct connection with the other, but now they are

separated by vv. 25-41. Similarly we should expect c. 3, if secondary,

to be placed after 2i-".
On the other hand, as the work of the ChronFirst he gives his primary genealogical
icler, the order is natural.
material in the order

Ram,

supplementary matter
reversal of order

is

(v.

i.)

Caleb, and Jerahmeel, and then appends

concerning each in reverse order. This

the Chronicler's habit

^- ^s
(r/. i<

ff.

et al.).

(2^ gives

the sons of Hezron as Jerahmeel, Ram, and Chelubai ('3iSd).

Since
Ram is considered first (2'" ^), we should expect his name to appear
after that of Chelubai, according to the Chronicler's habit of considering the last
text of V.

first

(v.

s.).

The name Ram may have

by haplography, since the

being reinserted later in its present

oiSs represents the initial 1 of ai hni.

first

word

place.

One

is

of

v.

fallen
'"

is

from the
also

In that case final

tempted

Ram,
'

of

to find support

for this suggestion in (S^^ where kuI ^Apafi actually follows 6 XaX^;3,
but since 6 "Pt/jL also precedes it, the former could be due simply to dit-

tography. However, it is not necessary to suppose that the Chronicler

would be consistent with his usual scheme.)
The first table of Caleb's descendants (2'^ 9 ) is regarded as secondary,
by Benzinger, who finds the original list of Calebites in vv. 4:-50a_ This
possible, especially if only one table of Calebites is ascribed to the
Chronicler, but against it may be urged that as Jerahmeel of the sons
of Hezron comes first in v. , the Chronicler would be likely to place the
is

n.

THE SONS OF ISRAEL

1-2.]

list

83

Since the position of

of his descendants last.

Ram's descendants

to be firmly fixed {2^" ^), the proper place for the table of the

seems

Calebites is between these two, that is, just where it is found.

Benzinger
has also unnecessarily considered the passage concerning the family of
Segub (22'-23) to be out of place, but this passage forms a necessary intro-

duction to
to V.
is

'"',

V.

2*

since

i.).
Although the latter is a doublet
probably the same name as Hur, and Ephrathah

(corrected text v.

Ashur

is

to be identified with Ephrath, the Chronicler

who

difi'erentiated

Hur

and Ashur elsewhere (4^^ ) may have done so here also. Then 2^'-^'
was introduced by the Chronicler in this place because the birth of
Segub, Hezron's death, Caleb's marriage to his father's wife, and the
birth of Ashur are successive events in Caleb's life.
This is further
attested by the chronological order shown in v. '^, and Azubah died, and
Caleb took,

etc.

On

this principle vv. '^-^ constitute

a perfect unity.

doubtless an appendix to the descendants of Jerahmeel, since

these were the sons of Jerahmeel, is certainly a closing formula.

234-41 is

V. "i",

Hence we have an appendix

Jerahmeel

(23^-"),

Caleb

for

(2^^-55^^

each of the three sons of Hezron,

and

Ram

(c. 3).

The

first

of these

was

probably put in the form of an appendix either because the compiler

recognised the variant tradition regarding the genealogy of Sheshan
3<
and v. ^i) or because he differentiated the two Sheshans, hence
(cp. V.
direct connection with Jerahmeel.
The second appendix
geographical names and the third with its list of kings constitute
proper material for postscripts. The reverse order of these additions
is so suggestive of the Chronicler that it is safe to ascribe them to his
vv.

^^

with

had no

ff-

its

original compilation in the absence of

The
which

first

five

-"^

any strong evidence

to the contrary.

regarded by Benzinger as a superscription in

descendants of Judah, Perez, Hezron, Caleb (so read for
verse of

4'

is

Hur, and Shobal, are co-ordinated as sons, while according

they are members of a descending line. He further supposes
that the Chronicler then took these up in reverse order.
He strikes.out
as secondary the verses which interrupt this scheme, viz. vv. *"' '^- ^'-^^
It is doubtful, however, if v. ever was intended as a superscription to
Carmi,

to

2^

v. i.),

^-

'

This verse

vv.

2-23.

the

Judean descent

is

directly connected with v.

of the Zorathites,

2,

with which

it

shows

The

Chronicler apparently
five descendants in juxtaposition as a
cf.

2".

used the device of putting the first

convenient abridgment {cf. i' ^- 2* ff), since their relationship was well
known or could be learned from c. 2. Where he passes beyond well-

known names (v. 2) the relationship is indicated. The following

genealogies seem to be nothing more than short tables of Judean families
which the compiler considered worth preserving. There is no good

why they could not have come from the Chronicler, nor
much ground upon which to argue for their authenticity. On
reason

of the material, see

c.

4.

is

there

the age

CHRONICLES

84
The
found

source from which the Chronicler derived those genealogies not

OT. is uncertain. There is little likelihood that he had a

in the

book of Judean genealogies. More probably he used all the material

which came to hand, connecting the names when possible with one of the
older branches of the family.

purpose (see below on

II.

3-8. Sons of Judah.

gleanings from the

Identity of

names was

sufficient for this

2-").

These

historical books.

verses, except v.

The

contain

writer seems hard put

descendants for certain branches of Judah. 3. The

Judah
Er, Onan, etc.], derived from Gn. 38, cf. Gn. 46'i
of
Aitd Er the first horn of Judah, etc.]. This remark is taken
to find

batim from Gn.

sons
'.

ver-

hence Bn. without reason infers the passage

omission to record the similar fate of

38',

The

secondary to Ch.

Onan, Gn.

Here, however, as elsewhere the

38', is noticeable.
Chronicler assumes that his readers are familiar with the narratives

Hexateuch.

of the

Onan

peared.

The

union of

The
two

implies that

story of the untimely death of

of the ancient clans of

Judah

Er and

early disap-

Canaanite mothers Shu a and Tamar indicate a

Judean stock with Canaanites.

were thus preserved in

Israelite

of early tribal history

descendants of Shelah
datighter-in-law bore to

4-'

cf.

9*

Ne. ii^

4.

Reminiscences
folk-tales.

For

And Tamar

his

him Perez and Zerah] derived from Gn.

Perez and Zerah were the youngest clans of Judah.

2813-30
Zerah, perhaps the autochthonous, was according to Stade of pure
Canaanitish stock originally and at first surpassed Perez, but later
declined

I.

(G'5r/j.

p.

158).

5.

Hafmd], also a
Hezron see vv.

direct quotation

no descendants

of

ment.

(On

^
.

the

Beyond

Hamul
name see

Zimri and Ethan and

Zabdi of Jos. y-

The sons of Perez: Hezron and

On
cf. Nu. 2621.

from Gn. 46'^

the family of the Hamulites,

Nu.

26=',

are given elsewhere in the Old Testatextual notes.)

6. The sons of Zerah:

Heman and Calcol and Darda *].

Zimri

's

Ethan
the Ezrahite, Heman, Calcol, and Darda sons of Mahol, are mentioned in I K. 5" (431) as distinguished wise men whom Solomon
'

(for

change of spelling see

text. note).

Hence since Ezrahite CHITS) might be explained as

surpassed.
a descendant of Zerah (BDB.) and may be regarded as an attributive of Heman, Calcol, and Darda, the Chronicler evidently

n.

SONS OF JUDAH

3-8.]

85

men as descendants of Zerah (Meyer, Entst. Jud.

This identification has generally been accepted (Be.,
Ethan and Heman occur also in
Ke., Mov., but not by Zee.).
Levitical
I Ch. as the names of two
singers of the time of David,
"'>
and
an Ethan is also given among
15"- ",
Ethan=Juduthun, 6=

placed these wise

161).

p.

the ancestors of Asaph, i Ch. 6" '^'^\ and Heman i Ch. 6'8 <">
16" IS 25'- '-^ From the point of view of the Chronicler, since
this Ethan and this Heman are Levites they cannot have been
Pss. 88

identical with those of our passage.

according to their titles are maschils of

and

Heman

89, however,

the Ezrahite

and

Ethan the Ezrahite. Since Ps. 88 is also Korahite it is probable

that Ezrahite Ethan and Heman in the titles of these Psalms represent both the Levitical singers and the wise men of i K. 5" (43')In short, the one Ethan and the one Heman of Israel's early traditions, svTionyms of wisdom, seem each in the genealogical system
or notes of the Chronicler to have been evolved into two persons.
Ewald {Hist. III. p. 278) thought that the two great singers of the
tribe of Judah were taken by the Levitical music schools into their

company and family and were afterward

reckoned to the tribe of Levi.

in the titles of Pss. 88, 89,

When

these wise

men

lived,

whether they were cotemporaries of Solomon or traditional wise

men of a more ancient past, we have no means of knowing. Ac-

Olam Rabha (ed. Meyer, p. 52), they prophesied

(For a fanciful interpretation of their names connecting

cording to Seder
in

Egypt.

K. 5".) 7. And
The plural ("Jl) sons of is sometimes used
the sons of Carmi].
in genealogical lists when only one son or descendant follows, cf.

them with Job and

his three friends see Klo.

on

Achar

'

vv.
etc.]

8.

Qn. 26" 46" Nu. 26*.

'Achan Jos. 7' ' "> " =^ 22"

30.

31,

42

the tronhler of Israel,

(see text. note).

The

brevity

Achar and the omission of Zabdi the connecting

between Achar and Carmi is another assumption of familiarity

of this notice of

link

with the narratives of the Hexateuch.

8.

'

Azariah]. Nothing
Whether the Chronicler meant
an immediate or remote descendant of Ethan cannot be deterfurther

is

known

mined. The

of this Azariah.

name

is

very

common.

No other Zerahites are

given

elsewhere
Old Testament except Sibbecai the Hushathite,
and Maharai the Netophathite, two of David's captains, 27"- ".
in the

86

CHRONICLES

3.

(8 Sai^aj

P.1B']

BDB.

spared

is

yrc'.

Hamul).

C$ EfiovijX

Spm =

Ssicm fromicn

likely derivation,

cf.

name

on a

n^'^cn^

seal

(EBi.,

art.

by dittography of the preceding I) =

brother-in-law of God. This seems a more

*?

4^, but the

We. DGJ.,

The

confusion of a and D

p. 22.

Son with the meaning

5. Sicni] the root

Ie/xou7jX

("

SS.,

favoured by the

meaning

is

dub., seeKi.

SBOT., Kom.,

nji, (6 Zo/x)3p(e)i in both passages.

phonetic, of t and 1 graphic.
J?"ni] many

ncr] Jos.
is

7'

K. 5" j.n-ni, adopted by Ki. 7. According to

the
of
Zabdi = Zimri {v. s.), hence ^ma ^ici M31
Carmi
was
son
7'
Jos.
may have fallen from the te.xt or the Chronicler assumed this relationship
was known. ij;] Jos. 7' ]y;. In the former we have an assimilation
of the name of the man to that of the valley of Achor (Dill.) or the latter
arose from a scribal error, cf. (5^ in Jos. Axap.
MSS., <$^

MSS.,

&,

51, I

9-55. The Hezronites.

Whatever may have been the

relative

Judah in the early history of the tribe, to the

Of it he reckoned
Chronicler Hezron was the all-important clan.
by descent not only the royal family of David but also the great
The accounts given of them are
claris of Jerahmeel and Caleb.
V. ' (excepting the word Ram,
evidently from various sources.
see below) is derived from some old source other than the Old
Testament. Vv. '"'^ appear to be taken directly from Ruth.
Vv. "" in contents are drawn from i and 2 S. Vv. ^^*, regarded
p)osition of this clan of

by Ki. as an insertion (but see above), are derived partially from

Vv. ^^-ss ^j-e
the Hexateuch, although considerable matter is new.
entirely independent of anything elsewhere in the Old Testament.

Of

these, w.^^-'\ according to Ki.,

early material,
late,

9.

'

v\'.

"-"

late, vx.

w. ""

*'^-*^

who

late.
w.
early,
The sons of Hezron. Hezron] w.
^'

also as a son of Reuben On. 46' Ex.

as the

name

Jos. 153

(cf.

6'*

'

"

late, v.

"

Nu.

of a place indicating the southern

also Kerioth-hezron Jos. 15").

nected with ni"n enclosure

is

follows We., represent

early, v.

(HWB.'\ BDB.).

"

<

26^' i

*''

early, v.

-^

4',

Ch.

boundary
j1"li'n

is

<

appears
5',

of

and

Judah

to be con-

A Hezronite

then

a villager or dweller in a permanent settlement, a kraal, in con-

trast

to

movable encampments,

"n^'n

appears in the names of

Judah and Simeon besides the two

Nu.
Hazar-addar
mentioned;
34% Hazar-gaddah Jos. 15", Hazarsusah in Simeon Jos. ig^ cf. i Ch. 4'', Hazar-shual in southern
several localities of southern

THE GENEALOGY OF DAVID

n. 9-17.]

87

=
Judah Jos. 15" I Ch. 4'^ Ne. 11", in Simeon Jos. 19'. Names
Under
root
are
also common elsewhere {v. BDB.).
from this
semi-nomads
have
indicated
we
then
Hezron
inhabiting
only
may
a fixed abode and the name may have come from no political clan
but only from a social class from which the Hezronites of Nu.
266- 21 were evolved, and which occasioned this son of Perez and
likewise the son of

Reuben.

Jerahmeel],

vv.

^*

"

represents a

*\

clan dwelling in the days of David in southern Judah, i S. 27'">

Ram] as a second son of Hezron is suspicious because (i)
30".

Old Testament elsewhere knows of no Judean clan Ram coordinate with Caleb and Jerahmeel, (2) the descendants of

the

Ram, which
as in

follow

w. '"-'^

are

and Caleb,

but simply in the pedigree of David.

<-%

and

given not in families

the case of those of Jerahmeel

Ram

is

cities

vv. "-33

.12-44.

plainly intro-

Hezron by the Chronicler from Ru. 4^^. The

from another source was evidently, and the
statement
original
sons of Hezron Jerahmeel and Chelubai, and this was the introduction to vv. "-33. 42-44. 46. 48^ whcrc the descendants of Jerahduced as a son

of

meel and Caleb are given.

18-24

Chelubai],

q. V.

equivalent to Caleb vv.

10-12. The ancestry of David. Ram begat Aminadab, etc.].

Omitting the words prince of Judah, derived from Nu. i', this
jt jg appedigree of Jesse is taken verbatim from Ru. 4i8b-22a_
parently artificial, for i and 2 S. know only of Jesse the father of
David the Bethlehemite. Salma or Salmon was the reputed

founder of Bethlehem,

cf.

vv. "

Nashon

6^.

the son of

Aminadab,

according to P, was the prince of Judah during the Exodus, Nu. i'
2' et al.
Out of these materials the author of Ruth, or some other
genealogist, with the

added names

of

Boaz and Obed, possibly

ancestors of Jesse, constructed this genealogy, placing

Two facts probably led

genealogical lore, the ancient Ram

son of Hezron at
of

Ram:

(i) in

its

head.

Ram

as the

to the selection

was the son

of

2'^, but David plainly was not a Jerahmeelite,

Jerahmeel
hence the father's name could not be used in his pedigree, and we
i

Ch.

Ram; and
We. DGJ. pp.

have not Hezron, Jerahmeel, Ram, but simply Hezron,

(2) the appropriate

17/., Bertholet,

of the

meaning
Com. on Ru.,

word

p. 69.

"lofty,"

cf.

88

CHRONICLES

13-17. The family of Jesse.

13.

And

Jesse begat his first

17'^ Jesse had eight

and Shammah, and four others whose
names are not mentioned, and David the youngest. ^ gives eight
here, adding Elihu from 27 's, which i^ there has probably by cor-

born Eli\ib, etc.\

According to

S.

16'

'

Eliab, Abinadab,

sons,

Was

ruption (rS'i^S becoming T\*h^, (^ EXta^).

the

number

According to Budde (SBOT.) the sections con-

eight or seven?

the latest additions to the book

Another Midrash, equally current
then, may have been followed by the Chronicler or invented by
him, giving the number seven and also the names of the three

taining

from a Midrash

17'^ are

'

S. 16"'

after

and Ozem, which are not given elsewhere.

sons, N'ethan^el, Raddai,

The genuineness
ing to Gray,

of the

HPN.

Raddai and Ozem

among

b. c.

400

name Nethan^el
p.

(see v.

is doubtful, since (accord233) it is of post-Davidic formation.

") could well be genuine as far as their

forms go. 16.- And their sisters Zeriiiah and Abigail}. These are
recorded for the sake of their distinguished sons. According to
2 S. 17"
i| Abigail was the daughter of Nahash and hence she
has been regarded as a step- or half-sister of David (Be., Ke.,
Zoe., Oe.,

et al.).

Probably, however, the 1| of

2 S. 17=' is

corrupt

and Jesse should be substituted for Nahash ((|, B, We. TS., Klo.,
Bu. SBOT.). And the sons of Zeriiiah Abishai,* Jo'ab and
These heroes are repeatedly named as sons of their
Asah'el].
mother I S. 26528.218, etc. The name of their father is nowhere men-

Of

tioned.

of 2 S. 2' 8-32

was the

the three brothers, Asahel according to the narrative

was clearly the youngest, but which of the other two

older

is

uncertain.

of 2 S. 2'% Joab.
etc.]

17.

derived from

2 S.

The

And

order here suggests Abishai; that

Abigail bore 'Amasa and the father,

The Ishmaelite] the true reading
17".

{v. L).

9. "'3i'-r](gA Xa\e)3 = 3^3, b Xa/SeX. 10. >:2] (^ rod otKOV

n>3.
11. ndSb' bis] (B and Ru. 4=' jic':';' but Ru. 420 r\r.'^:.', cf. We. DGJ. p. 37.

13.

'^\v]

manyMSS. (Kennic.)

from the preceding

"'C

which may be simply a correction

Since the author would be likely to use the

same spelling, 'r>N has been taken for an original ';"% SS., Ki. SBOT.
16. '>B'3n] ii'i' 18'*
anj'jNi]. (S AfjL. is a phonetic error common in (&.
>:%

v. ^.

ipu.

15

2 S. io', but elsewhere in

and

2 S. 'tt'iax,

and so Ki.

in Ch.;

DESCENDANTS OF CALEB

n. 18-24.]

($ 'A^eicrd., 'A/Sicro-d.

17.

89

and authorities

The

'SNyctS'"'n] 2 S. ly^s ^SNTJ'''n.

latter is

TS., Bu.

error of transcription or a Massoretic revision, Dr.

an

SBOT.,

generally.

of

18-24. The family of Caleb. Caleb appears in the history

David as a clan inhabiting southern Judah and apparently dis-

from Judah (i S. 25' 30"). According to the narrative of the

He.xateuch, Caleb the cotemporary of Joshua, the reputed founder
of the clan, was a Kenizzite (Nu. 32'2 Jos. 14= '^), and since Kenaz
tinct

*'
'^
appears among the grandsons and dukes of Edom (Gn. 36"I Ch. i'- "), the clan Caleb was originally of Edomiiic origin,
kindred with the Amalekites. They claimed the conquest of

Hebron and Debir

one of

(Jos.

Ju. i '-!').
the influence of

1515-17

their tovms.

Carmel was also

David during his

Through
Hebron they were probably incorporated
Judah. They are not mentioned subsequently

reign at

into the tribe of

in

OT.

history

our genealogical lists, vv. '^-^'i- "-49 4u-i5a_

His prominence here shows at once that Calebites must have been
conspicuous in post-exilic Judah, forming possibly the bulk of

Caleb appears

until

in

the tribe, since the Chronicler

these

lists

knows

so few other families.

In

are assigned to Caleb or his descendants towns of

Ziph, Mareshah, Hebron, Korah, etc., vv. ""%

the
pre-exilic dwelling-places of the clan, and also towns
clearly

southern Judah,

further north, Kirjath-jcarim, Bethlehem, Eshtaol, Zorah, etc.,

These latter towns, without doubt, were the post-exilic
vv. '"-5^

homes
from

who

During the exile they were dispossessed

Judean homes apparently by the Edomites,

of the Calebites.

their southern
after the fall of

the

Jerusalem took possession of southern Judah,

The
inhabitants to move northward.

earlier

compelling
Edomites themselves were driven northward by the Nabateans
'^
36^ (We. DGJ. pp. 28 /., Meyer,
(see Mai. i^), cf. Ez. 35'"
Entst. Jud. p. 115, Torrey, JBL. XVH. i. 1898 pp. 16/.). Singu-

enough in view of the prominence given to Caleb in i Ch.,

is no direct mention of Calebites in Ezra and Nehemiah; only
an indirect reference in Ne. 3 ', where among the repairers of the
larly

there

wall

is

salem.

of Hur, ruler of half the district of Jerurepresents clearly, from the appearance of the
Caleb's descendants in w. " " 4' \ a Calebite family.

Rephaiah the son

Now Hur

name among

CHRONICLES

90

In the notices of the Calebites and Jerahmeelites (vv. " " ) in this
chapter have been seen reminiscences of an original migration of a
portion of Israel from the south into
p.

40, et al.).

Canaan

Such an immigration

(S.

A. Cook, Notes on

of Calebites, at least,

most

OT.

likely

took place (Moore, Ju. p. 31), but a simpler explanation of these

notices is that the descendants of these clans desired an honourable

among

place

the post-exilic

Jews and the Chronicler, favouring

gave them a prominent place in his work.

the Jerahmeelites played any such conspicuous part
desire,

Israel as is alleged

And

18.

Jerioth*].

by the editor of EBi.

is

this

The

theory that
in the history of

utterly without foundation.

Caleb begat sons from Azubah his wife daughter of

(nilTJ?, forsaken) is probably a refer-

Under Azubah

home of the Calebites in southern Judah

and the daughter of Jerioth HiyT, tents) probably
looks back to the early nomadic life of the Calebites (We. DGJ,
And these were her sons Jesher f, Sliobab, and Ardon f].
p. 26).
These sons of Azubah represent pre-exilic Calebite families which
ence to the abandoned
(v.

s.),

dwelt in southern Judah. Shobab is also the name of a son of

David 35 i4< 2 S. 5". 19. When 'Azubah died then Caleb took to

Since Ephrath is equivalent to Ephratha v. 5

himself Ephrath].
4*, a name of Bethlehem Mi. 52 Ru. 4", and possibly the name of a
district in

northern Judah

clearly expresses the

Ps. 132^, Del.), this

(cf.

movement

their settlement in northern

of the Calebites

Judah

(v.

v. s").

cf.

s.,

new marriage

northward and

Hur]

leading family or stock of post-exilic Calebites (cf. Ne. 3', v.

-*
4% he appears as the father,
Identifying him with Ashhur v.

the
s.).
i.e.,

founder or coloniser, of Tekoa and his sons of Bethlehem, Bethgader, Kirjath-jearim vv. "".
(Such a shortening as of Ashhur
into

Hur

20.

And Hur

reputed

is

not

uncommon,

skilled

begat Uri,

workman

from P, Ex. 31^ 355'', cf.

been brought together

seemed a
bly,

sufficient

in

cf.

Ahaz = Jehoahaz COT.

This

etc.].

of the

Ch.

i^.

these

Tabernacle,

is

It illustrates
lists.

I.

p.

255.).

genealogy of Bezalel,

The

how

material has

identity of a

cause to give a genealogical connection.

however, the prominence of the family of

the

taken verbatim

name

Proba-

Hur and its possession

of artisans led to the origination of this descent of Bezalel.

Vv.

"" are singular in this connection, interrupting the story of Caleb's

matrimonial alliances (but

v.s.).

21. And afterwards].

The

refer-

DESCENDANTS OF CALEB

n. 18-24.]

9I

Machir father ofGilead] a son of Manasseh

plainly to v. '.
mentioned as the father or conqueror of Gilead in Nu. 26" 32"

ence

is

In Ju. 5 Machir stands for the tribe of Manasseh.

Segub] not
clearly the most important clan of the tribe.

Jos. i7> Dt.

He was

3'.

mentioned elsewhere, possibly an error

of transcription for

Argob,

^^
the district inhabited by Jair (Dt. 3'^ Jos. 13''), who in v.
appears
son
of
Manasseh
as
a
son.
22.
as his
(Nu. 32^' Dt.
Jair] given

3i<

Jos. 13"), also

one of the minor Judges (Ju.

connected the tent villages Havvoth

lo').

Aiid he had

With

Jair are repeatedly

Jair v. " Dt. 3'^ Nu. 32<'

twenty three cities in the land of Gilead].

10"
sixty cities, wrongly placed in
number given for these tovras
The
Bashan, Jos. 13'
fluctuated.
They represent the northern portion of
evidently
23. Geshiir and Aram] Geshur, an Aramean tribe
Gilead.
dwelling in the region of Argob and at the time of David an indeAram, a generic geo15';
pendent kingdom 3^ 2 S. 3' 13"
thirty cities Ju.

Jos. 13"=;

K. 4'^

'

northern Mesopotamia,
graphical term for the country including
Here
of Palestine {cf. i").
the
borders
as
far
south
as
and
Syria,
the

Arameans adjoining Geshur

are evidently meant.

her daughters sixty cities] a district perhaps the

Kenath and

modern Kanawat

Argob in Bashan (cf. Nu. 32^^). When these were lost to

Israel is unknown, probably before the reign of Omri, since from
then on the border fortress between Israel and Syria was Ramah

east of

(St.

Gesch.

I.

p. 150).

All

these were the sons

summary of a section originally

The introduction in the midst of a

of Machir] the

larger probably than

list

of Hezronites

w.

''-".

from the three

Caleb, of those through another son

2>-"
surprising, and
by a later marriage renders the contents of w.

sons, Jerahmeel,

Ram, and

in any way the Hezron

especially are they strange in connecting
Manasseh.
Whether the
of
of Judah with members of the tribe

historical fact of the incorporation of Judaites

lies

back

of this

or whether the whole notice

arises

standing of genealogical material is uncertain.

Hezron may represent a Reubenite clan of that

with Manassites

from a misunderIn the latter case

name

{cf. 5')

which

coalesced with Gileadites (Meyer, Entst. Jnd. p. 160, Steuemagel,

Einw.

Isr.

Stdmme,

in post-exilic times

p. 19).

In the former case

it is

possible that

a colony of Jews had settled east of Jordan in

92

CHRONICLES

Gilead, and that through this fact arose this genealogical connection
between Hezron of Judah and Machir (Bn.). In Jos. ig'* mention is made of Judah [on] the Jordan, which has been thought to

point to such a colony (yet the phrase

may

be a corruption).

Judas Maccabeus undertook a campaign in that district in order

to rescue Jews from the hand of the heathen.
Ki., on the other
hand, holds

w.

" to

contain ancient material referring to a union

Manasseh, refugees from northern Israel, with those

of Judah about 600 b. c.
cf. the emphasis placed upon the cities
of Jair in Dt.
24. And ajier Hezron died Caleb went in unto
of families of

Ephrath the wife of his father *] another genealogical notice of

the setdement of the district of Bethlehem by the Calebites, cf. vv.
"

The

5".

taking of a father's wife was asserting claim to the

2 S. 16" i K. 2^^--^), and well expressed the
{cf.

father's possessions

And she bore

legitimacy of Caleb's residence in northern Judah.

=
Ashhiir] clearly a repetition of v. =. Ashhiir and

Hur

'

identical.

or

The father

Hur was probably

of Teko'a].

must be

the exilic

founder of Tekoa, or the family settled there.

is about five miles south of Bethlehem.
The

post-exilic

Tekoa, mod. Teku'a,

place

is

frequently mentioned (4' 2 Ch. ii 20" 2

S. 14''

Am.

i'

Je.

6't).
18.

r\y;>-\'<

* has for

M, and
Ki.

rxi hd's navjj ns T^in |nxn

T'Sin

accepit iixorem

(SBOT.)

BH.

he

eXa/3ev;

'nN>

for

(6^ reproduces

3*^31]

^r^x^,

pn.

nomine Azubali de qua genuit

nvTi nx niSn nrx r\2vy nx

ns i.tj'x 'y js.
We. (DGJ.

follows,

&

follows

combines
Jerioth.

np*?,

p.

M.
(6*,

This

but in Kom.,

^t,)

reads na

And

Caleb son of Hezron begat of

Azubah his wife and of Jerioth (AV., RV., Kau., Be., Oe.). Caleb then
has children of two wives, but the context suggests those of only one wife,
nv'T' instead of

name

Zoe. follow

sons of

Bn.

V. "I'.

nxi.

yields

h. Mich, met this difficulty by regarding Jerioth as

Azubah, the waw in PNi being explicative. Ke. and
regarding Jerioth the daughter of Caleb and mother of the

i^b. i9_

Azubah,
another

'"<

j_

for

On

It still leaves

the whole, we prefer the reading of We., preferred by

the harsh construction of njirj? nx after T'Sin denot-

ing the mother and not the child

obvious).

where

i*?'

probably a gloss to render this

however, may be found in Is. 65',
Hiph. has the force to cause to bear, or nx may be taken as

(nir's is

parallel construction,

equivalent to nxD,

cf.

ja

iSim

8'.

adhered to by Ke., AV., RV.

24.

is

n^jx |nxn ntrxi n.-nsx 2^22]

clearly corrupt.

(B

has ^\dev XaX^/3

DESCENDANTS OF JERAHMEEL

n. 25-41.]

'EcppdBa Kal i) yvv^ "E<Tpi)v 'A/3td, so 21.

above, undoubtedly was n>3N inxn p-^-n r\r.-yQH

The

els

true text, rendered

We. DGJ.,

S3,

We. DGJ. p. 15, SS.,

iin-f.x]= -iin-rN,
In vv. 's. so 44 he is called mn,
9", iina^N 7I8.

14/., Ki.

8"

j'^j

93

cf.

'ry^rx

r/.

S;3

pp.

= Sy^-^r^s

-':';3;'n S^".

25-33. The families of the Jerahmeelites. Jcmfimecl in the

time of David was an independent clan like that of Caleb, inIt is not mentioned
habiting the Negeb of Judah (i S. 27' 30").

Whether it played any part in the postJewish community, or whether this genealogy having been
Chronipreserved with that of Caleb was therefore recorded by the
in

subsequent history.

exilic

cler,

we do not know

on

(v. s.

vv. '^-').

names given are

antiquity and historicity
All the

comparatively early ones and favour the

of the list.
25. Ram] v.", cf. vv. ' '" Jb.

32^.

possible con-

nection has been seen between this family and Abram.

by some is supposed to represent an ancient deity {v. s.

nah and Oren

j].

Ozem]

v.

'^

f.

His

brother *].

The name
i-').

Bii-

So we must
'

probably read in place of the proper name Ahijah. 26. Atarah\

This name of the mother of the most widely extended family of
the Jerahmeelites

is

to

its original meaning and

and probably arose from the Jerah-

be compared for

derivation with Hezron,

v.

',

meelites inhabiting Ataroth (n'ltDJ?), protected places (We. DGJ.

a local name, Nu. 32=- =4 Jos. 16%
p. 15). Ataroth alone appears as

That
also in combination Jos. 16* 18'^ Nu. 32^5 i Ch. 2'^
Alarah was a second wife probably shows that the earlier sons of
Jerahmeel represented nomad families, while her descendants

and

more settled life. Onam] v. "^ also the name of a family

Gn. 36" f, perhaps connected with Onan the son of
v.'.
27. Maaz and Janiin and 'Eker]. Maaz and Eker
Judah,

those of a
of

Edom

i^

Janiin

are mentioned only here.

is

among

the sons of Simeon,

Gn. 46"'. 28. Shammai]. Cf. 2-'- '' " "^ 4'\~Jada'] v. ",
for compounds of root from which it comes (pi"), see i'^.
*
"
v. " a frequent name.
]
Abishur] v. f. 29. Ahihail

Nadab]
name of

the wife also of

a Levite Nu.
2'5 929

y\

\.Ahban

31. Jisk'i]

Sheshan]

2='

vv.

Rehoboam

"2

4^"-

^'-

Ch.

ii'^

and a man's name,

Ch. 5", and the father of Esther Est.

and Molid f]. 30. Sded f]. Appaim] v. '' f.

a Gadite

"

554

"
f.

name

Ahlai]
-j-,

frequent occurrence.

thus of

ii<' f.

32.

Jether] a frequent

CHRONICLES

94
name.

33. Peleth] Nu. i6' a Reubenite.

Possibly there is connection with Beth-pelet a city of southern Judah, Jos. 15" Ne.
II".
These were the sons of J erahme el\ the conclusion
Zaza]\.

of this

None

of Jerahmeelites.

list

of these families or persons

are mentioned elsewhere in the

Old Testament (except Sheshan

and
hence
more
can be said concerning them.
below),
nothing
The fact that Onam is also the name of a family of Edom and Jamin of one of Simeon suggests a close relationship with those
tribes.

25. n>n.y] the name of a 6fth son, Ahijah, AV., RV., Kau., Iff, 51;
name of the mother of the preceding four sons, a c following nxx
having fallen out, the text having stood 'N-; dxn Ozem of Ahijah,
the

Be., Ke.,

many

Zoe.,

so Ki.

Oe.

(6

^coilu..

mss., CS", '^'n-ax.

after (&^ 'Ecppdt/j.,

avrov

dSeX^ds

vns,

30.

We. DGJ.,

152M. 31. v-']

n^ns has

n^cs] also v. ".

name

Jdj^iia, since a

DGJ., but ^B niay be a corruption

see Ges.

p. 15.

<S^

of

29.

emends

Ki.
D'sn

is

A(p4>aifjL 0&*.

'la-e/iLi^X,

g>

been followed,

S\n'2N] read with

to

suspicious,

D'-dn

We.

='J3 n*^] also v. ",

}-liw4,),

both of which

Ki.

(SBOT.) thinks point to a divine appellative at the end, hence

following the indication of C6^ lefftrovei he reads ve's - ^ic'> - Sj-^arx
cf.

We. TS., on

S.

14^3.

34-41. The pedigree of Elishama a descendant of the Jerahmeelite Sheshan. 34. And Sheshan had no sons but daugh-

To

ters].

that

reconcile this statement with v.

A Mai was

="> it

has been assumed

a daughter of Sheshan, "sons" there indicating

only descendants (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.) This is possible, but for
w. "-23 the Chronicler probably had an entirely different source

from that of
to the

work

vv.

^^-^i.

(Ki. regards

them

as a late section

of the Chronicler, giving another

the lines of descent from Sheshan

is

known, and

also nothing further of the four-

teen descendants recorded in xx.

names occur elsewhere,

added

fuller story of

and placed here as an appendix

Jar hi]. Of this Eg}-ptian

to the families of the Jerahmeelites.)

nothing further

and

"-^.

Although many

of

the

identified

no case can they be probably

with those persons. We do not know also when

Elishama

(v. "),

ished.

in

w-hose pedigree is so carefully recorded, flouris the tenth in descent from Judah, older

Since Sheshan

DESCENDANTS OF CALEB

n. 42-55.]

95

of him as residing in Egypt not far from

the period of the Exodus and placed the period of Ehshama fourteen generations later or near the close of the period of the Judges

commentators thought

More

(Ke.)-

likely

of the Chronicler.

Elishama represents some one near the time

however, Jarha lived as early even as 1000

If,

c, and Elishama about 600

B.

ter of the

b.

c, there

is

nothing in the charac-

names given

against the genealogy being genuine.

They
stand in sharp contrast with others which appear to be made up

from names current

in the Chronicler's

P- 235)-

42-55. Families of Caleb.

Cf.

w.

own time (Gray,

^^-\

Vv.

"-^5.

HPN.

n.

49.

50a

belong together and come apparently from the same source as vv.
26-33.
Vv. " 's- i-o^/^-ss appear also of common origin, and belong
to the late material of
v. \

Jerafimeel]

Ch.

42. The brother oj

(if text is not

(We., Ki.).
Mesha*] an early
Caleb
family
of

altered) of which nothing further is known; in 2 K. 3^ the name of

a king of Moab. (g has Maresha, see below\ Ziph] two places of
this name are given among the towns of Judah: one Jos. 15-^, still

26^, the modern Tell

cf. i S. 2^*
one
and
hours
south-east
of Hebron (Baed."
Ziph
three-quarters
This
latter
is
here
referred
to.
p. 170).
Maresha'^] the name

unidentified, the other Jos. 15",

well-known town of the Shephelah, Jos. 15^^ 2 Ch. 11 149 '

20" Mi. I '5
the modern Merash (Baed. p. 116).
It is difhcult,
to
this
in
connection
with
however,
bring
place
Hebron, although
Hebron may in some way have been colonised therefrom. Wellof a

-j-,

hausen regards the name, from the preceding words "sons of,"
as purely gentilic, and not to be connected with the town.
Proba^'
bly both Mesha and Maresha are due to dittographies from v.
and the verse originally read Sons of Caleb the brother of Jerahmeel,
his first-born the fatlier of Ziph and the father of Hebron.
.

The name

43.

of this first-born

And

mostly,

if

hidden in Mesha or Maresha.

The descendants now given are
names. Korah]. The connection

may

lie

the sons of Hebron].

not

geographical
of southern Judah, although mentioned elsewhere

all,

suggests a tov^Ti
in the OT. only as a
family or descendant of Levi.
Tappuah]
equivalent to Beth-tappuah Jos. 15", the mod. Taffiih west of

Hebron {SWP. HI. pp.

310,

379;

Baed.^ p.

1^2). Rekem]

96

CHRONICLES

Otherwise unmentioned, probably a town of southern Judah.

A
town of this name is given as belonging to Benjamin Jos. i8",
also the name of a king of Midian Nu. 31' Jos. 13='.
Shatna]

same as Eshtemoa (Hithp. of same stem) Jos. 155"

21'*, cf. the mod. Semiia identified with Eshtemoa (Rob. Res. II.
The location of Eshtemoa in the immediate neighbourp. 194).
hood of Hebron favours this identification. 44. Raham\ The
perhaps the

Jerahmeel. Jorkeam]

root (nni) appears in

probably Jokdean
mentioned before Juttah, mod. Yata, east of Hebron
'^
a Jerahmeelite tribe, in i"
(Baed.* p. 169). Shammai] (in v.
Jos.

155%

Edomite), not identified as a geographical name, perhaps gentilic;

a name of common occurrence, cf. v. -K 45. Ma on] Jos. 15"

I S.
25', mod. Main south of Hebron {SWP. III. pp. 404, 415;
Baed.2 p. 144). Beth-znr] Jos. 15^8 2 Ch. 11' Ne. 3"=, mod.
Beit Sur, four miles north of Hebron {SWP. III. p. 311 Baed.* p.
This verse
46. And Ephah the concubine of Caleb, '^ etc.].
112).

Neither 'Ephah, Haran, Moza, nor Gazaz

entirely obscure.
can be identified with any places, families, or persons mentioned
elsewhere.
Ki. joins with v. ^^ and marks as a later addition to i
is

Ch.

47.

Jahdai].

The connection with

and the name has been taken as that

of Caleb;

name

more probably Jahdai

in the original

is

the foregoing

is

of another wife or

a descendant of Caleb whose

connection has fallen from the

text.

following sons none are otherwise known unless Pelet

with Beth-pelet a town of southern Judah Jos. 15".
to

according

We. and

Ki.

is

to

not given

concubine

is

Of

The

be connected with

v.

the

identical

*^.

verse

48.

Maacah] entirely unknown, since this cannot be connected with

the Aramean Maacah or with various persons mentioned elsewhere in the Old Testament of the same name (3=^ 7'^ 8=' 11", etc.).

Sheber f]

and Tirhanah

\]

are

equally unknown.

49.

And

Shaaph begat^], a continuation of v."'. Madmannah] from Jos.

15" a well-known town of southern Judah, possibly Unim Deinneh,
twelve miles north-east of Beersheba {SWP. HI. pp. 392, 399).

5// ez'a f]

except Qr.

S.

20=^ entirely

same as Cabbon, a city

Gibe a] possibly the same

perhaps the

(BDB.).

Jeba, eight miles west of Bethlehem

unknown.

of southern

as

Gibeah

{SWP.

Machbena]

Judah
Jos.

III. p. 25),

Jos. i^*"

15", mod.

although a

DESCENDANTS OF CALEB

n. 42-55.]

would be more natural.

locality further south

97

The name "hill"

And Achsa

can readily be thought of as belonging elsewhere.

was

the daughter of Caleb].

that the Chronicler dis-

Thinking

tinguished more than one Caleb and that the son of Hezron differed
from the son of Jephunneh Mov. regarded this clause as an interpolation from Jos.

It is wanting in ^.
15'^, cf. Ju. i'\
Ke., recogtwo
ben
Hezron
and
ben
Calebs,
nising
Jephunneh, held the latter,
the father of Achsa, to have been a descendant of the former, and

bath, daughter, here to signify in a

wide sense female descendant.

The

original framers of these genealogies probably sought no

explanation of a Caleb ben Hezron and a Caleb ben Jephunneh,

but identified the two and gave Achsah as a daughter in each

50. These ivere the sons of Caleb]. This summary

case.

looks backward, not forward,

exilic Calebites in their

cf. v.

ancient

a^^

"b^

homes

closes the

list

of pre-

Hebron.

in the vicinity of

The sons of Hur the first-born of Ephratha ]. These words introduce a new paragraph giving the Calebites of the post-exilic period
'
Shobal the father of Kirjath-jearim, 51,
(see above vv.
').

Salma
These

the father of Bethlehem,

the father of Beth-gader].

Hareph

three, sons of

Hur, are either the post-exilic founders of the

three towns mentioned, or an adoption of the reputed founders of

'
those places by the later Calebite settlers.
According to Ru. 4"
Salma was the great-great-grandfather of David. Beth-gader]
52. And the sons of Shobal
0!f.3 Jos. i2'3), Gedor, see 4^

were Re'ajah^, half of the Manahtitcs'^]. This passage

The emendations are derived from v. " 42.
obscure.

is

utterly

53. The

Ithrites

and

the Piithites

Nothing further
of

is

and

known

the Shiimathites

David's heroes were Ithrites

however,

from

may have been

these

and

the Mishra'ites].

Ch. 11"; their connection,

2 S. 2338 1

with Yattir

S.

30"

(Klo., Sm.).

went forth the Zor athites and the Eshta'olites].

these families or the Mishraites alone

Zor ah (mod. Surah,

Two

of these families of Kirjath-jearim.

SWP.

came

And
From

the inhabitants of

III. p. 158) Jos. 19^' Ju. 13^

25^

etc.,

(mod. Eshua near Surah, SWP. II. p. 25) Jos.

etc.
54f. The sons of Salma] the heading of the
15" 19^' Ju. 13",
and
families.
On Salma cf. vv. " ^i. Netophafollowing places

and

of Eshta'ol

thites]

Ne. 12",
7

cf. 2 S.

23"

K. 25", the inhabitants

of

Netophah,

CHRONICLES

98

Ezr. 2" Ne. 7", probably a village near Bethlehem, identified with
Toba north of Bethlehem {SWP. III. p. 52), or posBeit
sibly
Nettif (Rob. Res. II. pp. 16/., but see Baed." p. 124).

Um

the ruin

Aiaroth-betli-jo'ab]

an unknown

One

Cf. v.'-.

Zorites].

seems to have dwelt

And families

place.

Half

the Manahtites the

half of this otherwise

at Kirjath-jearim

unknown

and the other

family

at Zorah.

of the scribes inhabiting Jabez, Tir'athites, Shim'a-

The mention of the scribes shows clearly that

we have a post-exilic notice, since it is doubtful whether families
of them existed earlier.
The location of Jabez is unknown, cf.

thites, Sucathites].

4'

In the three families Jerome recognised three different

'.

classes of religious functionaries,

that the Sucathites are

Be. follows

'H,

canentes atqite resonantes

except that he regards the

(Aram, ynn =Heb.

the three

names

et

in

explains somewhat similarly, except

those "covered" with a spirit of prophecy.

tabernaculis commorantes.

"lj?y).

first

We. (DGJ. pp.

class as gate-keepers

30/.) finds underlying

nj^iri a technical term for sacred music, nyt^ty

the Halacha or sacred tradition, and n^lw' which he connects,

and H, with n31D booth (so also Ki.). Buhl

(HWB.'^) derives the last two names from unknown places. Ke.
interprets as descendants from the unknown Tira, Shemei and

following Be.

Bn. finds too obscure to explain. These are the Kenites

who came from Hammath f the father of the house of Rechab] an
Sucah.

The Rechabites, Je. 35^ -, probably became

an integral part of the post-exilic Jews, and families of scribes,
perhaps from their ancient loyalty to Yahweh (2 K. lo'^ '), seem
obscure statement.

to

have been reckoned as belonging to them along with their other

That the Rechabites were also Kenites

connection with Salma.

1

(Ju.

15

4"

S.

155) is

not improbable.

their

the

An

indication of their

Judaism may be seen in the fact that one

number, Malchijah ben Rechab, was the overseer of one

position in post-exilic

Judean
42.

This

districts,

jnan
text

is

on

of
of

Ne. 3".

nri:;

ij3i

iv 10s Nin n:3 r-"S '?x?:m' 'nx 3*^3 'J3i].

05 has nris instead of >".:"2 which Ki.

probably corrupt.

and strikes out "^n before ]^-\2n as a gloss {Kom., BH.). yr^s
"
following SiScmi may have arisen from the preceding i'Si^Sx v.
(a similar confusion from the present text appears in d, where in place of
follows

m.

DESCENDANTS OF DAVID

1-24.]

99

and nr-in may be a transmuted dittography

Under this conjecture the original text as far
Sxrimi ^ns 3*^3 ^jj.
as can be restored was ]^-\2n >3ni fiv "'2S Nin noa
yy^o, the text has

with

of

ya'''D

first-born

j;r;!r''SN),

added.

>jji

who occupied perhaps

first

the district of Ziph, or small

town Ziph, and

later Hebron, is a not unnatural supposition from

It is
the story of Caleb's relation to Hebron given in Jos. 14^ ^- 15''.
also possible that yir^a has fallen out before n^'iD through the simi-

names.

larity of

44.

47.

if

in the ^ text,

corrupt, supports p

subject HDyo requires

(];>:?

iS-'i,

since

^';~>

a;'!"!"!^]

n^'^^^,

yy^>] (B^

Ges.

The two names

Jos. 1556.

D>"'p''

cf.

without doubt identical.

TrjpffojfjL, cf.

hence Ki.

145M.

49.

ff^^?..

48.

We. DG/.

v. ",

and

50. p]
continuation.
probably
p. 19, Ki.
<B,
'j3, required since several sons of Hur are enumerated.
is its

C5^^ SaXwiUcbj/.

52.

cording to

since the former

4=,

according to

1-24.

III.

v. ".

nxin] read nixi.

55.

-i^u'^]

is

Qr.

This correction

meaningless, so Ki.

be read

v.

" most

some

51

is

The

i'?^].

to

e]-;y i'?ni]

has already been mentioned in

are

^ojyap, which, even

mss.,
n::Sj']

made

nnjcn]

ac-

\-'.njDn

''3V'i\

The descendants of David.

The sources of

1-9. David's children.^

this list are 2 S. 3^-5

With the exception of Amnon, Adonijah, Absalom,

Solomon and the daughter Tamar, these children are known
Some names have suffered in our passage through
only by name.
joi.

^n-16

transcription.

Chileah
present

(y. i.).

no

Instead of Daniel

v.

'

we should read

after 2 S. 3'

Otherwise the names of the sons born in Hebron

variations.

Of

those

bom

in

Jerusalem the Chronicler

(SyuJw') v. ^ for Shammua {'^^^2'^) 2 S. 5'% Elish

for Elishud (yi:r''^S) 14' 2 S. S'^ which
(yD'w"'^S) v.

Shun a

gives

ama

The textual corruption in this

very evident, since Elishama appears as the name of a

should be read here (Bn., Ki.).

latter case is

son in

V.

'

2 S. 5'=.

The two names EUphelet

(l^'/D'^^S) v.

% and

Nogah (n^i) V. ^, which are wanting in 2 S., have clearly been

developed in transcription and should be struck from the text (Ki.).
Instead of Eljadd (JJT''?^)

probably was Baaljadd

having been

made

2 S. 5"),

(y"i'''?J<'2),

to avoid the use of

the original true

given

Baal

in

(Ki.,

14',

and

Dr. TS.).

V.

w.

The

length of David's reign in

Jerusalem are taken from 2 S. 5^

name

the change

^ instead of Bath-sheba {']^2U riD) 2 S.,

(yiD"n3)
a phonetic variation arising from the similar sound of

shiia
is

(v.

Hebron and

Bathi

K.,

2 bh

of that in

lOO

CHRONICLES

1.

jnana

2 S.

hSni]

read with 01

''JK'l?,

c/.

'?n'j-i,

mission in vv.

^'-

remains doubtful,

and

d>j3 in'?

81

3.

n^vv

nisan]

other ordinals with an.

2 S. 3'

on con-

nSij]

niD3

S.

has

^7\^y.

jr]

injiDi. Vn'-ji]

where (6 has AaXoi^ta = nsSi, so

These variations point to a corruption of

a corruption of ^nSd of
(gAL here, but " Aa/xviriX.
into nx'^T into

jnana
R.

32

Dav. Syn.

see

struction,

2 S.

also
stthz

In favour of this are the errors of trans-

so Ki.

The name of the second son of David still

however, since the name 3nSd occurs nowhere except
{v. s.).

looks like a dittography, see Stenning, DB., art.

+ ''^^i nii'x, but <S there agrees with Ch. 2.
'^
3. '^a''3N^] 2 S. 3* Sa'3N p, but (^
Di'?B'3xS] twenty mss. and 2 S. omit
there read 'wsS.
has been corrected from i^ of 2 S. ina-x] 2 S. 3' nti^a
in

2 S. 33

Chileab.

ax*?

S^j'^s^] 2 S.

&

in.

corrected from 2 S.

conflates.

MSS.

n';'ij,

5.

njinSsi]

Ges. 6gL

one

MS.,

two

MSS., 145, 2 S.

(f. 5.).

B,

8.

2 S. II

jj-i^Sn]

and

(i;.

$^*.

5.).

n-;'yn]

S.

c/.

{v.

t3'?fl'''?si]

are

the

kings

6.

i63.

s.).

&

many

i'liy

ra'']

jrctriSNi]

wanting

must be read

in 2 S.

n3;att>

after

s.).

10-14. The line of descent from

These

nS'' hSn.

point with

i-i'7ij]

iirou',

6. 7. njji

inS

S.

nj, (& Bripa-dpec

147 jniS>'3i {v. s.).

striking out njji bSd^Sni

n^*;*]

14^ 2 S. 5'*

i ;?c'
(11.

I'^ij

=28.

NjjD-i']

K.

5'5 yitt*

4. iS

14*

cf.

of

Judah

Solomon
who reigned

period.

to

Josiah.

during

this

From

Josiah to Jehoiachin. 15. The sons of JoThe four sons are mentioned because with Josiah the

15-16.
siah].

regular succession from father to son of the kings of Judah ceased.

Their names and order of enumeration present difficulties. Three
sons of Josiah are mentioned in 2 K. whose births were in the fol-

lowing order: Jehoiakim, 2 K.

2

K.

According to

24'8.

Je.

Jehoahaz, 2 K. 233'; Zedekiah,

22" Shallum was another name of

23'^;

The Chronicler then has either given Johanan an

unknown eldest son of Josiah, and has misplaced in rebirth Shallum, who should be recorded as older than Zede-

Jehoahaz.
otherwise
spect to

kiah (Shallum and Zedekiah were sons of the same mother Hamutal, 2 K. 233' 24'*), or Johanan stands for Jehoahaz (as a copyist
16.
error, Ki.) and Shallum was regarded as still a different son.

The sons

of Jehoiakim].

Je. 24' 292, called also

2

K. 248 -'5.

Zedekiah

On

the plural sons

Coniah, Je.
his son]

an error, having arisen

2224-

^s

cf. 2'.

371^ the

otherwise

Jeconiah]

king Jehoiachin

unknown; probably
because Zedekiah succeeded upon the
is

m.

DESCENDANTS OF DAVID

1-24.]

lOI

nephew Jehoiachin (r/. v. ", 2 K. 24"). The statement may be from a glossator.
17-24. The house of David from the captivity in the line
throne his

17 f. And the sons of Jeconiah the captive

of Jehoiachin.
She'alti'el his son and Malchiram and Pedaiah and Shen'azzar,

(assir "iDK)

lost the art.

having

as a proper name.

RVm.,

The

Hoshama and Nedabiah],

Jekamiah,

In

was taken

it

adjective

captive

in (5,

H, , also AV.,

makes a part

of the following

Kimchi, followed by some of the older commentators, re'

garded the last six as sons of Shealtiel, since Zerubbabel v.

name.

appears in Hg.

i'-

'^

'*

et al.

Ezr. 3-

et al.

as his son,

i.e.,

grandson.

But the copula before Malchiram suggests the usual interpretation,

i. e., that all of them were sons of Jeconiah.
^ introduces his
each name, giving a continuous line of descent
from Jeconiah, and in v. '' Pedaiah is omitted and Zerubbabel
and Shimei are made the sons of the preceding Nedabiah.

son (122)

This

after

last is

known

wrong. Of these sons nothing further is

Shenazzar is identical with Sheshbazzar "the

clearly

unless

prince of

Judah"

Enist. Jiid. pp.

p. 29) {v. i.).

").

This

is

probable

Rothstein, die Genealogie des

make

Israels,

stellung

i^-

75^-,
Koster regards Shenazzar as a

order to

icler in

(Ezr.

descent as real.

of the Persian officer

{cf.

fiction of the

an

Meyer,

K. Jojachin,
Chron-

Israelite (Wieder-

28 /. 40).
Meyer regards the Davidic
Rothstein identifies Shenazzar with Pedaiah

pp.

19. The sons of Pedaiah Zerubbabel

ff.).
In Ezr. 3^ s 52 Ne. 12' Hg. i'- '' '^ 2'- ", cf. Mt. i''
Lk. 3", Zerubbabel who was the prince of Judah under whom the
Jews returned from Babylon is called the son of Shealtiel. This
{op.

cit.

pp.

27

and Shimei].

also

d^
that
of

is

the reading of (S^^, Salathiel taking the place of Pedaiah.

The usual explanation, however, has been

also omits Shimei.

Pedaiah was Zerubbabel's real

whom no

father, but succeeding Shealtiel,

sons are mentioned, as the head of the family of David

or Judah, Zerubbabel

further

is

5") and

known.

was

called his son.

And the sons*

Of Shimei nothing

of Zerubbabel

Hananiah and Shelomith

their

sister]

Meshullani

(cf.

otherwise

un-

known; the unusual mention of the daughter Shelomith shows

marked personality or the founder of a family. 20. And

either a

I02

CHRONICLES

Hashubah

f and Ohel | and Berechiah and Hasadiah f Jnshabhesed f jive\ are also otherwise entirely unknown.
It is not
evident why these sons should have been enumerated as five;

they were children of one mother or born in Palthe return (Be.) (see text. n.).
The names of

possibly
estine

after

Zerubbabcl's children have been thought to express the

Is.

cf.

42";

"Peace";

time,

Hashubah, "Consideration";

"Dwelling place

of

Hasadiah, "Yahweh
(Be.).

21.

hopes

McshuUam meaning "Recompensed,"

Hananiah, "Yahweh is gracious"; Shelomith,

of Israel at that

And

Yahweh";
is

"Tent," i. e.,
"Yahw-eh blesses";

Ohel,

Berechiah,

kind"; Jushab-hesed, "Kindness returns"

Hananiah Pelatiah and Jesha iah], on

the son of

son for sons,

tJie so7is of Rephaiah, the sons of Arnan, the

cf. 2\
sons of Obadiah, the sons of Shecaniah].
This list has been interin
two
was
Hananiah
the father of six sons
preted
ways,
(i)

before four of whom sons was written because they were

founders of distinguished families of the time of the writer (Be.).
(2) From sons of Rephaiah to the end of the chapter is a genealogical fragment representing branches of the family of David, whose
connection with Zerubbabel was unascertainable (Ke., ]Mov. p.

have 1j2 "his son" and the verse

ivas Pelatiah and Jeshiah his son,

30).

Instead of ^^2

(^,

reads

And

Hananiah

and Arnan
This

is

the son of
Jiis

son,

V,

and Obadiah

his son,

and Shecaniah
Einl. pp.

his son.

preferred by Bn., Ki., Kuenen,

/. et al.
the descendants of David, including those of w. --"*,

114

and brings

to eleven generations after Zerubbabel,

and

thus,

it

may

well

be assumed, to the time of the Chronicler {v. Intro, pp. 5 /.).

22-24. Of the persons here named nothing further is known. In
v." the sons of Shemaiah are enumerated as
five are given,

name has

either fallen

six.

from the

Since only
text,

or

we

should omit and the sons of Shemaiah and read and Hattush {v. i.).
None of the names here given as descendants of Zerubbabel

appear

3"

-.

the genealogies of Christ recorded in Mt. i' Lk.

Some have thought to identify or connect Hattush with
in

the one recorded in Ezr.

he

is

8-.

Ki. holds that

if

this

is

the case

the son of Shecaniah and, as mentioned, and the sons of

Shemaiah should be struck

out.

Then and

the sons at the begin-

m.

DESCENDANTS OF DAVID

1-24.]

ning of the verse

is

correct

and the number

The name Hattush, however,

17-24. Rothstein

end of

in his

six is

accounted

not infrequent (Ne.

is

somewhat

presents the following:

cit. s.)

{op.

103

fanciful
'^

In vv.

for.

3' lo^ 12'-).

monograph on these verses

read n^oxn and omit iJ3
'

and Malchiram were born before Jehoiachin

was released by Evil-Merodach and were probably put to death by
at

v.

Shealtiel

''.

Nebuchadrezzar,

view of the rebellious character of the Jews, that the

in

David might be childless. The name Shealtiel, " I have asked of

God," was given because the father had prayed for a son, and the name
Malchiram,
My king is exalted," because it was of double meaning,
line of

'

a possible expression of allegiance to the Babylonian king or of trust in

Yahweh the King. Pedaiah and the other sons were born after their

This is revealed in the meaning of Pedaiah,

hath redeemed," and of the other compounds of Yahweh,
which are similar expressions of hope and trust. Shenazzar on the other
father's

deliverance.

"Yahweh

is not the name of another son, but the

Babylonian name of
Pedaiah which reappears in the Sheshbazzar of Ezr. i . Sheshbazzar and
Pedaiah are the same person. The correctness of Pedaiah's fatherhood

hand

of Zeriihhabel

maintained.

(v. 's) is

Zerubbabel's

name

implies his birth

Babylon, while his brother Shimei=Shemaiah "Yahweh hath heard"

was born in Palestine. At the beginning of v. ^o read a'?tt'D 'J3 {v. also
in

and

5.)

(v.

5.)

{v.

s.).

names reading noc'n "Yahweh

revise the

n2-2fn (v. s.),

and

Ss^n^

and n^i^p
V.

-'

('^vSin^)

"Yahweh

"Yahweh
brings

should read nijr^i

considers," instead of

causes to live," instead of

niflni

n^yii'M

"^nN

non 2t'v

instead of

quietness,"

nvjSij n'jjn

^>:2^,

the

verse mentioning only the sons of Hananiah, 'J3 being repeated through
Instead of jnx read n^nx. In v. " eliminate n^yiiZ' <i2^
copyist error.

and read fiam.

as copyist error

place of the unexampled

n\-<"j.

In

v.

" read

'J3i

trust in

is

an equivalent for

and instead

nnrj;

instead of pi.

section, in vv. "f.^ are correctly

T/I.^St*

hav

nnj read

and

Snji^

of

The remaining names

transmitted and

full of

in

read

r\-'-\^':

of the

meaning.

In

"Unto Yahweh are mine eyes" is a confession and prayer of

Yahweh for the fulfilment of promised deliverance from present

humiliation.
17. ids] read iDxn, the preceding word ending in n has caused the
18. -isnj'.:'!] has been identified with -\^tz<Z' of Ezr. i^

loss of the art.

(v. s.).

shows that

comparison of the Greek MSS. of

'Lava^aa-ffapos

was the

original

Esd. 2" and

form

Esd. i'

in (& of Ezr.,

hence

probably read -\-i2yy originally. jj^cin] is either abbreviated

from MHi, or a textual error (BDB.). 19. r^-'^s] 05"^ + iomss. '^x\-i'^Na'
\-i2Z'-y

may be a correction from Hg. or Ezr. {v. s.), either by the original
translator or by a later scribe.
Possibly something has fallen from the

CHRONICLES

I04

read with some mss.,

text after

&,

so Kau., Ki., Bn.

20. Sincenno.-jai]
seven sons and one daughter are inconsistent with the
word ccn, Bn. regards

ing

this

<S,

"jai,

suggests the insertion of aV^'s -j^i

21. pi] some mss., , &, , 'jav
stein, op. cit.).
22. n^jjs' 'J3i]
times 1J3 -t- 1J3 at the end {v. s.).

^J3i.

24.

, B, (&) four
be an error for

Fragmentary genealogies

The meaning,

j2]

may

23. pi] read with some mss., (S, 3,

(but z*. 5.).
in 5-' 9'),
Oduia =
Qr. in^T^, ^-^ J25outa (so

inv-jin]

IV. 1-23.

IV ]2\ so , B,

clos-

Ki.
as a later interpolation.
at the beginning {BH., so also Roth-

verse

and connection

date,

of families of Judah.

of these genealogical notices are

They look almost like a gathering of geneatogether from various quarters, consisting of
older and younger parts that are kept together only by the common connection with the tribe of Judah (Zoe.).
Several of the leading "fathers"
are Calebites, i.e., Shobal, Hur, Ashhur, Chelub, Kenaz, Othniel, and
very

if

not entirely obscure.

logical pebbles

Caleb.

rolled

Hence the

lists

represent

members

of

that

clan,

should be substituted for Carmi in v.' (We., Ki., Zoe.).

names and

and Caleb
Whether the

relationships reflect pre-ex. conditions or post-ex. is difficult

Ki. in SBOT. regarded the passage, with the excep-

to determine.

tion of v.

and a few phrases, as from the older sources

'

with 22-"

<2-^5. 47. 49_

We.'s view

is

similar, that in the

of Ch. along

main

pre-ex.

Be. held, on the other hand, from the mention

of a number of the names in the history given in Ezr. and Ne., that we
have a classification of the tribe of Judah actually made in the time
conditions are reflected.

between Zerubbabel and Ezra, so that these apparently broken and

incoherent genealogies were plain to the readers of the time of the
Chronicler.
Meyer also finds in the passage a reflection of the same
conditions when the Calebites had settled westward in Judah (Enlste-

hung p. 164). Bn. finds

in Kom. adopts this view.
1.

Introduction.

2^-

5-

'

haps originally
According to

{Kom.

p. 13).

Ki.

The sons of Judah; Perez, Hezron, Caleb*,

all Vrss. have Carmi (^12*13), but clearly

^
we should read Caleb (We., Ki., Zoe., Bn.) (per-

and

Hur, Shobal].
from

also post-exilic conditions

*'2'?3 easily

2^-

'

'^

'

transmuted into

these sons of

Judah

''ISI^, cf.

2'

''2"i'?3).

are not co-ordinate,

but after the analog)' of i', a line of descent. The treatment, however, in the following ^'^'. suggests co-ordinate sons of whom the

youngest, Shobal, is considered first, v. ', then the next older, Hur,
Next should follow sons
v\. '-'"j and then the next, Caleb, w. "".

GENEALOGIES OF JUDAH

IV. 1-23.]

of

Hezron and

The sons

of Perez.

of Shelah

I05

w,

2'-"

may

then

Hezron and

in vv.

be regarded as an appendi.x.
Bn. finds

in v.

" either a
fragment of

of

tlie line

the Une of Perez; or following 2"'' (as the text stands!) where Ashhur
a son of Hezron, the line of Hur having been restricted to vv. '-< and

I'-'-o

is

Hezron through Ashhur appearing in 2^* + 45-' , he regards these

+ 4'-"') as the original Hezron list of c. 4, which originally
stood after the Caleb list, vv. "-'\ and he holds also The sons of Perez
were Jehallelel and Ezrah to have fallen out before vv. '^-2", and thus he
that of

verses

(2-*

would bring everything into order. Ki. adopts essentially this second
Both Bn. and Ki. regard the sons of Shelah, vv. ^i 23, as a

alternative.

later addition.

2-10. Sons of Shobal and Hur.

Shobal].

ReaiaJi

Cf. 2".

is

returned with Zerubbabel, Ezr.

quent Levite

name

-'^

2.

a family

<".

2^'
43)

(6^'

And Reaiah

name among

Ne.
'

23'"

y'".

the son of

those

Jahath]

24"

Ch.

is

who

a fre-

3412 |).

Instead of Ahiimai
f and Lahad f] entirely obscure.
we should probably read after (g Ahimai (Gray, HPN. p. 279),
especially if a compound of riH, since all other proper names
which are compounds are spelled thus (see list under nS, BDB.).

Ahumai

These
ites

are families of the Zorathites].

Cf. 2",

where Zoralh-

are connected with families of Kiriath-jearim

whose father

Zorah, mentioned in Ne. 11", was a residence of

Ki.
post-exilic Jews, and hence of interest to the Chronicler.
as from a later hand than v.^\
3. And
(SBOT.) regards v.

was Shobal.

=='>

these are the sons of

II iir* father of 'Etam\

|^

is

meaningless.

the most plausible {v. i.). 'Etam is obscure.

Since Hur appears in v. ^ as the founder of Bethlehem, we might
conclude (adopting the reading above) that v. ' refers to the post-

This restoration

is

and

exilic localities of the Calebites

identify

Etam

with the one

mod. Ain Aitam (Bn.) (Etam, DB.).

But lezreel and Gedor, the names of towns of southern Judah
(Jos. 15"-"), suggest that our record is of pre-exilic conditions and

near Bethlehem

Etam may be
cision

(2

Ch.

ii)

the one in

can be reached.

Simeon near Rimmon, cf. v. '^

|] and Idbash f] are

Ishma

No

de-

entirely

obscure, also their sister Hazzelelponi or the Zelelponite f or Zelel

shade {cf. Zillah Gn. 4") {v. i.). 4. Penu'el and 'Ezer] persons,

Io6

CHRONICLES

The former cannot be

families, or localities otherwise unknown.
connected with Penuel east of the Jordan (Bn. mentions Peniiel a
clan of Benjamin 8=^); 'Ezer may be identified with 'Ezrah v. ''.
The

location of Hiishah

is

unknown.

Two

heroes of David's

guard were Hushites, 2 S. 2i'8 23" i Ch. 11" 20^ 27".

'8
12', mentioned with Halhul and Beth-zur, Jos.
Cf. V.

mod. Jedur (Rob., Res.=

one-half miles north from Hebron.
Beth-gader
generally identified with

place.

These are the sons

oj

Hiir the

Gedor].
15^8^

and

p. 13), six

and

ii.

(2^') is

the

same

horn of Ephrathah the

words after Hiir are ace. to

first

The
Cf. 2^'>
father of Bethlehem].
Ki. (SBOT.) a gloss.5. Ashfiur].
Cf 2'-*.Father of Tekoa'] a
The reference under the wives
gloss ace. to Ki. (SBOT.) cf 2-^
'

HeVah and

Na arah

been identified

in

is

No such places or districts have

(A town Na'arah was on the borders

obscure.

Judah.

Ephraim, Jos. 16'.) Possibly Naarah (n"iyj), "maiden," is

enigmatic, denoting earlier settlements or conditions, and Helah
of

{r\^hr\)y

"weak,"

later

and

less

southern Judah, the pre-exilic

Cf.

f].

name

Ahuzzath the friend

home
of

The names

favourable ones.

several children of both wives, however,

may be

of

connected with

6. Ahuzzam
Heplier] the

of the Calebites.

Abimelech, Gn. 26=^

town mentioned with Tappuah (Jos. 12'') and Socoh

and
hence evidently of southern Judah.
Temeni f ] the
4',
word ('il^Tl) means a Southerner, i. e., of southern Judah, cf.
I

of a

K.

Teman

(patronymic 'JDTl) the name of Edom, Gn. ^6", etc.

A?id the Ahashtarites f] (nnu'nS'n) entirely obscure. The word
has been given a Persian origin (BDB.). Be. thought there was no
this.

and the reference

still

occasion for

Or

it

may

textual corruption, however, may underlie it

be to early abodes or families of the Calebites.
have originally stood without the connective in apposi-

tion with the preceding

names, being,

at the

time of the Chronicler,

a family name of those who traced their origin to the

places of
southern Judah previously mentioned. Possibly also it
simply
summarises the previous families as the Ashhurites (EBi. II. col.
i.).7. Zereth f and Zohar

192 1 )

(v.

name

of

Gn.

46'.

Ephron

of

Hebron, Gn. 238

*].

The
and

latter is the family

of a son of

Simeon,
(i^ns) probably identical with Ithnan
a city of southern Judah Jos. 15".8. And
The
(pn'')
Koz].

Ethnan]

25',

GENEALOGIES OF JUDAH

IV. 1-23.]

I07

fallen
abrupt introduction of Koz is striking. Perhaps he has
from the list of the sons of Helah and should be supplied, so QI.

He is thus
name was

restored at the

end

of v.

struck out from these

by Ki.

'

lists

appears as a post-exilic priestly family (24'" Ezr.

the writer desired that the

Possibly his

{v. i.).

intentionally, since
2='

Hakkoz

Ne. 7") and

Judean Calebite or non-Levitical origin

The identity of names, however,

of this family might not appear.

'

Aniib f ] probably to be conbe purely accidental (r/. 24').

nected with 'Anab (23^), Jos. 15^, a town near Debir, mod.

mav

'Anab {SWP. III. pp. 392 /.). The names Koz {^'^'p) thorn, and
'Anuh (3*Ji?) grape, suggest an allegory, a thorn here bringing forth
a grape, cf. Mt. 7'* (Zoe.). Of Zobebah f and the families of
Aharhel f son of

Harum f nothing further

is

Instead of

kno\^^l.

Zobebah probably Ja'bez should be read {v. i.). 9. And Ja'bcz

was more honorable than his brethren]. The abrupt introduction
of Ja'bez

not corrupted into Zobebah

if

to the family of

(v.

is

He

striking.

Koz and was

the reputed

probably belonged
founder of Jabez (2^^)^ and hence represents Calebite scribes of the

The
family of Hur who had enjoyed some special prosperity.
cause of this prosperity is given in vv. ^t. 10. His mother had given
bJm a name of ill omen, but he had prayed that its significance

might not be fulfilled and God granted his request. Now his
mother called his name Jabez (j^^y) saying I have borne him with
pain

(3i'J?)]

a popular etymology and explanation of the

name

Ammon

Cf. similar explanations of the names Moab and

Jabez.
33. 35
^o^ \ etc.).
(Gn. 19" ), and of the sons of Jacob (Gn. 29'^
'

The transposition of the letters 2'^^ to |>2V is noticeable. The

name is equivalent to 3'i'y'', meaning He caiiseth pain. 10. And

God

Ja'bez called on the

surely bless

me and

of Israel saying, Oh that thou woiildest

my border and that thy hand woidd be

enlarge

with me and thou wouldest keep back

befall me/].

be

prayer that the

averted. And

plains V.

arc

no sorrow shouldest

by his name might

which he asked]. This ex-

evil signified

that

'".

3. C'J'y 13N
(6

God granted

evil so that

Kal

the

oDtol

n'^.xi]

viol

sons of

some MSS.

Airdu;

&

Aminadab;

'J3

instead of ^3n

v-SfXtl^l)

Ista

and others

"aN-^ja;

^oialO ,-t\oiO, And

quoque stirps Elam.

these

Something

Io8

CHRONICLES

seems

to

have

from

fallen

Kau. follows

1|.

these are the sous of

{And

c:;^>'

on

Ki.

<8.

nin 'J3 nSsi

'

Hur

the father of

Etam)

(also Bn.).

'Jid':'''Si]
may be read the Zelelponite or taken as a personal name
It
Zelelponi, meaning, Give shade thou that tiirnest to me (BDB.)The
is better to see in "jid a dittography from the following Snud.

name

then

or

is S'^sn

One

'^'^x.

perhaps

tempted to write SnSx

B Oozam. '-irs'nNr]

is

Bins] some MSS., 01 crnx,

perhaps a corruption of '-(in-^'Nn the Ashhurites

shade

Cod.

of

6.

{v.

s.).

7.

inxi] read

Qr. -\rri\ (& Kal Zaap. ]iTti^] S + Tip'', adopted by Klo. PRE.^
8. Ki. following Klo. inserts 1*3]?'
iv.
94, followed by Ki., Bn.
= yap
among the sons of W, also suggesting as possible that n32in
with

9.

popular etymology derived from 3XJ'

name read

in

V3">]

necessary to suppose with Klo. that the

bn] a particle of wishing, BDB. bn ib

{v.

to translate.

reads '3 niim.

T
T

Ges.

(cf.

nj-np n'c>i]

The

Better retain

M.

njn';.

oxy \nSaS] noun-suffix

-*

as object
of
-

penult syllable closed, Ges. 61a.

115c;

11. And CaJitb]

Of Shuhah f nothing

11-15. The sons of Caleb,

9

10.

readings nyi*: and

Ki. thinks an error lies in the verb and

yvuffiv

have been suggested.

nsij?

inf.,

<&

y^.

cf.

Ges. 1515, or of con-

(3),

dition with conclusion suppressed, Oe., Kau., Ges. 167a.

is difficult

not

It is

s.).

3X>"'',

and above on

v.

).

is

Caleb

i.e.,

kno\\-n.

<g

"
"
has in place of the brother of Shuhah, the father of Achsah Jos.
Buhl
makeshift in an obscure passage.
(HWB.''-)
i56, clearly a
Mehir f ] and Eshton f ]
suggests the reading Hushah, cf. v. ".

are

also entirely

obscure. 12.

otherwise unkno\\-n.

Beth-rapJia] a place or family

Benjaminite

Rapha

mentioned

is

and

8=,

Kapha collective sing., or plural Raphaim (mss. vary), 2o< refer to

A vale (.tCy) of Rephaim
the giant aboriginal race of Palestine.
near Jerusalem

also mentioned, Jos.

is

Paseah'\ a post-exilic family

Ne.

3.

name

Tehinnah ^father of

of

15

i8'

S.

the city

Nahash\

Recah f

].

(g^^ (probably original ^, see

is

7^1, cf.

This looks

a reference to some post-exilic Jewish settlement, but

obscure.

".

5>'-

Nethinim, Ezr. 2^' Ne.

like

utterly

text, n.)

have

probably furnishes the true reading and explanation of the families given in \^'. " '.
They were Recabites, cf. 2".
13. And the sons of Kenaz 'OthnVel and Seraiah].
Cf. Ju. i^'
Recab, and

this

where Othniel

is

called the son of Kenaz,

or brother of Caleb

(Moore

probably represeiits a clan.

and

is

either the

in loco favours the latter).

nephew
Othniel

Seraiah (not an infrequent

name

GENEALOGIES OF JUDAH

IV. 1-23.]

from the time

of

I09

David onward) as the brother of Othniel is

It smacks so strongly of an individual and

mentioned only here.

the later period of Israel's history that

post-exilic connection,

sons

the

Ma' on,

Othni'el

of

Meonothai

f]
2".

cf.

cf.

v.

14

{cj.

Hathath

it

Gray,

f]

probably represents a

And

obscure.
14. And

HPN.

entirely

p.

236).

(TiJlyd) probably represents inhabitants

One would expect a connection with Othniel

of
to

Possibly Hathath represents a mutilation

by copyist of Meonothai or its original, or perhaps and Meonothai has fallen from the text after Hathath {v. i.).
Ophrah]

have been indicated.

entirely

Ju.

6'".

The word

unknown.

Benjamin, Jos.

iS^^

occurs as the

and

S. 13'",

name

And Seraiah begat Joah the father

of the city of

one of Manasseh

also as that of

of the Ge-harashim]

Valley of Craftsmen, for they were craftsmen]. Ge-harashim

mentioned with Lod and Ono Ne. ii^s and it mav be identified

i.e.,

is

Of this Joab nothing

a
Kenizzite
Othnielite
Seraiah was
Probably
the reputed father of a Joab who established a post-exilic colony
or settlement of craftsmen near Ono and Lod.
Indeed in postwith the ruin Hirsha east of

further

exilic

is

Lydda (DB.).

known.

times

if

not earlier the Kenites,

whom some

have regarded as

the smiths or craftsmen of ancient Israel (Sayce, Art. Kenite, DB.),

may have been reckoned as Calebites. 15. And the sons of

Caleb the son of Jephunneh] Nu. 32'2 Jos. i4- ". The link connecting Caleb with Kenaz is apparently omitted as well known.
The enumeration of descendants of Othniel before those of Caleb
son of Jephunneh

is

in

accordance with the method

v.

before

in this

chapter

younger members of a family first, cf. Shobal

Hur, and Hur before Caleb or Kenaz. Caleb the son of

of mentioning the

Jephunneh] a Kenizzite, Jos.

Moses sent into Canaan, Nu.
service with the ancient city

Elah f and

one of the twelve spies whom

who was rewarded for this
of Hebron, Jos. i^^K
Ir f * and

i4- '%

13^

14%

Na am f] entirely obscure.

One

is

tempted

to join Ir

with Elah and find a reference to the city Elath (H^S =

riTS), Dill., Gn. 36^'. At all events Elah is an Edomxitic name
which may be seen in El-paran
(pS ^''^^) the wilderness south of
(T^J?) city,

Judah.
Possibly post-exilic Calebites looked upon the ancient
Edomitic city of Elath as having belonged once to their clan.

no

CHRONICLES

And the sotis of Elah, Kenaz^\

This statement

is

surprising unless

Elah as suggested is the name of the district of Elath or El-paran,

which might have been the early home of the Kenizzites, or the

name
name

of the tribe of

which Kenaz was an

Ki. thinks a

offshoot.

has fallen from the text and that another son was enumer-

Both Bn. and Ki. regard v. '^ as an insertion.

This is probable; some one missed an allusion to Caleb the hero of
Judah and inserted a bit of genealogical lore concerning him.
ated with Kenaz.

11. nniB' 'ns 21^31] (5 Kal XaX^jS iraxTjp A^xaCs) is a correction from
12. trnj] (6^^
ddeXcpoO 'E<re\ojfj.{i') roO Xev^{e)[, L a. AOdofj. r.

2".

Kevi^aiov, adopted by Bn., Ki., since it supplies a connecting link

with V. '3. Ki. recognises the difficulty raised by this unknown EcreXw/*

being represented as a son of Tehinnah and of Kenaz at the same time,

But Eo-eXw/x is merely a
e.xplains as a mixture of families.

which he

= ii.-i::'n, hence (^ read iins'S >ns

corruption of Effe^wv (cf. (&^ Addofi.)
v:pn which in turn originally was "JP 'N 'N, the brother of Eshton was
Kenaz, an early gloss to connect with v. ". n^i] ^^l 'Ptj-x^d^ of which
A

is

Trida

'Maojvade'.,

a corruption, hence (S

et

Maonathi

3^^, cf.

2^^.

13.

nrin] (^^

adopted by Bn. and Ki.

'Hpa' 'AXA, 3 Hir et Ela = n'r-Ni

\7iji37ni,

Kal

15a;3.

'Hp 'Mai, a
^-, so
This we have adopted. We. [DGJ. p. 39) retaining ll| sees in
15b, ij^i upi n'^.s]
n>y an equivalent of Di>;', a duke of Edom 1".
some MSS., (B, 1, QI ijp n'^s ijai. Possibly a transposition should be

.T?s n^>- (gB

Ki.

made and we should

referring

gloss,

to

the

since vv.

read

tjp ^ja

contents of
's--"

16-20. Sons of Perez?

hSn,

these

"-".

The

are

the sons

to

have

fallen

then

clause

doubt continue the

without

Kom. supposes something

Ki.

vv.

list

from the

of Kenaz
would be

of Calebites.

text before

rjpi.

16. Jehallerel] only here and as a

or
name
of
the
sons of Merari (2 Ch. 19").
personal
family
Since the connection of Jehallelel and Ezrah (v.") is not given,
Ki. following Bn. [v. s.) supplies: "And the sons of Perez,

and Ezrah."

Jehallelel

tempted

Ziph

is

In view of the sonship of Ziph one is

read Jerahmeel, since in 2"

in the place of Jehallelel to

the son of

Mesha, son

of Caleb, brother of Jerahmeel

2346).Z7>/a]. Cf. 2*\Zipha f] fem. of Ziph,

a
Tiria f ] and Asar'el f] entirely obscure.
possibly
dittography.
The latter may be a form of Israel (see text. note). 17*. And
{EBi.

II.

col.

the sons* of Ezrah]

Ezrah possibly same as Ezer

v.

Jether]

GENEALOGIES OF JUDAH

IV. 1-23.]

common name,
Mldian i" On.
Jalon

f].

17^

2^'^.

cj.

and

25^,
f.

Mered
of

f].

Epher]

member

^, repeated

in

III

name

of son

Manasseh

of tribe of

^~\

H, AV., RV., gives incomplete

Usually the clauses arc rearranged as follows:

meaning.

of

(''')

And these are tlie sons of Bilhiah f the daughter of Pharaoh,

whom Mered took, i.e., to wife, ('"') and she conceived [and bore]
Miriam and Shammai and Jishhah f
and

the father of

his Jewess wife bore Jcrcd the father of

Eshtemoa

and JckuthVel f the father of Zanoah

(^ adopted by Ki., requiring only a

the father of Soco

Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau.).

in the text, gives the following

change

and Shammai and Jishbah

And J ether

the father of

(i^^)

Gedor and Tfcber

begot

(Be.,
slight

Miriam

Eshtemoa and his Jewish

wife bore Jered the father of Gedor and Tlcber the father of Soco and
of Zenoah; and these are the sons of Bithiah the

Jekuthiel father

The names of the

daughter of Phara oh whom Mered took
sons of ISIered by Bithiah must then have fallen from the text.
.

This rendering presents three lines of maternal descent among the

grandsons of Ezrah (v. ''"), since a Calebite wife must be assumed

where none

OT.

is

only of Moses'

mai].

Cf.

2=8.

Miriam] elsewhere the

here evidently a man's name. Sham-

particularly mentioned.
sister, is

Eshtemoa]

6"

<"'

in

Jos.

155 21'^

present village es Semii'a south of Hebron

Jered f ] except antediluvian patriarch, Gn.

of

Asher

5'^

'

7''

an association with southern Judah.

last is

Gn. 46" Nu. 26^^^

the Kcnite husband of Jael Ju. 4"-

also of the son of

8", and

4>'>

BR.^

Ch. II' 28'8 modern Kh. Shuweikeh

II.

pp. 20/.),

of a Benjaminite

"

In this

Hebron

Two
i

places

S. 17' i

III. p. 53;

K.

Rob.

of Hebron near Eshtemodern name same as the other

and the other south-west

Jos. 15^8, also identified,

moa,
{SWP.

5=^

also

='

Cf.

{SWP.

30-' the

III. p. 412).

containing the same root.

Gedor]. Cf. v.".
Soco].
bore this name, one near the valley of Elah Jos. i^'^^
2

S.

Heber] a name

{SWP.

III. pp. 404,

410;

Rob. BR.^

probably the one here mentioned.

I.

This

Zanoah].494).Two
p.

bore this name, one near Beth-shemesh, Jos.

15'^

latter is

places also

Ne. 3" 11",

mod. Zanu'a {SWP. III. p. 128; Rob. BR.= II. p. 16), the other
south-west of Hebron, Jos. 15", mod. Kh. Zanuta {SWP. III. pp.
Here again the latter is
404. 410/.; Rob. BR.^ II. p. 204 note).

112

CHRONICLES

probably the one referred to

This passage as a whole

in the text.

points to some interesting traditions respecting the origin of the

In the "daughter of Pharaoh" we
families of southern Judah.

some intermixture of an Egyptian element in the families.

Another entirely obscure genealogical fragment. Hodiah]
the name of several post-exilic Levites, Ne. 8^ 9^ 10" <"" 14' 3.
see

may

19.

Naham

Keilah] place

of

Judah frequently mentioned, Jos.

David i S. 2;^^ ^),
identiiied in mod. Kila east of Eleuthcropolis and north-west of
Hebron. Garmite f]. Before Eshiemoa the word father has
probably fallen out. Ma acathite f ]. There may be some connection between this person or family and Maacah, the concubine
of Caleb mentioned in 2^^
20. And the sons of Shimon | Amnon
and Rinnah f Ben-hanan and Tilon f and the sons of Jish i
Zoheth \ and the son of Zoheth
This verse is entirely
.].
15^*,

f].

Ne. 3

'

(especially in connection with

'

The name

fallen from the text

and the relationship between Rinnah and Benhanan (Rinnah son

obscure.

of

Hanan)

is

of the son of

Zoheth has

not clear.

a connective should be placed

of David's eldest son

Amnon] Probably
elsewhere name
.
by Absalom,

between them.
slain

3' 2 S. 3^ 13'

16. SN-jtrNi] (6 IcrepaTjX

Jish'i].

SxTy'.s.

Cf. 2".

This Ki. adopts with the remark

that possibly even before the time of the Massorites the

was altered where employed for individuals in order to

name

Israel

preserve

it

the original form for the chosen people only.

^^ Affepij Kal
17. pi] Heb. MSB. (see Gin.), (5,
Iwaxei/J..
''J^i, so
Kau., Ki.,
17b. The transposition given above requires n^n after inm.
adopted.
in

see

BDB.

under mn.

19. Dnj] 05

(Se/xeyuv) iraTjjp

Kal

pn

(B Kal iy4vvr](ry''l^9p,hence'K.\.a^'\rD

Aava

'Iwyitdj',

(or AaXetXa)

Kal vioi

iraT7}p

2e(a;)^e(w;'

'Narip..

T'^in nnM.

Kal 'Eui/xeiuv

KeetXd,

probably represents

thus establishing a connection with v. "".

Natjp. is
doubtless a corruption from Nax^M = onj, hence the phrase, if orig|vcu' or

inal,

pniC',

fell

Dnj 1J31

tionship

20.

out

]c^^)^<

by homoeoteleuton.
>3S

(iDpynan

of the father of Keilah,

jiSini]

Qr. and

^A

Ki.

BH.

restores

as

follows:

The double relahowever, introduces a new difficulty.

nS'';;|-i

"i2N

nfS)-'Si(i).

pLpi.

21-23. Sons of Shelah.

brief

notice

of

families

of

reputed descent from Shelah, whose stock seems to have

almost entirely disappeared. Cf for the only other descendants

GENEALOGIES OF JUDAH

IV. 1-^3.]

recorded

9^

Ne.

11".

The sons

of Shelah son of

II3

Judah were *Er

father of Lecah f and Ladah f father of Maresha and families

f and

of the linen workers of Beth-ashbea

Jokim | and men

of

Chozeha f and Jo'ash and Saraph f who ruled in Mo'ab and

to Bethlehem'^].
'r elsewhere is the brother of Shelah,
died untimely (cf 2^). Since Maresha is the well-known
town of the Shephelah and Lecah not unlikely is the same as

returned

who

(Meyer, Entst. p. 164) and Chozcba is probably

Chezib (Gn. 38) = Achzib Jos. 15^^ Mi. i'< ap-

Lachish

identical with

parently also in the Shephelah, Beth-ashbea otherwise unknown,

is to be sought in the same region.
In the place of returned to
Bethlehem, AV., RV. have following iU Jashubilehem, a proper
,

name

parallel with

Saraph, but the rendering given (Ki.) having

the support of (^, U,

is

undoubtedly correct.

those of these families of

old]

i.e.,

and

the inhabitants of

wise unknown.

Now

Shelah. These

the records are

are the potters

Neta'im f and Gederah]. Netaim is otheris mentioned in

RVm. transJos. 1535.

Gederah

them rendering, those that dwelt among plantations and

The clause. They dwelt there in the king's service] is an
evident look backward.
These obscure vv. '' -" probably preserve
the family traditions and relationships of certain weavers and
The reference to Moab and a
potters of the post-exilic times.
return points to some story similar to that of Ruth. A connection
between Joash and Saraph, especially from their ruling in Moab,
and the post -exilic clan Pahath-moab "Governor of Moab," Ezr.

lates

hedges.

Ne. 3" 7" io'6 <!<>, has been seen (cf. however, Pahathmoab, DB.). Bn. holds v." entirely unintelligible.
26 8< io3o

A very readable exposition of these obscure verses in the Hght of the

discovery of jar handles in S. Pal. inscribed with names similar or
identical to those here given is presented in the Pal. Exploration
Fund Quarterly Statement 1905, by R. A. Stewart Macalister, under
the title, The Craftsmen' s Guild of the Tribe of Judah, pp. 243 ff., 328 ff.
21. In

12VH a corruption

22.

anS

of

hy2vn has been found, see EBi.

adopted

by

diri(TTp\l/ev aiirov ajedtipelv adovKieiv.

42.

>3C*;i]

Be.,

Ki., on'?

n''? i3B';i.

Names
(&^

kolI

renders the entire verse after

the style of an old midrash: Et qui stare fecit Solem virique Mendacii,
Securus et Incendens qui principes fuerunt in Moab, et qui reversi

et

sunt in Lahem.

CHRONICLES

114

24-43. Genealogy, geography, and history of Simeon.

The notices of Simeon naturally follow those of Judah owing to
The lot of
the close connection between the tribes, cj. Ju. i'.

Simeon was south of Judah, and his cities, Jos. 19'-', were within
42
Judah's limits and in Jos. 1526-32. included in the lists of that tribe.
^^-s'
four
his sons and the genealaccount
falls
into
The
parts: vv.
ogy of Shimei; vv.

w.

28-33

their dwelling-nlaces; vv.

=9-" historical notices.

canonical sources
princes,

and the

origin.

The

show

last

{y.

Of

thes*^, vv.

24-

The genealogy

i.).

28-33

34-38

their princes;

are derived

of Shimei, the

historical incidents at the close are of

from
list

of

unknown

were introduced by the Chronicler simply to

additional dwelling-places.

24-27. The sons of Simeon and the genealogy of Shimei.

These names appear in Gn. 46'" Ex. 6" Nu. 26'2-i^ For

24.

variations see textual note.

they represent. 25

f.

Nothing

is

known

of the clans

which

A line of descent from Sha'ul, whose mother

was a Canaanitess, Gn. 46' Ex. 6'^ i.e., the clan contained Canaanitish elements.
Mibsam] and Mishtna] are names also of de-

scendants of Ishmael

i'"

Gn. 25", suggesting thus a commingling

Hamu'el *] interesting as one

of the Simeonites with Arabians.

OT. names compounded with DPI "father-in-law," i.e.,

Hamuel = "a kinsman is God" or "kinsman of God."
= "heat, wrath, of" or "is God."
wrongly Hammuel

of the

few

kinsman.

Zaccur'\

known

is

a frequent post-exilic

of this Shimei

who

name. 27.

Nothing further

surpassed his brethren in the

of his household or clan.

28-33. The dwelling places of Simeon.

is

number

This passage a
28. Be'eris

transcription with slight changes (v. i.) of Jos. iq^-^.

sheba] the well-known outpost of southern Judah present ruin

Bir

es

Seba (SWP.

of Jos. (Ant.

p. 201)

with Tell

el

^g4). 61 adah] Ne. ii, perhaps the

XVIII. 6. 2) identified by Robinson (BR.^ II.'
Milh, east of Be'ersheba'. This is questioned
III. p.

Malath

by Buhl {GAP. p. 183) and Conder {SWP. III. pp. 403, 415)
Hazar-sJw al] 29 Bilhah] or Bilah (see text, note), 'Ezem] and
Tolad] have not been identified, likewise 30 Bethu'el] equivalent
to Beth'el

S.

unless Beit Aula west of Hulul

Hormah]30"according
302).

to

JE

in

{SWP. III. p.
Nu. 213 received its name "de-

GENEALOGY OF SIMEON

IV. 24-43.]

II5

struction" from defeat of the Canaanites before the entrance of

Israel into the land of

Canaan.

name was Zephath and

According to Ju. i^""

the change took place through

its

original

its

destruc-

by Judah and Simeon. Arguing from the name Zephath it has

been located at Sebaita (Buhl, GAP. p. 184). This is doubtful (see
tion

Moore on

The

city belonged to Judah, i S. 30', and is

Nu. 14" Dt. i^ Jos. 12'' is*" 19^ Ziklag]
David for a residence by Achish King of Gath,

Ju. i").

frequently mentioned
the city given to
I

S. 275,

BR.'

perhaps Asluj a heap of ruins south of Beersheba (Rob.

201), but more generally identified after Conder {SWP.

II. p.

with Zuhelike south-east of

III. p. 288)
It

185).

was a post -exilic

house of chariots, not

botli]

Susim

(so Buhl,

GAP.

p.

31.

Beth-7narka-

ten miles south of

Gaza (DB.).

identified.

horses, identified in the ruin

Beih-biri]

Gaza

residence, Ne.

ii^*.

Hazar-susim] enclosure of

A
probably
]os. 19^
Tell
reminiscence
of
the
mentioned
in
the
el
possible
Lebaiyoth
Amama tablets; not identified. Shaaraim] Sharuhen Jos. i9.
corruption of Beth-lebaoth

This

latter preserves the true

and ancient name

of the place, since

towns conquered by Thotmes III.

appears
Asien
iind
The town seems to
(Muller,
Eitropa, pp. 158, 161).
have early lost its importance or disappeared, and the name may
in the list of the

it

have been corrupted into Sha araim.

It

has been identified in

the ruin Tell esh Sheriah, twelve miles north-west of Beersheba

{SWP.

III. p. 262).

These were

their cities until

David

reigned]

a parenthetical clause introduced by the Chronicler, either a reference to David's census (Ba.) or more probably implying that from
the time of
(Be., Oe.).

David onward these cities no longer belonged to Simeon

This was clearly the case with Ziklag, assigned by

Achish King of Gath to David and afterward transferred to Judah.

Some

of

them

are given also in the

in Jos. 15=^-32, cf. also

and Ziklag appear

ites.

32.

in

S. 30"'.

Ne.

list of the to\Mis of Judah

Moladah, Hazar-shual, Beersheba,

1126-28

as residences of post -exilic Judawith the cities enumerated in

And their villages] belongs

w. 28-31^ and

is

not a designation of those following.

textual corruption or substitutibn for 'Ether,

cf.

'Etam]

Jos. 15** 19^

is
i

a
S.

iJJ Ethak), not yet clearly located, although placed at

the ruin 'Aitun near Eleutheropolis {SWP. III. p. 261).
'Ain-

30" (where

Il6

CHRONICLES

rimmon] Jos. 15" 19' Ne. 11" Zc. i4>, a proposed identification is
Kh. Umm er Rtimanim north-east of Beersheba {SWP. III. p.
Token f ] not yet identified. 'Ashan]
261, Buhl, GAP. p. 183).
6** " Jos. 15^' 19' 21 ' (SBOT.) I S. 30', a
not yet

identified.

hence

Four

priestly city

*].

'Ain-rimmon was wrongly read as two places,

h3,s Jive.

through corruption

"Mistress of the well, the high place

Ba'alalh-be'er ra'ntafh-negeb.
of the

South"

33. Baal] a curtailment of

Jos. 19^, clearly

some old place

of

worship whose

And they had a genealogical enrollment]

locahty is unknown.
the members of the tribe of Simeon inhabiting these places

i.e.,

had

records showing their proper tribal descent and hence held a true
This observation is the Chronicler's substitute
place in Israel.
or paraphrase

the

of

phrase according

to

their families

I9.

Jos.

34-43. Princes and conquests of Simeon. A paragraph

It contains
slightly annotated taken from some old source (Ki.).

names

^*-^', an explanation of the persons mentioned

raid in the direction of Philistia w. "-^' and
or
3,
conquest
in the direction of Edom vv. *--''^.
34-37. The descent of three of

of

list

V.

\'v.

their

these Simeonites

Ziza

five,

is

but their

given: Joshah one generation, Jehu three, and

connection with families of Simeon is not given,

unless, in the case of Ziza (v. "), instead of

read Shimei

("^^l^ty) cf.

w. "

'
.

Shemaiah

Judging these

they are of a late formation (Gray,

HPN.

(r;''^!:^'^')

names

p. 236).

we

as a whole,

38.

These

This explanatory statement probably

etc.].
came from the Clironicler (Ki. SBOT.). 39. And they came to
enumerated by name,

the entrance of Gerar,^ etc.].

emendation gives Gerar (d,

iH has Gedor

cf.

\.\ but a slight

Ki., Graf, Buhl, die Ed. p. 41), which,

considering the locahty of Simeon, is probably the true reading.

40. For t!ie inhabitants
expedition then was toward Philistia.
there formerly ivere of the children * of Ham] a clause, perhaps
editorial (Ki. SBOT.), explaining the security felt by the inhabit-

The

ants or the liberty

felt

by the Simeonites

in seizing their territory.

The Hamites

represent either Eg}'ptians, Ethiopians, or more

probably Canaanites.
Cf. the similar quiet and peace of the
inhabitants of Laish Ju. 18".
41. And came these who were writ-

ten by

name in

the days of

Hezekiah king of Jiidah].

Whether

GENEALOGY OF SIMEON

IV. 24-43.]

II7

the record (Be.) or the raid (Ke., Zoe., RV.) of these Simeonites
was made in the days of Hezekiah is uncertain from the Hebrew

probably the latter and the written record may only refer
mention above vv. ^^-". And they smote their tents and the

text;

to their

Meunim who

were found

The Meunim

there].

are usually con-

nected with the Edomitic city Ma' an south of the Dead Sea,
twenty-five miles west of Petra (Be., Ke., Oe., Zoe., Bn.) (this is
doubtful. Buhl, die Ed. p. 41), or with the Arabian Mineans (Gl.
Skiz.

The

Yemen, Ency.

450,

p.

Winckler, KAT.^ p. 143).

And they exalso 2 Ch. 26^

Brit.^,

(^ /xivatov; favours this,

cf.

There
terminated them].
motive in the use of the word D"in
K. 19"

32'^ 2

Unto
37")-

Is.

no reference here

is

to destroy

this day].

(BDB.

time of the composition of the Chronicler's source.

Ch. 20"
unto the

42.
to

And

Mt.

of

Seir].

mentioned is
Simeon have been
hundred and the

of these Simeonites to those previously

entirely uncertain.

draw a

held to

religious

cf. 2

Cf. v. ", i.e.,

them of the sons of Simeon five hundred men went

The relation

to

The words from

distinction

the sons of

between these

five

Simeonites previously mentioned (Graf, Der Stamm Simeon, p. 30),

and contrariwise to identify them (Be.). 43. The remnant of the

Amalckites]

i.e.,

those

who had

survived the attacks of Saul

and

These conquests of
Simeon whereby the tribe gained new possessions remind one of
the similar expedition of Dan (Ju. 17, 18), and we are inclined to
receive the record as genuinely historical {cf. Graf, Der Stamni

David

(i S.

Simeon,
I.

of

p.

14^^ 15' 2 S. 8'=)

30

ff.).

This

and other

historicity is

foes.

doubted by Stade (Gesch.

p. 155) and Wellhausen {Prol. pp. 212

the names in y\.^^-^^ (v. s.) may be said

/.).

The

late

origin

also to point in the

The motive, however, for the fabrication of such

not readily apparent. Some of the older writers saw in
this conquest of Mt. Seir the establishment of an Israelitish kingsame

direction.

a story

dom

is

there

which served

to explain the oracle

concerning

Dumah

and (by Hitzig) the kingdom of Massa

For a full discussion
(?) Prov. 30' 31' {cf. Nowack, Prov. p. xix.).
of the movements of the tribe of Simeon and also further views
Is.

21"

on

this passage,

'

(Mov.

p.

136)

which

is

accepted as recording history,

by H. W. Hogg, EBi. IV.

coll.

4527 /

cf.

art.

Il8

CHRONICLES

24. This

has in

all

Simeon appears

of sons of

list

The

2612-13.

variations are as follows:

also in
Sniej,

Gn. 46"' Ex. 6" Na

Gn. and Ex. ^ttm\

cases initial \ otherwise the Vrss. support

in the several

Epigraphically is a more probable corruption from

passages.
Either form is etymologically obscure (Gray,
the converse.
'

than

HPN.

Following

p. 307).

an^

^B

is

'lapdv

ps''

Gn. and Ex. have ins, and

&

has here

joil.

r^, preferred by Ki. and Bn. (but

in the parallels

is probably influenced by the preceding la/xew,

original
is doubtless corrected from the
being that of '^'lapet/S;
parallels
^^>'>^l
as in many other places, hence is worthless as evidence),
mr, Gn. and

05^ 'lapelv

Nu.
noi

27.

ins.

onnsni

vz'] (&^^ rpeis.

Sinai

n:;-ini

j'^psi

r\^yy

any

u'Sii'

for

Syia*

373a'

for

n^i.-'?N>

Jos.

n'^31

^yy^<^

d^did

for

iNa onSma DnS

ig^-^

S'lir

mSini

isni

noi noiD

nisa*?

and the

nsni m'^12, as the use of

i'?in

Si.-i2>

dx;'i

}nn:;'i

changes are the omission of

except

28-31.

i':'i.-'"'xi

-\xni

I'^m
naannn.

insertion of 3 before the

in^i
jatt'

The

names

required, and t^:^''^^ for nSa* Snips

hdid, i^na iria for rnxaS nu,

The insertion of the clause Tin iSd iy onnj? nSx

for ]nnc
has separated onnsn from the previously enumerated cities so that it
32.
is in apposition with the cities of vJ-, thus all the Vrss. and Kau.

and anys'

|ici

one place and we should read yaix instead of ''i'::n after

where pn has fallen from the text (Bennett, SBOT.). In

is

yj

Jos. 19^,

Jos.

D3>j;

15"

does not appear. Probably it is a corruption of ir", Jos. 19'

s mss. k^I oCros
read(where ^ has T^;). 35. NnM] (^^ +
37. rr;"::"'] Ki. SBOT. corrects to ^';r:v, to agree with v. k,

Nini.

ing
so also Stade,

on'

S. 30^1'

nam

(BDB.

-\'>

I'isn]

ZAW.
tlie

V.

land

3(f). r-] <S

p.

(^^ Zufxedv

167.

is -wide

of (on) both hands,

rQv

vlSiv

pysr,
cf.

"M

'ja.

cf.

v.^*.AO.

Ju. iS"^

Is.

22"

stirpe.^l.

aT>'cn] Qr. D^JV?lI-

V. 1-26. The east-Jordanic Tribes.

The records of Reuben, Gad, and the eastern

half-tribe of

Manasseh

are arranged in general on the same plan as that of Simeon. There is ( i ) a

genealogical introduction giving the sons of the progenitor of the tribe
and any immediate descendants (omitted for Gad and eastern Manas-

an account of the territory occupied by each tribe, (3) a list

and (4) historical incidents connected with new
It is
(2) and (3) are transposed for Reuben and Gad.
dwelling-places.
difficult to see how this order could have been the result of various
We have rather a piece of work which has come down
interpolations.
seh), (2)

of princes or chiefs,

to us in essentially the

1-10. Reuben.

same form

The

in

tribe of

which

Reuben

cant, losing its territory through the

being probably absorbed in Gad.

it

left

the Chronicler's hand.

early

became

encroachments of

insignifi-

Moab and

Like the account of Simeon,

GENEALOGY OF REUBEN

V. 1-10.]

II9

Reuben also falls into four paragraphs: w.

a list of
Reuben's sons with remarks on the birthright; w. <- the genealogy
of Beerah, a Reubenite prince carried away captive by Tiglath'-^

that of

w.

pileser;

'-'

the

genealogy and dwelling-place of Beerah's

war with the Hagrites. The Chron-

brethren; v.'" a notice of a

icler gives
'.

Vv.

">

i3'

how

Reuben as they

the sons of

The

26*

are found in

may

and Nu.

32'- '^

the

The

incident in v.'"

Reubenites came to possess

the

Gn. 46= Nu.

genealogy of Beerah is unknown.

have been composed by the Chronicler from Jos.

source of

introduced to show

is

new

dwelling-places east

of Gilead.

1-3. And the sons of Reuben the first born of Israel]. These
words are separated from their predicate by the following parenthetical statements vvJ^^-\ and hence are repeated again in v.'.
For he was the first born hit since he defiled the couch of his father

was given

Joseph son of Israel]. Reuben's decouch and his subsequent loss of his
birthright are derived from Gn. 35" 49% and the passing of the
The adoption by Jacob of
birthright to Joseph from Gn. 48\

the birthright

filement

of

his

to

father's

Ephraim and Manasseh was equivalent

to giving Joseph a double

But he is
portion or the inheritance of a first-born Dt. 21 '^-i'.
not enrolled in the genealogy according to the birthright].
This
in the tribal registers Reuben held the first place.
refers to Joseph

Nu. 26^ . For Judah was mighty

and
a
In reality,
among
prince was from him].
the
of
the
first-born
seemed
to
however,
pre-eminence
belong to
of
w^hom
was
the
house
of
David.
The
sons of
4-6.
Judah,

Cf. Gn. 468

ff-

Ex.

6'<

his brethren

The connection

Reuben strangely enough is

Jo'el].
not given.
Ki. after ^, A, substitutes Carmi (v. ^), but the occurrence of Joel in v. is against this. The sons of Joel are the
persons following. Their names are not inconsistent with the
of Joel with

implied date

Ba

al as

HPN.

a proper

name

could only be early (see

That a remnant

of the tribe of Reuben

Gray,
p. 237).
should have suffered the captivity of their Sheikh during the AsNo
syrian invasion (2 K. 15") is historically not improbable.

record of this

is

mentioned elsewhere.

the brethren of Be'erah,

7-9.

And

and hence apparently

his brethren]

i.e.,

his contemporaries

I20

CHRONICLES

of the Assyrian period (Be., Bn.)

and not

of the time of Saul (v.

')

HPN.

pp. 237 /.). This latter assumption,

(Ke., Zoe., Gray,
the
from
is
territory assigned to the Reubenites.
however,
justified
been
had
all
in
dispossessed entirely from the land
probability
They
of Moab by the time of Tiglath-pileser (b. c. 745-728). 5e/a']

whose descent, like that of Be'erah, is

also from Jo'el, but by a different and shorter Wne.Shema] is
not unlikely Shimei or Shemaiah (v. *).'Aroer] well-known
bank of the Amon Dt. 2' 3" 4'' Jos. 12= 13',
city on the north
clan
represents a wide-spread

mentioned as southern boundary

of

Reuben

Jos.

17,'KNcbo]

the name also of a

^y'
a
mountain Dt. 32*9 34'. Baal-meon] probably
gloss, since it is
in Nu. 32^ '
mentioned
and
a town lying between Nebo
'Aro'er,
an
have
else
we
or
Ez.
example of the Chron25^
Jos. 13" Je. 48"
Nebo and BaalBoth
icler's lack of geographical knowledge.

east of Jericho,

meon

Nu.

''

32'-

Is. 15^ Je. 48'- ",

are mentioned on the Moabite Stone.

ivilderness]

i.e.,

the eastern

boundary

wilderness which extends east of

phrates. /w
north of

Gile'ad].

Moab

Entrance

of their territory

Moab and

Gilead to

of the

was the
the Eu-

Gilead while usually designating territory

extending from Heshbon to the Yarmuk,

is

also

Amon

south as the
(Dr. Dt. 3-'0applied to the country as far
Reubenites.
the
of
the
of
notice
An
10.
activity
independent
In the Assyrian inscriptions the Hagrites [Hagarami]
are mentioned along with the Nabateans [Nabatu] among the
of Sennacherib and located in north-eastern Arabia

Hagrites].

conquests

(COT.

II.

pp. 31 /.).

Strabo and Pliny.

In the same locality they are placed by

name was used as a

Later in the Syriac, the

and at the time of the Chrongeneral designation of the Arabians,

icler either this had taken place or a portion of them had migrated
westward and were pressing on the eastern frontier of Palestine
indi-

Their proximity to Palestine is clearly

(Gl. Skiz. I if. 407/.).
cated in Ps. 83' (). A connection between Hagar the mother of
Ishmael and the Hagrites is most probable, although it has been
was carried on with
questioned (Dill. Gn. 25'^). That fighting
of Saul is most likely and a reminiscence
Arabian tribes in the

days

of this

may be here

the sons of

Reuben

lack of orderly connection between

and the notices following, and the lack of such

found.

The

GENEALOGY OF GAD

V. 11-17.]

121

connection between the notices also, suggest to some that we have

here not an original composition of the Chronicler but a grouping
of

fragmentary traditions respecting the tribe of Reuben.

1.

'';;is'']

pi.

of extension

Ges.

124a,

Koe.

elsewhere Ps. 63" 132' Jb. 17" except Gn. 49^

iii.

M,

but

26oh;

l|

allows

so used
pi.

and

im^j] <& euXoylav

parallelism suggests it; Ball, SBOT. so emends.
i.e. iroij, also v.- 17 evXoyta rod 'Iwcr^i^, but the context indicates that
the birthright and not the blessing
1 adversative Koe. iii.
On inf.
375f.

is

concerned (Bn.).

rninnS

nSi]

Ges. 114. 2. R. 2, Dr. TH. 202

rare use of S to introduce a new

cf.

2. T'Jj'?!]
(2), Dav. Syn. 95 (b).
emphatic subject, cf. BDB. 5 e (e). 4. Snt j3] (6^ IwtjX vlbs ai/rod
is evidently an effort to establish a connection with the preceding verse.
Kal Bavaia seems to have grown out of a dittography of
n''>TS'] (5 +

1J3. 5. Sy3]

^B

it^^X^ so also (S"^

BaXa

(==

BaaX). 6.

ipi'?s njS.n]

an incorrect way of spelling iDs';'3 nSjn 2 K. 15^' le'", npl^'p nSjn 2 K.

in v. ^
17'^, arising probably from a natural mispronunciation repeated
and 2 Ch. 28-". 9. maia NnS ny]. This inf. phrase is found elsewhere
with the proper name Hamath, cf. Am 6" Ju. 3^ Jos. 13^, etc., except Ez.

47'5,

where Cornill reads Hamath.

rno in: Dr.

D'''?nN3

c^;u''

sense than

10.

ms

"^^^J^i]

instead of the

more usual

an'SnN3 12tyi] 05 KaToiKovvres iv crKijvais =

reads 'X ''3U'''), because it gives better
Bn.
(who
by
adopted

TH.

190.

% ^;] (S

twj

i;?.

The

sons of Gad are introduced by the statement that they lived "over against" the Reubenites (v. i'). This
departure from the usual introductory formula, the sons of, is likely
responsible for the omission of Gad's sons as given in Gn. 46'^

11-17. Gad.

Nu. 26 '5-''.

The enumeration

of the chiefs of

Gad

with their

brethren (vv. i^-is)^ and the notice concerning their territory and
date (vv. '"), are followed by the account of a war which resulted
in the extension of their territory (vv.

combined

's-^^).

This time the three

a raid upon the neighbouring

this
is
an
Bedouins. Very likely
expansion, of a midrashic nature,
of the same incident recorded in v. (so Bn.), but the Chronicler

east-Jordanic tribes

in

enough to use both. 11. The omission of

Gad, as given in Gn. 46' Nu. 26"-", is noticeand in vv. >2- ' " the dwelling-place of Gad
here
able.
Bashan]
with Salecah, mod. Salkhad, as the north-east limit. This use of
Bashan for Gad's territory is peculiar (Bn. regards the word here as

found them
the

lists

diflferent

of sons of

122

CHRONICLES

a gloss; Ba. in

name

'

v.

emends

to Jabesh).

Nu. 32"

13" the territory

Jos.

Bashan elsewhere

Yarmuk and
of Gad was

of the country north of the

is

the

according to Dt. 3'*

in

Gilead south of

Not unlikely the Chronicler, having located Reuben in

12. Jo^el the first and
Gilead, was misled to place Gad in Bashan.
and
J
a
nai
and
second
the
Jo'el perhaps
Shaphat].
f
Shapham f
a family or clan whose
the same as the Reubenite Joel of vv.
,
members might be reckoned as belonging to either or both of the
Bashan.

"

tribes.

13.

Of their fathers'

used (i) of an entire

Nu.

father

17''

"'

"Who

The term father^s house is

named after a common

Jos. 22"; (2) generally, of the division next after

the tribe, the clan,

family Ex. 12'

houses].

tribe, since this is

Nu.

Ch.

(3) of the division after the clan, the

3^*;

7'-

Cf

Dill.

Ex. &\Micha'el] ^83^::

A name

God."

only occurring in the post-exilic

Hterature 6" ("' 7^ 8' 122" 271^ 2 Ch. 21^ Ezr. 8.Meshullam]
"
C^t^D Kept safe," i.e., by God, also another name especially frelike

is

in the post-exilic lists 3''

quent
io'=

" Ne.
y-

=")

6'8 8* iqs-

t^>

8"
='

9^-

'

'

ii'- " 12"-

<""

Ch. 34'= Ezr.

'

"

33.

S'*

Shcba']

y2w perhaps an abbreviation for Elisheha '^2''C!^h'S^ "God

swears "(?) EBi. II. col. 3291. And Jorai-\ and Jacan-\ and
Zia f and 'Eber]. These names with those of v. '- correspond well

to ancient clan

names.

Apparently eleven clans of

Gad

are enu-

'=
(g^ while mentioning only seven names in v. has the
numeral eight instead of seven. This suggests that in v. " originally
stood eight names, giving the tribal number of twelve clans. The

merated,

seven or original eight are mentioned separately because their descent is traced in vv. '< ' (v. i.) from Guni ("'J'!)!), which may be a
corruption of Shuni
the converse, since

("'iVw')

Guni

Gad (Gn.
name of

a son of
is

a clan

46'

Nu.

26'=-"), or

Naphtali.

14-15.

AM

These are the sons of

hail] i.e., those persons or families mentioned in V. '^ Abihail elsewhere name of a Levite Nu. 3'*, and
the father of Esther (Est.

Jaroah f

the son of Gile

ad

2'" 9^3).

The son of Hurl f

tJie

son of

the son ofMicha'el the son of Jeshishai f

the son of Abdi'el the son

Jahdo f the son of Buz
in
the
There
is
a
break
of Guni].
pedigree at Buz according
the S071 of

to

and

(so Bn., Ki., Kau.), but

it

is

better after (^^^

to

Ahi (TIS) appears as a fragment

make the line of descent con-

A WAR OF THE EASTERN TRIBES

V. 18-24.]

On Gimi

tinuous.

see v.

".16. In Gilead]

1 23

since

Gad's

terri-

Gilead (Nu. 32'- = ^' Dt. 3'' Jos. 22'

placed
tory elsewhere
Pasture lands] only used here of
".
v.
s.
v.
Jn
Bashan]
12=5).
lands in a district and not with a city, unless we should so read the
in

is

following

6'

(r/.

^''^).

Sharon]

(jTl'yT)

jV-itJ^

(Ki., Bn.),

as

haps

I'll'^'

''

4" Jos. 13'and here used

all the

^'^^^^
=')> ^^^^

mt^D

(Dt.

With

Amon

Gad

Gad

as far

Bashan; per-

see Driver,

3'",

land, between the

for the southern territory of

Com.

and Heshbon

(Be., Zoe.),

we then

on the

interupland pastures.
sink into
lands
the
where
of
Sharon,
pasture
given

pretation just
the Ghor of the Jordan.

with (after

territory of

explain their dwelling in

a corruption of

is

read in

which would bring the

Hermon and

north

not mentioned elsewhere

Better after (|^ read Sirion

as a district east of the Jordan.

(|, Ki.,

Sirion

If

is

their exits]

read, substitute

Bn.), to their limits.

17.

to for h"^

"IJ?

All of them]

Gadites mentioned in vv. "-'^

families of the

i.e.,

In

i.e.,

the

the days of

JotJiam king of Judah and in the days of Jerobo am king of Israel].

These two kings, since Jotham may have acted as regent for his
father Uzziah, were near

as contemporaries.

enough together

The terminus ad

to

have been regarded

quern of the history of these

trans- Jordanic tribes, according to the Chronicler,

is

their captivity

through Tiglath-pileser during the period immediately following

the reigns of these kings, and it is not impossible that his genealogies

be based upon some records made of families or

may

locali-

ties at that time.

18-22. Conflict of Reuben, Gad, and the Half-tribe of

Manasseh with adjoining Arabian tribes. This account fol-

lows the genealogy and

location of

tion in closing the section

V.

"

vv. "-'% or since vv.

end with the

they shared
the

men

of

fall of
is

"

on each
'

Gad, perhaps

to

keep a propor-

tribe with a notice of a war, cf.

concerning the half-tribe of Manasseh

the tribe, the narrative of a success in which

more fitly earlier. 18. On the prowess of

placed

Gad and Manasseh

cf. 12^-

2'.

On

the

number 44,760

where 40,000 from the eastern tribes cross the Jordan

cf. Jos. 4'^
In Nu. i^'- ^^- '^ Reuben has 46,500 men of war,
with Joshua.
Gad 45,600, and all Manasseh 32,000. In Nu. 26^- " ^' Reuben
has 43,730,

Gad

40,500,

and

all

Manasseh

52,700.

19.

Hagrites]

see V.

'.

names
I

CHRONICLES

124

and Naphish and Nodah f] Arab tribes. The

the first two are among the sons of Ishmael Gn. 25'*
Jetur gave the name to the district Iturea, whose inhabi-

Jettir

of

Ch. I".

tants were celebrated in the

HGHL.

arms (GAS.

20.

Roman

p. 544).

times for their prowess in

Nothing further is knowTi of the

against them] i.e., by God

2 Ch. 26 '^ Ps. 28').
of
of
the
use
similar
a
Niph.
-|TJ? cf.
(for
And all that were with them] i.e., the three tribes associated aDove
other two.

Andtheywere helped

The pragmatism

with the Hagrites.

strongly in this verse.

cf.

Nu.

3i32-^5_

22.

21.

The

that of V.

cf. v.

of booty,

the Assyrian captivity

period of this war

'",

lies in

east of the Jordan

Dflifi] (B^,

Ex.

Nu.

their

of

of the Chronicler,

historical basis for

Bedouin neighbours.

aDri]<S

Dn>m3N

6 7pa/ii|uaTei5s. 13.

"

et
i24r cf.
nn''] dub. one MS. (Kennic.)
6'*

-).

not men-

the struggles between the children of Israel

and

IS

spirit {cf. v.

is

an amplification

and from another hand than that

the narrative

The

"s.

i.e.,

account, according to Bn., is

although entirely in his

12.

comes out

Unto the captivity]

under Tiglath-pileser
tioned.

of the Chronicler

For a similar enumeration

i^-

al.

layi] nine MSS. 13;1, (g

/c.

n^a'^]
0^3175.

Ges.

14.

yn'' which was probably read by ($, "B.

ns na] (I* transBaer nn:, (^^'lovpel, a leddai, hence Ki. n_n\
while ^ also has one
name
as
one
renders
and
Ax'/3oyf,
proper
poses
which is certainly corrupt; ^ omits Titi. 18.
proper name Za/Soi'xciM,
^
H2S ^^i'] going out to the host, i.e., those able to go to war, cf. 7" 12"20. net al.
19.
Gn.
ii6h.
Ges.
On
construction
25"
i33iiJi]
Nu.

1-in']

20.

the
oncpr] prep. d;j with the suf. of the third pers. pi. +
t-'n
in
the
later
instead
of
-r
is
used
a
before
.u
relative
{zj
guttural),
and once
books, Ec, La., Jon., Ct., Ch. (3 times, 25s see note, 27")
and late Pss. c/. Ges. 36.iinvJi] And he stiffered himin Ezr.
nnnpii.

(8-"),

self to be entreated by

them,

inf. abs.

with change of subj. after a perf.

Ges. 1 13Z. For a similar use of nny in Niph. tolerativum, cf. Gn. 25^*
'5
Ezr. S^' Is. 1922. 21. D^s-cn] one MS. (Kennic.)
2 S. 2i>^ 24'-5 2 Ch. 2,^^^ryv-an,

so also

(B^'^.

23-24. The half of Manasseh east of the Jordan.The

genealogy of Manasseh
sidered as a whole (7'*

is

inserted later

when

the tribe

is

con-

hence we have only the dwelling-places

and the heads of fathers' houses of the eastern half-tribe of Manasseh in

w. "-^^

),

23. From Bashan]

i.e.,

from the

territory

occupied

V.

CAPTIVITY OF THE EASTERN TRIBES

25-260

tribe of

by the

Gad,

see vv. "

'^

Ba al-hermon'\ not to be

25

identi-

with Baal-gad Jos. 11" 12^ 13^ (which probably should be the

fied

reading in Ju. y, so Budde), since that was located in the Lebanon

valley on the western slope of Hermon. Ba al-hermon of our verse

must be sought in connection with the eastern slope. It may well

then have been mod. Bdneds, which has usually been identified as
Baal-gad (see Moore on Ju. 3'). Senir'] a peak or part of the
range of Hermon, probably near Damascus between Baalbek and

Homs

(see Dr.

on Dt.

3'

and Haupt

Ct. 4^).

And

ML

Her-

They were
7non'\ a phrase explaining Senir as Mt. Hermon.
very numerous^ The tribe of Manasseh as a whole, judging from
its

history,

seems to have been one of the most

early period of Israel.

And

during the

prolific

these were the heads of their fathers^

i.e., the heads of family groups (cf. Now. Arch. I. pp.

300 /.). 24. 'Epher *]. If ^ is correct then a name has fallen
from the text. 'Epher and Jishi look like old clan names; the
others, Eli'el, 'Azri'el, Jeremiah (Jirmejah), Hodaviah, and Jah-

hvuses]

di'el,

look late (Gray,

HPN.

Nothing further

p. 238).

of these famihes or their heads.

The names show no

is

known

connection

with the sons of Manasseh given in Nu. 26^8 Jos. 17-

^-

unless

'Epher ("l2y) and Hepher (I2n in Nu. 28==) are identical.

25-26. A summary of the fate of the two and a half tribes.

25.

And they transgressed]

word found

The

(h]^^'''\).

The word

'7j;iD

subject here

is

is

a priestly

and Ch. frequently and almost exclusively.

the two and a half tribes.
And they
Cf. v. 28.

in P, Ez.,

went a whoring after, etc.] (i"irii< llfl).

Lv. 17' 205 Nu. 15=3 Ju. 2" 8"- =3.

Cf. Ex.

Dt. 31'=
expression denotes
from
Yahweh
in
the
of
other
This
apostasy
worship
gods.
with
a
similar
use
of
force
with
the
the
noun
is
figure
frequent in
the prophets (esp. Ho., Ez.).

26.
31'^

Dr. Dt.

cf.

spirit]

(mi

lyi).

uncontrollable impulse.
I'

The

Je.

51" Hg.

i'^

And

For a discussion of
the

God

1=

34'5-

The

of

Israel

its full

meaning

stirred

up

the

Spirit here denotes an unaccountable and

Ptil]

Cf. for parallel usage 2 Ch. 2i'6

is

identical with Tilgath-pilneser

error of the Chronicler in mentioning

36" Ezr.
{cf. v.').

them as two distinct

"^ where they are thus

persons has arisen from his source 2 K. 15'^

mentioned. Pulu was the original name of the Assyrian king

who

126

CHRONICLES

assumed Tiglath-pilescr on
continued to be
219,

DB.

known by

In Babylonia Tiglath-pileser

his original

name Pulu

((/.

COT.

I.

Halah and Habor {and Ilara and)

Tiglath-pileser).

river of Gozan].

These names are derived from

with the exception of liara (SIH), which

as the conjunction and before and after
{v. i.).

Hence

his usurpation of the throne.

the confusion of the sacred writers.

The

is
it)

p.

the

K. 17^ 18"

out of place (as well

if not
meaningless

Chronicler identifies the fate of the eastern tribes

through the ravages of Tiglath-pileser with that of Israel in gen-

Habor] is the mod. Khabur (ancient

Chaboras), the well-known tributary of the Euphrates rising in

eral after the fall of Samaria.

Karajab Dagh (ancient Mons Masius), and emptying, after a

course of some two hundred miles, into the Euphrates south-east
of the mod. town of ed Deir.
Gozan] clearly a district through

which the Habor flowed, to be identified with the Gauzanitis of

Ptolemy, and the Gu-za-na {nu) of the Assyrian inscriptions

{COT. I. 267, KAT.^ 269). The meaning and location of Halah

are not so certain.
(^ in Kings has "rivers of Gozan" implying
that Halah as well as Habor was a river, but such a one has
not been satisfactorily located.
It is probably a province (Assy.
Halahhi) not so very far from Harran {KAT.^ p. 169). Unto this

day\ These words probably have arisen by a misunderstanding

of the text of 2 K,, which has and cities of the Medes (v. i.).
23.

nn

"ij3i]

(S

K.

ol

ijfxiaeis.

p::-in

ini]

^ +

k.

iv

rq.

Ai^dvg,

24. 1371] Gin. quotes two Targums to support

doubtless a gloss.
the omission of 1. which is wanting also in 05, H, ^, and so Ki.
nmim]

is

on pronunciation

cf.

^-K

26.

mn avn

n;j

pu

inji

Nini -\nni n'^n^]

are probably derived from no ''-i;i jiu inj inn^i vhm of 2 K. 178
18", and the deviations seem to have arisen either from careless transcription or because the Chronicler quoted from memory (Be.).
Nin may

be a reminiscence of the reading no nn, which appears in C5 of 2 K.

I7^ 18", so Be., Ki., Bn. That n-n orn -\y has arisen from na nyi
appears probable from the fact (&^ gives both in 2 K. 17' (not iS"). Klo.
Ke. thought of the Chronicler's
gives this as the original reading.
statement resting on another authority.

V. 27-VI.

Levi.

This

66 (VI. 1-81). Genealogy and geography of

section contains:

Aaron to Jehozadak(i.e.,to the

(i) the line of high priests

from

exile), introduced by a genealogical

THE LINE OF HIGH PRIESTS

V. 27-41.]

1 27

showing Aaron's relationship to Levi, 5"-" (6'-"); (2) lines

from Levi through his three sons, Gershon,

table

of descent of singers

Kehath, and Merari,

the three singers,

6'->5

(^) the genealogical tables

(I6.30).

Heman, Asaph, and Ethan,

6's- "i-^";

of
(4)

and sons of Aaron, 6^^-^*

Ahimaaz (i.e., to the time

notices concerning the services of Levites

(48-49)-

(^)

list

of David), 6^^-^^
539-45

(y)

(54-60)j

of the high priests to

(so-ssjj

(5) the cities assigned to the sons of

Aaron,

the tribal territory in which the cities of

the

Levites lay, 6'^-^ (^i-es); (8) the cities of the Kehathites (exclusive
of sons of Aaron), 6^^-^^ (66.70). (g) the cities of the Gershonites,

These
(10) the cities of the Merarites, 6"-66 (77-8i)_
and
a
of
diflficulties
Levi
number
of
records of the tribe
present
556-61 (7i-76)j

meagreness considering the importance of the tribe of Levi

They are repeated with more or less fulness, however,
striking.

their
is

when
and

the writer treats of the classes of the priests

singers (23^

V. 27-41

high priests

s-

24'

"

and Levites

25' ).

(VL 1-15). The sons of Levi and the

from Aaron to the captivity.

line of

This line of high priests is in part a doublet with 635-38 (50-53) and is
regarded by Bn., and Ki. SBOT., Kom., as a later addition, since a list
of priests naturally
(16

s.)_

(51 -3a).

As

would follow the genealogical introduction

the matter

The

material of

c.

list

also

now
is

in 6'

stands, this introduction is given in 527-29

carried

down beyond David,

6 stops with David.

Hence

it is

while the other

held to be

more natural

than vice versa,

since an interpolation which added nothing would not naturally be
made. On the other hand, there is some strong internal evidence
Although s"-^'
against the priority of the second list, 635-38 (50-53).
c^-is) do
(61-3) and 6^-*
duplicate each other in part, it is not unreathat this

list

should be secondary to the other

635-38 (50-53)

sonable to hold that the former passage was intended to introduce priests

Moreover, 63* <") describes the duties of all the

Aaron, and 63^ ff- (54 ) is concerned with the cities of
the Aaronides. The list of high priests included between those two

and the

latter Levites.

priests, the sons of

all

verses seems out of place, and it is unlikely that the Chronicler introduced it there. A scribe who expected a list of the sons of Aaron after

the verse describing their duties

just as a list of Levites precedes the
verse detailing their duties
may then have inserted this partial list of

the high priests from 53 ^- (6* * ), that being the only one available.
Without the second list of the high priests, the arrangement of the

128

CHRONICLES

is characteristic of the Chronicler's order, i.e., the genealogy of

the high priests and the genealogy of the Levites; the duties of the
Levites and the duties of the priests; the cities of the priests and the

material

cities of the Levites.

27 (1). Gershon, Kehath, and Merari]. These three sons of

Levi appear in Gn. 46" Ex. 6" Nu. 3" 26", and represent three
great famihes of Levites which clearly existed at the time of the

<'>
composition of P {cf. 6'
238).
Gershoji] (I'tyii) as in P,
where in Ch. Gershom (D1trn:i, Dw'n:), cf. 6' ' <''> et al. 28

And the sons

else-

(2).

Amram, Izhar, Hebron, and Uzziel], Cf.

names Ex. 6'' Nu. 3" and for their repetition

of Kehath,

as a source for these

<'
23 '^ Hebron's appearance as a descendant of Levi and thus
a Levitical family name shows that a portion of the ecclesiastical
tribe of Levi came from priests who had ministered at the sanctu-

6'

ary of Hebron. What underlies the other names is unknown.

Uzziel is the only one smacking of artificiality or a late formation

(Gray,

HPN.

Amram and

210). 29

p.

AaroTi are Ex.

'^
Cf. for repetition 23
(except

30-41 (4-15). The

line of

Sources for the children of

(3).

6=''-

"

Nu.

(except Miriam)

Miriam)

high

24'

26^' '.

".

Eleazar

v.

=" <*>

was,
according to P, Aaron's successor in the high priesthood Nu. 20";
Phinehas Eleazar's son and successor, Jos. 24== Ju. 2028. Abishua,

Bukki,

Uzzi, Zerahiah, Meraioth,

priests.

Amariah

(vv.

30-33

(s-?))

are en-

unknown, not mentioned elsewhere except below 6"-37 (50-52)

Ezr. 7' -5. Ahitub v. 3 (> is given as the father of Zadok 2 S. 8"
tirely

Ch.

i8'6.

If

identified with

we

look for historical accuracy, he

is

not to be

Ahitub the father of Ahimelech, the father of Abia-

Zadok as

priest in the

place of Abiathar is regarded as the fulfilment of the

prophecy of

thar

S. 143 22*0^ since

the establishment of

the disestablishment of the house of Eli (i K. 2" ^^).

His apas
the
Zadok
2
father
of
in
our
author's
S. 8",
pearance
source, is

undoubtedly due to a textual corruption (see

V. " ("was priest under David with Abiathar 2

Ch.

iS'o).

S. 8'' 152^

Zadok

and put

by Solomon in the place of Abiathar (see above). Ahimaaz v. '^ ''>

was a son of Zadok, cf. 2 S. 15"- ^e et al. 'Azariah v. '^ <> is mentioned as a son of

Zadok

that executed,

out of place in

etc.,

K. 4K
v.

The
^^

notice of v.

^s

do)

he

no)^ belongs to him, the

it

is

first

GENEALOGIES OF LEVITES

VI. 1-38.]

I29

Of Jehonan,

mentioned, Azariah (Be., Bn., Ki., Ba., Zoe., Oe.).

'Azariah, Aniariah, Ahilub, Zadok, Shallum, and Azariah, vv.

35-4
^ve have no further record than in the Chronicler's
(9-14)^

9" Ezr. y'-^ Ne. 11", except in the case of Amariah, who may be identified with Amariah the high priest during
Hilkiah
the reign of Jehoshaphat mentioned in 2 Ch. 19".
39
"3)
of
of
the
V.
is apparently the high priest
Josiah, 2 K.
reign
genealogies,

cf.

v. "" "^' was high priest

and was taken captive and put to
while Jehozadak went into captivity

Seraiah the father of Jehozadak

22^ et al.

at the fall of Jerusalem,

death at Riblah (2 K. 25'8-='),

B. c. 586,

V.

*i

"^',

and appears as the father of Jeshua the high priest of the

y S' ^o" Ne. 12=6 (Jazadak) Hg. i' Zc. 6". The purthis genealogy is to connect Jehozadak with Aaron and

return, Ezr,

pose of
thus legitimise his priesthood.

The

of descent

line

including

Aaron from the Exodus to the captivity consists of twenty-three

members and is artificial in structure, since allowing forty years

member, we have 40 x 12 + 40 x 11,

This period fits into the priestly chronology of the
historical books, whereby 480 years elapsed from the Exodus to
the founding of Solomon's Temple (i K. 6'), and 480 years from
or a generation for each
or 920 years.

thence to the founding of the second Temple (see Chronology of

OT., DB.), and the captivity occurred in the eleventh generation
of this second period.

thirteenth

member

According to

(v.

scheme

also

Azariah the

ministers in

As an apparent list
Canaan until the captivity,
features.

this

Solomon's Temple.
oj)
of high priests from the entrance into
^^

Members

this

genealogy presents some note-

of the house Eli

Eli, Phineas, Ahitub,

Ahimelech, and Abiathar (i S. 14' 22^), naturally do not appear,
since this house was set aside for that of Zadok (i K. 2"- ^^), but

worthy

the omission of the high priests Jehoiada (2 K. ii^ 2 Ch. 22", etc.)
and Urijah (2 K. 16" ") and an Azariah in the reign of Uzziah
(2

Ch.

262")

of Josiah's,

between Amariah of Jehosphat's reign and Hilkiah

is

striking {v.

s.).

'
" ''
VI. 1-4 (16-19). The sons of Levi. On w.
cf.
28
Libui ttud Shimei]. Cf. as a source for these names,
^27.
(^(y\. 2)_
'

Ex.

6'^

Nu.

3 '8,

instead of Libni

and

their repetition 23',

we have La dan

(jny?).

and

also 23

2621

where

Libni without doubt

is

to

130

CHRONICLES

Mushi].

Cf.

Libnah (Jos. 21"). Mahli and

as source Ex. 6" Nu. 32 and repetition 232' 24".

be connected with the priestly

city

Mushi C^UV^) has been connected with Moses,

as though the

family derived their name from that of Israel's law-giver (We.

Gesch. pp. 151/.); also with Misri or Musri (EBi.).

5-6 (20-21).
fragment of the pedigree of Asaph. (Be.,
This conclusion is
Cf. w.^^-' "">.
Bn., Ki., but not Zoe.)
suggested by the pedigree of

Heman, which follows, and seems

list of names (A) with those in

warranted when we compare the

Yy_

24-28

(39-43)

(_B).

GENEALOGIES OF LEVITES

VI. 1-38.]

Joel

the first-horn

(Ki.
of

BH., RV.

Heman

and

'

(v.

to

second Abijah

the

after (&^, g>, v.

^^^^),

hence

that given

'

'"> i S.
8^).

131

(n"'3S

TwTn

h^y^)

was the father

of Heman, and
As in the case

Joel

this pedigree is that

in vv. 's''" """-'s).

corresponds
above of Asaph, the substantial oneness of these lines of descent
is

revealed at once by placing

them

side

by

side.

CHRONICLES

132

This pedigree is clearly artificial.

comes from i S. i", where Elkanah

is

tion
s.

EHhu,

Tohu,

s.

The

Zuph

Zuph.

s.

(Toah, Nahath) a family

construc-

its
s.

Jeroham,

probably a district, and Tohu

i Ch. 7"; We. Prol. p. 220).

is

Tahath

(r/.

Samuel shows

story of

portion of

mentioned as

distinctly that he

was not a

Levite, for

then he would have belonged to the Lord without the gift of his
mother (i S. i" ). He is made a Levite by the Chronicler ac'

own times respecting Samuel's service

The names of Samuel's sons are derived from

cording to the notions of his

at the sanctuary.
I

S. 8.

The pedigree of Asaiah the Merarite.This

14. 15 (29. 30).

'-'^ "=-=8) should

present a
pedigree to correspond with those of vv.
"-'(44.47'
a close similarity of
line of descent of Ethan (w.
j^ but

names

here wanting.
Still they have been held sufficiently
'Asaiah may be the one
this inference (Be.).

is

alike to

warrant

mentioned

in 15^ as chief of the sons of

Merari.

It is

noticeable in

this pedigree that both Libni and Shimei here are Merarites, while
above v. = "" they are Gershonites.
1. D'inj] so also v.

^^

15', nv^nj vv.

^-

"

in V.

Since the source (Ex.

-.

entiates

here also.
here.

6'6)

Gershom and GershoJi

7.

airr:>'] v.

"^

in

Ex.

may have arisen

aij^Dj?

c.

23,

6i-

21

in

^^

elsewhere

cwv,

"

p'i'-ix

in

Gerson
a, ^,
has Gershon and the Chronicler differ-

this c. Te{e)b(Td}v, in 15' TTjpffdfi, (B'^^ in all

it is

^n

|Vi'-\j was
which seems

likely that

et al.

i^s^,

original

original

consequence of a dittography of the 3

resembling D-irr^y very closely in ancient

Ml njpSs ua i^DS 1J3 nip]. Accordtdn. Either
ing to Ex. 6 the sons of Korah were tiDNOXi njp'^'si
The latter
the compiler had a variant tradition or the text is corrupt.

from the following mi,

writing.

seems probable.

3 ins'

i^DNi 1J3 fiD>3Ni

7. 8. 1J3

before

^don and

before n^DN are out of place in the

'

text as

it

stands.

auToO, 'Aaepel
i;t6s

v.

a.

Since the

avToO after 'E\Kava

(cf.

aiiToO KfxiioO vlbs avrov) this

would be potent

in the

original read

T'Dn,

'EXKam Kal A^iadap w6s

tendency would be strong to insert

(&^ reads 'Apecrel vlbs avrov,

Heb.

(S^

of

v.

omission

text.

is

"

k.

viol

striking.

EXkow

A/xacra

vibs

The same tendency

Consequently we conjecture that the

r|D^3Ni njp'^x

tds

i:a

mp Korah his son,

Assir,

Elkanah and Ebiasaph his sons, Assir his son {i.e., the son of Ebiasaph).
These slight changes restore the harmony with v. - and with Ex. 6-',
account for the 1 before tiD>3N and for that before I'Dx {v:2 having
been misread 1 1J3), also explain the omission of in after njpSs in the
Heb. underlying (6". This and the ij3 after the first ton were added by

GENE.\LOGIES OF LEVITES

VI. 1-38.]

some copyist who overlooked Ex.

nns, adopted by

Bn. 11.

preferred to Qr.

S.

I'

D''Dis

The second

{v. s.).

name was

lis.

1DIS

(We.

"

.in:] v.

et al.)

n^n,

12.

The

Kt.

S.

'^ja,

nj|-)'?N,

{v. s.).

and

-"

v.

so

omitted

'Dix] v.

="

Ch.
is

some

in

Kt.

^,

(S, (H,

l^x,

33

29'2

be

to

iiss.,

Qr.

Iix.

and nix'p.

Probably the original

Ki.

{SBOT., Kom.) adopts

1'

inn.

The

inh as the best authenticated.

in scribal errors.

10. mo^nN]

njp'-N ijj njpSN]

should be dropped, so Bn., Ki.

(&, S*,
I

\jp

6=^.

3n^'?n] v.

other forms could have originated

i S. i' nihiSn.
The versions
'^t<''^.?<,
"
"
"
God is

'

two (meaning My
God and He is my
God") may have been interchanged. '?.s^'?s< appears ten times in the
OT., all in Ch., cf. ^n^'^vS (the brother of David) 2'= i S. le^, and i.t'-n
I Ch.
ij3 ':'Nic;;> is added
(Qr. Nin
)
27'8.
by Ki., on the basis of 05"-,

give no aid.

last

as indispensable.
It is not improbable that the compiler, after
gathering
what information he could from i S. i', went on to enumerate the sons

Samuel from

of

S. 8-

without stopping to

make

a connection so well

known.

16. 17 (31. 32). David's appointment of the singers. 16

House of Yahweh] is used here generally both for the tent
(31).

where David placed the ark, and the

later

Temple
up

After the resting of the ark] i.e., after the bringing

from the house of Obed-Edom to Jerusalem (2 S. 6=

(cf.

g-').

of the ark

1^).

17 (32).
A

The

tabernacle of the tent of meeting] (lyiD 'PnS i3C'D)combination of two terms employed in P for the tabernacle and applied
to the tent erected by David for the ark (cf. 16' ^).
Technically

Mishkan
of the

(tabernacle, dwelling-place) denoted the

tabernacle,

while

'Ohel

(tent)

wooden portion

the curtains or

hanging

'
35>i 3613
(Ex. 26'
39" 4019 Nu. 3" cf. also Ex. 39^2 402where the combination given above is used to indicate the wooden
'

structure).

"=

According

to their right]

(DDtyi22

cf.

24"

Ch.

30'^).

The

reference apparently is to the order or position prescribed

by David for the singers, a subject taken up in detail in c. 25.

^^
(39) 29
un t^g
According to vv.
guild of Heman occupied the
central position with that of Asaph on the right and Ethan on the

left.

The

adopted

Chronicler thus held that the musical services later

in the

Temple were

established

by David

in

connection

with the tent in which he had placed the ark.

16. T'Dyn] appointed, a peculiar force
q8 J115

BDB.

22

jq5.
-",

5. h.

2i2i 24'3 255-

et al.

(1.

89).

cf.

n;

Ch.

8'<

hy] over the service,

cf.

i5'f-

16'^ 22^ 2

CHRONICLES

134

18-32 (33-47). The three singers Heman, Asaph, and

Ethan, and their lines of descent. These three singers, who

are assigned to the time of David, represented in reality three choirs

or guilds of the post-exilic period and were quite modern in their

development, for according to Ezr. 2<' Ne. 7^^ the sons of Asaph
and singers were equivalent, and the singers were distinct from
(This distinction is held by Sm. p. 26; OTJC? p.
204; Baudissin, Gesch.desA. T. Pnesteri}mms,pp. 142 jf., also DB.
IV. p. 92; Nowack, Heb. Arch. ii. p. iii; on the other hand, Tor-

the Levites.

rey claims that no such distinction can be found in Ezr. and Ne.,
Comp. and Hist. Value of Ezr. and Ne. pp. 22 /.) Gradually,
however, singers were evolved into Levites and the three guilds.

Remains

of steps of this evolution

in the Levitical genealogies.

Assir,

Elkanah, and Abiasaph

and hence we should expect

and

In Ex.

fluctuating traditions appear

62'

the three sons of

= Ebiasaph),
(

to find

i.e.,

Korah

are

father of Asaph,

Asaph a descendant

of

Korah,

but according to vv. =^--8 <"-'" he is not. Also we find i\ssir and
Elkanah placed not co-ordinate but following each other {\'\. '-'
(22-24)

22

(37))

(yet 566 lu loco).

The

worked over these names.

Different genealogists certainly

sons of Korah appearing in the

the Pss. (42. 44-49. 84. 85. 87. 88) probably mark a
evolution earlier than the formation of the three
in
this
step
Korah
in i Ch. 2" is associated with Tappuah as a
guilds.
titles of

son of Hebron. This indicates either a place or Judean family

of that name from which came the Levitical Korahites (We. Is.

und

Jiid. Gesch. pp.

151 /.).
noticeable difference of length appears in these genealogies

A
thus

Heman

has twenty

links,

Asaph

fifteen,

and Ethan only

twelve.

The

relation of the genealogies in

singers in

61^-32

(33-47),

Xhe

6'-'5

"S") to those of the

latter genealogies are

probably depend-

may have been of Levites not classiThe inconsistencies which make this statement doubtful
fied as singers.
The writer simply appropriated
are removed by textual criticism {v. i.).

ent

upon the former, which

originally

these genealogies in order to find Levitical pedigrees for the singers.

The genealogy of Heman, 6'8-23 (33-38)^ jg the same as the line of descent

through Kehath, 6'-'3 (22-28)^ Heman being made the son of Joel, the son
Thus he becomes contemporaneous with David, between
of Samuel.

GENEALOGIES OF LEVITES

VI. 1-38.]

whom and Samuel

there

is

but one generation,

135

viz.,

making Mahath (= Ahimoth) the son

writer errs in

where they are brothers, but see also

Ch.

29'2.

that of Saul.

of Amasai,

This

*"'
c/. 6'"

The genealogy

of Ger-

'2
shon, 6*
'', is not sufficiently long (only eight generations) to bring
the last, Jeatherai, down to the generation of Saul, hence Malchijah,
A'laaseiah,* Michael, Shimea, and Berechiah were added by the writer
'

6-*-=* (39-43)^ thus

making it possible to regard Asaph as the contempo' '^
'', consistSimilarly, the genealogy of Merari, 6'<
rary of David.
ing of only eight generations, is too short to reach from Merari to the

of

singer Ethan, the contemporary of David, hence a number of generations

were added by the writer of Ethan's genealogy, 629-32 (44.47 )_ Moreover,

he seems

and

have departed from the genealogy of Merari after Shimei,

to

have added eight generations, Bani, Amzi, Hilkiah, Amaziah,

Hashabiah, Malluch, Abdi, and Kishi, before Ethan.
The source of the genealogies of the singers. Of the additional
to

names

15"-

inserted before Asaph, Berechiah occurs elsewhere in 32" 9''

2 Ch. 2812

Ne.

30

34.

6'8 Zc. i'-

',

Jeberechiah

Is. 8^ f;

Shimea

as a Levite (but spelling ''i,'j2V it is very frequent in the

of
the
Chronicler,
writings
especially as a Levitical name); Michael
eight times elsewhere in the writings of the Chronicler and in Nu. 13"
(xi'tr) in 6'5

Dn.

(30)

Maaseiah* nineteen times elsewhere in Ch.-Ezr."

35* 37'; Malchijah twelve times elsewhere in
Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. and Je. 21' 38'- ^ Hence these names are late (except
Shimea) and favourites with the Chronicler. Similarly the additional
names to the genealogy of Ethan occur in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. as follows:
(P)

io'3-

Ne. and

21

J 2';

in Je. 21' 292'-

Bani, 13 times (or 15, see BDB.); Amzi, 2; Hilkiah, 5 (besides frequently as the high priest of Josiah's time); Amaziah, 2 (besides frequently as the well-known King of Judah); Hashabiah, 14 (always a
Levitical name); IMalluch, 6 (also always Levitical); Abdi, 3

(the last

three do not occur elswhere); Kishi, as Kushaiah only in 15'', but as

On this ground alone it is conclusive that these genKish, 5 times.
ealogies of the singers were composed by the Chronicler or in his

Furthermore,

day.
icler
cf.

6'6-i8a

oi-asa)^

are evident (notice Tioyn,

2

D--\T:y

Hence

Ch.

7',

DnDi'n

1.

89;

Ne.

where the ear-marks

omiay

12"),

is

of the

hy Dao^i-c^ ncjjii

a part of

this

Chron-

and onoyn,
same piece.

most probable that the Chronicler himself gave the

No
singers these pedigrees descending from the three sons of Levi.
doubt the latter had already claimed Levitical descent. The Chronicler

it

is

may have

utilised

some current genealogies

of the singers to sup-

f'^o
f.).
The identity of one
plement the Levitical tables of 6'
name would be sufficient to make the connection, which may account for the omission of the last four names of the table of Merari

{v. s.).

The

fact that

we fmd JediUhun

Ethan

(i6<' 25'-

is

used here and in 15"

2 Ch. 5'2 29'* 35")

^-

while elsewhere

is

not significant.

CHRONICLES

136

The

Chronicler could have identified the two as well as a later interpoThe objection has been raised (by Bn.) that elsewhere in Ch.-

lator.

Ezr.-Ne.

except 15"

Asaph seems

which

''

is

But

doubtless dependent on this passage

to figure as the chief singer

16'-'

(c/.

Ne. 11") and he

is

by no means certain that the writer

of these genealogies intended to exalt Heman's guild of singers above
the Asaphites.
Although Heman is placed first, he is not called the
chief.
Asaph's descent is traced from Gershon, the oldest of the sons of
His
Levi, which may imply that his guild was recognised as the oldest.
position on the right hand, possibly an indication of the position this
guild occupied in the service at the Temple, was a post of honour,
cf. Gn. 4S'4 Ps. no'.
always mentioned

first.

18. "Tinpn] (g, U,

above ^^.

yl

g>,

nnp.

According to

^i:.

it

'

25.
V.

or

^),

may be

''vz'}

nns.

v.

pirr^nx

'.

read with some mss.,

29.

v.

Possibly

mnj

Sn^'^x.

nns

2"

(S^-

{cf.

f\--i,

of rnc, v.

22.

1D'3S

(S", S>

'"

makes

is dependent on
quoted above on

(5^ of v.

'"

' ^.
I'Dx] v. s. v^^
28. Dirn^]
so Bn., Ki.

n^a-j;-:,

see

pto,

'w",-'] many mss., Kt. (Oriental text), CSS IS '1?'V, 15"

30. 31. -scn
2 Ch. 29'2 1-iaj? p v'p.
n^p'i'n p] has fallen

in'cii"), f/.

from the

On

was the father

to the carelessness of the compiler.

corrected from this verse.

n':;';-^]

s.

due

20 is

V.

19-21.

v. ""

him out the brother of .'ii'i^nx

some text which had 1J3 after
v\'.

is

text of CS"

supports iH (Ki.

by homoeoteleuton.

BH.

is

(B''

vlos XeXx'oi;*

viov A/xaaai

misleading).

33. 34 (48. 49). A description of the service of the Levites

and the priests. This description is according to P and the as-

Their brethren the Levites] i.e., all

signment there by Moses.
Levites not singers and not priests. The term Levite is social as
The subordinate ministry of the Levites is here
well as tribal.

meant

"

Nu.

(cf.

3^

).

The

duties of the priests are

as service at the altar of burnt offering

incense

(cf.

Ex.

30'-'),

and

in

(cf.

Ex.

summarised

27'-8), at

the altar of

whatever functions were connected

with the rooms of the sanctuary (cf. Nu. 4"=) (the term holy of
holies cannot be restricted here to the innermost sanctuary), also
to tnake

an atonement for

through

Israel].

The

priests

sacrifices for individuals (Lv. 4=

^i

made an atonement

g^^

the entire people on the day of atonement (Lv.

other occasions of stress and fast (2 Ch. zg-").

an atonement

is

34. iddSi]
ii4/>,

Dr.

10"

et al.)

and

for

and

also

on

i6'<),

The term

to

make

used here to indicate the priestly ministry in general.

inf.

TH.

cstr.

with ivaw, a continuation

206, Dav. Syn. 92 R.

4.

of

Dnvjiic,

Ges.

DWELLING-PLACES OF PRIESTS

VI. 39-45.]

35-38 (50-53). The high

137

from Aaron

priests

Ahimaaz.

to

not the original with the Chronicler (v. s.) is repeated here to give data to the time of David.
39-66 (54-81). The dwelling-places of Levi. This section,
Cf.

s'o-^* (6^-8).

Tills genealogy

if

with rearrangement and some slight abridgment, is taken from

statement of the number and
Jos. 2I5-". In that passage a general
locahty of the cities of the priests and Levites (Jos. 21^-') precedes
the enumeration of the separate cities of both priests and Levites.

Here on the other hand the separate cities of the priests are first
enumerated (vv. "-^= ''^-"> Jos. 2i'-") and then is given the
"^-5 *""'
Jos. 2i5-) and then follows the
general summary (w.
enumeration of the separate cities of the Levites (vv. "-'='= (66-si))_
forms no proper introduction to the following
In this order v. ^^
^^^''

verses.
v^^_

59

It
(54

ff.

can only introduce according to its place in Jos.

Hence this, with the preceding verse, is held to
ff.).

have come from a marginal annotation made by some reader

familiar with the narrative of Jos. and later to have been inserted in
the text (Be., Ki.), or the entire

of Levitical cities (vv. "-66

list

a later supplement (Bn.), or a copyist through error rearranged the original material of the Chronicler. But it is more
("-81)) is

Wishing

arrangement.
cities

was

the Chronicler himself

that

likely

from that

he transposed the verses.

of the Levites,

should have transcribed and

harmonise with the text

guilty of this

is

left

s"

Jos. 21' (v.

not strange.

'^s))

He

is

similar infelicities (see Intro, p. 19).

39-45
2iio-i9_

(54r-60).

39,

according to

The

cities of

the priests.

where

etc.].

Taken

21"', is

from

Jos.

dwelling places
their settlements within their boundary] from the

With

from the book

Cf. 5" (6').

did not

guilty elsewhere of

Chronicler, since these words are not in his source.

tion

That he
it

j^yid these {i.e., the following) are their

introduction (Jos. 21

Aaron,

unskilful

to separate the account of the priestly

The

) is

these

given in v.

s"

<">

(v. s.).

The proper

To the sons of

words commences abruptly the quota-

of Joshua.

fir st^ lot].

Of the family of the Kehathites].

The

necessary for clearness of

viord

supplied
40

first,

meaning.

(55).

from

Jos.

Hebron]

Kirjath-arba Jos. 20% which, according to Jos. i^'\ was the

more ancient name, mod. El-KhalU, twenty-three miles south

CHRONICLES

138

west of Jerusalem; one of the oldest and most

notable cities of Palestine, built seven years before Zoan in

and a

little

Egypt (Nu. 13"); the burial-place of Sarah, Abraham, Isaac,

and Jacob (Gn. 23" 25' 35" <" 50'^); David's residence when
of the death of Abner (2
king over Judah (2 S. 5'); the place
Absalom (2 S. 15' ).
rebellious
the
of
a.nd
S. 3"),
headquarters
And the suburbs]. Cf. 2 Ch. ii'^41 (56). This verse
'

book

the

of

plural
after

is

15''.

Joshua

an

'^

read

ly Libnah].

(^,

ical

importance

2
{cf.

The

city.

A city

in the

K. 8" 19^

Caleb

to

and the preceding)

(this

editorial

insertions

42

Only Hebron was a

error.

21

Jos.

are

interrupt the narrative.

They

SBOT.).

Both verses

Hebron

gift of

harmonises with the previous verse the

recorded in Jos.

(Bennett,

The

(57), Cities].

city of refuge.

in

Jos.

Hence

Chronicler has here abridged

lowland

of

Judah

of

Its location

23^')-

some

histor-

has not been

hill country of Judah (Jos. 15^'

clearly identified./a//zV] in the
21'^ I S. 30" t), raod.' Attir thirteen miles south by west from

^chron.Eshtemoa].
2i>S in the hill

country of

Holon Jos.
(58). Hilen]
in Jos. 15=' between

4".43

Cf.

Judah mentioned

also called Kirjathof importance in the Negeb

a
place
sepher (Jos.
or southern Judah, identified with Dahariyeh, some ten or twelve
miles south-west of Hebron (cf Moore, Ju. pp. 25 /.)44 (59).

Goshen and

Gilo; not identified. 7:>c&/';-]

15'= Ju.

i"

'),

'Ashan] written 'Ain Jos.

21"' (v. i.),

mentioned among towns

of

clearly then in southern

Judah Jos. i5'2, and of Simeon Jos. 19' f

borders of Judah
Judah: not idcnt'Aed.Beth-shemesh] on the
'Ain Shenis in
mod.
to Dan Jos. 19^', the
IS'", but assigned
:

Jos.

the valley of Sorek south of the railway from Jaffa to Jerusalem

and not far from the half-way point (Baed." pp. 14, 126). The
Canaanite sanctuary {cf. for hisplace was probably an ancient

i K. 4' 2 K. 14" 2 Ch. 25" 28).

torical references i S. 6'

45
I

(60).

K.

Jeba

Geba] a town frequently mentioned

K. 238

15-2 2

south of the pass of Michmash.

north by east from

mentioned
three

Ch. 16" Ne.

ii3> 1229 Is.

Jerusalem.

It

yl/ewe//i]

(8^ i

S. 13' 2 S.

10" Zc.
is

14'"),

5"

mod.

about four miles

(Almon Jos. 2i'8)

with mod. Almit,

in the genealogies 8^6 ^42^ identified

and a

half miles north-east of Jerusalem,

beyond

'^wa//io/^,

DWELLING-PLACES OF LEVITES

VI. 46-66.]

which

is

distinguished as the

home

139

11" " 29"

Ezr. 2" Ne. 7" 11" Is.

of Jeremiah (Je.

i'

also mentioned in 2 S. 23" i K. 2^^

10" -j-), mod. 'Anala three miles north-east of Jerusalem. Thirteen
cities].
Only eleven are mentioned in the present text of Ch.,

32"

"

hence probably Jutta found

should be supplied in vv. "'

in Jos. 2i'

and Gibeon

21"

in Jos.

'

ii'.

i.).

39b-45 compared with Jos. 2i"'-'3 show the following variations, some
of which appear abridgments of the Chronicler and others seem to have
arisen in the transmission of his text, and should be restored from Joe.
We give as the former: v. ^'t* the omission of 'n>i before ''ja'?, and ''J3D
mS after \-inpn

(nns!:':;'?

instead of

'D?: in

Jos. represents the true text,

is not used, see SBOT.

since the formula /row the families of the tribes

on Jos. 2i<); V. " ]'MT\ Nin py;r\ >on jj^is n-iip

and

in^'^ read for "ina; v.

after

]-in}<

and nsin

^'

irinxa omitted after

The

after oSpr:.

latter

In vv. " ' the sums of the

hn cut down
njo''; v.

"

to

]'^2r\

ns

pjn omitted

omission appears also in

"

as given in Jos. 21'^

Variations through careless transmission appear: v. "*>
'^
ny instead of n^jJi ni^njc nKi omitted
)pn-\ omitted after Smjn; v.
after p^n and after nn\ which phrase also with no'' and with pj?3J have
V.

5=,

cf.

Jos. 21^^.

cities

are omitted.

fallen out of vv.

"

"<';

" n\ninD:;'C2 instead of piir-UDi.

v.

The

]Z'y

the true reading instead of IV of Jos. 21 '6, cf. on Jos. in loco

Probably also with variations
(&, SBOT., Dill., and also Jos. i5'2 ig?.
due to copyists should be classed: v. *^ iS^n instead of I'^n, cf Jos. 15^';
of

V.

V.

'^

is

ncVj; instead of p::Sy with

46-50 (61-65).
from Jos.
had by
Kehath
of

directly

out of the tribe of

Auathoth after instead of before.

A summary

215-9
lot

(^^_

s.).

of the Levitical cities.

46 (61).

Taken

And the rest of the children

Ephraim and
Manasseh ten citcorrupt and meaningless and must be thus

out of the families of the tribe of

Dan and

out of the half tribe of

ies^\ The present M, is

Be. suggested that the confusion
restored according to Jos. 21^
omission of the reference to
the
deliberate
have
arisen
from
may
the tribe of

Dan

{cf. 7 '2).

The

sons of Kehath, or the

number

first

main

had
Ephraim and Dan, adjoining Judah,and in West
IManasseh ten cities enumerated in part in w. "" (^e-jo). 47 (62).
The sons of Gershom representing the second main division of the

division of the Levites, omitting

in the territory of

from

their

the priests,

enumerated in vv. "-' (71 -7e)^ in the

territory of Issachar, Asher, Naphtali, and the east-Jordanic tribe
of Manasseh.
48 (63). The sons of IMerari, the third and final
Levites had thirteen

cities,

CHRONICLES

I^o

main

had as

division of the Levites,

their possession twelve cities

"

("-so.49 (64). This verse gives a

These^ cities]. The word these
the
of
preceding.
summary
50 (65).
fallen from the text.
has
from
perhaps
Jos.
supphed

enumerated

By

in part in vv.

out of place by copyist's error, belongs to the previous

in Jos. begins a new paragraph and is here

lot]

This verse

verse.

the matter of vv.

entirely out of place introducing

"^^-^^

*"-"

(v. s.).

46. nnsrcr] Jos. 21' rnstrcD to be preferred (Bn.), but amnocD?

with HBDD as in vv. "' is preferred by Ki., and also Bennett, as the true
^sn-i ]-i naaai d^bx nas is to be supreading in Jos. 2i^t., 550r. noa

from Jos. in place of ^sn nan n-'xncD nacn as is

cUies.47
the
ten
omnott'c'^]
Dicnj] Jos. 216 piinj, v. s. v.
required by
'ui rnDi;':;^ from
according to their families, i.e., of Gershonites, Jos.
after nnDtt-cn

phed

families of the
'C

tribe, etc.

nan and after

(g),

49.

V.

b-\M2 ncs.

and

Jos.

lii-aa,

s.

50.

(but

5.).
48.

-y.

S-nJ2.

Instead of ncjD

Snu::] is

nam Jos.

In Jos. 218 the verse closes

V. s.
P'J3 ^J3 n-jcci] wanting in Jos.

has 'snci

in Jos. 21' (but cf.

with io nin> nix i-.;'}<:)

wanting

(but

cf.

(&

21-').

51-66 (66-81). The cities of the Levites (in distinction from

the priests). Taken directly from Jos. 2i'-'5 with some abridgment, and the text has evidently suffered through transcription.

51

had cities of
families of the sons of Kehath
after
thus
Jos. 21".
correctly Be., Bn., Kau., Ki.,
etc.]
a city
was
Shechem
since
The
only
of refuge]

(66).

their lot,^

52

And

city*
(67).
of rtinge.Shecheyn] a

little

over thirty miles north of Jerusalem,

of Israel {cf.
figures frequently in the early history

"

Gn.

128

2>Z'^

mod. Ndbulus, a city of

12).
Ju. 9
35< Jos. 24>ancient Canaaninhabitants
(Baed.^ p. 217).Geser] an
24,800
not occupied by the Israelites (Jos. i6' Ju. i" contra
itish
I

K.

It is

the

city

Jos. 10") until

conquered by "Pharaoh king of Egypt" and prethe mod. Tell Jezer, some twenty
i K. 9'

sented to Solomon

miles west by north from Jerusalem, and the site of recent excavations {cf. R. A. Stewart Macalister, Bible Side Lights from the
Mound of Gezer, Lon. 1906). 53 (68). Instead of Jokmeam
to Be., Bn., Ki.,
Jos. (21") has Kibzaim, which, according
is

to be preferred.

No

site

corresponding to either

name has

DWELLING-PLACES OF LEVITES

VI. 46-66.]

141

Belh-horon]. There were an upper and a lower

Bcth-horon (2 Ch. 8^) "near the head and the foot respectively
of the ascent from the Maritime Plain to the plateau of Benjamin, and represented to-day by Beit 'Ur el foka and Beit

been found.

'Ur

The towns

tahta."

et

some

ences to these

21"

are a

little

ten or twelve miles north-west

i3' 2

S.

to\\Tis

K.

and

their ascent

Ch.

8^ 2

8='

over two miles apart and

of

cf.

Jerusalem.
Jos. lo'"

'

Between v."

25'3.

For

refer-

18'^ '

165<^8'

and v."

omitted Jos.
intentionally (Be.) or carelessly (Bn.), has been
21" "And from the tribe of Dan Elteke and its suburbs and
(69),

Gibbethon and

mod.

its

suburbs." 54

Ydlo, a

village of

to

little

(69). Aijalon] a city of

Cf. for references 8'^ 2 Ch.

about thirteen miles from Jerusalem.

9'

28'

21=^

19"

Jos.

was a famous

1^5

Ju.

battle-field

(cf.

Dan;

the north of the Jaffa road,

s.

The

14".

GAS.

valley of Aijalon

HGHL.

210-13).

pp.

probably a little
'Aner
of
Instead
to the east of Joppa. 55 (70).
("Uy) read
mentioned
the
21"
Taanach ("[^Vri),
after Jos.
city
frequently
(Jos. 19^^ 2i-< f) ^^^

Gath-rimmon]

Esdraelon

of the plain of

I"

5'

K.

identified;

12=' 17" 19'^

(cf. 7" Jos.
mod. Tcianmik some four and a

4'2),

21^5 Ju.

half miles

south-southwest from Lejjiin (Megiddo) (BDB.). Read also

instead of 5//e aw (^^"72) Ible'am (CV^2'').
Cf. Jos. 17" Ju.

in

the

by dittography Gath-rimmon, but (S^ le/3a6a,

Bennett, SBOT., ct ciL, as above. Ihleam was also

Jos. 2V-^ has

I".

hence

Dill.,

the plain of Esdraelon

Wady

223).

and

its

name appears

Befameli in which the village

The words for

Jemn

preserved in

lies

(Baed.'' p.

the rest of the families* of the sons of Kehath

are a fragment of Jos.

2V-^,

which reads:

families of the rest of the children of

"All the

cities of the

Kehath were ten with

their

The

compiler or transcriber, having omitted Jos. 21",

felt compelled to omit the numeral, but retained the adjoining
words, then meaningless. 56 (71). From the family of the halfsuburbs."

tribe, etc.]

a use oi family before the

name

of tribe arising

from

abbreviation of text in Jos. 21" where the word is plural and refers
to the Gershonites (v. /.).
Golan] a city of uncertain site which

gave

its

name

(Ant. xvii.

8.

to the district Gaulanitis

i.

xviii.

4.

6),

mentioned by Josephus
in the mod. Jaulan

and appears

CHRONICLES

142

Jordan and Sea of Galilee (EBi. II. col. 1748) (Dt. 4"
a city of refuge, Jos. 20^ 21" f). 'AsJilaroth] mentioned with
Edrei as one of the royal cities of Og King of Bashan (Dt. i< Jos.

east of the

The name

9'" i2< 13'^).

of Ashtoreth.
identify

with

it

el

indicates that

was a

it

seat of the worship

location has not been clearly

Its

Mezeirib,

Some

fi.\ed.

some twenty-five miles

east

the

of

southern end of the Sea of Galilee, others with el 'Ash'ari, some

three miles north of that place (DB. I. pp. 166 /.). 57 (72).
Read according Jos. 21=' Kishion
instead
(cf. Jos. 192)
(|1''w'?:!)

of

Kedesh

thinks

Conder prefers Kedesh, which he

near Ta'anach (DB. III. p. 4). The

(tyip) (Dill., Bn.).

may

be identified

former place has not been

identified.

Daberath]

Jos. ig'^ 2i= f.

the present Debiirige at the foot of Mt. Tabor (BDB.).58 (73).

Ramoth] same as Remeth Jos. 192' (Bn.), rood. Er Rameh in

southern part of plain of Esdraelon (Baed.''

Yarmuth

21" (BH.).

of Jos.

'Anem]

Ki. prefers

p. 222).

(Ciy) a scribal error, is

21" 19=1, mod. Jeuhi near the

'Ain-gannim ("""ji ]*?) Jos.

south-east end of the plain of Esdraelon; a village now of some
importance, with 1,500 inhabitants (Baed.< p. 223). 59 (74).

lUashal]
kno^^'n.

better after Jos.

(t'w'!2)

'Abdon]
(p'ipn).

19" I, the site

been located.
of the

is

Read

site

un-

-f-)

mod. Abdeh ten or more miles

Rehob].

3'

Achzib.

Helkath

This

13='

61

(76).

S. 10^

to^\^l in

),

and

Kedesh in

60

(r,pbn),

cf.

(75).
Jos.

Asher has not

be distinguished from the Rehob

Jordan valley (Nu.

19'".

five east of

after Jos. 21

uncertain.

It is to

tioned in Jos.

(^Su!2),

'

(Jos. 2130

north by east of Acco and some

Hiikok]

22^0 Alish'al

at the

also the

Galilee]

head

one men-

(Jos.

213=),

Kedesh-naphtali (Ju. 4*), elsewhere simply Kedesh (Jos. 12" 19"

2 K. 15"), a city of refuge, the home of Barak, a place

Ju. 4'

mentioned by Josephus, mod.

of importance
of

(Jos. 19").

(^^) and the

Tiberias (DB.

Kartan
Jos.

Hamnion]

(jmp)

II. p.

Jos.

290).

Hammoth-dor

Kiriathaim]
62

expression

meaningless.

Two

a variation of

(~\"',''"',p)

21 ^2, not identified.

21" must be supplied after the

is

village of Kcdes, west

(Jos. 21") Hammath

true
is
the
Hammoth
reading (cf. Xo/aw^
Probably
town is the mod. Hanimdm a short distance south of

Lake Huleh.

rest

(77). Levites as in

(C*"""),

cities of

otherwise the

Zebulun, Jokne

am and

DWELLING-PLACES OF LEVITES

VI. 46-66.]

KartaJi,

mentioned

Instead

in Jos. 2i'%

have

fallen

143

from the text

(</.

(B^).

Rimmono

the last syllable

(13112^) read Rimmon, since
has arisen from a union with a following waw (*) (cf. Jos. 19"), or
of

Rimmon
perhaps Rimmonah. Jos. 2135 has Dimnah (nJDl).
has been identified with Rummaneh north of Nazareth (DB.)
Instead of Tabor ('^\^2D), which is nowhere mentioned as a

Zebulun, but on the border of Issachar Jos. 21", Jos.

2i has Nahalal {bhT\l), mentioned also in Jos. 1915 Ju. i",

city of

not clearly identified (Moore, Ju. p. 49, but see DB. III. p. 472).
63 (78). And
Ki. Kom. has a lacuna in place of any name.

beyond the Jordan

wanting

in

appear

in

These words are

at Jericho, east of Jordan].

in Jos., although the first three (inn"" i"n^^

^^^

On

2i36.

Jos.

the expression

l^yai)
Jordan at

tlie

The cities mentioned in

22' 26^ Jos. 208.
cf. Nu.
vv. 63(7S)-66(8n correspond exactly with those given in Jos. 21^^-^'^.
Jericho

Bezer] a city of refuge (Dt. 4" Jos. 2o) mentioned on the

Moabite stone; not identified. The phrase in the wilderness,
wanting in || in Jos. (cf Jos. 20 s) but appearing in ^^^, and followed by "plain"
of the city in the
also assigned to

shows the location

(lir''a) in Dt. 4^^ Jqs. 20^,

flat

table-land east of the Jordan.

Moab

(Is. 15' Je. 48=^)

Jahzah] a

on the border

city

of the territory

Amorites (Nu. 21" Dt. 2'=), location unknown. 64 (79).

Kedemoth] somewhere north of the upper Arnon, not identified
of the

Moab
mentioned as
65 Mepha'ath]
the
Ramoth in Gile'ad] one
in

(BDB.).
fied.

(80).

Jos. 20),

4'3

22'

of

mentioned

At the

22"-").

The

battle of

location

and Jerash,

Salt,

is

in

Je. 48-', not identicities of

refuge (Dt.

wars between Syria and

Ramoth-gilead Ahab was

uncertain:

sites

Israel
slain

K.

(i

K.

suggested Reimiin, es

the last directly east of Samaria

and some

in its
twenty-three miles beyond the Jordan, with probability
E.
the
favour (Selah Merrill,
Jordan, pp. 284 ff.). Mahanaim]
of
a place of note east of Jordan {cf. Gn. 32= 2 S. 2* f- 17=' " 19^=

K.

the

28

4''),

identification

not

certain.

66

(81).

Heshbon]

former capital of Sihon, King of the Amorites (Nu.

assigned to

Moab

(Je. 48^^)^

mod. Hesbdn some

fifteen

21=5),

miles

where the Jordan empties into the Dead Sea. Jazer] an

important town; a district of Reuben was called "the land of

east of

144

CHRONICLES

35
Jazer" (Nu. 32', also mentioned Nu. 32'Jos. 13" 21" 2 S.
'
24' I Ch. 26", and assigned to Moab Is. 168
Je. 48'^).
Jerome placed it eight or ten miles west of Philadelphia and

fifteen miles from,

north

i.e.,

of,

Heshbon {Onom. 86. 24. 131.

and identifies with Khiirbet

Merrill regards this as correct

18).

Sar (DB.

II. p.

553).

RV.

51. ninDrr)-:i] rendered in

Jos. 21="

and

(S^,

B,

as a partitive,

is

'C^^ (Be., Ke., Zoe., Bn., Ki.).

error for D^-wi in their

lot,

but this error

may have

better
a^i^j]

read after

a copyist's

is

been taken over from

by the Chronicler, since (&^^ of Jos. have tCov Upiuv ai^rwc, doubtless
a corruption of 05'^ t. opiuv a. = dSuj. 52 See text. n. on v. *-.
53. Here and in the following verses the numbers found in Jos. are
Jos.

55.

= aj'Sa' (v. s.).

ay':'3] 05^ omits, ^I/SXaa/i, ^le^Xaafi
56.
should
be
as
after
The
text of Jos. 21"
rnau-::'']
pointed
pi.
Jos.
The words the city of refuge
is 'v^ nj3 ixna a>iSn nnsrsa punj ^:2'^^.
58. riiCN"^] Jos. 21='
of the manslayer appear in Jos. before Golan.
wanting.

mc-)'_,

but Jos.

VII. 1-5.
V.

is

19=' nc-i.

The genealogy

of Issachar.

Of

this section, only

The remainder was

{v. i.).
or is from an unknown source.

derived from canonical sources

either

composed by the Chronicler

Instead of closing with an account of dwelling-places, there is a

record of the number of fighting men, as is also the case in the
records of Zebulun

{v. i.)

and Asher

v.

{cf.

*'').

1.

And

the sons

Cf. for
of Issachar Tola' and Pu'ah and Jashuh and Shimron].
In Ju. 10' we read of one of the minor
source Gn. 46'^ Nu. 26" '-.

judges. Tola' the son of Pti'ah, the son of Dodo a man of Issachar
and he was dwelling in Shamir. This shows that traditions

varied in respect to the relationship of the clans of Tola' and

Ptiah; but the former if not the more ancient was clearly the more

pre-eminent.

It is

possible that the four sons of Issachar are sim.ply

reflections of the statement given

of Pii'ah
(iwl"')

{(f.

Shamir

('T'fiw); ^^^

Judges" came on

"'^^^^

in the form, Tola

versa, that the late editor of the

this concise list of

his statements therefrom

col. 367).

above

the son

dwelling in Shamir; Jashub derived from dwelling

the variation Job ^T* in Gn. 46 '3) and Shimron from

(cf.

names

H. W. Hogg

Shimron has been regarded

in

in

P and

OLZ.

"Minor

constructed

vol. 3

(1900)

as standing for the city

Vn.

GENEALOGY OF ISSACHAR

1-5]

I45

Samaria (Nocldeke, EBi. III. col. 3275). 2. And the sons oj

Told were 'Uzzi and Rephaiah and Jeri'el f and Jahmai f and

of

Jibsam f and Shemu'el heads of their fathers^ houses mighty men

The first, third, and fourth of these names look like
of valor].
those of ancient clans, while the second appears late, and thus
is

suggested a combination of early and late traditions.

their genealogical

to

ing
ably

of

interpretations

divisions, etc.].

and

here

preserved

The

in

the

(2

S.

midrashic

verses

following

David's census

Accord-

writer has prob-

24).

The sons

3.

HPN.

'Uzzi present a group of late names (Gray,

The four grandsons were reckoned as sons.
Five].

p.

distinct

'

5.

the reckoning *

And

238).

All of them

were heads] or altogether there were five heads, five

The reference
4. Ajid with them].
families or clans.
five clans or families of v.

of

is

to the

which numbered 36,000 warriors.

of

all

the families

of Issachar,

the

mighty men

In v. ^ the sons of
of valor, was altogether 87,000].
^
the sons of
Tola, six clans, are numbered at 22,600; in v.
Uzzi, five clans, 36,000. These two together make 58,600, leaving
28,400 to be furnished by the remainder of the tribe,

i.e.,

the

Jashub, and Shimron, and also Tola reckoning

him as a clan distinct from his sons {v. Bn. in loco). In Nu. i"

clans

Puah,

the warriors of Issachar were 54,400, in

Nu.

26^5 64,300.

1. ^JiSi] for the construction see Ges. 143^.

emend to ^J3i. (St^ /cat ovtol vlol

Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau.,

Bn., prefer to
nxiD] Gn.

4613,

Nu.

26^3

ma.

-a^u-;]

Qr.

{cf.

(g,

'J3

H)

n':'[<i,

cf. 2' 3'.

3ir;.

Gn. ar

above for an original ycv). 2. ySin'^] an

addition defining annx rria, appears a corruption (Zoe.) and should be
is

SBOT.

text, error,

connected with the last half of the

Bn. after Klo. reads aiymnni, as in vv.
and removes the following D'li'nTini. Possibly an original c has

struck out.

a.nn^.nS]

verse (Be., Ke., Ki.).

7b

9.

40b

(see

is

better

5. Dn>nNi]

word ending in a. Then i is a

and connect with the preceding
verse, translating /or they had more wives and sons than their brethren.
Ctt'n\-im should be transposed to a position after an^nN, and final So*?
fallen out before an^nNi, the preceding

corruption for

and we should read

should be struck out.

VII. 6-11.

'N JD

a-'V^n i-(nj] v.

The genealogy

of

Ges. 124^.

Zebulun.

This

genealogy
The intropeculiar.
apparently ascribes to Benjamin
are
ductory words The sons of are wanting; nowhere else in
10

which

1^

is

CHRONICLES

146
the sons of

known

Benjamin limited to three;

name, a most

Jedia'el

as a Benjaminite

elsewhere un-

is

when

striking thing

the

sons of Benjamin are so often mentioned; and this section as a

Benjaminite genealogy forms a doublet to c. 8.

Not only
from those
46*'),

are the
in

names

any other

but they are

While the other

of the sons of

list

of his sons

Bela
8^

{cf.

uncommon or unknown
of Bela's sons differ

lists

(v. ') entirely different

Nu.

and

26^

to the tribe of

from each

(^ of

Gn.

Benjamin.

showing

other,

variant traditions, they are agreed in employing the same names.

On the other hand, Ezbon is only found elsewhere as a son of Gad

(Gn.

46'^, cf.

name Ne.
minite (9')

26'=);

'Uzzi

Ch.

'

Uzzi'el,

Jerimoth

there

"^

is

common

)
(6^ ) 6^6

5''

a Benjaminite

(mQ"'"!'') is

we should probably read Jerohajn

(Jerimoth of i2

(*)

priestly

Ezr.

7^

and

Ne.

Levitical

ii^^,

appears

and once as a Benjathough a very comm'm name, is not Benjamin-

the descendants of Issachar (7^

among
ite;

Nu.

12"-

is

^)

name

(cni'') with 8",

Thus we

cf.

9'

in loco); Iri does

have apparently a variant tradi-

doubtless a Judean name,

not occur elsewhere.

in 8' (mO"!''), but

v.

which has only one certain Benjaminite name and that a

common one elsewhere.
tion

The

Of these,
).
Jo
ash, Eliezer,
85);
cf.
Elio'enai (but cf. Elienai 82"), 'Omri, and Abijah are more or less
common but unknown as Benjaminite names; the same is likely
The last two names,
true of Jeremoih (see above, Jerimoth).
case

similar with the sons of Becher (v.

is

Zemirah occurs only here (but

Zimri

'Anathoth and 'Alemeth, on the other hand, are common Benjaminite

names. 'Anathoth occurs elsewhere as a personal name only in Ne.
1020

in

(19)^

where the

Benjamin.

Of
and

name

not given, but is frequent as a place-name

also a place-name of Benjamin and is a

is

in 83

the third branch

his

are not

(v.

'")

cer-

not only Jedia'el but his son Bilhan

grandsons Chenaanah, Zethan, Tarshish, and Ahishahar

Je ush (Kt. tl'^y) is met with
as Benjaminites.

known

in 8^9 (tyiy),
is

is

and 9". Only these two, therefore, are

and
Benjaminite
they alone are geographical.

personal
tainly

tribe

'Alemeth

and a Benjaminite Ehud (nnS), the son

familiar from Ju.

imknown.

'=

3''-

+.

of Gera,
Benjamin, the son of Bilhan, is

Vn.

GENEALOGY OF ZEBULUN

6-13.]

147

is not only unique in its content

a geographical arrangement of the

This genealogy of Benjamin

but

is

in the

in

wrong place

the genealogy of Zebulun is

wanting in the Chronicler's account. Kittel (Kom.) indicates his
tribes,

and a doublet

Now,

{y. s.).

contained this tribe by supposing a

belief that the original text

lacuna after Naphtali (7'^). But Zebulun belongs rather after

Issachar, whom he follows in thirteen out of seventeen OT. lists,
12^0 2 Ch. 30"*), but not
and 27 '^ {cf. also 12^2
but dependent
the
Chronicler's
is
not
order
546
where the
which
the
in
three
of
five
more
on Jos. 21. In
principle of
north the
from
south
to
be
seems
to
geographical
arrangement

including
ff.

2'

f.

'

ff.)

(61

order of these two

is

of

where the

Benjamin

just

Further there

is

Thus we have the

reversed.

lost

strange genealogy
one of Zebulun should be.

a striking similarity between the

names appearing

sons as given in Gn. 46'^ and the

of our list, as follows:

Gn.
I

46'^

Ch.

If the

ntr^tr

mD

xh2^

^syn^i

n^m

'^hi ]^^^2.

former was the original reading

reading arose in copying.

as

nsm

in the first verse

h^hn^\ j'^sT

Chronicler's addition of r'^'h^,

TlD

of Zebulun's

list

{cf. ""13, v.

=",

"'Ja

in

was read as
"iSn

Ch.

easy to see

it is

Nu.

'jm

|12''i2;

26^5).

plus the

how
The

the present
'hi as y^2;
last

two

of

course followed as a necessary result of the first from the influence of Gn. 46", and the well-known Zebulunite jl^S {cf. Ju.
12" ') had to be cancelled, as the final "tl'^u required only
three names.

^SVT'

is

then a corruption of b^bu"' (for

y as

a corruption of h, cf. v. '% n^VQ for TiD^u)"), a corruption

which may have been in the Chronicler's text of Genesis.
This hypothesis explains: the absence of initial ""ii; the otherwise unknowTi ^SyT" as a son of Benjamin; the final "w^tl'

when Gn.

46^1 (|^)

on

text nine, see

knows ten sons of Benjamin (but corrected

2658 ' five, and i Ch. 8'
five; the
-5), Nu.
following names; and eliminates the doublet
f-

8'

strangeness of the
while restoring the missing Zebulun in the proper place.
When once the error had been made, the tendency to
the table

plainly Benjaminite would naturally be

Becker in vv.

'

followed of necessity.

strong.

make

Bela and

has carried the matter

Still

CHRONICLES

148
farther

by substituting

^SU-'K) for

added

^SyT*

to the

Ehud was

list

of v.

^'j (doubtless an error for Va.4,] =

Anathoth and Alemeth were

'^

vv. ' '" ".

in
,

none

of the others being geographical,

and

from Ju. 3'^ It is tempting to suppose

Then the
that the anomalous Benjamin had the same origin.
on the margin, and
first scribe simply placed
HlnS
'i''D''n~jD
inserted into v.

words made

these

separate names.

'"

their

way

into the text in reverse order as

This tendency

to

add Benjaminite names

is

by the appendix Shuppim also and Huppim

from Gn. 46^', which is out of place even as the list stands

illustrated further
(v. i^")
{cf.

V.

n'^^ty

^).

In spite of the meagreness of Zebulunite material in the OT.,

some striking points of contact between this genealogy

to
and Zebulun besides the resemblances of the names of v.
Gn. 46'^
(v. ') suggests ]:fn (Ju. 12^-10), a "minor
there are

pn^S

judge" of Bethlehem of Zebulun (see Moore, Judges, p. 310).

It is significant that (^^^ (probably representing the original Greek
tradition)

in

probable that
icler

Ju.

read EcreySeoy

we have

having found

it

=]"!:}^i<,

same name

making

it

still

more

both passages, the Chronwith the second and third consonants transthe

in

This judge is introduced here just as Elon, the other

posed.
Zebulunite judge, is in Gn. 46", and as Tola, the judge of Issachar
A point of contact with
(Ju. 10'), in Gn. 46'3 and i Ch. 7'- 2.

Zebulun

is

found also

in the striking

name

Tarshish, in

v.

',

unknown as a Hebrew man's name. As

known,
this name stands in the OT. for all great shipping interests.
Now,

which

is

is

well

the special characterisation of Zebulun in Gn. 49 '^ is the fact

Such a connection
that he shall be "a haven for ships (D'^JS)."

with Tarshish could be given to no other tribe, and least of all to

the inland tribe of Benjamin.* Furthermore, the name Che-

naanah, found elsewhere only as the father of the prophet Zedekiah

24 =
2 Ch. iS'"- "), a favourite with Ahab (!), with the
(i K. 22"

meaning "toward Canaan," i.e., Phoenicia, is singularly appropriate in a tribe of which the same passage in Gn. says, "his
border shall be upon Sidon."
*
That p35!N - li'3N and that Tarshish is more appropriate as a Zebulunite name
were suggested by Professor C. C. Torrey after reading the preceding.

vn.

GENEALOGY OF ZEBULUN

6-13.]

149

Aside from this passage Zebulunite names are few in the OT.
Among the princes of the tribes during the Wilderness Period

was an EUab the son of Helon as prince of Zebulun (Nu. i' 2'
29
the tribe as one
io'), and a Gadiel son of Zodi represented
y2i.
of the spies

(Nu.

At the division

13'").

of the land

Elizaphan the

the prince who acted for this tribe (Nu. 34").

we
find the Zebulunites Ibzan and Elon (Ju.
the
judges
Among
The Chronicler's list of the captains of the tribes
12" ') {v. s.).

son of

Pamach was

in the time of

David contains the Zebulunite Ishmaiah son of

Obadiah (i Ch. 27').

The emended text of this genealogy is rendered as follows 6. The
sons of Zebulun'^: Sered*, and Elon*, and Jahle'el* (or Jedia'el),
three.
7. And the sons of Sered*: Ezhon, and 'Uzzi, and 'Uzzi'el,
:

and Jerimoth, and 'Iri,\ five; ... 8. And the sons of Elon*:
and 'Omri, and
Zemirah-\, and Jo ash, and Eltezer, and Elidenai,
Jeremoth, and Abijah. All these were the sons of Elon*.
10. And the sons of Jahle'el* (or Jedufel): Bilhan.
sons of Bilhan:

Tarshish,
Jahle'el *

The
(v.

(12"

(or Jedia'el)

total

')

("'),

and Chena'anah,

Je'iish,

and Ahishahar-\.
.

11.

All

these

(v.

9)

57,400 (Nu.

+
!')>

the

and Zethan^, and

were

the

sons

of

enrolment of the warriors of Zebulun

20,200

9.

And

17,200

(v.

")

is

here 22,034

59,434 against 50,000

60,500 (Nu. 26").

While Zebulun's genealogy appears clearly, as stated above, in

behalf of the view generally held that the genealogy is that of Benjamin, Jediael may be regarded as the equivalent of Ashbel men-

Known

"Man

for

Benjamin's sons in 8' Gn. 46" Nu. 26^8 {. e.,

has been substituted through religious scruples
of Baal" (<-/. for similar changes of names 3^ 8'<f); then

tioned in the
"
of

list

of

God "

be emphasised the presence of the Benjaminite names Jerimoth

f), Anathoth and Alemeth (v. ^), Benjamin and Ehud (v. ),
and Shuppim and Huppim (v. " v. i.).

may
(vv.

'

6 SsynM 1331 ^^1 pD'J3] read instead (or ^Nvnii) '^sSmi p^Ni "iiD pS3r <J2
Gn. 461* {v. s.). 7. ySa] read T\D {v. s.). 8. -\33 bis]
.

restored from

read ii^n {v. s.).

nnSj?! ninjyi] as a later gloss should be struck out
10. Snj,'''T'] read possibly Ss'?n\ so also in v. ", and strike out
(y. 5.).

JD1J31 niHNI {v.

s.).

150

CHRONICLES

The genealogy of Dan. The

Shuppim and Huppim, are a late

12.

first

two names

in

this

addition to the preceding

verse,
section derived from Gn. 46=' (restored text) Nu. 26", and are a
that genealogy was made over from
part of the process by which

The endings
vv. ")
being Zebulunite to Benjaminite {v. s. on
should be am as in Nu. and not im as though plural, since the
adjectives are

Huphamite

(ttSin)

and Shuphamite OlSSIir)-

sons of Dan, Hjishim his son, one*] {v. i.) The name 7r
doubtless arose from a corrupt text through the influence of 'hi,

The

Hnshim appears as the one son of Dan in Gn. 46", and in Nu.
'.
26" as Shtiham. Hushim as a Benjaminite name in the corrupt

V.

this passage after the

passage 8'", probably helped to corrupt
Aher
a
made
had
been
{v. s.).
genealogy
Benjaminite
preceding
a corruption of the numeral one
("ins), M, seems very probably
of the
(ins), since to add the number was a favourite practice

Chronicler,

was a

cf.

vv. '

'

et

al,

of genealogical material

and lack

here.
special reason for the addition

Gn. 46 Nu. 26" {v. s.).

ua Dtt-n p 'J3, The sons of
Dan Hnshim his son one on the basis of Gn. 46" and (6 which read iJ3.
This seems preferable to finding ]^ hidden in inx (Be.). Bacher thinks
"
sons of the city," euphemistic for JT ^J3, to which the Chroni^y ^J3,
12.

Dam DBCilarea

-\nH ^J3 aa-n

-i'>'

'J3]

later addition, cf.

read with

Kb. PRE.

-"riN

the Danites (Ju. iS^o

objected because of the idolatry practised by
for 'cn (Rome);
of
use
the
Talmudic
i^y
and
K. 12=9),
compares

icler
I

nn

>J3

has a similar import and

is

a gloss to

n>>'

>J3

{ZAW.

xviii.

(1898), pp. 236-8).

Nu. 26*' .
of Naphtali, cf Gn. 46'*

with
This brief genealogy is taken word for word from Gn. 46"
omission of tJiese before sons of Bilhah which stood in
the
'

'

The genealogy

13.

single

the original clause with reference to the sons of

Dan

as well as

those of Naphtali.

Gn. 46" Nu.

Gn. and Nu. 26" oWi.

13. '-N'xn'] 23 Mss.,

seven mss.,

VII.

14-29.

26^8

without the second

Manasseh and Ephraim.The

>.

DiSri]

Chronicler

the genealogy
groups the two sons of Joseph together, giving (i)
of Manasseh (vv. '<-), (2) the genealogy of Ephraim (w. "-"), (3)

Vn.

GENEALOGY OF M.^NASSEH

14-19.]

151

dwelling-places of Ephraim (v. "), (4) dwelling-places of Manasseh (v. "). The genealogy of Manasseh, while not without con^-

nection with those given in Jos. 17=

Kittel
quite an independent form.

Nu.

26^9

(SBOT.

a
,

presented in

is

Korn.) ascribes

it

to

of the genealogy of

""' f'-)-2*
same source he gives w. 2'
Ephraim. There is no reason to doubt that

vv. *-" belong

the original compilation

an older source.

To
to

<f'-'"

the

of

the

Chronicler,

can hardly be contended (with Bn.) that the Chronicler

does not describe the dwelling-places elsewhere (r/. 4"^- 5*"' , etc.).
The contents of these verses are derived from Jos. 16* " 17" ,
since

it

which were rewritten by the Chronicler.

It

appears that instead

of trying to give all the dwelling-places of these

writer intends to describe their

cities

combined

two

territory

on the southern and on the northern borders.

tribes, the

by giving the
Shechem, be-

longing to Ephraim, then, defines the boundary between the two

tribes.
Possibly Ayyah, whose site is unknown, was given for the

same purpose.

14-19. The genealogy of Manasseh. 14. The sons of Manasseh* which his Aramaic concubine bore: she bore Machir the

This statement

father of Gile'ad].
(^.

Machir appears as the eldest son

of Gilead in Jos. 17'-

Machir and

and Nu.

'

also of his sons

is

is

of

36'.

On.

identical with

Manasseh and

46='"'

as the father

In Gn. 50" the birth of

The descent here

placed in Egypt.

given from an Aramaic concubine points to a different story and

arose probably from the close association and admixture of the

Manassites east of the Jordan with the Arameans.

Machir represents a
is

called the father of

Gilead.

and

the

15.

name

brother

And

In Ju.

5'*

He
Israel, evidently Manasseh.
Gilead because the clan of Machir conquered
tribe

in

Gilead took a wife whose name was

Maacah

was Hammolecheth f and the name of his

Ma'acah represents the small Aramean

of his sister

Zelophhad *].
kingdom, district, or people situated east of the Sea of Galilee near
Mt. Hermon, hence either adjoining the territory of Manasseh
Dt.

3'*

Jos. 125 or included in

it

Jos. 13".

Cf. 2 S. io

where

Ma'acah is hired against David, and Gn. 222*

King
where Ma'acah the tribal father appears as a son of Nahor.
Ma'acah the wife of Gilead reflects the same histoiical circumthe

of

152
stances as the

CHRONICLES

Aramean concubine,

v. ".

Hammolecheth

(she

who

be compared with Milcah (queen) (nD^i2)

the wife of Nahor (Gn. 11"), and reflects probably, with Ma'acah,
a close connection with the Arameans. While the name here may

reigns) (riD^Qn)

to

is

be tribal (Gray, HPN. p. 116), it undoubtedly was originally a

In Nu. 26-^-^^ (P) Zelophhad is given as the fourth
title.

divine

Manasseh through Machir, Gilead, and Hepher.

the wife of Gilead"^ bore a son and called
his name Peresh f and the name of his brother icas Sheresh f; and
his sons, Ulam and Rekem; and the sons of Ulam, Bedan-\: these are
the sons of Gilead, etc.].
These sons or clans are otherwise enFor
unknown.
a
of the name Ulam cf. 8=',
reoccurrence
tirely
of Rekem 2'^^- Jo.. 18" Nu. 31 Jos. 13^'.
For further sons of
in

descent from

16.

17.

And Ma'acah

Gilead connected with the tribe of Judah see 2=' . 18. Ishlwd f ].
^*- '<
the
Abiezer] in Jos. ij- a son of Manasseh and in Ju. 6"of
Gideon.
in
2635
Nu.
one
of
the
Mahlah]
family
27' 36'^ Jos. 17'
^^

'='

daughters of Zelophhad. 19. Shemida] probably originally stood

also in v. as a son of Hammolecheth: a son of Manasseh Jos. 17'-,

a son of Gilead Nu.

26==.

Ahjan Shechem] a son Manasseh

Lekhi f]
possibly

Jos. 172,

responds

to

Helek

of

f].

a son of Gilead Nu.

(p^fl)

Nu.

263'.

cor-

("Tip^)

263 Jos. 17=,

and

Antam

Noah

(DJ^^iS)

(nyj) daughter of Zelophhad Nu. and Jos. The writer

here has not clearly distinguished between the clans of eastern and
to

western Manasseh.

and Nu.

of Jos.

(see

His scheme

Manasseh

differs considerably

in

DB.

from those

IH.).

14. The name Ashriel (Sn'>i:j'n), while suggested by Jos. 17- Nu. 26'',
where Asriel appears among the sons of Manasseh or Gilead, is probably a dittograph}- arising from the following rn*?> la's* and is to be struck

out of the text (Mov., Be., Zoe., Oe., Kau., Bn., Ki.). -15. The present
text nnfl'^x 'jL-n ai'i noyn iPnN Dw'i di3-'Si O'snS r\z'H ni-iS T'dsi yields the

And Machir took a wife of Huppim and Shuppim

following:
of these Benjaminite families, cf. v. '2) and the name of his sister

(i.e.,

was

Ma'acah and the name of the second Zelophhad. But according to vv.
16.
18 Ma'acah
was the wife of Machir and Hammolecheth his sister.
Mov. changed Vnnx to nriN and read and the name of the first was
Ma'acah and

name

But Zelophhad in Nu.

of Machir or his wife
and Shuppim looks strange also. Hence these words

the

of the second Zelophhad.

2633 27'-^ 36=-'2 Jos. 173 is

with

Huppim

a man.

The connection

Vn.

GENE.\LOGY OF EPHRAIM

20-29.]

53

=
or an original position on the
are better regarded as a gloss from v.
nca-i n::'N npS Tjhi
follows:
as
emended
text
further
the
and
margin

vns

nno'^x

Gilead

is

os:'i

above (Bn.,

n3'?Dn inns d-'i hdvo with translation

Ki.).

Maacah because

read instead of Machir as the husband of

sons given in v. " are called the sons of Gilead, hence in

be read instead of Machir.

v.

'"

Gilead

the

is

to

The genealogy of Ephraim. (C/. Ephraim Genethis section

alogy, Hogg, JQR. XIII. [Oct. 1900] p. 147.) Viewing
and
sources
OT.
as a whole, it exhibits little dependence upon
20-29.

shows considerable complication of material or is very corrupt.

='
20. 2V. This line of descent abruptly ending in v.
may origithe interand
suffered
of
one
Joshua
nally have formed a part of
its final
have
been
Elead
cannot
and
'Ezer
ruption of vv. ^^^--*.
because the context regards them as
descendants of Ephraim. But whatlater
not
immediate sons and
line
of
of
this
ever the design
descent, it has been constructed out

members

of a

list

in this connection,

of sons of

Ephraim

Nu.

similar to that in

ad'^

These

'
.

may originally have completed the statement. And the sons of

Ephraim. These sons were Shuthelah (n^mtT), Becher (1:33),
here Bered (TlS), Tahan (jnn), here Tahath (nnn), and also
The
son of Shuthelah (r/. Laadan p^b v.=).

'Eran

(pj?)

two names 'Ezer and Ele'ad, v.

V. "), seem on the other hand

^i

to

(the latter occasioning Eleadah

have belonged to the narrative

independent of the material of Nu. Zabad

from and Bered (T131).
be
derived
(On whether
may
(13T)
Becher or Bered belonged to the earliest list of Ephraim's sons,

2ib-i4^

which

is

entirely

v.='

V.

Hogg

ing the

art. s., also

name

EBi.

col.

of Beri'ah, the

and possibly a reputed ancestor

who were

1320).

2l''-24.

of Joshua.

natives in the land slew them]

because they came

archal story

down

is difficult

to

"go down"

story explain-

take

away

And
i.e.,

the

'Ezer

their cattle.

men of Gath
and Ele'ad,
This

patri-

In the light of the story

by immediate sons of Eph-

of explanation.

of the sojourn in Egypt, this raid,

raim, must have been

founder probably of Beth-horon

if

made from Egypt,

in

spite of

the ex-

This was the explanation of the

earlier commentators, who regarded Ephraim and his children as
But the use of T\% "go down," points almost
historical persons.
pression

(1"!'').

CHRONICLES

154

conclusively to a foray from Mt. Ephraim into the plains of

Philistia, and this little narrative is probably a reminiscence of

Two Ephraimitic families, '.Ezer and

(Be., Ki.).
Elead, probably were destroyed in such a raid, and the original
some such event

Ephraim, who mourned many days, was the tribe or the hill country.
Or the narrative may be entirely
Cf. Rachel weeping in Je. 31'^
imaginary, a purely etymological legend to explain the Ephraimitic
family name Ben ah (ny'l^ as though derived from nj?i;i "in
evil").

(On

this narrative

Pal.

202;

We.

name

23',

p.

vitical

Nu.

and

cf.

Ew\ Hist.

I.

p.

EBi. Beri'ah.)
also that of a son of Asher
Prol. p. 214;

380; Sayce, Pat.

a Le-

Bert ah]
w.

'

'"

Gn.

46''

of the descendants of

Benjamin 8"- '.

^
And
his
24.
See further on vv.
daughter was She'erah f
and
the upper, and Uzzenthe
lower
Beth-horon
and she built
form
is suspicious because
its
This
verse
in
she'erah |].
present
26^%

in the list
'

are men. Beththe founders

as
a
entirely unplace
Uzzen-she'erah]
Cf.
and otherwise unknown. 25. And Rephah f his son

OT.

elsewhere in the

6"

horon].
identified

and Resheph f ].
of

Jiis

son.

of cities

is

').

The

Perhaps

"
suggests her son instead
present text of v.
after Resheph, "his

son" should also be

supplied {Yi\.).And Telah-\] (nSl) an abbreviation probably

of Shuthelah (n'?ntr) v. ^KTahan].
Cf. Tahath v. =.26.

La dan] (]Tyb probably from

elsewhere a Levite
are taken from

name

Nu.

i'",

py
'

23^

with

26^'.

where the

see

\-v.

"

'),

prefixed
'Ammihud]
and Elishamd]
'7

latter the

son of the former

Ephraim, but only here is Nun (v. ") the

27. This
father of Joshua brought into connection with them.
is the only record of Joshua's line of descent and its late and
is

the

"head"

artificial

in

of

character reveals

OT. Nun

(jli).

28.

itself

at once.

Non]

(jlj)

elsewhere

brief description of the possessions

Ephraim through the mention of the southern boundary

Bethel, mod. Beitin, ten miles north of Jerusalem, the eastern
Naaran (Jos. 16' Na'arah) placed by Jerome and Eusebius
of

within five miles of Jericho, not identified (Bn., but see EBi.),
the western Gezer, and evidently the northern Shechem unto the

unknown 'Ayyah or
towns of Manasseh

29.

Four principal and well-knowTi

are here enumerated, beginning with Beth-

'Azzah.

Vn.

GENE.\LOGY OF ASHER

30-40.]

55

shean, mod. Beisdn, on the east in the Jordan valley, and passing
westward through the plain of Esdraelon, where Taanach mod.

Taannak, and Megiddo mod. el-LejjUn (Baed." p. 224), are

Dor mod. Tantura on the coast. CJ. Jos. 17" Ju. i".
These two verses in contents are agreeable to Jos. 16* ^- 17" ^
but not in form, and hence are either a composition of the Chronicler or from the source of the genealogies given above.
located, to

24. 25*.

Hogg

{op.

cit.)

no rn

restores as follows:

hni ivS^-n nxi pnnnn |mn,

the lower and the upper and 'Irheres
-lani D-im-'j;

He
{cf.

it

was

nja

Nin

-\z'n

that built Beth-horon

Tininath-heres Ju.

and

2^)

Hepher (Jos. 12''). 25. T^'ii] ten mss. + 1J3. 28. n;j;] many
and editions (including the Bomberg Bible) ni^. 29. 01 IJJ/n]
Kal BaXaaS Kal ai Kw/xai avr^s, cf. Jos. 17" n>mj3i D;;SoM.

mss.
<B

30-40. The genealogy of Asher. 30. 31. And the sons of

Asher, Jininah and Jishvah and Jishvi and Benah and Serah,
This
their sister, and the sons of Bert ah, Heber and Malchi^el].
statement

is

identical with

Gn. 46".

In Nu.

26^!

'

Jishvah

wanting; and hence Jishvah (nlw''') and Jishvi (''ID'')

(nVw'^)
represent the same clan, the dittography already appearing in
Gn. In Jimnah (nJD'') one may see a form of Jamin (j"'12'')
is

right hand,

clan of

i.e.,

a southern clan.

Ephraim and a family

The appearance
of

Benjamin

of Beriah as

(cf. v. ")

has been

alleged to indicate that the tribe of Asher originally came from the
region of Mt. Ephraim and was an offshoot of the early Hebrews
who settled there (Steuernagel, Eimvand. Is. Stdmme, p. 31).

Possibly then a connection might be found between Jimnah and

Benjamin. Heber and Malchi'el are of especial interest because
they seem identical with the Habiri and Malchiel mentioned in the

Amama
A

tablets

{JBL. XI. [1892] p. 120, Hom. AHT. p. 233).

may be seen between Heber and Heber the

connection also

Heber EBi.). The father of Birzaith] a

supplementary clause not in Gn. Birzaith is probably the name
Kenite (Ju. 4")

of a

(v.

town, not identified (n*'n3 prob. =n"'nS'3 "olive-well").

32-34.

And Heber

begat Japhlet f

and Shomer

( ?)

and Hotham

and Shu a f their sister. And the sons of Japhlet f, Pasach f

and Bimhal f and 'Ashvath f. And the sons of Shemer his
(?)

CHROXICLES

156

Rohgah f and Hiibbah f and Aram].

brolher*

v. ",

Shomer,
Ki.).

Ju. 4"

{cf.

Shemer and

are identical, with preference for the former (Bn.,

connection between

Heber

v. ")

Hubbah (n^in) and Hobab

has been seen.

35.

And the sons*

(iiPI)

of Helem

Zophah f and Jimna f and Shelesh f and 'Amal f ].

undoubtedly the same as Hotham in v. ^\ but which is

his brother

Heletn

is

correct cannot be determined.

Ki. prefers the latter.

36.

37.

And the sons of Zophah Siiah f and Harnepher f and Shual and
and Shammah and Shilshah
Beri-\ and Jimrah-\, Bczer and Hod f
and Jithran and Be'era ].
and Pispa f and Ara f ].

38.

j-

39.

And the sons of J ether, Jephnnneh

Jelher

is

clearly the

same as Jithran

And the sons

V. ".
of'Ulla, Arah, Hanni'el and Rizia]. 'Ulla
stands clearly by corruption for one of the previously mentioned
"sons," but which one it is impossible to determine. As is seen

from the daggers above, fully one-third of the names of the descendants of Asher occur only here, and the remaining third,
3'
do not occur elsewhere in connection with Asher.
',
omitting vv.
The names are not distinctly personal, and many of them un-

" a
doubtedly represent places as well as families (cf. Bezer v.
Reubenite town Dt. 4", Shu al v. ^^, and Sliilsha v. " = Shalisha,
Jithran v. " is the name of
the names of districts i S. 13' 9*).
a Horite clan, Gn. 362% and Arah v. " of a family of the return Ezr.
2K These names as a whole, then, are ancient, either preserved in
Asherite families of the time of the Chronicler or taken from

ancient record about the Asherites (Gray,

40. On derivation of these statistics cf. v. ^

HPN.

26,000].

to

Nu.

Asher numbered 41,500 men and according

i^'

The census here, however,

53,400.
clan of Heber.

cf. V.

''J21,

'*.

cf. 922

VIII.

According
Nu. 26"

to

evidently confined to the

In place of >n with following read rnN his brother, cf. v. '*
35. Instead of pi
nari^] Qr. nam.
njni-ii] Qr. njn-11.

34.

(Bn., Ki.).

read

is

some

pp. 239 /.).

as the context demands.

40.

anna]

16" Ne.

5'

(1.

37.

pnn] two mss.

ir?^],

<&^ If^fp,

part, of "na only in the writings of the Chronicler,

16).

The genealogy of Benjamin. (C/. Hogg, JQR. XI.

The conditions here reflected are clearly
Jf.)

Oct. 1893, pp. 102

Vm.

GENEALOGY OF BENJAMIN

1-28.]

post-exilic, as

57

(a) The places

appears for the following reasons
towns recurring in
:

of residence, not mentioning Jerusalem, are

Gibea (v.^), cf. Ezr.

the post-exilic history
(v. '=), cf. Ezr. 233; Gibeon (v."), cf. Ne. 7".

names belong

also to that period, viz.

The

(b)

Lod and Ono

of the

Many

Meshidlam, Hanan, Elam,

Ne. lo'"- '< ' ^o- 23. 25. (c)

'

Hananiah, Anthothiah (Anathoth),

2^^;

cf.

coincidence between the residence in or connection with

(v. )

and

the

name Pahath-moab

the post-exiHc Jews (Ezr. 2^ 8% etc.).

that the birth of this Pahath-moab, "prince of

among

to in V.

{d)

'.)

Moab

representing an important family

The Benjaminites had

(Be. conjectures
is referred

Moab,"

a considerable part in the

the
post-exilic community along with the children of Judah and
Levites.

1-5.

The sons

of

Benjamin.

And Benjamin begat Bela'

his

Ashbel the second and Aharah f the third and Nohah I

first born,
And the sons of Bela' were Addar
the fourth and Kapha the fifth.

and Gera and Abihiid and Abishim and Na'aman and Ahoah f
and Gera and Shephuphan f and Huram]. This list of sons and
grandsons of Benjamin is a development of the original list of On.
46^'

where the sons of Benjamin,

SBOT), appear

in

the restored text (Ball.

as three sets of triplets: Bela', Becher, Ashbel; Gera,

Na'aman, Ahiram; Shupham, Hupham, and Ard. These appear

also in Nu. 2638-", with the variation that Becher and Gera are
lacking, probably through an error of transcription (the former
perhaps having found a place among the sons of Ephraim Nu.
2635),

Belci.

and

Na'aman and Ard are subordinated as sons of

4621 (g not only is Na'aman the son of Bela' but
Ahiram, Shupham, and Hupham; and Ard becomes the
that

(In

also Gera,

Gn.

son of Gera.) Tradition then fluctuated between assigning nine

sons immediately to Benjamin or a portion of them mediately

through Bela'. Examining now the names in our text, if we omit

Abihud and Ahishua (to be considered below) we find that the
others are apparently simply those of the underlying

list

of

Gn.

given, where not identical, in corrupted forms and with repetition.

Becher ("1D3), which seems to be entirely lacking, lies hidden in

Aharah (mnS) and Ahoah (nnS) are tranof Ahiram (DITIN); Nohah (nmJ) and

first-born

(133);

scribers'

variations

CHRONICLES

158

of Na'aman
Ard (TiN) and Hiiram
(Dlin) of Hupham (DS*in) (Hogg, op. cit.). Since Nohah and
Kapha are between Ahiram and Ard, Shupham and Hupham,

Kapha

likewise

are

(S5"l)

variations

probably

Addar (ms*)
(|Oj;:)and Gera (Sn:);

of

after the order in Nu.,

have been, with

them

In regard to Abihiid and Abishiia which

these proper names seem to have arisen

(Ke., Zoe., Bn.)-

follow Gera in vv.

less probability,

found

in

'

",

from the qualifying phrases /a//zer of Ehud (according to Ju. 3'=^)

and father of Shiia {Shua (yity) appears as a Judahite or Canaanite personal name in Gn. 38=, but most likely here is a corC)f
ruption of Shu'al ('?J?Vw'*) a district of Benjamin, i S. 13'')these "sons" the hidden Becher appears in the family of Sheba',

who

revolted against

David

(2 S. 20' ^),

and

in

Bechorath

in the

Saul probably was of the

clan of Becher (Marquart, Fundamente, pp. 14/.)In Nu. 26=5
line of the descent of Saul (i S. 9')-

Becher is among the families of Ephraim. Sheba the Bichrite

was also from Mt. Ephraim 2 S. 20='. Such a close connection and
interchange between Benjamin and Ephraim is natural. Ashbel
is equivalent to Ishba al ('73w'N =
man of Baal, the
^JJ^w'NS),

name

of Saul's son

(r/.

v.

33).

Gera appears in Ju.

3'^

as the

The

Ehud.

other sons or clans of Benjamin

father, i.e.,
are not mentioned elsewhere except in the genealogical connections
family, of

just given.

6-28. The descendants of

Ehud

sent apparently, with their descent

and judge, a
"

Elpa'al (w.
Shashak (w.
sons,
V.

2s

list

(?).

These

verses,

'-^s,

pre-

from Ehud the Benjaminite hero

heads of fathers, i.e., post-exilic families:

'3.
Shejna {Shimei) (vv. '2- ^i),
is)^
Jeroham (Jeremoth) (w. '< -'), with their

of five

'

'8),

Bert ah (w.

'^-

^^),

i.e.,

households or sub-families

(?)

(v. i.).

Vv.

5-'^,

(v\'. i5-=s),

which give

residing in Jerusalem

their descent or connection

with Ehud, are exceedingly obscure and corrupt, not only from
customary errors of transcriptions in lists of names, but also from
legendary or historical notices which, probably

marginal notes, became later a portion of the

made

text.

6.originally
And

as

these

are the sons of Ehud].

The text fails to give these sons of Ehud
who are the heads offathers (i.e., of families) of Geba' unless at the
,

end

of v.

'

(Be., Ke., Zoe.) or

hidden in the utterly obscure sentence

Vm.

GENEALOGY OF BENJAMIN

1-28.]

And

they carried them captive to

This

latter is the

view of

Hogg

Mahanath (rinJS ^S

{op. cit.),

who

59

Dl'?i''T)-

finds therein the

proper names Iglaam (after the (g^ rendering of ub'yn i'y\aafi in

V. ') and 'Alemeth (cf. ' ).
(That ni^^p |1J2^j; should have been
corrupted into riniD bi^ arose from the reading of D^IT as a verb

and thus seeking an expression to correspond to the verbal idea.)

And Naanian and Ahijah and Gera]. These three names
where they appear in the
are clearly a dittography from vv.

7.

'

same

order.

Ahiram

Ahijah

(D^TIS). He

variation

them

away

is

(nTlH)
carried

an

original

captive:

and he

of

and Ahihtid]. One is tempted to see in these obscure words a continuation of the dittography.
Cf. the texts
begat 'Uzza

Hogg

in v. '%

Tb^n Dnntr

With adherence

is

name

in 7'"

substituted for Ahihiid (inTlS).

(The
nniy^n^ nsi.)
these verses have yielded

ni becomes

nn-'n^

to the Massoretic text,

n^^i^i

sons mentioned at the end of

the statement that Ehud's

were carried to Manahath, a place

by

and Ahishahar].
and suggested

begat 'Uzza

("l^D''^^^), a Benjaminite

by S ha haraitn
text

And Iglaam

renders them:

Ahishahar

of uncertain situation

N daman, Ahijah, and Gera, the

last

{cf.

being the principal

v.

''

2"),
insti-

Others, rejecting this ingator of their removal (Be., Ke., Zoe.).

the
verses
as
corrupt beyond restoration (Kau.,
terpretation, regard
Ki., Bn.).

8-11.

And Shaharaim

begat in

after he had sent the?n away Hitshim and

he begat from Hodesh his wife Jobab, etc.

the heads offathers;

and from Hushim he

^^:2

nbi<

^VS^K nSl

i1t3^:!S*

22^^

nS

n^^in

his wives,

begat Abitiih

inir'S

D^*^n::i

D'-n

and

these his sons are

nV3 ni u^u^n ens* inbu jo nsir: m'lrn

^^sn

Moab

the field of

Baara

and

Elpa'ul.

'&-

D^nn*^!

.ibv)

m^S. These

i^t:*:

verses,

appear corrupt beyond only the most tentaShaharaim is without connection with foregoing
has no object; Hushim is elsewhere a man's

like the preceding,

tive restoration;
text;

name

begat v.
(7'-).

The grammatical

suggested

in the field of

restoration

Moab,

constructions are also very harsh.

of vv.

after he

'

is,

And Shaharaim

had driven them

{i.e.,

the

begat

Moab-

l6o

CHRONICLES

from Hodesh his wife Jobab, etc.] the words omitted

from a gloss written by some one who wished to show that
the sons of Hushim had rights of age earlier than the founding of
Lad and 0}io v. " (Bn.). The rendering of Hogg (see above for
out,

ites)

arising

the beginning of v.

is:

^)

A^id he (Iglaam) begat in the field of

Moab Mesha their sister and Htishim (and his wife was Ba'ara).
And A his ha har begat Jobab, etc. These were his sons heads of their
(DHN IH^wT ]!2 =DmnS t<t:'^D; t^^n ]D =nnD^niS;
a dittography from following 22V)Possibly, for another rendering of v. , a fem. proper name is concealed in

fathers' houses

M^Ui<

is

Then DnK is a corruption for in'^'K, and

').
Vu'2 (which (g read intl'S) is to be struck out, and we have and
Shaharaim begat in the field of Moab of Shilho (?) his wife,
Htishim and Bdara. 11. According to the text, the sons of ShainlPw' (r/. t^'in ja V.

haraim by his wife

Hushim

are here enumerated.

we connect the D of CDTII^l with the last word

Cm^t< their fathers, Hushim becomes the subject
text originally

(The

may have been

D'^tiTI

If,

of v.

however,

'",

reading

of begat (T'^IH).

H^l"''!.)

And

hence

the father of Abiiub and Elpaal and (omitting the misplaced

clause and the parenthetical clauses) of Beriah, Shetna v. '',

he

is

Shashak, and Jeremoth

Y'v.

18- 21- 25.

16-

27^

Ahio

v.

'*

v. ^.
These five names, repeated in
go together as sons of a common ancestor.
not a proper name, but after (^ TTIS or VnS

clcarly

(ITiK)

is

his brother or his brothers

brothers (Ki., Bn.,

(Be.,

Hogg). 12*.

Oe.), or reading

And

the sons

Dn^nS

their

of Elpa'al were

Misham and

This clause appears to have

Shetned].
wrongly come into the text through some transcriber's blunder,
inasmuch as ElpaaVs sons are given below in vv. '^ ', and the

'Eber,

names
their

"
').

of three there are sufficiently similar to these to establish

identity

ters)].

12''.

The

(("iDtT)

"^^^ D^tTD li^ v- ""> "'"ICD'"' C^IT'D l^n

and Lod and their dependencies {daugh-

He built Ono
reference

is

to Elpaal (Zoe., Oe.,

Kefr 'And, some seven miles east and a

Hogg).

little

Ono] mod.

south from Jaffa

and five miles north of Lod (in later literature Lydda), mod. Liidd,
which is eleven and three-quarters miles south-east from Jafifa on
the railway to Jerusalem
Schiir. Gesch.^

H.

{SWP. H.

p. 183, n.

7,;^).

pp. 251. 267, Baed.< p. 11,

cf.

These towns are mentioned

in

GENEALOGY OF BENJAMIN

Vni. 1-28.]

l6l

OT.

only in the writings of the Chronicler and then usually

as
towns inhabited by the children of Benjamin (Ne. ii'^),
together
the

and

which

of

sons, with those of

with Zerubbabel (Ezr.

2='

Ono

ever, are ancient.

Ne. 7").

Hadid, returned from Babylon

The towns themselves, how-

occurs in the

list

of Palestinian

quered by Thotmes III, and, according

and others, but not W. Max MiAller, Lod

towns con-

to Mariette,

also (v.

Brugsch,

Lydda

EBi.).

Their possession by the post-exilic Jews, which is clearly referred

to in this bull ding, seems to have taken place not immediately on
the return of the

Jews from Babylon, as might be inferred from the

references (given above) in Ezra and Nehemiah, but at the close

of the Persian and the beginning of the Grecian period, when the

Jews gradually spread out from the

come

territory in the

immediate

First in 145 b. c. did the district of

vicinity of Jerusalem.

into the possession of the

Jews through a decree

of

Lydda

Demetrius

II (i Mac. II", Meyer, Entst. Jiid. p. 107, Schiir. Gesch.^ I. p. 183).

Hence the inference that this statement is very late (Bn.). The
references to Moab, v. , and Aijalon, v. ", may refer to similar
colonisations or settlements of Jews.
13. A^id Beriah and
Shema ] sons of Hiishim; a continuation of the enumeration

of V. " {v. s.).

name

the

Bert ah,

of a place

7" 3o_ Shema (Shim'i v. =') probably

a Reubenite 5^ a priest Ne. 8< f.
',

cf.

2"

Beriah and Shema.

Aijalon]

19^2 2124

i.e.,
Jos.
Ju. i^s
the present village of Ydlo, a little to the north of the Jafifa
road, about thirteen miles from Jerusalem {SWP. III. p. 19, Baed.^

These]

et al.,

p. 93).

ment

These put

is

to flight the

entirely obscure.

inhabitants of Gath].

Owing

to the

This

common name

state-

Beri ah

here and in 7", this route of the men of Gath may be regarded as
connected with the event underlying the narrative of 7'' (Be., Oe.,

Bn.

this

connection

is

not favoured by Ke., Zoe.).

looks like the reminiscence of

some

The

story of

7^1

happening, but since

here we are concerned with late post-exilic families, this sentence
probably arose from a marginal note. 14. And their brethren*
Shashak f and Jeremoth]. On the emendation and connection of
pre-exilic

this verse

Beriah.

with the foregoing see v.

Zebadiah a common name

raphy from
II

this verse) 12' 26^ 2

".

15.
"

16.

The

six

sons of

(where perhaps a dittogCh. 178 19" Ezr. 8^ 102. 'Arad f

v.

l62

CHRONICLES

of city

(name

name

Nu.

21'

of a city Jos.
Is.

icandening

;iy

II".

17.

18.

The

seven

name,
(?)

probably the same as 'Eber

V.

Izli'ah f.

12,

V.

Madon

Jos. ii'.

Jakim

'3

y:2w').

Ch.

2716 2

f,

v.

Edom

Joha

also
v. '\

Heher

Hizki-\.

Asher 7",

tribe of

Gn.

36''

Canaanitish King

'-,

nine sons of Shime'i ('yCw', in

Zickri common, vv. " 2- g>5 26"

Ne. 11^ 12".

name:

Zabdi, three other persons

(i) 27^, (2)

but probably the same as the

name

f.

The

also 24'=.

i7'6 23' 28'

ring as the

(also

Ishmerai f probably Shemed

\ otherwise name of Arabic

'2.

cf.

19-21.

are mentioned of this

Eli enai

v.

Jobab,

people Gn. 10", King of

of

24="

Zebadiah, see

Ishpah

7^').

cf.

sons of Elpa'al.

Meshullam, see 5'', probably Mish'am in v. '2.

mentioned among the sons of Beri'ah of the
in

23"

cf.

Michael, see 5"^ (Steuernagcl, EinStdmme, p. 30, reads '7S''3'7iD and connects with

clan of Asher of that

tile

'Eder,

Jos. 12'^).

15'')-

Ne.

(3) Jos. 7'.

11'",

name

Elio'enai, occur*

of five distinct persons in

(i)

3-^

(2)

43*,

(3) 7S (4) Ezr. 10" with Ne. 12^', (5) Ezr. 10".
ZiUethai, cf. for
another occurrence of the name 12=". /z'c/, name of eight ad-

ditional persons or families: (i) v.

ii^s-

", (6) 12", (7) 153 with

",

other persons or families of this

(2) 9'2

Ne.

Ne. 11^

ii'=,

(7)

(3)

K.

Ch.

Ch.

(8)

name

6"

(3)

(4, 5)

"),

'Adaiah, seven

3i'3.

are mentioned: (i)

6^^

<<'>,

23', (4) Ezr. 10=', (5) Ezr. lo^', (6)

Beraiah

22'.

eleven sons of Shashak.

(2) ^-^,

'^-,

Ishpan

Shimrath j. 22-25. The

f.

cf. v.

'Eber,

f.

common

^^,

name:

(i) the son of Shelah I's +, (2) a Gadite chief 5'3, (3) a
Ne.
12".
The tradition of the name is uncertain; Baer
priest

adopts Ebed (1^^), so

'

(g.

Eliel, see v.

of distinct persons or families: (i) v.

j2i3.

is^

Ezr.

2<

Zichri, see v.

Ne.

7^^ 8^ lo''-

mon name from

''.

"

^o.

9^^,

Abdon, also as name

Ch.

(2) 2

Hanan, common name

2?

1313.

Hananiah,

342, (3) Ju.

v.

'^

g**

also a very

the time of Jeremiah onward, see

BDB.

ii^^

com-

'Elam,

a geographical name Gn. 10" et al., that of a Korahite 26', and

of two prominent families in the lists of Ezra and Nehemiah
Ne.

and Ezr. 2" Ne.

Ezr. 2' 8'

10''

post -exilic

occurrence of the

suggests

lo'^

name

73*

Je.

12^=.

The

suggests a connection with

This Che}Tie regards as highly improbable and

origin from an abbreviation 'Alemeth (r\^h]!) or

Elam, Persia.
its

7'=

Vm.

GENEALOGY OF BENJAMIN

1-28.]

163

name

v. s. v.) (EBi.
{cf. 7' and
with the Levitbe
associated
to
Anthothijah f,
1254).
ical Benjaminite town Anathoth, Jos. 2i'8 Is. io' Je. i' et al.; a

'Almon

a Bcnjaminite

(pj2^JJ),

'

col.

II.

Pemi'el (Peni'el Qr.)

personal name 7^ and Ne. 10". Iphdeiah f.
Jeroham
sons
of
The
six
26.
27.
v."). This
(Jeremoih
cf. 4<.

name appears
512.

98-

19

(27.

in the pedigree of the

i=,

prophet Samuel

(2) 12', (3) 27", (4) 2

Ch.

23', (5)

Ne.

1 1

'

Shehariah f

{cf.

of

K.

Judah

S. i' i

Ch.

also as that of five other persons or families: (i)

34)

Sheharain
ii'

v.

and

Athaliah, the

).

member

of a

Shamsherai

12.

name

f.

of the

Queen
family of Elam

of the

Elijah, besides being the name of the

OT. as the name of a
prophet, is only elsewhere given in the
Israelite a son of Elam Ezr. 10^% who
priest, Ezr. lo^', and an

Ezr. 8".

Jaareshiah

had foreign wives.

fathers,

i.e.,

f.

Zichri,

v.

cf.

>".

28.

of families, according to their

These were heads of

genealogies they were

manner of P. These dwelt in

Jerusalem] i.e., all of these families whose heads are enumerated.
This dwelling is clearly meant to be of the time of the Chronicler.
heads] a reiteration

after

the

doubtful, however, whether this verse belonged originally

It agrees verbatim with 9" with the omission of
in this context.
It is

and seems
"==9", from c.

the words of the Levites (W^^bb)

present place along with

v.

to

have come into

its

The

subscription
contrary to the
tenor of this chapter, which has already placed Elpa al as the
The
builder of Ono and Lod, and Beri'ah and Shema at Aijalon.
9.

stating that these families dwelt in Jerusalem

is

In Gibeon dwelt, etc., is parallel to nothing in

Hence the inference with
has
a parallel in v. \
9
vv. ^s-ss originally stood
that
has
been
drawn
correctness
apparent
in c. 9 and are here an insertion (Mov., Meyer, Entst. Jud. p. 161).

form
c. 8,

of statement

while in

Others have

c.

felt

it

was due

to the Chronicler

in the list of the

Benjaminites but

that the double record

and appropriate not only here

as the proper introduction to the narrative of Saul, c. 10

Still again, the original place has been
(Be., Ke., Zoe., Ba.).
to have been here and its repetition due to the fact that

also in

c. 9,

thought
-33

9'

is

a supplement to the

insertion a transcriber

work

who had

without this supplement copied

and after its

him both with and

of the Chronicler,
texts before
8^8

9"

twice (Bn.)

(on

Chronicles

164

8"
is difficult) (Ki. regards 9" as
already in Chronicles before the supplement c. 8).
29-38. The genealogy of the house of Saul, repeated in
29. 31. In Gibe on dwelt the father of Gibeon
QS6.44 (see V. ").
this theory the omission of

'

Jeuel* and

name of his wife was Mdacah and his first born son
Zur and Kish and Baal and Ner* and Nadab and

the

'Abdon then

Gedor and Ahio and Zecher and Mikloth*]. Gibeon mod. village
of el Jib, five or six miles north of Jerusalem, the seat of a Hebrew

K.

sanctuary

and occurring
Jews Ne.

'

3<-

et al.,

and mentioned many times

Its post-exilic

3^ 7".

the place of the sanctuary 2 Ch.

tion in the text in place of

of

family

Ma'acah,

in the

OT.

connection with the post-exilic history of the

in

an

importance, or
i

^,

may have

its

association as

led to

substitu-

its

home

original Gibeah, the

of the

derived from 9" (^S'V\ Qr. ^S'^y).

of frequent occurrence cf. 2*^ 3%
'Abdon, cf. v. ".

Saul.

Jc'uel,

name
name

of a prince of Midian Nu. 25'= 318 Jos. 13=';

here undoubtedly to be connected with Zeror (Tn^') in Saul's
pedigree, i S. 9". Kish, father of Saul i S. 9' et al. Ba al, perhaps

Zur

("lIV),

the original
It

p. 15).

was Abiba'al ('ry^^iS) (cf. Marquart, Fiindamente,

has also been compounded with the following Nadcb

(31J), but the intervening Ner, given in 9^^, also here in (^^, is
against this; yet, at any rate, Baal is probably an abbreviation

(Noeldeke, EBi.
their

mention

Names

in vv.

',

a personal
reading in

(TS.

Ner and

name
name cf.
v.

".

(cf.

p.

their

This sentence

S.

'

9''

3),

from

(Be., Ke.,

of the father of

145" et al.).

Gcdor,

only here; on place-name cf. 4*. Ahio, as

2 S. 6' ', where We. reads his brother as the

Dr.

prefers

there

(S^ has his brother here.

32.204).Shimeah

opposite

also Mikloth f (v.

should be inserted as in

the captain of Saul's host

as a personal

riah.

Ner, elsewhere always

Zoe., Oe., Bn., Ki.).

Abner

57)

'^

\]

9''

Shimeam

the proper

Zecher
f.

name Ahio

f, in

Now

9" Zecha-

these

indeed

dwelt with their brothers in Jerusalem].

difficult to understand in its connection.
The

brothers
is

usual interpretation has been that these refers to the family of

Mikloth or Shimeah, and that in opposite their brothers the refer-

ence

is

to Benjaminites dwelling in

Gibeon or elsewhere outside

of

Jerusalem, while with their brothers refers to fellow tribesmen in

Vm.

GENEALOGY OF SAUL

29-38.]

The emphasis

Jerusalem (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.)-

Ki. regards the

the dwelling in Jerusalem.

165
is

certainly

words as a

on

late gloss.

Ba. suggests "The heading of a list which has been lost." Bn.
brings to a close here a paragraph of Benjaminite families in
Gibeon of the period of the Chronicler. Vv. "-'s giving the line of
Saul, he regards as of doubtful origin, although probably

Chronicler and with

its

after finding in vv. -" the

Hogg,
missing.
clan of Gera, sees in vv.
9',

from the

heading, which should correspond

^"-^^

to

S.

descendants of the

the descendants of Becher, "the only

other Benjaminite clan known to history." He reads "i;Di ""J^l

"And the sons of Bichri were Abdon, etc." V. " he connects with
v.

" as a
part

from

its

of

original

an element having arisen

c. 9.
33. And

place in

(M

(Be., Oe., Kau., Ki., Bn.).

the true reading, since in

9'''

apparently brothers, and in

I

S.

14^'

in its present

Ner

Abner

Kish. also 9".)

also v. ")

{v.

S. 9'

Kish

is

form

begat Abner*]
is

clearly

Ner and Kish

the son of Abiel,

are

and

in

both Ner and Kish are sons of Abiel, according to the

reading now generally adopted (see Sm. Com. in loco) (Ke. retained Kish, regarding the Ner here mentioned as "the progenitor
of the line from which Saul was descended "). Zoe. gives the same

Abner originally there

Kish begat Saul."
and
Abner
begat

view, but thinks owing to the prominence of

was

in the text,

"And Ner

Jonathan and Malchi-shna are given among Saul's sons in i S.

= ^V3ty''S) is to be found in
14^', where also Eshbaal (^yatr
Ishvi

("'ID"'

1"'wi>*,

(see

Sm. Com. in

in

and

2 S.

T*

loco).

having been substituted for h]!2)

Elsewhere Eshbaal or Ishbaal appears

^!"l^^

as Ishbosheth (nDnt:'"'S Bosheth

"shame"

tak-

These changes were made to avoid the

abhorred name Baal and such recensions seem to have been made
ing the place of Baal).

at

a later date than the composition of

Ch.

(r/.

Ashbel

Abinadab probably belongs also to the original text of i S.

since Jonathan, Alalchi-shua, and Abinadab are mentioned as
with their father on Mt. Gilboa

(i S. 31'

Ch.

io=).

34.

v.

').

14^',

slain

Alerib-

(^yn T^t2), in g*'>^ Meri-baal (^j;^ """ID). The former

gives the meaning "Baal contends," and is preferred by Nestle
{Eigennamen, p. 121) and Noeldeke (EBi. Names, 42), the latter
ba'al f ] 9<^

supported by

(^

in

8" Mepi^aaX, "Hero of Baal," by Bn., Ki.

l66

CHRONICLES

(HPN.

(SBOT.), Gray
called

and Kerber {Hebrdischen Ei-

201),

p.

In 2

gennamen, pp. 45/.)-

S. 4' 9^

Baal

(v.

Meri

(''"ID).

s.),

while

This

Mephi

Alicah]

is

(""BD)

latter already

son of Jonathan is
a substitution for

this

al.,

Boshcth

Mephibosheth (nw3'^3?2)-

is

probably a corruption of

appears

in (^^, here

and

9^", in

personal name, cf. 5^35.

Melech-\] "king" probably with reference to deity,
Filho>i-\].
and like Baal an abbreviation. (^ has M.e\')(^Tj\, L MaX^j^fT^X
ibi<*''2b^).Tarea'] (yiSn) f Tahrca f ^'\Ahaz] besides the
Mfi(f)L/3aaX.

frequent

Judah, as a personal name only here.

{rn]^^n^) ti J^'rah (nnV) 9'' \.'Alemeth].
of

King

SBOT.

(niDTV, Ki.

veth]

also as the

name

one of his

officers 27^^,

12',

and

that of

"Death

niOTj;)

one of David's heroes

36.

Jehdaddah]

Cf.

JKAzma-

is

strong,"

occurs

and

of

and as either a family or place name

a place, mod. HizmeJi, four miles north-east

in

of

Jerusalem, hence of Benjamin, Ezr.

Zimri] name

2-^

ii^s 2 S. 23'',

Ne.

12^9

of

with Beth Ne.

of King of Israel i K. 16' ei al., of the prince of

Simeon Nu. 25", cf. also 2^. Moza], the name elsewhere only
2^\
37. Bin a |]. Raphah]. Cf. for occurrence of name else7=.

where

4"

21'^

2 S.

20''

Ne.

Raphiah

9",

cf.

for occurrence of

name not

name

3='

infrequent, (i) 2^9, (2) Je. 29', (3)

Ezr. 10". Azel or Azal f (unless Zee. 14^)].
38. Azrikam his
(|, ^, have 1"l23 his first bom instead of iJI *1"132
first horii^\
7=

3'.

/'a5a/i]

Bocheru, which latter reading has clearly arisen from the falling of
one of the six sons from the text and thus supplies the deficiency.

The absence
word

of the connective before

originally

a son Ao-a

was

first

bom.

1133 shows also that the

Some mss.

at the close (but not (^^^).

of (g

kam into >A9}i and >q--3. Ishma'el] occurs

name in the late Hebrew and Jewish period,
19", (3) 23', (4) Ezr. 10--.

Hanan]

see v.

=2.

The

names

in

w.

Holmes) supply

frequently as a proper
(i) Je. 40' ^, (2) 2

Sheariah
|].

{cf.

# divides the name 'Azri-

^'O&a^/ia/z]
'^-^^

Ch.

frequent name.

of the descendants of

Saul are clearly designed to be personal, and since no necessarily

late names appear among them and since they are free from
repetitions such as appear in
priests

to

and Levites

doubt

"

(cf. 5'"

the artificial genealogies of the

^- '-^
^'>), there is no reason
(6^ ^) 6'

their genuineness (Gray,

HPN. p.

241).

Twelve genera-

INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM

67

from Saul are given, which would bring the record down

to

IX. 1-34.]

tions

near the period of the exile.

39. 40. Not given in c. g. Eshek-\ his brother] i.e., the brother
of Azel (Be., Ke.), if the verse has its right context. t//am] only
here and 7'^

Jeiish]

see

7'".

Eliphelet] name

14' and two persons mentioned in Ezr.

2

Ch.

14'.

One hundred andjifty].

8''

of son of

10".

David

Bow men].

This number

fits

3*

Cf.

in well with

These verses may be taken

those given of families in Ezr. 2' -.
with the foregoing (Bn.)
connection
close
as a fragment without
or following directly on v. " (Meyer, Entst. Jud. p. 161, Hogg).
Hogg reads Shiia (yr^) or perhaps Shu'al (^j;!:^) in place of
and finds thus a continuation of a line of descent
'Eshek
(pl^'y)

from Gera

v.

Then, of course,

his brother refers to the con-

Ehud v. K
IX. 1-34. The inhabitants

nection with

in

vv.

""

'-"

This

of Jerusalem.
affinity with Ne.

marked

has

passages enumerate the inhabitants

of

section

Both

11 3-".

Jerusalem on the same

general plan, with striking coincidences

the

in

names

the

of

residents.

(i)

The

children of Judah according

and Zerah, with representatives

(v. i.),

two, since 'Uthai (v^U")

and 'Asaiah

(n^f;')

is

(v. ")

same name

for the

equivalent to 'Athaiah (n-ry)

Ma'asiah

to

(v.

to the clans of Perez, Shelah

of the

(nv^-yr:)

(ns).

(2)

The

first

(ii''),

chil-

dren of Benjamin, with Sallu son of Meshullam in each (v. ' 11').
(3)
The priests with Jedaiah, Jehoiarib, Jachin in each (v.'" ii'), 'Azariah
since their pedigrees are
(jy^'vy) equivalent plainly to Seraiah (i^nr),
the son of Zadok,
i.e., the son of Hilkiah, the son of Meshullam,
the son of Meraioth, the son of Ahituh, the ruler of the house of God (v. "
'
1
1"), and Adaiah, the son of Jeroham with the same names Pashhiir and

the same,

MalchVjah
son

in his pedigree (v.

of Jahzerah

(.T'cSi'D

n-iTm

the

'^

1112)

and Ma'asai

son of Meshillemith

Ss'ij?

>tt'>"n)

(v. '-),

the son of'Adiel the

the

son of I miner
"

equivalent to

Amashsai

the son of 'Azarel the son of Ahzai the son of Meshillemoth the son of

Immer

"
(ninSa'D

'rnx

Sx-iry

<DZ'::y) (11'').

(4)

The

Levites with

Shemaiah the son of Hashshuh the son of 'Azrikam the son of Hashabiah
and Mattaniah the son of Mica the son of Zikri (or Zabdi) the son of
Asaph and 'Obadiah (Abda) the son of Shema'iah (Shammua) the son
'^^'^
ii'^- i^).
(5) The
of Galal the son of Judulhun in each (vv.
" 11'').
gate-keepers with 'Akkuh and Talmon in each (v.

l68

CHRONICLES

These

similarities

have found an explanation

in the continuity

Jerusalem before and after the exile, our chapter

Such
giving the former, and Ne. ii the latter (Ke., Zoe., Oe.).
actual continuity with its preservation in records can hardly be
of the families of

seriously maintained, although

it

probably was the notion of who-

place in i Ch. (Bn., Smd. List. p. 7,

Meyer, Ejitst. Jud. p. loi). This writer is usually regarded as the
Chronicler, but since the Chronicler has treated other matters in

ever gave this chapter

its

1-8, and since he systematically considers the duties of the

Levites and gate-keepers (vv. '''s) in 261^
it has been held

cc.

that this chapter

is

an interpolation

(so Bn.).

Its

author seems to

have taken a register of post-exilic inhabitants and given it a place

here on the supposition that this register represented also preexilic conditions (Smd. List. p. 7, Bn.).
The chapter seems rethrough their both having a common source (Be.,
Smd., Ba., Bn., Ki.), and the differences between them may be due
to changed conditions of population in Jerusalem
Ne. 11 reprelated to

Ne.

II,

senting those of the time of Nehemiah and our chapter those of

the time of the Chronicler (Ki.).
Both chapters are regarded by
Jud.
as
free fancies of the Chronicler
Meyer {Entst.
pp. 189 /.)

without historical worth.

This

is

possible.

In favor of the Chronicler's composition of this chapter may be

alleged the fact that the Chronicler in the preceding chapters with

few exceptions deals with the dwelling-places of the tribes. The

city of Jerusalem could not well have been overlooked, it is argued,

and yet could not be assigned to any one tribe, hence the list of
inhabitants from three tribes, Judah, Benjamin, and Levi.
(The words in v. ', And of the children of Ephraim and Manasseh,
are wanting in Ne. 11,

and

since

none such are enumerated

following verses, are probably a gloss.

points on introduction v. i. vv.
^.)
1.

And

all Israel

was

registered].

Yet

v. i.)

in the

(For further

This sentence appears

like

a reference to the foregoing genealogies of i Ch. and has been so

taken (Ke., Zoe., Oe.), but the following statement, "behold they
is an independent introare written, etc.,'' rather implies that v.
duction to this section (Be.) from the hand of the interpolator
All Israel is not the ten tribes taken in contrast to Judah
(Bn.).

INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM

IX. 1-34.]

169

or better,
(Be.) but either all the tribes in general (Ke., Zoe., Bn.),

Judah and the elements which adhered to the S. kingdom after

llie Book of the Kings of Israel and Judah]
722 B. c. (Ki.).

thus

Meyer, Entst. Jnd.

(g, "H,

Israel"

M,

"The Book

p. 100;

of the

Kings

AV., RV., Zoe., Kau., Ki., and generally.

then, according to this latter rendering,

ing verb and the next clause reads

On

captive, etc."

this

"Book

is

of

Judah,

the subject of the follow-

"and Judah was

carried

of Israel

of the

Kings
mentioned

away

and Judah"

in connection with
35" 368, where it is
Here the
Intro,
pp. 21 ff.).
Jotham, Josiah, and Jehoiakim {v.
all
of
for
the
work
to
this
reader is referred
Israel,
registration

cf.

Ch.

27''

while the writer confines himself to that of the inhabitants of

Jerusalem.

They were carried away,

to all Israel

This can

etc.].

The

as represented in Judah.

refer only

subject need not be

The sentence serves

of the text, but can readily be supplied.
as an introduction to the following enumeration, since the cap-

Judah

had become the dividing point

tivity

2.

A modification of Ne.

1^

in

historical reckoning.

First]i.e., chief, after the suggestion

these are the chief men of the province who

II',
"
*
is
dwelt in Jerusalem 0:1 -]^-:0 tyn H^'K), and the list vv.
taken as that of chief men (Ba.); or the first after the return from
of

"And

Ne.

the captivity,

i.e.,

the inhabitants of the land in the

after the restoration {cf use of jtrSI in

position of this chapter

exilic

inhabitants and

it

Ne.

5'^ 7^)

shows that the writer designed

is

first

century

(Be.); but the

to give pre-

better to take first with that force (Ke.,

Meyer, Bn., Ki.). In their possessions and their cities].

These words are almost meaningless here. They can only signify
that the inhabitants of the land generally were divided into the

Zoe., Oe.,

four following classes.

dah dwelt each one

where the point is

in

"

They are an abridgment of In cities of Juhis own possession in their cities" (Ne. ii'),

that those

enumerated

in the following verses

as inhabitants of Jerusalem formerly resided outside of the city

in

which they had now chosen

(Ne.

1 1

2).

Israel, the

of their

priests, the

own

free will to dwell

and

the Nethinim].
"and the
which
from

Levites,

These words also are taken from Ne. 11',

sons of Solomon" has been omitted, possibly because
this

designation had ceased, "sons

of

at this time

Solomon" being compre-

CHRONICLES

170

i.e., laymen not of Levitical

The
descent (cf.
Nethinim, Temple servants
to
the
inferior
as
reckoned
Levites, akhough later probably amalgamated with them. They are only mentioned here and in Ezr.
60. 73
70
jQ"' "" ii'' ^'.
gi7. 20 '^Q_ T^i.
248. 68.
Thcy probablv
y46.

hended under the Nethinim.

Ezr. 2' 10*

Israel,

et al.).

31

^7

were

of Canaanitish origin

most

likely to

be connected with the

Gibeonites (Jos. 9") and the foreigners mentioned in Ez. 44'.

3. And in Jerusalem divelt certain of the children of Judah and

certain of the children of

Ne. ii^

in

And

Benjamin].

These words appear also

Ephraim and Manas-

certain of the children of

These words apparently have been added

seh].

to this post-exilic

make it fit pre-e.xilic conditions. According to the

Chronicler, members of Ephraim and Manasseh adhered to the
'
S. kingdom (2 Ch. 28' 30"They are not, however, men34')-

register to

tioned by

him

in

connection with the restoration.

4.

Ne. u'^ begins with "From the

supplied as the heading of this
verse (Ki.) or the equivalent of this heading may be seen in the
son of Judah, with which the verse ends and which is not found in
4-6.

The sons

of Judah.

sons of Judah," which

may be

Ne. iV f (v. s.). The names,

whichever is original, are obscure and of uncertain meaning.
'Ammihud]. Cf y^KOtnri]. Cf. JKImri] Ne. s^1[.Bani].
This line of descent is
Cf. 6", a frequent name in Ezr.-Ne.

Nehemiah.

^///ai f] 'Athaiah

and different from the one given in Ne. ii^

The most conspicuous clan of Judah {cf. 2'- ). 5. The

entirely obscure

Perez].

Shilonites]

('':^*'tt*n

Ne.

11= 'l^'wTl)

correspond with the Shela-

nites Ci^w'n) given in Nu. 26" as the family or clan from Shelah
the son of Judah, cf. 4^KAsaiah].
Cf. 4'' Ma'asaiah Ne. 11^
{v.

s.),

whose

Shilonite"

is

line of descent

given. 6. Zerah].

Jeuel].

Cf.

verse

reads

(11'')

through

g'.

Cf

2'

six ancestors

from "the

the third clan of Judah.

Not given in Ne., where the corresponding

"and all the sons of Perez," the last word an

Zerah (Meyer, EntsL Jud. p. 187, Txote).Six hundred

and ninety] in Ne. ii the number is "468 men of strength," i.e.,

error for

capable of military service.

The

larger

number may
when

increase of population of this clan at the time

was

written.

indicate the
this chapter

INHABIT.\NTS OF JERUSALEM

IX. 1-34.]

7-9.

The sons

of

Benjamin.

7.

171

Sallu the son of Meshnllam]

n'

different pedigree.
t> but with a decidedly
It is not improbable that "son of Hodaviah son of Hassenuah"
is a corruption or derivation of "Judah
"""in
(nS'^Dn
]2)
son of Hassenuah" (nS'lJlDH
m'n^) Ne. 11' in^^^^n and

given also in Ne.

and 3^), and hence the pedigree

Meshnllam has here been entirely omitted.
8. Ibneiah f] has been seen in "Gabbai" or "Gabbai Sallai" of
Ne. 11^ The other heads here mentioned, Elah and Meshnllam,
min'' are confused

in

Ezr. 2'"

of this Sallu son of

928.

10-13. The priests.

very exact

(v.

Six

v.

',

names appear

The number

is

the correspondence with Ne.

is

material, however,

one enumeration

families

priestly

Jachin,

The

s.).

pactly, since only

Here

9.

Ne.

are without correspondences in Ne.

is

given

is

given

v. ', cf.

in

more com-

Ne.

11

'2-

'^

><.

are mentioned, Jeda'iah, Jehoiarib, and

without pedigrees, apparently because these three

among the priestly families who received courses or

of David:
appointments for service in the Temple at the time
first
the
24^; Jachin,
Jeda'iah, the second course 24'; Jehoiarib,

the twenty-first 24'^ Jeda'iah also appears as a family name in the

2' Ne.
list of the priests who returned with Zerubbabel Ezr.
7",

Ne.

and as the name

12^

f-.

of

two

chiefs of the priests of the

same period

name

of a priestly

Jehoiarib or Joiarib (Ne.

1 1') is

the

Joiakim whose head was Mattenai Ne. 12",

days
and from which the Maccabees were descended (i Mac. 2').
Persons of this name also are mentioned among the priests who
went up with Zerubbabel Ne. 1 2, and with Ezra Ezr. 8". 'Adaiah
and Ma'asiah {v. s.) v. '= belong most likely to the same category
house of the

of

as the other three families, since, while not names of priestly houses
mentioned in 24' -'s, the former is given as a descendant of Malchi-

who held the fifth priestly course (24='), and the latter from
Azariah v. ", for which we
Immer, who held the sixteenth (24'^).

jah,

'

should read Seraiah, after Ne. 11", probably represents a similar

appears among the list of the priestly families

Joiakim Ne. 12'^. A priest of the same name is

priestly family that

of the time of

given in Ne.

12'

The genealogy

among

those

who

returned with Zerubbabel.

of Seraiah, however, is that of the high priest

CHRONICLES

172

Seraiah, the father of Jehozadak,

MeshuUum

variation of
"

While

for

who went

into captivity, with the

Shallum and the insertion

possible that this

of Meraioth.

the true genealogy

of this Seraiah and that he represents the
high priest's family, the
view is plausible that this genealogy has arisen through the gloss
Cf.

of

5"

).

(6'2

some one who

name

it is

identified Seraiah with the high priest of that

'

Azariah most

(Bn.).

the father of Seraiah" (5^"

came into the text from " Azariah

The rider of the house of God
(6")).

likely

may refer either to A hitiib or 'Azariah

have arisen from

is

This

(Seraiah).

latter

mav

Ch. 31 '3, where Azariah of the reign of Hezekiah

is
given that office, or it may describe an actual ofhce of the time
of this record.
This office may not mean that of the high priest,
2

The sum

since in 2 Ch. 31s several such rulers are mentioned.

numbers

of the

of these priestly families given in v.

i'

is

1,760,

while in Ne. ii'- 13, u -^yg have 822, 242, and 128, a total of 1,192.
V. " not only contains this single summary but groups together
phrases found scattered in Ne. 11. And their brethren the heads

correspondence in 11''^
mighty men
service of the house of God, in 11 '2.
In addition to the names given here, Ne. 11" mentions an overseer,

of their fathers' houses has

of valor, in ii'^; the

'

its

work of the

"Zabdiel the son of Haggedolim."

14-16. The Levites. 14. 6'/zew(/'w/i appears in Ne. ii'^with
the same pedigree except that instead of closing with //-; the sons

of Merari
{'^y\2

\2)-

The name

O-nO
This
is

''J2

p) the line
may have

latter

closes with

arisen

"son

of

from the former

Buni"
(Be.).

frequent and given in connection with the Merarite

and 2 .Ch. 29". (Ne. 1 1 ' has no parallel in our

Bakbakkar f ] is a strange name, perhaps the same
as Bakbukiah Ne. ii'7. Heresh
f and Galal] are wanting in
Ne. II. Mattaniah, etc.] in Ne. ii'" {v. s.) is styled "the chief
Juduthun

in v.

15.
passage.)

'

to begin the
thanksgiving in prayer,"

RV.

The

text

probably

is

Mattaniah, EBi.).l^. 'Obadiah] (v. s.).And

Berechiah son of Asa the son of Elkanah who dwelt in the villages
of the Netophathites] entirely wanting in Ne. 1 1 appears like a
corrupt

(see

marginal gloss added by some one to complete the list of Levitical

Elkanah
singers rather than the inhabitants of Jerusalem.
represents the family of

Heman,

the Kehathite, otherwise not

INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM

IX. 1-34.]

represented here

mentioned

in

(r/.

Ne.

6'8 <">)

The

173

villages of the Netophathites are

"the singers." Netopha

1228 as the residences of

''Umm

Toba," north of Bethlehem

twelve miles west of Bethleabout
or
Beit
III.
Nettif,
p. 52),
{SWP.
hem (Rob. BR. II. pp. 16/., rejected by Bn., Baed.^ p. 124). The

has been identified with

number
list

Ne.

of the Levites (in

This

ii'^ 284) is entirely omitted.

of the Levites is principally that of the guilds of singers.

17-34. The gate-keepers and their duties. In this section

' "'^
are paralleled in Ne. 11 and the remainder is a
only w.
further description of the personnel

and duties

of the gate-keepers

The
possibly of some additional Levites.
statements, however, are somewhat contradictory and confused.

of the

Temple and

Conditions of the writer's

V. ",

and

of the

own time

v.

*%

of the

Davidic period
Like-

Mosaic period are not sharply distinguished.

wise the status of the gate-keepers is not definitely outlined. They

are introduced as though distinct from the Levites (v. i' compared

with

v.

'^),

and

yet they are called Levites

''
Their office
^e).
(w.
), and
yet David and

goes back to the Mosaic period (vv.

Samuel are said to have ordained them in their
19

office

(v.

2=).

They appear in the list of the inhabitants of Jerusalem and yet

they, or at least a portion of them, are given residence in villages
outside of the city (vv. =2. 25),
j^ the description of their duties
the writer passes at once, without any indication of the fact, in
v. " (Be., Ke., Oe., Zoe., Bn., Ki.), or in v. "^ (Ba., ARV.), to the
duties of the Levites in general.
is made that these are the singers

And
and

finally in v.

in v.

^^

apparently of an altogether different paragraph,

chief men of the Levites who dwelt at Jerusalem.
tion of these difficulties

tions:

(i)

The

may

was made

the statement

i.e.,

subscription
a list of the

A partial

solu-

be found in the following considera-

gate-keepers, probably in the earliest post-exilic

period, were regarded as distinct

tion

^^

we have a

from the Levites, and

this distinc-

in the first list of the inhabitants of

Jerusalem,
but later they, or at least the chief
19 f- 26
c. 26).
gate-keepers, were reckoned as Levites (\'v.
(2) The
tradition respecting their origin may have been this: first, that
reflected in

w. "

''

Ne.

along with the other

by David and Samuel

ii'^-

19,

officials of

"
(v.

cf.

the

Temple they were

16^^ 26' ),

and

instituted

then, secondly, that

174

CHRONICLES

this institution applied only to the subordinate gate-keepers

resided in the country (vv. "

resided in Jerusalem

(v.

who

while the chief gale-keepers who

") traced their ofhce to the Mosaic period
25)^

The abrupt

'^

transition of subject may be due to

corruptions of the text or the omission of verses originally written
(vv.

(3)

').

(v. i.).

Akkub and Talmon] are among the six famiwho returned with Zerubbabel according to

17. Shallum,
lies of

Ezr.

gate-keepers

Shallum does not appear in Ne. 11", probably through

He is mentioned with the others in Ne. 1225

2<2.

a copyist's oversight.

under the name

MeshuUam

(see also v.

").

Ahiman]

(JI^TIS)

and elsewhere only the name of a son of an Anakite

15" Ju. 1' f, is suspicious and may have arisen from

wanting

in Ne.,

Nu. 13"

Jos.

the following their brethren

(Ba.), written perhaps to

(DHTiN)

take the place of Ater, which may have been dropped from the
original text, since four names are needed (cf. Ezr. 2^2 ^nd lo^^,

where Ater

Or

may have been

("lt2S)

corrupted into Uri

("'I'lhs*)).

name, Ahiman, may have been coined to meet the

of
v. ", the original document of the inhabitants of
requirement
Jerusalem having only three names. 18. And up to this time].
this fourth

The

reference

is

to the period of the writer,

i.e.,

of the Chronicler

At that time Shallum was

(Ki.), or of his interpolator (Bn.).
stationed in the king's gate on the east side of the Temple area.

The

eastern gate of the court of Solomon's

Temple may have been

and the ancient name may have been preserved in the second Temple; or this name, since the natural entrance for the King would have been directly from the palace on
called the king's gate

the south,

may have been

the royal entrance

is

derived from Ezekiel's temple, in which

placed on the east (Ez. 46' ^). Of the camp of

is, the Temple with its chambers and courts,

the sons of Levi] that

an expression derived from Nu. 2", and paralleled in the "camp

of Yahweh" 2 Ch. 31 2, and doubtless used to indicate that the
families of the gate-keepers (v.

"in office"

{cf. v. ^^^).

lum

and

of V.

',

already
19. Shallwn]

identical with

'')

Moses were
same as the Shal-

at the time of

clearly the

Meshelemiah

26',

Shelemiah 26".

Keepers of the thresholds], i.e., gate-keepers. Cf. for the use of

this term 2 Ch. 34' 2 K. 121" <'> 23* 25" Je. 35^.
Of the tent] i.e.,

INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM

IX. 1-34.]

175

either of the tabernacle or the

Temple; the term could apply to

and probably was used with that intent; or the
writer may have meant David's tent (2 S. 6") (Zoe., Oe.).
Ajid
either (see v. ")

were over the camp of Yahweh keepers of the entrance].

no record of this in P, but since the Korahites were

their fathers

There

is

given descent from Kehath (Ex. 6'8 ^i)^ ^nd since the Kehathites
held the first place among the servants of the holy place and were
responsible for the holiest vessels (Nu. 4* '^), this tradition could

The camp of Yahweh is the tabernacle, and

the entrance into the court of the tabernacle (Ke.),
or the reference is to the camp of Israel and its entrance (Ba.).
easily

have arisen.

the entrance

is

The former, the more usual explanation, is to be preferred. 20.

And Ph'mehas the son of Ele azar was rider over them in time past].
This tradition

may have

arisen

mentioned the "door of the tent

from Nu.

"^

25"

where

in v.

is

meeting" where all the congregation of Israel were gathered, and in v. ', "Phinehas arose from
the midst of the congregation and took a spear in his hand," as
though he were an

on duty,

officer there

May

of

Yahweh

in

command

of the keep-

him!] an instance of the

Jewish and Oriental custom of uttering a pious wish when mentioning the name of a distinguished righteous dead person.

ers of the gate.

be with

21. Zechariah,
V.

19,

(26=-

etc.]

a continuation of the glorification of Shall um

since (identifying
'^)

prominence
(26'').

Shallum with Meshelemiah and Shelemiah)

Zechariah was his son.

in

Zechariah clearly was a man of

"
a discreet counsellor "
" f. ike tent
of meeting must be

the priestly traditions,

In connection with

w.

understood as the tabernacle at Gibeon (Bn., Ki.) or the tent

for the ark during the time of David, while as a continuation

w.

'9

'

Mosaic tent is meant (Bn.). Vv. i8b-2i are

and
parenthetical
probably a gloss, since by making the gateoffice
an
institution
of the Mosaic period they apparkeepers'
of

clearly the

ently contradict the statement of v. "^

are its founders (Bn., Ki.) (yet v. s.).

where David and Samuel

22.

All of them

who were

chosen for gate-keepers at the thresholds were 212]. This statement is a continuation of v. '^a, q- jv^g. ii'', where the number
is

172.

They

The emphasis

were reckoned by genealogies in their villages].

is

on the

final

phrase

in anticipation of v.

",

CHRONICLES

176

David and
trust].

able to
of the

Samii'el the seer established them in their

of

office

This statement respecting the work of David is agreethe Chronicler's view of his having organised the personnel
sanctuary, priests 24', Levites 23"

24=',

singers 25' ",

gate-keepers 16''

and

seer after

also so called in 26^8 29", likewise

i S. 9',

implicitly in 26'

Saviu'el

-.

is

called the

Hanani

Ch.

the only record of Samuel's participation in arfor

the
sanctuary and it is a good example of Jewish
rangements
i6'- ".

This

is

Midrash. Historically, his activity could only have been in connection with the tabernacle placed by the Chronicler at Gibeon
(16" 2 Ch. i3), since he died before the death of Saul, and hence
before the reign of David.

23.

They and

their children

were

at

This

the gates of the house of Yahiveh, the tent-house, for guards].

statement refers to the families of gate-keepers living in Jerusalem.

The two expressions, the house of Yahweh and the house of the
tent,

of

seem used to cover both the case of the Temple and the period
built.
The second expression

David before the Temple was

then either refers to the tent of the ark on Mt. Zion

the tabernacle at

Gibeon

between them.

This

ans of the gates,

cf.

or the writer

last is

most

{cf.

16") or

may not have distinguished

likely.

For guards,

i.e.,

guardi-

Ne. 7^ 24. Cf. the arrangement of the gate25. And their brethren who were in their vil-

keepers in 26'^
lages were obliged to come ercery seven days, from time to time, to
No mention elsewhere is made of the gate-keepers
be with these].
.

dwelling in villages.

The

singers,

however, did so (see

v. ).

26. For the

These, i.e., the gate-keepers mentioned in v. "'.
continual
were
in
office (trust)]
four chief {heroes of) gate-keepers
they did not rotate from time to time as the under gateThe four clearly represented the four families of v. '"\
keepers.

i.e.,

They are

From this it would seem that the imder

who
the villages were not yet reckoned as
resided
in
gate-keepers
Levites.
The \\Titer possibly has meant to distinguish two classes
of gate-keepers: first those of the four families of v. ", who traced
the Levites].

their office to the time of

Moses, were acknowledged of Levitical

descent, resided in Jerusalem, and whose representatives held the

continual office of chief gate-keepers and whose duties are de-

scribed in vv.

"i"

'; secondly the

under gate-keepers, who resided

K.

INHABITANTS OF JERUSALEM

1-34.]

177

out of Jerusalem, traced their office to David and Samuel, and

performed their duties at stated intervals, and were not reckoned
as Levites

s.).

{v.

And

new paragraph speaking

and not

and

they were over the chambers

treasuries of the'house of God].

These words

the

either introduce a

of the duties of the Levites in general

of the gate-keepers (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau., Bn., Ki.)

or the four chief gate-keepers are

still

the subject (H, EVs., Ba.).

enumeration of the gate-keepers, a list of in^-j

dividual Levites who were over the treasuries is given.
Chambers,
store-chambers in which tithes and sacred vessels were kept.
after the

In 26-

Ch.

Cf.

Temple

Ne.

'2

315-

Temples, see

of the

however, is known of Zerubround

about the house of God,
They lodged
the duty of watching, and they had charge

the courts (26'^) (Bn.).

babel's Temple.

upon them

for

These were both a part

i3<-9.

(judging from the plan of Solomon's and Ezekiel's

DB. and EBi.), and possibly separate buildings in

itself

27.

rested

Very

little,

of opening {the temple) every morning]. The subject is either

the Levites who had charge of the stores of the Temple and

hence were required to guard them with care day and night,

or,

as the last clause suggests, the principal gate-keepers.

Openas
elsewhere
also
be
rendered
Ju.
3-5 Is.
key,
may
ing (nnSD)
22=2

hence they were over the key,

-j-^

i.e.,

it

was incumbent upon

open the storehouses every morning (Be.). 28. And

some of them had charge of the utensils of service]. Probably the

them

to

more

costly traditional gold

52

and

silver utensils

(28"

^-

Dn.

i^

") are here referred to, since they were to be accurately counted.
29. The holy utensils] from the connection would appear to

in the offerings of the products of the soil.

statement suggested by the last word of v. "; perhaps
a gloss (Bn., Ki.). Its motive is to show the limitation of the
work of the Levites in connection with the spices. On the work,

have been those used

30.

cf.

Ex.

the first

31.

Shalhim] is the family name and Mattithiah

born represents a different period of time from that in

3022-38,

which Zechariah was the

Mattithiah

none

is

frequent

of its bearers

first
21

i$'^-

born
16^

(cf.

253-

The name

21

262).

Ezr. 10" Ne. 8^f, but

can be identified with

office of trust over the pastry of flat cakes].

12

'

vv.
21

this person.

Cf. Lv.

2'

^-

In

6'

the

"* >

7'i , etc.

32.

the Levites,
tlie

CHRONICLES

178

cf.

One

KehalJiiles].
'" ".

Nu. 3"-

Levites mentioned in

show-bread, see Lv. 24^

v.

with reference to

For the way

of arranging the

='.

33.

of the three great divisions of

J^heir brethren]

A subscription out

of place, since

the singers are not mentioned in the immediately foregoing verses.

It either was written in reference to vv. '^-i, which relate principally of singers (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.), or

closed a

it

list

of sing-

who

dwelt in the Temple chambers and were freed from other

service (''"I'ltaS r\y^b'2), which has been omitted from the text

ers

(Bn.,

Ki.).

reason

For

why

sentence

v.

i.

day and night they were in their work] the

On peculiar
they were freed from other service.
34. Another subscription, either going with v. " re-

ferring to all the Levites

of 8^8

and has come

to the context

by the

in w. 1'^, or it is a repetition
with vv. "'< and has been adjusted

mentioned

in here

insertion of the Levites, see S^s.

4, A comparison with N^. 11* suggests that several names have

dropped from this line, thus:
Ne. 11^ v-13 1J3D Sn'SShd p niL30B> p r\-'-\^n p nnj? p
n>?j? p n^ny.
I

Ch.

1J3

94 \-\Q

ncN] wanting
that for

n:r>', cf.

so

tl'^^},

Be.,

'ja

]D

in

(B,

(6k

Ke.,

is

''jSa'n).

10.
12.

nin^j?

ip^.

''jSi^n]

Ne.

ii^

Oe.,

Kau.,

Bn.,

Ki.

-njan

r^-^ivy]

of Asaiah's brothers are given.

the first-born

(& read 1133,

certainly wrong as far as the suffix is concerned (after jc

riTyc Ne. 11'.
Possibly the original was ina p ni^-y cf. ina

3n>inii]
DnT" p]

dS'.:'D

"ncj?

would be the same as

^i'?^r\, read with Nu. 2620

5.

appears wrong when none

which

n::N

ta

since the transliteration

Ne.
Ne.

min^] Ne.

11'"

incorrectly

nnDt

ii'^-f-

nnN

ii'^

''

p.

ixns

Sniij?

11.

nnryi] Ne. ii"

p n^SSo p. p V^ny p
p iD^'Dyi. nicSsfD] Ne.

ni-ic\
''V$c^
n'l

^.13

presents in iM a long series of constructs (Dav. Syn. 26).

Probably, however, before honSs a S from the influence of the final
letter of 'jip has fallen from the text (Ges. 128c), or according to
Ne. ii'2 an ^sry has been omitted {cf. 232*). 15. Since cnn has no 1 preso

V\ read v-\n carpentarius. Instead of SSji v\t\ Cheyne reads

nSnnn csn, "the leader in the song of praise," and places after Mat-

fixed,

taniah

11"
read

son of

16.
M. 18.

-iiai.

Asaph (EBi.

n^yi^tt^

Pi:nr:]

&

col.

ii.

nnajJi] Ne.

pi.

Ges.

jnDU'

124b

noi] some

20b. ndn] 32

2019).

or

Niayi.
e.

mss., Ne.

mss.

mj; nin>]

(S

']Vt<,

/cai

Domino, AV., RV.

"And the Lord was with him." 22. nnn ^nd 5] an accusative of
23. nncB'DS] /or guards, cf. Ne. 7', BDB.
the obj. Ges. 125a f.n.
oBroi

^leT'

auroO,

oCaci*

l^j^o,

coram
1

GENEALOGY OF SAUL

rx. 35-44.]
mo"'??,
tion,

I.

25.

Dr.

Nn'^] inf. with S of past time with

TH.

and

26.expected,
Dr.
7\r:n]

204,

Ges.

114^.

D^'cn

rya::''^]

implied
definite,

79

injuncregular,

since present to the mind, see Ges. 134W, 126^.

TH. 201 (i). 3''i'^n on] an independent clause clos-

(Kau., Ki. Kom. Das sind die Leviten). (& omits on

and 1 (before .") and connects with the following. Ke. (followed by
Zoe. and Ki. SBOT., and BH. doubtfully) also connects with the
ing a section

following and suggests that the original text for rni o^'^n oni was
vn a^iSn. 27. For cni Be. reads an-:i. 33. HDs'^sa ar^-hy n^^'^i ddv

]'^2^

d]

day and by night there was upon them in the work, i.e., they
were busy day and night in their work. The clause is peculiar both
in having no subject expressed and in the peculiar force of 3 with
Rterally, by

the noun.

Cf.

1.

117

a,

Ew.

295

e,

BDB.

a V. note.

35-44. The genealogy of Saul. A duplicate

pp. 164-7).

of S-^-^' (see

X-XXIX.

THE HISTORY OF DAVID.

This history of David falls into two parts: (i) x-xx containing an account of his reign; (2) xxi-xxix preparations for the
building of the Temple and the orders and arrangements of the
servants of the Temple,
the

two

sections,

since

(xxi serves as connecting link between

could be appropriately classed with

it

either.)

X. The death of Saul. The entire connection of David with

Saul is passed over and the Chronicler begins his history of David
with an account of the death of Saul taken from i S. 31'", with a
few slight variations due partly to intention, partly to accident, and
in some instances preserving a better text than the present
^ of
I

S.

1.

The

narrative of the battle of Mt. Gilboa

is

introduced ab-

ruptly, the Chronicler taking for granted that the events

to

it

Now

The

were well known to the reader.

the Philistines fought against Israel

is

which

led

introductory clause
a general statement

which was conveniently supplied by the source. In i S. it serves

to reintroduce the main theme after a digression concerning

David's attack upon the Amalekites. Each man of Israel fled]

implying that the defeat turned into a panic in which each man
cared for his own life. This has been substituted by the Chronicler for

the

more general statement

in

S.

"and

the

men

of

and was doubtless intentional to make the account of

the defeat more vivid.
And Jell down slain in mount Gilboa].
Israel fled,"

According

to

S. 28^, the Philistines

were encamped

at

Shunem

(the mod. Sdlam) and the Israelites were gathered together on Mt.
Gilboa (the mod. Jehel Fuku'a). This ridge commands the en-

trance to the southern angle of the Plain of Esdraelon through

Dothan, and also the main highway from Esdraelon to the Jordan,
180

DEATH OF SAUL

X. 1-14.]

l8l

through the Valley of Jezreel. It was,'therefore, a point

extreme importance to Israel and to the Philistines alike. To
the former it was the connecting link between the tribes north of

viz., that

of

Esdraelon and those to the south, while to the latter it meant control of the important trade-route which drained the rich grain-fields
of the

The
to the gardens of Damascus.
by the advantage they had gained in

Hauran and passed on

Israelites failed to profit

possessing themselves, in advance, of the key to the situation.

2. And the Philistines pursued Saul and his sons closely] is

paralleled

by the action

of the

King

charioteers at the battle of

of the

King

shiia].

has

me

it,

Cf. Ju.

through].

fear of blood-revenge

thrust

2 S. 2"),
{cf.

certain to overtake one

Then Saul took

his

who

io'3 i4<i-.

armorbearer and

or,

more

which would be

slew the Lord's anointed

own sword and fell upon

rare cases of suicide in the

Mac.

his

4. Draw thy sword and

But
his armorbearer woidd not] either
9=^

"the axchtrs found him."

because of his reverence for his lord (Sm.),

who commanded

to attack only the

Ramoth-gilead
person
K. 22^'). Jonathan, Abinadab, MalchiThe Heb. idiom
3. The archers hit him].

of Israel (i

Cf. 833=9''.

of Syria

6.

all his

OT.,

cf. v.

'

2 S.

The abridgment,
men" of i S., can

to Saul's servants (Ba.), yet

it is

likely,
all

17"

from
more

{cf. i S. 26').

One

it].

K.

the

16' ^

of the
-j-,

also

house, for "his

all his

scarcely be a reference

certain that Saul's house did not

This is probably nothing more

').
than a careless statement by the Chronicler. Still, Bn. prefers

perish at that time {cf 2 S. 2'

the text of Chronicles.

7.

The valley from which

the

men

of Israel

saw the defeat was that of Jezreel {cf. Ho. i^. They forsook
their cities] one of which was doubtless Beth-shan, where the bodies
of Saul

and

his sons

the Philistines

was

were exposed

(i S. 3i"'-

'').

of short duration, for in 2 S. 2

making Ish-bosheth king over

Jezreel.

Yet

The tenure of
we find Abner

this kingship

may

have been one of vassalage to the Philistines. 9. And took his

head] implying that he had been beheaded, a fact directly stated in

10.

And they put his weapons in the house of their

gods] just as the sword of Goliath had been deposited at the
<"
and
sanctuary at Nob (i S. 21'). The variation of the text of v.
the parallel.

I S. 31'''

suggests that in the original both readings were found:

l82

His weapons

the passage -read,

i.e.,

CHRONICLES
they placed in the ho7ise of

Astarte, his skull they nailed in the house of

Dagon and

his body

otherthey exposed on the wall of Beth-shan (Be., Zoe., Oe., Bn.)

wise I S. preserves the original text (We., Dr., Ki., Sm.) and, as
:

most hkely, we have here a modification of the Chronicler. In

the house of Dagon] to whom there were temples at Gaza (Ju.
i6'-'
and at Ashdod (i S. 5 i Mac. iqss-ss ii4)_ Dagon may be
)
is

ff

derived from Tl, fish, hence has been described by David Kimhi
as having the head and arms of a man and the body and tail of a
fish,

or

from

whence Philo Byblius makes him a god

latter seems more appropriate for the in-

]51, corn,

The

of husbandry.

habitants of the Philistine plain, but the uncertain origin of these

people leaves the question open (cf. Del. Par. p. 139; Sayce, Rel.

Bab. pp. 188/.; Scholz, Gotzendienst, pp.

III.

pp. 460^.; Jen. Kosmol. pp. 449

2^,8 ff.;

_^.).

11.

Baud,

in

PRE.*

12. All the in-

These paid a debt of gratitude to

by recovering his body and those of his sons
a raid by night and giving them honourable

habitants^ of Jabesh-gilead].

Saul

(cf.

S. II'-")

according to i S. in

burial in a sacred place, und^r the oak in Jabesh.

dead was considered an

act of piety

{cf.

Tob.

i'^ 2^).

Burying the

The doubtful

phrase "and burnt them there" of i S., considered original by

Sm., was omitted by the Chronicler, since burning was looked upon

as something abominable (Am. 2'). The exact site of JabeshThe name is still preserved in Wady Yabis.
gilead is uncertain.
Eusebius places it six Roman miles from Pella. Oliphant sought
it in the ruins Meriamin, and so more recently Merrill (but see

Buhl,

GAP.

p.

Beisan to

Robinson conjectured the ruins ed Deir

wady but somewhat off the road from

259).

on the south side

J crash

of the
(so

GAS.).

13.

14. This reflection upon the

Yahweh turned the king-

death of Saul with the observation that

dom

unto David

manner

cf.

Saul's death

is

direct

Ch. 12^

is

found

from the Chronicler, and

1318 21"'

24"

252 27^ 28".

after his

The cause

of

word

of

in his trespass of not keeping the

Yahweh, probably with reference to the disobedience recorded in

I S. 13'^
15'-", and Saul's consultation with the witch of Endor
'

S. 28'

ff-.

cording to

In V."" Saul
I S.

is

apparently misrepresented, since acYahweh but the Lord did not

28^ Saul did ask of

DEATH OF SAUL

X. 1-14.]

Doubtless the thought of the Chronicler was not

answer him.
far

183

from that

mod. commentator who

of the

"Saul had

writes,

neglected to seek the favour of Jehovah with proper zeal and then
inquire of

Him"

(Zoe.).

as

1. icnVj] preferred
D^cnSj.

s'^M

nnvN]

S.

S.

elsewhere, in
313

'b>

fnjv]

On

the

S.

S. vaSjn also v.

to

2.

S.

31'

Gn.

cf.

nnx

usage with nnx

spelling injv is found

times.

may

The

3.

Sisjy

*?>]

S.

be due to the influence

Bn. regards

ha.

omen.

as the original.

Sj?

Chronicler has preserved the

Bu. the better

should precede

it

The

jnjin\

substitution of Sy for Sn

S. 'pa dii^jn

Chronicler's

and some 27 other

and according

better order

ioSj]

On

which does not use

Dmsn]

form by Bu., Sm.

vtt in distributive sense

original

iDn.

pn.

132-

to the original text

14=2.

S.

The

Sx.

of Aramaic,
nts'pa

nxi

312

Ju. 20"

cf.

the

TJN

S.

Ex. 123 and often.

95 iqs 40^-

on]

amen

onicnD nND Vn-'i. Probably the Chronicler's

The verb SnM presents a difficulty. Dr. takes

If qii^'JN

text.

(Dr.).

onrn

text

is

belonged
i

JD Shm]

S.

an abridgment.

it from S^n "trembled."

Sm. thinks that 05 takes the word from S'^n, we think more likely from
nSn, an apocopated Hoph. or for n';;n;i (Klo.), cf. i K. 2234 = 2 Ch. 18"
and 2 Ch. 35^3. 05 renders here and 2 Ch. iS^s 3523 by the same word

S. 3i< Nii'jS.

icler's text is better

05

is

Bu. gives the clause up as hopelessly corrupt.

Before iSSynni i S. has ^l-\p-\\ The Chron-

iirbvecav, iwdveaa.

4. n-j'j-Sn]

(Bu., Sm.).

to be preferred (Bn.).

i?:y

5. annn]

S.

31^

mn,

omitted after nci.

is

which

after

Bn. regards

pdm is wanting in 05^ by haplogtext,

an abridgment of i S. 316 ^0 dj pSd nz:^
nni f<inn dv3 vv:i<. 7. C'N Sj] i S. 31' ^^m. pcya -wa] preserving
more nearly the original text and an abridgment of i S. of which the
present text is pi^n la^a -\Z'H} pDjrn laya -ii*'n, and in which i3>?a each
time is probably a corruption of nya in the cities of (Klo., Bu., Sm.).
both as additions to the original

raphy.

-6.

inn nn''

mo

Ssi]

Dr. retains the present text of i S. hn-\'if> ^B'js, are the subject of iDj
in I S.
05 has here I(rparj\, from which Kau. supplies Sxii'^ ^U'js,

Some

so also Ki.
Iffpa-qX

'>

'?o

subject seems necessary. (B^ with Tras before

retain the original reading of Ch.
Then the

may

verb must be put in the

onny] i S. onyn nx. ona] i S.

sg. with C|.
3i8hasnB'Sa> ns before vja. 9. nn^ mn-\ nx iKtrn mo'B'D^i
^inWM] Pi. requires as its
vSa] I S. 31' vSa nx itati'DM ib'n-i nn 101311.
object the head and weapons of Saul (so Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Sm.).
Since, however, the inf. la'aS implies a personal subject it may be
pa.

8.

S.

well to understand messengers as the object of inStt>ii and point as

a Qal (Kau., Ki., Bu.). anoxj; nx] i S. ']i no, the former is to be
10. oninSx n>a] probably a direct departure
preferred (Bu., Sm.).

CHRONICLES

184
from

S. 31"'

n-3. mncp sg. (Dr.,

no nama lypn in'u pni.

nnntt'y
S.

pjTrT'j y;pr^]

ja*

Bu.,

Sm.).
Instead of

ipSjSj nio

vpn, they

drove in as a tent pin, we probably should read lypn in i S. they

exposed after Lagarde (Dr., Bu., Sm., Ki., Bn.). 11. B'2> S^ u'-C'i

31" nv'^J !r''3' '3-i" v'?N 1J?ct^'1. Ki. restores the latter in his
of Ch. (SBOT., Kom.).
(& read ijjSj uir'' Sj, which suggests

text
'j

CJ'

12.
I

S.

ipSj]

HMj

S.

"wh Sa hn] icn nw.

nou nx

S3 as original here, so Kau., Bn.

''3B''

After Sin
.

has

3112

nSi'^n Ss 13S11.

The

n^u PN inpM.

S.

naij

S.

initm]

Chronicler has substituted the

Aram, and

late

DMj.

VJ3 the Chronicler has also omitted

After

Heb. word hdu, found

the

in

OT.
]Z'

for

here,

only

n'3 pcins.

ciN^'an

I S. ntt'a> itOM.
The Chronicler perhaps has only added the
because the vocalisation originally may have been the same {(&,
#). Ch. omits 08' DON idib"!. too h'^nh rnn oninicsj? nt< napM] i S.

ns'Oi]
sf.

13.

3i'3nr30 h-z."A7\ nnn napM aninicsy ns inp^.

the heavy peculiar style of the Chronicler.

The

verse presents

used mstead

Sixs''?] inf.

of the finite verb (Ew. 351 c, Ges. 114/', Dav. Syn. 96 R. 4), c/.
6".
^'nS] inf. in a supplemental sense equivalent in meaning to gain

instruction.

XI. 1-3. David

made king over

all Israel.

The Chronicler

omits, as foreign to the purpose of his narrative, David's reception

of the news of Saul's death, his reign over the tribe of Judah, and
his contest with the

house of Saul

(2 S. 1-4),

and proceeds

to David's establishment as king over all Israel.

is

a close copy of

2 S. 51-^

1.

In

The

at

once

narrative

2 S. instead of all Israel "all the

came," who represented the adherents of the house

distinction from the tribe of Judah over which David

tribes of Israel

of Saul in

The Chronicler, having in view the main fact rather

reigning.
than the details of the history which he is passing over in silence,
uses Israel as including Judah with the rest (r/. w. ^ ).
3.

was

According

word of Yahweh by

to the

the

hand of Satnnel].

These

words are the Chronicler's contribution to the narrative taken

from 2 S. It has been inferred that the Chronicler had among
his sources

a "Testament of Samuel" (Bn.), but perhaps

sufficient to think of i S. 1$^^ 16'

1.

hi<-\^->

hs

where isxm

is3|i<i]

is

The

third dj

'siD

nrron nnx.

2 S. 5' Sn-ic^ ^taatf So in3m.

wanting

is

wanting

Nocm]

in
in

and

2 S.

2 S.

5=.

''ncm

is

it

'.

-idnS

in

xixinn
is

idnS]

<S.

npN

r\:n]

i'^d]

2 S.

icnS icnm

2.

2 S.

ujn.

ir^y i^v

probably a scribal

S.

error,

Ges.

DAVID MADE KING

XI. 1-9. j

74^.n^n?N

2 S. mn^, also (! in

^^^T^^]

1 85

Ch. followed by Ki., SBOT.,

but the Greek tradition seems rather to support 1^, cf. (&^^, B. The
second loy is wanting in <& and 2 S., hence is omitted by Ki., SBOT.

3,
4-9.

onS] 2 S. 5'

I'^cn.

The capture

of Jerusalem.

This

is

a somewhat free

The chronological notices of

here
to
be
omitted
inserted
in a more appropriate
are
2 S. 5^
has
all Israel engaged with David
Chronicles
4.
place (29").
and modified

transcript

of 2 S. s"'".

'

in the assault

upon Jerusalem, while

his

his

2 S.

speaks of "the king and

The Chronicler has

body-guard or warriors.

men," i.e.,
added the archaeological note explaining Jerusalem as though
This is after the usage of P, cf. Jos. 15^
anciently called Jehus.
Jebus as the ancient name of the city is probaju. igio- 1'.
from the fact that the Jebusites dwelt
mere
derived
a
fancy
bly
In the Amarna tablets the name
there at the time of David.
jgie. 28

Urusalim repeatedly occurs, while there

responding to Jebus.
Ju.

i^-

"

Jerusalim

Jos. 15*3 2 S. 5^

{cf.

is

is

no

trace of a

also given as the

Moore on

Ju. 19').

were the Jebusites the inhabitants of the land].

name corname in

And

In 2

S.

there

we have

"against the Jebusites the inhabitants of the land," which phrase

sets forth directly the thought of an attack upon non-Israelites
as the purpose of David, while Chronicles has turned the words
5.
into a description of the conditions of the time of David.

Chronicles gives but the

first part of the defiant speech of the JebuDavid, omitting the scornful boast of the impregnability of
Jerusalem, that the blind or the lame could defend it (2 S. 5^).

sites to

Probably the reference to them was no longer understood. 6.

This verse is far smoother and quite different from the obscure
parallel in 2 S.

this

Although

prowess of Joab with

its

reward

is

probably was not an invention of the

Chronicler, and his later position as commander-in-chief may have
had some connection with the capture of Jerusalem in spite of the

nowhere

else

fact that

mentioned,

he led the

it

men

of

David

earlier (2 S. 2").

part of the fortifications of Jerusalem; location

obscure

(cf. 2 S.

the city of

And Joab

David

5^
2

K.

^*

9'^

11").

8.

Millo]

and meaning are

The Chronicler placed it in

GAS. /. II. pp. Aoff.).

Ch. 32^ (for discussion

restored the rest of the city].

This statement has no

1 86

The

parallel in 2 S.
citadel;

David thus

CHRONICLES
means the city apart from
and Joab the rest of

rest of the city

rebuilt the fortress

This legend concerning Joab

city.

prominence

of the family of

may have

arisen

the
the

from the

in post-exilic Israel, 4'< Ezr. 2*

Joab

8 (We. TS.).
4. Ss-ia^ Sdi im-i] 2 S. 5 vrjNi iScn.

favoured by Bn., follows

5.
2 S. 3Ci> ^DUTi Sn.

2 S.

3'30n lyi Ni'^an jc]

3^30,1 -ij?i NiScn p.

with the

(&^

Di3> >a;'>

2 S. 5'

(gB adopted by Ki.,

^ agree with l|. O'.:"

and

2 S. ncN''i.

icnm]

Ni'^i^n

n,-i''3i

8.

30D3

a^3D T'n pM.

SBOT.,

''Di3\t

dci]

-\";n

(gB

pii

omits

3<3Dn is suspicious, especially

(|i- follows i|.
so perhaps the original was non n]?i and to the palace
nj3 (nja^i) is here used with the meaning to rebuild with

art.,

(Bn., Ki.).

the added notion of enlarging,

cf.

Ch. 8^

ii^

26^,

merely rebuild-

rs n^m aNVi] wanting in

2 S.
C&B lias cai iTToX^fitja-ev Kal eXa/Sej* ttJj' ir6Xtj' with David as the
& translates: "Joab gave his right hand to
(^L follows l|.
subject.
the rest of the men who were in the city." This paraphrase is
based upon the rendering of n<n> to keep alive (so Ba.). But the
meaning to restore is supported by (^^ Trfpteiroi-^aaro, and the use of
9. nini] 2 S. 5' +''n'^N.
rT>n in Ne. 32^.
ing, 2

Ch.

32^

333.

le

(BDB.).

-\n'^

-i-yn

10-47. David's mighty men.

2 S.

238-39

This

section is taken

with the exception of the introductory

v.

',

from

and w.

which give the names of sixteen additional mighty men not

recorded elsewhere. These additional names and the superscrip4ib-47

tion, V. =, have suggested that the entire list, xx. "<', came from
a source independent of 2 S. (Bn.) and perhaps the source of 2 S.
Another explanation is that \^'. "'=-" are out of place,
(Graf).

belonging in c. 12 between v. and v. (Bu. in Com.). The names

in VA^<"'" are in many instances if not all of persons from east of
"

twelve of these heroes given in w. ' ^ are

mentioned again as monthly commanders of the army of David

the Jordan.

The

first

(272-15^

10.
to

And

mighty men who belonged

him in respect to the ki?igdom,
make him king]. These words explain

these were the chief of the

David who held

strongly with

together with all Israel to

list of the
mighty men at this
regarded them as participants in the

the Chronicler's introduction of the

point in his narrative.

coronation of David.

He
In

fact,

many

of these

mighty men probably

DAVID'S

XI. 10-47.]

MIGHTY MEN

187

won their places in subsequent campaigns of David and were

unknown at tliis time (We. Prol. p. ij 7,). According to the word
Yahweh unto Israel] is a good example of the
of David's reign.
ligious comment and view-point
The
three
11-14.
mightiest. This section
of

Chronicler's re-

is

incomplete.

have been omitted by a copyist {v. i.), so that

Vv.
the name of the third hero Shammah is lacking and his exploit is
to Eleazar the second hero, whose own exploit has been
=''-'"'

of 2 S. 23

assigned
omitted.

11.

Jashobeam we should read Ishbaal, and

whom Ishbaal was the foremost, coming
After 2 S. also eight hundred
before Eleazar and Shammah.
12. Dodai *]. v. i.
should be read instead of three hundred.
Instead of

instead of thirty, three, of

Cf. v.

Ahohite].

Ephes-dammim

^9.

13.

Pas-dammim] wanting in 2
i.). 14. They stood, etc.].

S.

29',

Read

(i S. 17') {v.

after 2 S. 29", he stood, etc.

10. a^'prnncn]

cf.

2 S. 3

Dn.

1CD3] 2 S. 238 nistt', which

that Ch., the harder reading,

lo^i

and

for references 2

Ki. prefers here.

sum

given in

is

2 S.

Ch.

i'.

11.

But the probability

is

has preserved the original, since the

2339 {cf. Bn.).

oy^tt'^]

<&^ leffe^ada, l lecTffe^aaX,

which are certainly not corruptions of ^ I<r/3aa//, = M. 2 S. z^"*

L lecr/SaaX.
The Lucian text reveals the true
na-'j, CgB lea^bade
reading

'?;3-.y

corruption of

or

TS., Dr., Bu.).

text

of

S.

Sy^'^'x

(Dr., Ki., et al.).

Ptt'J-ii^N, cf.

In 272

The

S^'.

The

'jiDDn-p] 2 S.

we have

reference in

reading of 2
'JCDnn

S. is

'jCDnn

Sni^t p, which Bu. adds

Hachmonite is unknown.

(We.
the

to

cor-

D^ci^'cn cni] Qr. 'n

ruption of DiD-n^a has been seen in it (Bi.).
Heb.
texts
Thus
the
vn'\.
^wh^n
2
S.
provide three renderDv^i'?^n,

Ch. preferred by Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.),

the army), so (S" in
chief of the captains, chief of the third part (of
<&^ in both 2 S. and Ch. represents ti'NT
2 S. preferred by Ba.
This (preferred by We. TS., Dr., Bu.,
nirSrn, chief of the three.

ings, chief of the thirty (l" in

Kau., Now., Ki., Mar., Bn.) is probably original.

Ishbaal, Eleazar v. ", and Shammah son of Agee
in-'jn

dk] 2 S. 238 usyn ijny.

former
Bu.),

is

The

latter text is

generally accepted as the true

although

unsupported by

(S {cf

three were

S.

23".

\^^^U

meaningless and the

reading in

We. TS.).

The

S.

{cf

Mar. reads

Dr.,
in

nxyn his axe, instead of in-'jn his spear. t:''^!f] 2 S. njcii', which is
to be preferred, since Ishbaal had the first place and three hundred
are mentioned slain by Abishai, v. ^o (Ki., Bn.). 12. p itjjVn] is
wanting in 2-j*, probably through copyist's error (Dr., Ki.). Mar.
S.

2 S. 23'.
regards this omission as the better reading for

\-\i-^]

S.

188

CHRONICLES

nn, which
verse

Bu.).

is

14'

S.

For

5"the

of
V.

',

22

2313).

After

found

text

and ninS

determine which

was

be

to

is

text of 2 S. for this

restored

is

a copyist has omitted that

between Oif iddnj D'ni:''^D2

ncnSD'?

in

S.

23

iflD.XM v. ", through the eye wandering.

23" has Qityv, lentils. It is impossible to
14. The verbs i3X>n>i> niSix>i, and ^y\
correct.

a^ncSfl

aniys', barley, 2 S.

are to be read in the

ist

and

Ch.

to

accordingly (Dr.,
D^ai dd] usually taken as equivalent to a^'m dsn (i S.
a misreading of Donnj 2 S. 23'. Mar. with probability
both 2 S. and Ch. a corruption of a''NDi pnpa (r/. v. '*

in

portion
ncn'^cS

Otherwise the

the true reading.

13.

17'),

sees

is

inferior

is

either misled

sg. after 2 S.

by the

pi.

23'^

and

(& (Ki., Bn.).

" (also

in IDJ v.

sg. in

copy-

2 S.) or in-

troduced these plurals by design to associate David with Eleazar

(Ke., Ba.).

ysyvi] 2 S., 05

'P''1.

men

15-19. The exploit of three mighty

2

S.

The
23"-").

compiler of

2 S.

at

Bethlehem (=

probably thought that the

men just mentioned, but

actors of this story were the three mighty

since they are three of the thirty chief

and the

thirty

have not yet

been mentioned, they are probably entirely different and the story
is out of its original connection (We. TS., Dr., Bu., Bn.).
V. ''

w. "-^, and vv. =-'

"''" after
(in 2 S. w.

appears to have been the true conclusion of

probably came after the

list

v.

The

SBOT.).

") (so Bu.,

The

variations betv^^een Ch.

and

15.

Unto

the stronghold^ of

Philistines

were

in

few and unimportant.

see below.

of the thirty

2 S.

are

'Adullam]
the Valley of Rephaim, a

plain south of Jerusalem.

it

According to Josephus {Ant. vii. 12. 4)

was twenty stadia south of Jerusalem and reached to Bethlehem.

Cf. 14' Jos. 158 18'^ 2 S.

18.

And

S2

5'8-

23'3 Is. 175,

the three brake through the host]

by night and
cf. I S. 26^-1=.

Buhl,

GAP.

p.

91.

an exploit probably made

through the loose discipline of the time,

possible
The water was too precious to drink, hence David
unto Yahweh. 19. Shall I
as a libation

offering,
poured it out,
drink the blood of these men] for the risk at which the water was.
brought made it equivalent to their blood, cf. the command not to

eat the blood of animals but "to

water," Dt.

i2'6-

23-25

C'x-i and
word has come from

15. (S of 2 S. 23" omits

who

thinks the

pour

out on the groimd like

it

23
1^2
is

followed

2 S.

23'*.

by Bu., SBOT.,
ix"i]

the true read-

DAVID'S

XI. 10-47.]

2 S. i^xp.

ing.

mjJD]

Adullam was a

TS., Dr., Bu., Kau., Ki., Bn.).

Buhl, GAP. p.
Baed.<, p. 1.24.
D''jn for the
the
following
by
suggested

cave,

cf.

the latter

if

2 S.

p.

Pi. t,

-isa

of living water, but

ivcll

The change may have been

so also

28;
2

(We.
not a

97. njn^] an equivalent

more unusual n-'n of 2 S.,

S.

ID^

18.

Hiph. 19.
v.

'.

I.

113

pp. 470.

na-Sii-n]

S.

23I8

onjjn

'n'^Nc]

S.

23'^

nin\

properly a

To-day no

intentional.

found at the gate of Bethlehem, Rob. BR."^

iii.

'

fortress,

the true reading. 16. i^sji] 2 S. 23" asai. 17. \HT^'\\

On the apocopated form of Ch. see Ges. 756&.

1S3D.

2 S.

cistern.

v.

after

hill

niNnM.

23's

1133]

is

189

Read mxD

the same.

S.

MIGHTY MEN

473'.

well

is

SWP.

n''?tt'. ion]

in

such an

nricx] necessary to complete the

expression is the better usage.
The original of 2 S., however, may
sentence is lacking in 2 S.

have been different

didShh which

The

their lives.
in

the following

shall I drink with

niNon

Sm.).

Bu.,

.-ir.i'Dja]

2 S.

in

preceded by

by Oe., Kau., who went at the risk of

in D.-'irDJ32
prep, in that case is 3 pretii as here
Without this restoration the 3 is that of
clause.

accompaniment, Ges.

men

(see

restored here

is

Dnv>:'Dj3 13]

119",
{i.e.,

Lv. 17",
cf. On. 9^
and therewith) their

an explanation

of the

previous

the

blood of these

lives (Ke., Ki.).

Dma'SJ3

from the

Chronicler.

20-25. Exploits of Abishai and Benaiah

The immediate connection

the reference in the present

of these verses

Hebrew

2 S. 2^,'^-^^).

with the preceding and

text to the three suggest that the

two heroes Abishai and Benaiah were members of the triad who
broke through unto the well at Bethlehem and constituted a second
triad of heroes distinct from the first three and also distinct from
This view apparently appears in B and AV. and RV.,
the thirty.

and was generally

modem
hem

are entirely

The prevailing
the water at Bethle-

that of ancient interpreters.

view, however,

is

that those

unknown and

who drew

that, further

than in their exploit,

from the thirty,

they do not constitute a triad of heroes distinct
and in short only one such triad is mentioned, viz. Ishbaal, Eleazar,
and Shammah. The text presents a certain amoiint of confusion
Abishai and Benaiah, while not equal to the
but whether
yet clearly form a class by themselves,

and uncertainty.
three (vv.
distinct

'^

^s)

from

the thirty (according to Dr.,

the thirty (according to Kau., Bu., Ki.)

Abishai,"^ the brother of Jo\jb,

was

is

Mar.) or enrolled among

20. 21. And

not clear.

the thirty^ s"^ chief,

and he

swung his spear over three hundred slain and he had renown

like

CHRONICLES

190

A tnong the thirty'^-

the three.

behold Jie*

was in honor and he became

their captain, yet he did not attain unto the three].

events in the

life

of Abishai

cf. iS'^ i S.

26^

"

For further

2 S. 16" 18^ 21"'

'
.

22. Benaiah the son of Jehoiada from Kabze'el was a man of

He slew two young lions having gone
valor*, mighty in deeds.
to their

and he went down and slew a lion in a pit on a

of Benaiah in conflict with wild beasts

lair;*

The prowess

snowy day\

here vividly set forth; in the following verse his prowess as a

Kabze^el] was a town in south Judah, unidentified, cf.
11=5.
Ne.
23. Five cubits high] a touch of description
15='
Jos.
is

warrior.

wanting in 2
from the story

as also like a weaver's beam, derived probably

S.,

of Goliath,

to the Goliath story

his

own weapon,

mighty men].
20.

iti'DN]

S. 17".

'^

Cf.

S.

S. 17' 2 S. 2i'9.

Another resemblance

the fact that the Egyptian v/as slain with

is

24. And he had renown

like* the three

^'>.

2318

correctly tiy^^N,

so also

(B,

cf.

2^^.

ntriS::'.-!]

Kt. the same; Qr. ^z>'iz'7[

but some mss. (see Gins.) and 2 S.
have u>Z'hz'n, the true reading, adopted by Be., We. TS., and scholars generally (not by Ke., Oe.).
xSi] Qr. and 2 S. ^\h^, so also (&,
2 S.

-.

U, &.

The

>fS

is

preferred

by Mar., who reads

'2

Dp

n*?,

Jie

was

Others generally read 'h. Instead of

nB''?2'3 we read with Bu. and
Sm. nz'hz'::. Dr. retains iH in 2 S.
with a similar meaning.
"Abishai and Benaiah had a name beside
'the Three' though not fully equal to theirs."
Kau., Ki., and Bn.
not reckoned

read

D'-S'Ssyj.

21.

niri'^;:'.!
p] 2 S. 231^ the same; a comparison with
we should read a^tr'i'^tr'n ]d (We. TS., and scholars
Mar., Sm., translate "more than the thirty, etc.,"

v."" shows that

generally).

the three.

among

Dr.,

which puts Abishai and also Benaiah (see v. ^) in a distinct class

by themselves apart from the thirty. In favour of this is the fact
that

the

number

without them {cf. 2 S. 23").

the thirty," thus enrolling the two with
a^juo] retained by Ki. with the rendering "stand er

thirty is

Others translate "from

them (Kau.,

Ki.).

complete

among

zweifach in Ehren"; rejected by Kau., Bn., who (as above) substitute

ijn from v. =5, which is the
reading of We., Dr., and Bu. in 2 S.,

where we have
^22. p] before

a certain corruption.
Sm. prefers to read Nin.
S^n c-iN should be omitted as (5 in 2 S. 232", since

''jn,

Benaiah and not

Dr.,

Kau., Ki.,

his

et at.).

is

grandfather
3n] usually
diSjjo

described (We. TS.,

rendered mighty in deeds

clearly

but by Bu., since his origin is here described, mighty in possessions,

the striking thing being that a man of wealth should be a hero.

3sn

MIGHTY MEN

DAVID'S

XI. 10-47.]

Ss'is

':.;

pn] (6 in

and

S.

adopted by We. TS., Kau., Dr.,

SxnN <j3 'yy nx,

and the last four also

here have

(S'-

Bn.,

Ki.,

19I

Retaining the text the rendering has been given, He

smote the two altar pillars of Aloah (Ba., WRS., Religion 0/ Semites,
The use of hdh is against this. We prefer with Bu. after
note L).
read 3N1CD.

Klo. (owing to similarity of '?wsnx

nsn

with

ns

in

next sentence)

the

Benaiah.

This places in a natural order the exploits of

Otherwise two of warfare are separated by one of hunting.

The

^.s

DNiina-rvS

prep,

nx-io

We.

>J3

is

jp*.

used in a pregnant sense.

26-47. The mighty

The

23.

ma

i:'\s]

preferred by Ba., while the reading of Ch.

TS., Dr., Bu., Mar. 24^. See v. 2. 25. See v.
ti'^N

given in v.

title

men
^sa

of valor.

(wanting

that the Clironicler regarded this

=6

^la

S.

23-'

preferred by

21.

2 S. 232^

39a.

in 2 S.) to this section shovi^s

list

The addition of
number far beyond

tioned above.

Vv.

is

men-

as independent of those

the sixteen

names

in

w.

^^^-"^

has probably led to the

removal of any relation to the thirty by the omission of that reference in v.* and of the summary in v. ". Compared with 2 S. the
carrying the

list is

thirty,

better preserved in Chronicles.

The

great majority of these

men, apart from this list and the one in 2 S., are otherwise unknown
and hence require no comment. Nine of them, with Jashobeam,
Eleazar,
list

and Benaiah

of the captains of

however, appear in the Chronicler's

(y. s.),

David's

26. 'Asah'el]

bosheth. Elhanan] the name

ho.st (27^-15).

war with IshGoHath (2 S.

21" cf. 20^) the two have been regarded as identical. 27. Shammoth the Harorite] perhaps identical with Shamhuth mentioned
26-41.

{cf.

2' 27') slain in

the

also of the slayer of

Helez].

Pelonite] 28.

from Teko'a,
Cf.
Cf. 27

29. Sibbecai]
Anathothite] from 'Anathoth,
23"
Hushathite] from Hushah,

Mebunai
Cf.

an uncertain name
Ahohite] reference unknown.

30. Maharai]. Cf. 27

Netophathite] from Netophah,
31. Benaiah]. Cf. 27
Heled]
23" Heleb
32.
Pir athonite]
Pir'athon, a town
Ephraim
Ju. 12").

Hiddai
Brooks of Ga'ash]. Particular
Hurai]
in 278;- V. also
273.

i.

v.

Cf. 271".

Teko'ite]

cf.

2'-K

i.

'ira].
'2.

Abi'ezer].

'

cf. 6'^

{v. i.).

2 S.

<>.

271'.

Ilai]

cf.

4^.

(v. i.).

>3.

cf.

S.

{v.

of

2 S.

23'"

in

(v.

2".

'^

i.).

(cf.

i.).

wadys frequently designate localities; Ga'ash in the hill country of

Ephraim. Abi'el] 2 S. 23" Abi-'albon, probably Abi-ba'al (v. i.).

192

'ArbathUe]
Jos.

{cf.

CHRONICLES

from Beth-'arabah, a town

') 33. 'Azmaveth].

i5-

V. i.) from Bahurim,

from Sha'albim, a town

proper spelling

Sha

albonite]

Aijalon. 34. Hashem]

certain

Sharar

(v.

i.).

S.

Judah

or

Benjamin

Dan

of

Jashen

23^2

Hararite]

of

Cf. i2\Baharuniite] (ima town of Benjamin {v. i.).

uncertain.

19"), near

Jos.

{cf.

i.).Gizonile] un-

{v.

35.

Sacar]

(v. i.).Eliphal] 2 S. 233* Eliphelet {v. i.). 36.

S.
23"
This verse

is
entirely uncertain, probably corrupt {v. -/.). 37. Carmelite]
from Carmel, a town near Hebron.
Na'arai] 2 S. 23=^ Pa'arai
38. V. i. 39. Bcrothite] from Beeroth, a town of
(v. i.).
Benja-

min.40. 'lihrile]. Cf. 2". 41. Uriah the Hittite] the officer
whose wife David iodk.Zabad] wanting in 2 S. This
completes
the list given in 2 S., where is added
"thirty and seven in ail"
Zabad may have belonged with the list in 2 S. and for
(2 S. 23").
some reason have fallen from the text, thus
making a complete number of thirty-seven
'), furnishes 3

Zabad

is

2 S. 23").

{cf.

+2+

v.

grouped with the

26.

Di?>nn

the

pi.

nn

read ^tn

nc^.

maj]

Ges.

see

v.

{cf.

and

(gB here

Chronicles, lacking Elika (see

=35

fifteen

names.

new names

Usually, however,

in vv. "-47.

tlie men
On
of valor, wanting in 2 S. 232.
124(7. After ^><i' 2 S. has D^->:'"'^'2. Instead of
'=). anS n^2r] 2 S. '^ n>2. 27. nici;'] 2 S. 23^

27*

Bn. nnnn]

Kom.) and

30

ninctt',

2 S.

{SBOT., but not

by Ki.

preferred

mnn,

usually followed (Be., Ki.), since

in Ju. 71, near Mt. Gilboa.
Bn.

a locality Tin ]'; is mentioned

regards this as entirely indecisive.

Mar. and EBi. (art. Harodite)

m;'n, connecting it with 'Arad, a town in the Negeb. In
278 this warrior is called an Izrahile ('m?i), but the true reading is
probably 'mr, Zerahite. This favours a Judean origin and so far

emend

to

the emendation

hero

Mar.

mm

rejects

oteleuton.

Mar. and EBi.

of

After

nci:'

Np^Ss, Elika the Harodite, but since he

him.

'ji'^an]

ferred, since

However,
2

S.

we know

this

omission

^aSan.

2326

This

is

S.

has another

wanting in (&^\
probably due to homce-

latter is

of a corresponding place

is

perhaps to be pretown of
rria, a

ta'^D

Judah, Jos. 152' Ne. ii-^ (Be., Ki.). Yet in 271 we have 'ji^sn
and Helez belongs to Ephraim. Bn. well says we know too little of
towns to determine the true reading. Mar. after (&^ KeXw^eJ in 2 S.
reads ^nSrpn,

the

Keilathite.

acknowledged, has
Hushathite is mentioned in
generally

EXXwv

AXXaj*, hence the

29.
the
2 S.

oaD]
true
21^^.

S.

23"

reading,

^^>-;]

2 S.

'jac.

since

Ch.,

Sibbecai

2328 jid'^x,

name may have begun with

y,

it

is

the

but d**
but

the

is

attested

read

(>-i'?n)

2330

>}r^-;-\2.

193

We. TS. has Ji'-J.'. 30. I'^n] 2 S. 23=9 jSn.

and as proper name by Zc. 6', is
'"I'^n,
by Bu. {SBOT.) and Mar. in 2 S. 31, >jn>nDn] 2 S.

second half

The former

It is

MIGHTY MEN

DAVID'S

XI. 10-47.]

uncertain.

by

27'^

The former

uncertain which

is

with the

art.

correct.

is

correct, but the

former

32

is

2 S.

nn.

preferred by

We.

mn]

Ch. is
':'NnN] 2 S. 23 jn'^y '3n.
TS., Bu., yet the latter by Ki.
supported by (6" of 2 S. We. TS., Bu., read Sj,'2->.nN. 33. >cnnan]
read Tiin^n. The reference is to Bahurim, cf. 2 S. 3'* 16* 17'^ 19"
34. 'ja] after 05'- in 2 S. 23^2 to be struck
2 S. has ''cn-\3n.
1 K. 28.

out, a repetition of the

Bu., Mar., Bn.).

Ki.,
S.

by Mar.

'Jiun]

last

Drn]

three letters of the preceding

The former

2 S. l-'\

in 1^ of 2 S.,

wanting

word

(Dr.,

preferred in 2

is

but (&^ has 6 Vovvl, which

gives the true reading ^jun, the Gunite, of a family of Naphtali,

NJ-.r p irjn''] 2 S.
Mar.).
followed by scholars generally.

26^8 (Dr., Bu., Ki.,

has

S.

read

H-ri'

(&^.

We

and
or

is

net:'

uncertain.

is

The

TS. prefers the former

latter

(or njn)

nc:;'

jnjin\

(gi-

35.

-ID-'] 2 S. 23"
supported by (g^ in

2 S.

2334

"ijSjd

SD-i''nN

tains the text of Ch.

Whether we should

is preferred by Ki. after

and thinks that Jonathan

2 S. 23", since both were Hararites.

Bn. the latter, since
Ki. prefers the former.

was a brother of Shammah,

-\-\-y.

Nu.
in

S.

'jSan

aySx

vnN ^m3::n lan

'nincn

i2Dnx

Bn. reads ^ho-hn and

(36)

nix

d'^s-'Sn.

'^sj^Sn]

Kau.

':^jn after 2 S.,

re-

but re-

the
gards the text of 2 S. as a whole as entirely corrupt. Ki. prefers
text of 2 S., inserting from Ch. only lan lis in the place of lODnx
Bu., SBOT., follows 2 S., except that he reads ni3 instead of 12
]3.
before "TiDpcn.

am

We

prefer: Eliphelet the son of

the Ma'acathite,

Ahithophel the Gilonite. 37. '3:n p ii>'j] 2 S. 23='

^3isn n;'D.
Of these two readings between which Dr., Ki., and Bn.
are undecided, that of Ch. is probably the later, p having been inEli'

the son of

38.

jnj'ns Sxr] 2 S. 23^5 S},.j,

be read in the place of inx
(Ki., Bn.), but it is impossible to determine which name is correct,
probably ''nj'' because Sxr is too common to have likely suffered cor-

serted before the place adjective (Bu.).

01 in Ch. has p,

]nj 13.

is

to

in^c] 2 S. n3XC. The reading of 2 S. is of the nameof a place;

followed (Ki., but all is uncertain, Bn.), then p represents a proper

ruption.
if

which

name,
2 S. the

^J3

Bani

S.

0^1

Gadile (Ki.) or 'snjn

is

hardly correct.

tlie

Geraite,

i.e.,

Read

either

njn

after

of the Benjaminite clan of

Gera (Mar.).

42-47. The sixteen persons including Zabad

Chronicler to the

list

given

in 2 S. are all

(v.

*')

otherwise

added by the

unknown and

we have no other source for determining the correctness of the

names given. 42. Adina the son of Shiza the Reuhenite, chief

'

and with him

of the Reubenites

into a statement

fit

CHRONICLES

194

of

c.

be a fragment of the

and the
tween

12.

list

Then

the

of the thirty

original place of these verses

and

Ma-

Benjaminites, the Gadites, and the

similar to that of the

nassites mentioned in

These words would well

thirty].

a gathering of Reubenites unto David

names

following would

who were with 'Adina

might well be

c.

12 be-

In favour of this is the fact

s.).
(Bu.
that the gentilic adjectives in w. "-" represent places east of the
If this view is not taken, then instead of thirty with
Jordan.
him ('tt' V^V)' we should read over thirty {W'^b*^ ^y) (Be., Ki.,
Bn.).

'

V.

V.

v.

According to Ba. thirty with him is a marginal note de^"'.

43. The Aliihnite] is entirely obscure.

signed to follow V.

44. The 'Ashterathite]

i.e.,

I*

'Aro'erite].

Jos. Q*" et al.

Aroer in

The

Moab

(cf.

45.
unknown. 46.
I

S.

5^).

from Ashtaroth, a

The

city of

Bashan, Dt.

reference probably

Another Aroer was

in

is

to

southern Judah,

The Tizite]. The place referred to is entirely

The Mahavite] v. i. 47. The Mezobaite] v. i.

30^^

46. DMnnn] is an impossible form for a singular gentilic name,

Kau. and Ki. give it up as hopelessly corrupt. Be. suggested ^jnon the
Mahanite, i.e., from Mahanaim east of the Jordan. (^"^ has Moweiv
possibly representing 'Jippn the Meonite, i.e., probably one from Beth
^

Meon, a

city of

of ^).

Kau. and Ki. attempt no renPossibly we should read nn^:^ from Zobah {cf. v. 's) (Be., Ba.).

47.

dering.

Reuben, Jos. 13"

noxnn]

is

{(&^ Mie,

XII. 1-23 (1-22). David's recruits

Saul.

In

S.

Maiodi, are corruptions

also a corruption.

22" we are

told

when

estranged from

how David became

band made up of his kinsfolks, fellows in

discontented and desperate men generally.

captain of a

distress, debtors,

That

is

and

a narrative

we have a Jewish Midrash

recruits
become the choicest
David's
whereby

of history, while in this present chapter

or interpretation

and most valiant representatives of the tribes of Israel, and come

to him in such numbers that instead of some four hundred or six
hundred men
the host of

(i S. 22= 272),

God

torical worth.

(v."

<">).

The names

he has under him a great host

chapter then has no real

Our

like
his-

it contains, however, probably are

are
but
those
of
fictitious,
leading men of the tribes some of
whom in actual life may have been associated with David.

not

Xn.

DAVID'S RECRUITS

1-23.]

The

chapter

to Ki. vv.

1-22

is

I95

assigned by Bn. to the Chronicler's sources; according

been written by the Chronicler, but contain here

may have

vv.
he assigns to M.
suggests that they were written by the
Chronicler (r/. 11' 23=' 27'), and the exaggerated statement of v. 23 (22)
^- '*
In the light
is certainly characteristic of him (c/. especially 22=
^).
"
of the loyalty of Benjamin to Saul, even long after his death (2 S. 16^

and there material

The heavy

of

good

style of vv.

'

=^-'"

historical worth;

"*)

numbers of Benjaminites deserted to

and among them even a Gibeathite, one from
historically suspicious. Benjamin formed a part of

the statement that large

20),

David
Saul's

(vv.

'

^-

"

^-

home town,

"^
is

^>)

kingdom of Ishbaal (2 S. 2'). Since certainly in post-exilic times

Benjamin held a high position in the Jewish community (Ne. 11' ), it
was an act of pious imagination to relieve this tribe, and especially those
families which were represented in this late community, from the odium
which would attach to those who followed the house of one whom Yahweh slew (10"). Only in a work like the Chronicler's where David is
exalted far above even the builder of the Temple (cf. cc. 22^.) and where
Saul is ignored, except to show his ignominious end, should this vindicaHence this treatment of
tion of late Benjaminite families be expected.
the

Some of
the Benjaminites points to the authorship of the Chronicler.
the names may be old, for he would probably include the reputed
ancestors of well-known Benjaminite families of his own day.
Just how

much of this passage may be from an older source

The name Bealiah (ni'?;;^), v. ^^\ is certainly
^

is,

therefore, uncertain.

old

{v. i.).

1-8 (1-7). The recruits from Benjamin at Ziklag. 1.

On David's sojourn at Ziklag cf. i S. 27"-". While he was under

restraint

free to

through Saul^

come and go

the verb

i.e.,

while because of Saul he

in Israel.
''

was not

Helpers in war\ Cf. the use

2. Using both the right

"s)

of

22'- (21

<

).
helpin vv.
hand and the left in {slinging'] stones and in {shootingl arrows with
The Benjaminites are mentioned elsewhere as leftthe howl.

("ITJJ)

to

handed and expert slingers (Ju.

of Benjamin]. This statement

3'^ 20'^).

Of

the kinsfolks of

Said

probably wide of the historic

truth, since even on the death of Saul the tribe of Benjamin remained faithful to his house, cf. 2 S. 2>5- ^^, and much less can

we

is

believe that such desertions to

David took place during Saul's

The prominence of the Benjaminites in post-exilic

Israel may have contributed to the origin of such stories.
3.
Nu.
Ahi'ezer] elsewhere the name of the chief of the Danites.
iQ2b
J oash tlic son^ of Shema'iah * f (or J ehoshaji2 225 y66.

lifetime.

71

j^

wa *)
min

CHRONICLES

196

The

the Gibe athile].

or of Saul the

mod.

local reference is to

two and a

Tell-el-Fid,

Gibeah

of

Benja-

half miles north of

Jerusalem. And Jizi'el f (Jezic'el or Jezo^el, Kt.) and Pelet (2" |)

sons of Azmaveth].
Azmaveth is the name also of one of

David's mighty

men

(11"

(/.

S^f^).

Beracah

-j-

and Jehu

the

'

Anathoth was a Benjaminite town,

Anathothite\

the

mod.

4.
'Andta, three miles north-east of Jerusalem (SWP. III. 7).
Ishma iah | the Gibe onite\ Owing to Saul's treatment of the

Gibeonites, a Gibeonite might well have passed over to David.

Cf. 2 S. 21 '-^

A mighty man among

noticeable that the

It is

list

of

mighty men
Ishmaiah's

called the thirty in Chronicles.

list,

the thirty

and over

the thirty].

given in ii'^

name

also

is

is

not

not in that

hence the conception of the thirty here appears to be different

of the author of 2 S. 23.
5 (4**). llie Gederathiie] i.e.,

from that

from Gedera, a town

of

S.

Jedtreh nine miles south of

Judah

Jos.

1535,

Ludd {SWP.

perhaps the ruin

III. 43), or since the

context seems to require a Benjaminite town, perhaps the village

Jedtreh north of Jerusalem {SWP. III. g), or possibly the town

was Gedor

Jos. 15^^ south-west of

(5). El'uzai I

name

(rT'^y^),

and Jerimoth

8'

S^'

939

nu

14?).

are quite

common.

The

last

The

("'tSSw',

Cf. 7' 24"

f and

nnttt:'),

Hartiphite or Ilariphite].
sons of Caleb (s^'). Sons of
those who returned with Zerubbabel.

We

Shcmarjahu

the

Hareph appears among

Jlariph are mentioned among
7 (6). Ishshijahu |] a name not

This

is

Ishshiah.

Jcdiir (Bn.).

Be'aliah].

Written in the shorter form

Shephatjahu].

names

and

Baal, represents an early period when

taken to the identification of Yahweh with Baal

Yahweh

no objection was
{cf. for similar names
these

Bethlehem mod.

{cf. 7^)

names Elkanah

in

shorter form

Joezer infrequent
Jashobe'am]. Cf. 11".
and 'Azarel are frequent. Korahitcs].

et al.

f].

are to think of persons from the town of Judah rather than

of the Levitical clan, cf. 2".
8 (7). From Gedor*]

members
V. s. v.

(<>'>

cf.

4*.

Clearly from

v.

'

t^t)

on we have a

list

of

Judeans rather than Benjaminites, as though two lists had here

been combined (Be.). Perhaps the introductory words for the

from the text (Ba.). (Ke. held

some
Benjaminites,
residing in Judean cities.)
Judeans have

fallen

that all were

Xn.

DAVID'S RECRUITS

1-23.]

DBD.

1. ^jsr:] because of.

njo 6

197

a and

c.

2. ne'p

This

"'Cpj].

'cn should be
phrase occurs also in 2 Ch. 17'' and Ps. 78^ (where
(& omits itt-pj construck from the text as an explanatory gloss).
benecting ns'p(3) with m;' v. ', and supplies a verb {a-(f>evSovT}Tai)

fore B'J0N2.

3.

ija]

the

Then a dittography

the

Qr.

'^Nn^i]

original

read >cu-n>

following n

caused

(c/.

the

(S n^ycs' ]2
>'crin,

trouble.

3I8).

Snitii

'^nv perhaps a corruption of Sxnn'

^onnn Qr. ^siinn] with the first
8. injn] text of Baer. Tnjn
lo^".

some MSS. read Vsf and

"God

sees" (EBl)
form agree T' in <:2,
text of

of

Kau.) read perhaps with

(so

nj;c*;'n

(Ki., Ba.), or possibly

(cf. v.

^).

nnn Ne.

Ginsburg and Ki.

6.

y-*

BH.

Heb. mss. vary,

dwp.

(S

9-16 (8-15). The recruits from Gad. Chronologically (fol'-

(^), since
lowing the Hebrew text) this paragraph precedes vv.
David dwelt in the fortress (v. '") before he went to Ziklag.
'

(8). Separated themselves]

i.e.,

on Saul's side (Be., Ke., Zoe.).

from the other Gadites who were

The verb expresses more than

the simple gding over to David which is the rendering of Kau.

and Ki. To the stronghold in the wilderness']. When David was
from Saul he sought refuge in the stronghold of AduUam

fleeing
'

(ii>5

of

and in others (i S. 23'^) located in the wilderness

was during this period of his life that these Gadites

S. 22* ')

Judah.

It

are represented as

coming

to him.

The

reference

is

not to any

Men of the host for battle]. This expression

particular stronghold.
indicates that these recruits were trained soldiers {cf. 7").
Arranging

the spear

and

the shield]

i.e.,

in order for battle,

found in Je. 46^ The

peculiar expression also
On their likeness to lions in the fierceness of
given in v.-^ <"'.
their appearance or onset, and to roes for swiftness, cf. 2 S. i" 2>8.

more usual one

11

(10).

Mashmannah f]- 14

(13).

Heads of the host] i.e., chief warriors

or commanders (Be., Kau., Ki., RV.).

Machbannai

is

-f]. 15 (14).

(Ke., Zoe.), better, leaders

carries forward
Ki. after

this idea of leadership to the next clause

the least one over

With this rendering one

hundred, the greatest over a thousand.
true
The
instead
of
would expect ^3;
binterpretation is that the
smallest, or weakest, could cope with a hundred,

and the

greatest,

or strongest, with a thousand (Be., Ke., Zoe., Kau., RV.).

Cf.
16 (15). In the first month] i.e., the month
Is. 30" Lv. 268.

CHRONICLES

ig8

Nisan

at its flood {cf. Jos. 3'^).

In the

summer
snows

of the
able, but after the melting
it is hazardous to cross.

And

when

the Jordan is
the Jordan is easily fordon the mountains in the

of the barley harvest,

(April), the period

they put to flight all [the

spring
The
inhabitants of\ the valleys on the east and on the west\
of
Saul
adherents
opposed
writer evidently has in mind that the
the passage of these Gadites to join David.

9.

On

the plural force of >^J^

cf.

On.

io'

Kon.

i2.

iii.

256

e.

The pathah under s is due to the close connection with

nspS].
^^l omit the phrase and also have airb Tri%
the following word,
came from the wilderness evidently
ipr)iwv, implying that the Gadites

Instead of ncii the Venetian pointed

nn"<l "^^"lthe influence of Je.
curiously had pc, perhaps through
14. la-y >nc?j?] Ges.
463 (Be.). nnn'^] on use of inf. see Ges. 1140.

to Ziklag
text,

{cf. V. >)

1526,

1340-

17-19 (16-18). Additional recruits from Benjamin and

Judah.This paragraph

reads like an insertion from another

between the accounts of the recruits from Gad and

Manasseh. The omission of the mention of personal names is

narrative

striking,

and

especially the vivid

and dramatic form

rative. 17 (16). Benjamin and Judah].

post-exilic, cf.

And David

v.'. Unto the stronghold].

answered and

said].

The

of the nar-

point of view

Cf. v.

is

's'. 18 (17).

The Hebrew idiom employs two

verbs in introducing speakers in a colloquy where in English

have come unto me to
usually only one is used.// in peace you
help

then shall mine heart be at one with you; but if to betray

my adversaries, although no wrong is in my hands, may the

me

me to
God of our fathers

see

and

judge].

On

this beautiful

commitment

of innocence, cf.
by David of his cause to God, with his assertion
took
the
19 (18). Then
J s. 24" -'5.
possession of 'Amasai]
spirit
itself with him.
Cf. 2
lit.
put him on, as a garment, clothed
the
in
Moore
Ch. 242" Ju. 63' (see
thirty (Kt)].
loco). Chief of
In 11=0 we have found according to the true reading that Abishai

was
and

the interpretation of Be.

chief of the thirty, hence Ki., after '
Amasai. Others (Ke.,
of
instead
Abishai
here
others, reads

with Amasa (Stt'Cy),

Zoe., Oe., Ba.) prefer to identify Amasai
whom Absalom made his commander-in-chief and later David,

Xn.

DAVID'S RECRUITS

1-23.]

whom

and

he said].

199

<"'
A^id
20').
Joab treacherously slew (2 S. 17'* 19'*
in
These words are wanting in ^, but are given
(.

Thine [are we\ O David,

with thee O son of Jesse,

And

Peace, peace to thee.

And peace

to

thy helpers

Fot thy God hath helped

a beautiful

This response
career from the point
is

of

thee.'\

Hebrew

bit of

view of the

David's whole

poetry.

OT.

narrators had been

marked by evidences of divine assistance. The band]. David's

company of four hundred or six hundred men (i S. 22^ 272). The
word band is usually used of marauders (cf. v. ^^ 2 Ch. 22' i S.
'5.

23

30818.

K.

ii^'' el

Only here is nni used as a

equivalent to ^^N 33S.
onn ahz] neg. circumstantial clause Ges. 156c.
19 o^'S'iS^'n]
prep, is chiefly poetic and late, cf. v. 34.

iniS 23S]

substantive.

Use

of i<h

Qr.

a''i:'''Sa'n.

of (B,

al.).

-wiih.

^, H.

peating
ing verse.

it,

"'D33

The former
ip>:i -\n T]^].

generally preferred and is the reading

g> also read lS^ reCS read q?:;n in -^S.

is

and has otherwise amplified the verse and also the preced-

The

pi. T'ltyV

should be read after

05,

H.

20-23 (19-22). The recruits from Manasseh. 20 (19).

For the use of
of Manasseh some deserted to David] lit. fell.

And

the verb '?S3 with this force

Ch. 15'

cf. 2

K. 25"

Je. 21' 37'* 39'

When he went with the Philistines against Saul].

52".

Cf.

S.

used to describe the very time when

The clause
28'
29'
from
Manasseh. As soon as he rehis
recruits
received
David
'

is

^.

turned to Ziklag they came v. ^i

^^
"".
against the Amalekites v.
continuation

of

the

previous

(20)

and

And

assisted

him

in

his raid

he did not help them*] a

Because on advice the
clause.

away saying: At the price

The phrase at the
master
he
will
desert
to
his
our
heads
Saul].
of
The
our
is suggested by i S. 29^.
heads
thought is that
price of
David would reconcile himself to Saul through some act of treachtyrants of the Philistines

had him

sent

ery involving the death of the Philistines.

returned
seh

(lit.

'Adnah

went)
f,

to

etc.].

21

Ziklag there deserted unto

This verse

fixes

(20).

more exactly
and defines

the time of the accession of these recruits

When

he

him from Manasthan v. " <">

their person-

200

CHRONICLES

ality.

Except 'Adnah

names

are not especially rare.

sch\

The

writer

Ch.

(2

i7>< f)

and

Chiefs of

Zillethai

{cf.

S"), their

the thousands of

Manas-

thinking of the military divisions of the tribe

is

P {cf. Nu. 311464)._22 (21).

determine
whether the pronoun refers
they\
to the seven Manassites just mentioned (Ke., Zoe.) or all the
of

Manasseh according

And

^s. 62.

to

It is difficult to

recruits

^'^'.

'"

'=<"

(Be., Oe.).

The hand

sacked Ziklag during David's absence

23 (22). This verse explains the

Like

ing verse.

(Dav. Syn.

20.

D")?}!].

is

it

ject,

34

remove

s.

{v.

host, the last

and

S. 30' "

word

who
).

of the preced-

God] i.e., a very great host. The

used to distinguish a thing that is very great
6).
(Cf i S. 14'^ Ps. 36^ 80" Jon. 3'.) On

the host of

epithet, "of God,"

the wide

the Amalekites

is

is

of the writer

from

historical fact see above.

While David and his men might be taken as the subwith David
D^^'V,

better to read with (6 (?) the verb sing.

as the subject (Ki.).

21.

The

ir:!''^].

choice of

22.

been determined by noSS i S. 29".

used of the Amalekites in i S. 308-

's.

23.

"I'^n

here

The word inj

23.

arj Dv

may have
(1.

n;*-]

17
(1.

?)

is

48).

This phrase is given elsewhere without ryV. This verse is not unfrom the hand of the Chronicler instead of from his source.

likely

24-41 (23-40). The number of the soldiers who made David

king at Hebron. These verses are another account of the events
Their object is to show the completeness
already related in 11'-'.
of the assembly of all Israel to make David king, and especially to
set forth the military pomp of the occasion.
24 (23). And these
The
are the numbers of the heads of the armed men of the host].
word heads occasions a difficulty. Ordinarily heads (D''uS"l) are
interpreted leaders, commanders, or chiefs and so here by <|>, H,

This meaning, however, does not agree with the context,

Be., Ki.

since the

house of

number of
Zadok (v. -^

(y_:6

(34))

Hence

a^

the heads in that sense is only given of the

'^s'),

of the other

of Issachar (v.

numbers

=3

(32))^

and

of Naphtali

are of the units of the tribes

has been thought with probability that the heading

" '-^^ -^
'-''>, conoriginally belonged to a list which, like vx.
it

tained the

names and numbers

of

chiefs

and warriors

(Be.).

Others interpret heads as polls, persons (Ba.), after Ju. 5' (a usage
not paralleled elsewhere with ti'S"! but requiring r.h^hi, see

Xn.

HOSTS ASSEMBLED AT HEBRON

24-41.]

Moore

201

"

**
as bands, divisions, after Ju. 7'- 2" 9"i S.
II" (Ke., Zoe., Oe.). The host is the army of Israel after the
To turn the kingdom of Satil to him according to the
usage of P.

in

loco), or

word of Yahweh]. Cf. io'< 11' '". 25 (24). Bearing the shield
and spear] the large shield (nri) covering the whole man in
contrast with the small shield

carried as a protection against

(pi3)
spear (nD"l) was a lance for thrusting. The number of Judah is noticeably small compared with the numbers from
Ke. explains that since David had already
the northern tribes.

arrows.

The

reigned seven years at Hebron, Judah and Simeon needed to

send only relatively few men, m.erely to witness the ratification
of his

others.

kingship by
28 (27).
And Jehoiada

The enigma

really

the prince of the

remains unsolved.

house of Aaron] iden-

2 S. 8"*) (Raschi,
with the father of Benaiah (ii"a
uncritical
reflection
Kimchi, Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.);
simple
""'

tified

of,

II,

Jehoiada the priest that brought Joash to the throne (2 K.

The former view probably was
12) (We. Prol. p. 174).

the design of the writer, since according to i K. 2'^ -, Benaiah

slew Joab in the Tent of Yahweh, and hence from the point of view
of the Chronicler,

having such access to the sanctuary, he naturally

would have been

of Levitical descent

have been a leader

of the Levites

at

the time

of

and

distinct

his father might well

from Abiathar the priest

In the following verse

David's coronation.

Benaiah's cotemporary Zadok is mentioned as a young man

thus in the proper age relation to Benaiah's father.
(lj/i),

29

And Zadok].

who

tiventy two captains

(28).
of his father's house is represented as associated with Jehoiada, is
probably designed to be the priest who with Abiathar was at the

Th.xsZ.diddk,

w'xih.

who later supplanted Abiathar

The twenty-two captains are a reflection of the

court of David (2 S. 8") and

entirely (i

K.

2^'->).

twenty-two priestly classes of the post-exilic period

24'-'^

Ne.

i2'-7-

(We., Bn.), yet the twenty-two classes are doubtful. 30 (29).

For until now] i.e., up to the time of David's coronation, the event
12-21

which the

v^rriter

is

describing.

The

their allegiance to the house of Saul]

great

part of them kept

kept the charge of the

house of Saul, a form of expression used frequently of the care
of the sanctuary (23=2 Nu. i" y-^et al.).
The writer com'"^

lit.

202

CHRONICLES

plctcly ignores the fact that according to 2 S. 2' not only Benjamin but all Israel except Judah adhered to the house of Saul
until the death of Ishbaal 31 (30).
0/or in their fathers'

houses].

This

the usual rendering

(cf.

5").

But Be. preferred according

to their fathers' houses, i.e., that

was

their order (for this use of h

cf

is

BDB. 5

(a)). 32

(31).

from ]\Ianasseh west

i.e.,

the Jordan,

name].

Cf

is

sumes that a

Ch.

in v.

"

C37)_

\yjiQ

Manasseh]

other half, east of

^.^^.g

designated hy

Nu. i" Ezr. 8". The writer asindividuals was kept and thus these
eighteen

roll of

to

come

make David

33 (32).
king.
having an understanding
shotdd do]. This applies to the
to

the children of Issachar those

of the times knowing what Israel

two hundred heads or leaders.

were

The

28'^ 31'^

thousand were summoned

And from

the half-tribe of

of the Jordan.

mentioned

16"

And from

skilled in astrological lore

The meaning probably is that they

and thus knew what Israel should

do ( and some of the Rabbins, Be., Oe., BDB.

nj? 2 b cf. Est.
I''), though others have found here only the thought of prudent

men who knew what

the times

members

characterisation of

demanded

This

(Ke., Zoe., Ba.).

of the tribe of Issachar

has been

brought into connection with the inquiries made at Abel, a town

of Issachar, according to 2 S. 2o8
(We. Prol. p. i'j^).And all
their brethren at their

command].

The number

of these is strangely

omitted, and perhaps has fallen from the original text.

One hundred and twenty

thousand for each

tribe.

David king present a

Judah
Simeon
Levi

These contingents that came

total as follows

6,800

....

7,100

.....

8,300

all

their brethren")

Naphtali

Ephraim
Half Manasseh

"and

(200 chiefs

3,700 with Jehoiada,

Zadok, and 22 captains)
3,000

make

to

...

Issachar

Zebulun

....
....

(37).

of forty

(4,600 "from Levi,"

Benjamin

38

The round number

thousand].

50,000

37,000

(with 1,000 chiefs)

Dan

....
....

28,600

20,800

Asher

18,000

Tribes E. Jordan 120,000

40,000

339.600

Xn.

HOSTS ASSEMBLED AT HEBRON

24-41.]

The

203

upon which these numbers were reckoned

basis

The

possible to determine.

writer's object clearly

is

im-

is

it

to

magnify

the part taken by the tribes of the subsequent Northern kingdom

He has imparted a pleasing colour to his
David's coronation.

in

by the variety of phrases with which he describes the

40. 41 (39, 40). CJ. for descriptions of similar joy
While
and feasting 292"-" 2 Ch. y^-'" i K. 8"--'^'! 2 Ch. 30" ^

statistics

tribal hosts.

not mentioned here, they would naturally accompany

a coronation festival with its oaths of treaty or allegiance (r/. Gn.
sacrifices are

2146. 64)

Food offlour]

i.e.,

usually in the form of thin

figs].
first

bread

stuffs

made

of

round cakes.

flat

wheat or barley,

Pressed

cakes of

In making these the figs are sometimes

beaten in a mortar and then pressed into a cake (DB.).
Cf.

S.

Bunches of

25

'

30'-.

Cf.

raisins].

S.

25'8 30'^

S.

16'.

These were

dried grapes, probably also pressed into cakes.

24. (B has TO. 6v6ixaTa (nice instead of nsDc). This probably

was written by a careless transcriber through the notion that the
On the omission of
verse was a subscription of the preceding verses.

Bn. after (& inserts ib'n.

before in3, see Ges. i55<i.
" S3X
^siSn, those equipped for the host, i.e., for war,

-i-'s

V.

32"

This phrase

Jos. 4".

34. N3X

\s:ir].

See

v.

-.

is

parallel with N3X insii

ncnVn

i'^d

Vja ncn'^n

"131;']

n^s*?

v. ^\

setting

Tm'^'^'"']

Nu.

cf.

cf.

31^

5'8.

in order

war with every kind of weapon of war, cf. v. '. iiy'^i] Ges.
05, 31, and some Heb. MSS. have iijrS preferred by Kau., Bn.,
while the text is adhered to by Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki. Here and in
V. 35 Tiy is apparently used as a synonym of "iiy, which word actually
'^
in some MSS. {q. v.).
Perles suggests as original in
appears in v.
both passages the word -\-fZ' which in Babylonian as saddru has the

for

114/'.

technical

"

arranging (an army) in battle array."

copyist
as a gloss to this foreign word in both places, whence
arose the form -nj; by combination of the two (OLZ. 8, 1905, col.
"
aSi aS xSa] with one heart, lit.
with not a heart of two kinds,"
181).

meaning

then inserted

"iij;

cf.

nS3

Ps. 12', for construction Ges. 123/.

cf.

V.

'8.

35.

n^jni]

w.

^-

25

ncm.

Dav. Syn.
It is

29 R. 8.
uncertain whether

On
we

should draw a distinction between these (Now. Arch. I. p. 362), although the former has been regarded as the heavier weapon used by
great warriors (2 S. 2-^ 2321) (EBi. art. Spear). 37. xax insv] cf.v.
!".

39.

^""'y). (f-

my] some
V.

**.

MSS. and <6

'2-^y

preferred by

Kau., Bn.

{id.

or

204

CHRONICLES

The removal

XIII. 1-14.

This narrative

is

Chronicler with an introduction

of the organised hosts of Israel

from Kiriath-jearim.

of the ark

taken from

2 S. 6'-",

w. '"

and

but

fitting

it

is

provided by the

into his conce})tion

of the activity of the Levites at

In giving the removal of the ark

immediately after
David's coronation and capture of Jerusalem (11'-') the Chronicler
that time.

has departed from the order of 2

S.,

where accounts

of

David's

building himself a house, and of his family and of his victories

over the Philistines (2 S. 5"-"), precede the mention of his removal
of the ark.
The Chronicler has clearly placed this last event first
in order to

magnify David's concern for the worship of Yahweh.

David's religious acts are the main thing with the Chronicler.
Others are mere episodes in the King's career.

For such consultation with all officers of the realm cj. 28'
1 2.
This representation may be due to the Chronicler's
desire to minimise the suggestion of the
arbitrary authority of the
1.

Ch.

King seen

in the

books

of S.

and K. (Ba.). 2. All

the assembly of

Let its send in every direction

Israel] i.e., the assembly of officers.
or
let
tis
send
The former
(Oe., Ba.)
quickly (Be., Ke., Zoe., Ki.)].
is
the
better
the
to
rendering (RV.)
according
meaning of the verb

(pS),

cf.

districts

in

On.

28^* Is. 543 Jb. ii

(but v.

of Israel]

Hebron.

The

i.e.,

those

who

did not

i.).Wlio are

come

to

in

left

writer closely connects the removal of the ark

with the assembly of the hosts described

TJie priests

and

all

make David king

The

the Levites].

in the previous chapter.

narrative in 2 S. has no word

concerning the participation of the priests and the Levites. Their

introduction here is due to the point of view of the Chronicler. Everything must be done according to

V.In

their cities that

have

An express provision of the Levitical and priestly

pasture lands].
cities was that
pasture lands, the immediately adjoining suburbs,
i Ch.
should go with them (Nu. 35' , see also
Jos. 14^ 22"
(51 ff.,
2 Ch. II"). 3. And let us
bring up [lit. round] the arfi

639

ff.

of our God]. The Chronicler varies in his use of terms designating

the ark.
In passages independent of Biblical sources he calls it
the arfi of God v. ^ 151. 2. 15. 24 2 Ch. i^ tfie arfi of the covenant
of God

i6^ tfie arfi of Yahweh 153covenant of Yafiweh 16" 22 '^

i^-

16^ 2 Ch. 8" and

282-

'^^

and

tfie arfi

of the

in the Biblical excerpts

he

Xm.

THE ARK

FIRST REMOVAL OF

1-14.]

205

has allowed to remain unchanged ark of God vv. ' and the ark of
the covenant of Yahweh 2 Ch. 5- \ and has substituted for the
ark of Yahweh, the ark of God vv. >= '^ {the ark) < 16', and for the
ark of Yahweh, the ark of the covenant of Yahweh 15"- 26. 28. 29^

and the same also for the ark of God 17'.

is shown toward preferring the term God
instances

Yahweh allowed

the ark of

is

Thus
to

while a tendency
since in

Yahweh,

to

no

stand in a Biblical

term is used by the Chronicler himself, we

have no real consistency of usage. The preference, however, of
the Dtic. term the ark of the covenant of Yahweh is noticeable.

extract, yet since this

For we have not sought

it

in the days ofSanl]

i.e.,

we have made no

5. From Shihor of Egypt].

).
inquiry concerning it (cf. 1 S. 7'
In Is. 233 Je. 2's Shihor clearly stands for the Nile. The name
branch of the
properly seems to have been that of an arm or
'

DB., EBi.). In this passage

and the parallel one Jos. 13' the name is more applicable to the
Wady el Artsh or the Brook of Egypt, which is elsewhere taken as
delta or canal of the Nile (Shihor,
'

the south-western limit of the Promised

I

K. 8"

Ch.

arm

of the Nile delta, Bn., that

through careless transcription.

Probably

"

Jos. 15^
Ki. thinks of

34^

7 Is. 27'2) (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.).

the most eastern

text

Land (Nu.

Shihor

is in

our

at the time of the

'

Chronicler one thought of the Nile as well as the Wady el Arish as

the ideal boundary of the ancient kingdom of Israel {cf. Spurrcll

on Gn.

15'*).

boundary

Even unto

of Israel

(Nu.

the entrance of

Hamath]

the northern

with the
13=' 34^ Jos. 13^ Jg. 33) identified

Beka', a broad valley between

Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon watered

mod.
by the Orontes, in which was located the city of Hamath,
Hamd. Kiriath-je arim] a city of the Gibeonites west of Jerusalem

(identification uncertain)

{cf.

Buhl,

GAP.

pp. 166/.).

The ark
'

return by the Philistines (i S. 7'

).
6. From this verse to the end of the chapter the narrative is taken
from 2 S. 6'-" with few variations (yet a marked one in

was placed

there after

its

directly
V.

'^),

and the

text is

on the whole here better preserved than

Ba'alah] was another

name

in 2 S.

for Kiriath-jearim (Jos. 15'-"-

"

The name shows that the place was an ancient sanctuary

i8'^).
Yahweh enthroned above the cherubim
or seat of Baal-worship.
whose name is called over it*] i.e., over the ark; signifying that

CHRONICLES

'^o6

This
the ark belonged especially to Yahweh (Oe., Bn., v. i.).
did
not
of
God
to
the
probably
belong
description
original text
7.
of 2 S. 6^
cart] to avoid any possible defilement.

Abinaddb].
is

New

Cf.

on a

located

S.

In

7'.

house of Abinadab

6' the

S.

Uzza and

and

hill

Ahio are

his

The

sons.

Chronicler has omitted these particulars and also the verb and
8. On the instruments of music v. i.,
they bore it (IHSll'^l)-

the owner
and
9. Chidon] the name probably
death from some
the threshing-floor. 10. That Uzza met
'3-

i5's-

cf.

of

^*.

his

of

cause

be

now

utterly

unknown

while the ark was being brought,

may

and the reason assigned would be most natural

historical,

(cf.

On

the other hand, the story may have originated in an

endeavour to explain the meaning of the local name Perez- uzza
15'^).

14.

v.

".

in

its

And

the ark of

own house]

house of Obed-edom.
2 S.

of

6"

i.)

(1;.

God abode by the house of Obed-edom

was in its tent alongside or near the

the ark

i.e.,

This statement

where the ark

Obed-edom.

The

a modification of that of

is

represented as placed in the house

Chronicler, however, evidently could not
is

conceive of the ark placed in an ordinary dwelling and modified

the text accordingly.
On Obed-edom as a Levite cf. i5'8.

1.

>(;]

(gB

/xeTCL

luj

^3^'\

(d).

Heb.

followed by two genitives,

Twv irpea^vTipuv Kal before

cf.

Ch.

n'w'

11' i2'5 Ges.

not

is

128a.

original.

likely

in short with every leader.

For the force of S v. BDB. '^ 5 e
(S^ Kal ixtra iravrbi 7]yov/j.ivov probably had no different underlying

2.

ai:a

ii' 3' et al.

ot"^-;
ij-tiSn

ax],

mni

struction V. Ges. i2oh.

renders

^-j

has here the force of a dat.

jc] cf.

Gn.

245".

(& connects

This suggests that

nn'^^i'j

n:i-iDj

cf.

Ne.

2^- '

Est.

nsicj] for the con-

with previous clause and

SS. conjecture
corrupt.
or nxinj Niph. forms, favoured also by Kau., Bn., BDB.;
n-iij
Klo., who connects with previous clause and renders laid wir von
Jahve unserm Gotie Gunst dazu erlangen. Ki. BH. after (S reads
evu)5d)6T].

is

mpj

nnxij,

and from Yahweh our God

it

is acceptable.

Both

IJ

and

&

favour connecting the verb with the previous clause. U'-nx h'j]. '^>
interchanges with Sn in late Heb. v. BDB. Sn note 2 and hy 8. nisiN]
this plural of y\t< is almost wholly late (some twenty-two times in 1

and

Ch.) used, as here, for districts of Israel,

as

cf.

also 2 Ch. 11" 15^,

3.
(1. 6).

well as countries adjoining Israel 14" 22' 29', et al.

injcm] C5 i!^'iti'*i^i. J may be a corruption of 1, or vice

nvj'i'S]

on the use of

inf.

after lex

</.

27"

versa.

4.

Ch. 21' Ps. 106" Est.

XIV.

DAVID IN JERUSALEM

1-7.]

4% Ew.

338 a.

In 2

IPX.

S.

6. Snis'^ Sdi "in

h}!>^]

who

the

people
while according to

thousand,

6'

?3i nn 1"?^ opM

with David are only thirty
^
David has assembled all

2 S. 6^ tj-x D>'n

are

Ch.

The

207

v.

Ch. probis corrupt.

Sx (Bn.).
ably preserves the original with the insertion of D^ijJ^ nnp
Bu. in 2 S. (SBOT.) reads ri-^-.n-^ nS>-3. xipj i!rN D^anon 3a'i> nin^
Israel.

n^^n>h

nnSya].

text in 2 S.

vhy D"'3^^n

S.

cr]

appear
in Ch. the

ja'^

Dr., Bu., after

faulty.

Both

ms'^s mn^ oir db* f<npj ncN.

omit

05,

Dt^

Kau.

in 2 S.

with this omission and that of

text of 2 S.

texts

substitutes

Bn.

'ax.

with Oe., after (S, reads vSj? mz', and thinks the Chronicler changed
the order of 2 S. purposely to avoid placing the ark in close connection with the God of Israel as Yahweh Sabaoth, the God of
whose
War, and instead merely refers to the ark as of Yahzveh
.

name

is called over it;

(for ref. see

^z\

7.

BDB.

n;'3J3

be struck out.
of V.
-

in

2 S.

I.
.

The

8.

the last phrase indicating merely ownership

Nnp Niph. 2. d. (4).). Ki. BH. reads ica*

are a dittography and to

Chronicler has, however, omitted the remainder
Dn^DJi ly Sd3] 2 S. 6^ Dicn3 isy S32. Ch. has
inxit"! rr^nn in 2 S. 6'-

nnxxnai DTiSsDOi] 2 S. D''SxSxdi DVJJJJcai. The latter

the true reading.
The motive of the change was
text is the original (Be., Zoe., Dr.).
The anxsn
to introduce instruments better known or more in use.
are
i3'--

mentioned by the Chronicler

often

"

15'*

2o28 et al.)

(1.

44).

(is^''-

i6-

9. p^o] 2 S. 6^ has

<2

]13J

2 Ch. s'^'which as a

ni nx] wanting in 1^ of 2 S. is
2 S. has also tn^M instead of
required by Heb. usage (Dr., Bu.).
10. Compared with 2 S.
rnxS.
vjr:u'] read perhaps la^r, see BDB.
Ch. has here the original text. 11.
6', whose text is quite corrupt,
(& Kal rjdijfjLr]<Tev, which is also the rendering of ^ "inn in i S.
-in''i]
15", hence the emendations to "10.11 or "ix^j proposed by Dr., Bu.,
part, fixed is meaningless {v. Dr.).

SBOT., do not appear necessary (Sm. on

V-iD Ti'N ^;.

12

'h'^nh

and

2 S. 68

2]

mn\

S.

15")-

T"^fl

-idxS] 2 S. ncxii.

""^l

2 S. 6^

How

shall

"
2 S.
How shall the ark come unto me."
I bring the ark unto me].
14. Before rr-ai of 2 S. 6'" the Chronicler
13. I'Dn] 2 S. 61" no-iS nax.

has inserted

iS

"ll^'^<

in^a Sd

aj?

and he has

Ss nxi dik ij;?

nxi

mx

also inserted after 'Obed-edom

no

nx].

(B

omits nij

and

inoa

{v. s.).

2 S. reads

nx

naj;.

XIV. David in Jerusalem. This chapter is taken from 2 S.

As already remarked, the Chronicler has varied the order
5"-".
in 2 S.,

giving the

first

and now the second

place to David's removal of the ark,

to his buildings, his family,

and

c. 13,

his victories.

David's assistance in building from Tyre. The emfrom

the Phoenician King with gifts of cedars and skilled
bassy
1. 2.

CHRONICLES

2o8

was a recognition

slaves

of David's great power, his friendship

this prosperity indicated that God

being worth cultivating,
as
David
had established
king over Israel, for his kingdom was

and

exalted on high.

has min preferred by Ki. (see his note SBOT.), and

Ch. 2"^- " ' 8^- ' 92'. In S. and K. we have ai^n.
what we should expect from a compound of nN, which is

1. o-\'n] Qr.

also occurring in 2

This

is

ai^n after ns; also v. Ahumai 4^).

generally seen in Hiram (v. BDB.,
oninx is, of course, possible like "'nud.
-\>p "'B'-im] 2 S. 5" px 'i:'ini
The Chronicler is fond of
n'3 iS nuaV] 2 S. nnS no M2>\
-i.p

using the
d]

2 S.

inf.

of purpose
It is

''01.

5'^

and

substitutes

ivaw consec.

for the

it

2.

determine whether the omission of the

fficult to

or intentional by the Chronicler to show why David knew

that Yahweh had established him as king.
raz'i] must be taken as a
has ins'^DD ncj. The
fern, and so 05 of 2 S., where
is

slip

Niph.

3.

pf.

Chronicler has substituted the

also inserted for

the verb,

cf.

emphasis
22^ 23" 293- "

common word

Heb.

of late

inioSc,

and

a phrase peculiar to Ch., to intensify

2 Ch. i' 2019, with iy 1612 1712 268 (1. 87).
n*^;-::^,

3-7. David's sons born in Jerusalem. {Cf. ^'-^ 2 S. 5'' '^)

Chronicler has omitted from 2 S. the mention of the con-

The

cubines, either as derogatory to David (Bn., but cf. 3O or because

of wives
according to 3^ the sons here mentioned were only those
(Be.).

The names

except

as in 3

Elpelet

of the sons correspond to those given in 2 S.,

'*

*>

and Nogah

instead of Eliada

(q. v.)

vv.

we have

^b.
ea^

and

the two additional

correctly Beeliada

names

{)}Tb)^2)

(yn^^S), cf 3^

3-7. Besides the omission of D^rjSo before D'C'J, the Chronicler has
omitted the reference to Hebron, but has preserved the true reading
He has also given nn nSn instead of
oS^-n^a instead of nSi'n^D.
inS
and also we have in v. * om^v-i, instead of a^-\'^^n, followed

n^n,

by

the additional

words vn

li's.

The

retention of

meaningless, since the record 2 S. 32-5, to which

For variation in the names see above.

8-12. David's victory at Baal-perazim.

The

it

mj?

(v.

")

is

refers, is omitted.

(Cf

Chronicler follows here very closely the text of

2 S.

2 S.

5"-=')

The

only

'
noteworthy variations are his removal at the end of v.
of the reference to the stronghold, which perhaps he did not under-

specially

THE

VICTORIES OVER

XIV. 8-17.J

PHILISTINES

209

Stand and which in meaning is not perfectly plain (see Sm.); his
substitution of Elohini for Yahweh w. i"- ", and the new statement
in V.

'-,

q. V.

8.

Over

David as King

all Israel].

not been a menace to Philistia and

it is

of

Judah had

possible that he thus ruled

with some kind of consent from the Philistines, but they naturally
could not countenance the extension of his power over all Israel.
9. In the valley of Rephaim] very near Jerusalem, through which

HGHL.

p.
passes the railway from Jaffa (Baed." p. 15) (GAS.
10. Inquired of Yahweh] by the sacred lot, the Urim and
218).
Thummim or the Ephod (r/. Ju. i' i S. 2^- ^'^ 30^ '-.11. Baalperazim] should probably be identified with Mt. Perazim of Is.

The site
name is

28^'.

If the

unknown. The meaning is "Lord of breakings."

not more ancient than David, to wit, that of some

is

sanctuary of a god, then Baal

is

Yahweh, who, as the

had given them the victory that

equivalent to

remainder of the verse implies,

12. In 2 S. 5^' we read that the Philistines
day.

their

gods and that David and his

read that

The

David commanded and

the images of

left

Here we

men took them away.

the images ivere burned with fire.

Chronicler could not think of any other disposal of idols by

their destruction according to the law, Dt. y^- ".

David than
8.

5" in rs in^-o. S:] wanting in 2 S. ^nijoS s-i^i]

Probably the stronghold of Adullam was meant
9. rj;:'D-] 2 S. 5'^ u'Jr.
This latter is by Ki. preferred. Bn.
10. a^n^vx:i] 2 S.
is impossible to determine which is original.

in ncsj]

2 S.

2 S. niiXDH '^N TIM.

(Bn.).

says it
519 nino.

3via''?fln

PS,

11.

an.-iji] 2 S.

iSj?ii]

2 S. ijdS.

D.-inn.

i'^]

a good illustration

2 S.

of

2 MSS., (6 sg., 2 S. 5="

12.

an^n'TN ns]

S.

Sn.

DTinji] 2 S. i~!<

pj

"'O

abridgment by the Chronicler.

in
5^1

in

N3M.

d'hSni]

Di^ai-y rs.

2 S.

Ch.

nnv

n-:}]

supported by

(8 in 2 S. doubtless preserves the original reading (Dr., Bu., Bn., Sm.).

transcriber of 2 S. refused to call idols gods.

2 S. VB'jNi

in

rso

\s-\v^^

in icnm]

DN-iTii, V. s.

13-17. David's victory over the Philistines in the valley

2 S. 5"-" with the addition of v. ').
V. '' has been abridged

(=

with the loss of Repha im, the name of the valley.

Elohim, as
'^'^ and inserted in
above, has been substituted for Yahweh in vv.
'<, giving and God said^
Emphasis has been placed on David's
13. In the valley]
inquiry of God by inserting the word again.
14

V.

2IO

of

i.e.,

Rephaim

on flank or

was

attack

rear.

to

(v.

15.

s.).

CHRONICLES

14.

When

are to

Philistines

thou hearesl,

be the sound of the wind

be attacked

The omen

etc.].

in the trees:

the

for

wind was

'
regarded as a manifestation of Yahweh (cf. 2 S. 22" i K. 19"
It is not necessary to think that the trees before this
Jb. 38').

event were regarded as sacred.

The former
(cf.

16.

From

Gibe' on even to Gezer].

8") indicates the quarter of attack and the latter

6" "") the Canaanitish city the probable place of refuge
(cf.

and escape

the Philistines.

of

This scene

miles.

omission of

of the battle

Rephaim

in v. ".

The

distance

is

some

sixteen

may account for the Chronicler's

17. The Chronicler has given an

exaggerated significance to this victory quite in the line of his

desire to glorify David.
13. 2 S. 5 has r\^hyh after D^ntt'Sfl and waji instead of latfA'' (see
14. (V. s.) DniS>'D 3Dn onnnN n^yn ith] 2 S.
) with D^NDi after pv;.

V.

5" annnx Sn 2Dn

attack

is

7\);-;n

ah.

forbidden and one

The text of 2 S. is preferable. A frontal

commanded on the rear. Chronicles gives

wrong connection to D.T>-\nN, and yet adapted it probably by changing

from behind them to that of following in a straight direction
on^Sya is either an original addition of the Chronicler, or
afler them.
possibly the original of 2 S. was sn>^}) n'^yn nS and we have by overIn both
sight in Chronicles an interchange of prepositions (Be., Bn.).
the
its

force

"

paraphrase with
16. 'd njno

V"in.-i.

former

much

loss

nt< ^T^] 2

BDB.). 15. ncnSoa Nsn tn]

"
of originality and vigor
of 2 S. 5'* IK
S. 525 'd ns i>i.
pyajD] 2 S. j?3jd. The
"
Is. 28='
where Perazim and Gibeon are

the true reading, cf.

mentioned together as scenes of celebrated victories.
is

texts read 3D instead of 3Dn (Dr., Bu., Ki.,

The

Philistines

are in the D^ndi pay south of Jerusalem.

David advancing from the
south does not approach them in front, but makes a circuit and assails
their rear.

From

Gibeon, on the north-west of Jerusalem, would thus

from which his attack would be made " (Dr.).

just indicate the quarter

XV.-XVI. The bringing

This narrative
lel in

ark

2 S.

of the ark to the city of David.

from the paralthe second removal of the

differs, especially in its elaboration,

6'=".

In 2 S. the impulse for

derived from the blessing which the ark had brought to the
house of Obed-edom and which had taken away the fear of the
is

King (v. ", cf. V. 8), and the removal itself is described as performed by the King and the people without the mention of a priest

XV.

PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL OF ARK

1-24.]

21

In Chronicles, on the other hand, this blessing of the

or a Levite.

is mentioned only incidentally (i3'< = 2 S. 6"j

the motive which led David to carry out his original

house of Obed-edom

and

is

not

made

The King,

intention of bringing the ark to Jerusalem.

having realised that the failure of the first attempt

apparently
to a

was due

non-compliance with the Levitical law, now proceeds to bring up

the ark with due ecclesiastical state and ceremony.

we exclude

If

15"-"-

" ^*^

and

in 16^ the words,

and Obed-edom and

the narrative runs smoothly and is probably

The sixfold division of the Levites
the composition of the Chronicler.
(vv. '-"') is somewhat peculiar and has been given as the ground for

Jeiel

and Asaph

(v. i.),

assigning 15'-" to an older source (so Bn., Ki.), but the text does not
imply that Elizaphan, Hebron, and Uzziel were co-ordinated with Kehath,

Subordinate members of a family

might have become heads of classes beside those named after their
forefathers {cf. 2 Ch. 29" ^ ).
According to Nu. t,^"'- the family of
Elizaphan, the son of Uzziel, had charge of the ark and in the light of
Nu. 4'* where the transportation of the sacred utensils is committed to
Merari, and Gershon as sons of Levi.

'

the sons of

Kehath

only,

surprising that the descendants of any but

it is

should be represented. The tradition that there were only

three sons of Levi was firmly established by the time of P (see on 5"
this family

Hence we think it simpler to suppose that the Chronicler himself

(6')).
introduced the representatives of the three great divisions of the Levites
These men with their brethren
beside those from the family of Kehath.
do not represent necessarily
to this task, which accounts

The Psalm fragments

all

the Levites, but merely those assigned

for the small

(i65s)

may be

number.
later interpolations

(Hitzig,

Reuss, Bn.) or more probably they were introduced by the Chronicler

Kom. p. 70).
The evidence that

(Ki.

corrected text of

found
in vv.

to that
20

v.

later, is as follows:

refers to twelve singers

{v. i.)

(i)

The

whose names are

number, followed by the names of two gate-keepers, but

the whole

^^g added

23

1519-21.

"

number

are classified as singers,

including the

well-known gate-keeper Obed-edom {cf. 15-^ i63' 26^- s. is) and

one new name Azaziah {v. i.). (2) Although the Chronicler gives
lists of singers elsewhere, he never classifies them according to their
instruments

(except

found elsewhere only

the

same

is

16^ v.

i.).

(3)

The

phrase

nicSj? Sy

in the titles of Pss. (9' 46' 481^ f, see

true of nijiDB'n hy

(v.

21,

cf.

Ps. 6' 12' f)-

mh

(v.

29)

is

BDB.), and

nsj::'^

precedes

follows the phrase.

the latter in both Pss. cited, and in Chronicles
If the Chronicler had been interested in these musical terms, we should
expect them elsewhere in a narrative so replete with references to the

212

CHRONICLES

(4) The notice concerning the elsewhere unknown gatekeepers (v. ") seems to take the place of the two in v. ". On the
other hand, v. " may have come from the Chronicler, since he knows
a Chenaniah, a Kehathite (26='), who would be a suitable /Jr/Hce 0/ the

singers.

carrying.

The

Chronicler thought the singers needed instruction (25'),

of the ark also required

and he might well have thought the bearers

directions after the ill-fated ending of the first attempt (13').

the reference to Chenaniah in v. -' is also secondary or v. --

Either
is

from

the Chronicler.

The development of i5i6-2 seems to have been somewhat as follows:

The Chronicler wrote vv. '-'8- 22. 24a. An interpolator interested in the
according to musical instruments added vv.
taking all the names except Azaziah from the preceding lists. He
found the text of v. '^ in its present corrupt form (v. i.) and so concluded
that all the names were those of singers.
There is no indication in the
classification of singers

"-'

v. '* that Mikneiah concludes the list of the singers.

Then, supposing the names of the gate-keepers to have fallen out after
Dni'v^n (v. '8), he added two gate-keepers (v. ^^), probably appropriating
the names from 9'^.
The final clause of v. ^* originated in a marginal

present text of

gloss contradicting the statement in v. ".

The interpolator of vv. 5-21. 23 q\s,o inserted the words,

and Obed-edom
and Asaph into 16'. Obed-edom and Jeiel were added
since otherwise only one harp-player would have been mentioned {cf.
15-') and the insertion of and Asaph assigns to him the cymbals as in
Since the phrase, Obed-edom also the son of Jeduthun, in 16^8
15".
is probably a gloss (v. i.), there is every reason to doubt that Obed-edom
and

Jeiel,

was known

and since
upon the inter-

to the Chronicler as anything but a gate-keeper,

his position as

a singer

(1521 i65) rests in all likelihood

polator's misunderstanding of 15", there is little probability that in

history the family of Obed-edom were ever atiything except gate-keepers.

XV. 1-15. The general preparation

ark.

These

verses have

no

for bringing

direct parallel in 2 S.

up the

Six Levites

were assigned the task of carrying the ark, the Chronicler possibly
thinking of a representative of each of the three great classes of
the Levites as at one end and three representatives of the KehathThe two priests who were appointed doubtless

ites at the other.

had the task

of

covering the ark

ings besides the palace which

(cf.

1.

commanded to sanctify themselves.

The reference is either to
houses].

Nu.

4'^).

These were

And

he made for himself

the erection of other build-

David had

built with the assist-

ance of Hiram (14') (Be.) or to the internal construction of the

XV.

PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL OF ARK

1-24.]

213

palace as a residence for wives and children (Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

And he prepared a place for the ark God], Some kind of a
permanent enclosure is clearly meant where a tent could be

The

erected for the ark.

icles,

was

Gibeon

at

after the ark

i.e.,

edom

in v.

'

Ke.,

the Levites

made

is

or

better

up

the ark.

the

after

preparation

David

is

ready
The observation ab
)Ut

view of the death of Uzza

in

2. Then]
house of Obed-

16^^ 2129).

in the

according to the writer,

to bring

Law had

plied that the

Ch.

i^, cf.

Zoe.),

when,

renew the attempt

to

(2

had been three months

(Be.,

(13'^)

mentioned

old tabernacle, according to Chron-

Ch.

(13').

It is

n-

not been observed in carrying the ark on

a cart (13'). For the law cf. Nu. i^" 41= 73 10". 3. This sla eor its equivalent is lacking in 2 S., although such an assembV

ment

might be inferred from

Uri'el].

6'

He

"<>.

duty

6"

is

7.

Jo'el].

4^'=.

6.

9").

in 23^ as a

8.

Eliza-

where Elizaphan also represents adivision

In Nu. 3" the prince of the Kehathites is Elizaphan

Shetnaiah] a name of frequent occurrence
9. Hebron] a son of Kehath in 52^ (6^) 6^ <'' 23'^ Ex.

the son of Uzziel.

Nu. 3'^

name

Nu.

One of this name is mentioned

Ladan and the head of a family.

Cf. 2 Ch. 29''

of the Levites.

{cf.

mentioned.- -6.

the furniture of the sanctuary,

son of the Gershonite

6' 8

all Israel is

A Merarite of this name with his genealogy is mentioned

">.

phan].

where

occurs in the Kehathite genealogy of Elkaaih

mentioned first because the Kehathites had tae

of carrying

'AsaiaJi].
in

2 S. 6'^

The name

Eli' el] in the

genealogy of

of a Levitical overseer appointed

elsewhere in Chronicles as the

10.

name

Heman

<"'

6''

by Hezekiah

of non-Levites

cf.

and

the

Ch. 31",
5^^ S^"*

i2'2 t">.
ii-
Uzzi'el] like Hebron a son of Kehath in pas'
'
sages given above v.
Amminadab] the name of a son of Kehath
in 6' <") but there the name is a textual error for Izhar.
11.. Zadok

and Ahiathar
in 2 S.

8"

an end

in

(i

K. 2"-

").

This double priesthood

is

mentioned

i^u 20^6 and came

the reign of Solomon when Abiathar was deposed
12. Of the Levites] is here used in the general

Ch.

iS'* for true text)

sense, including the

Ch. 5"

the priests].

{cf.

to

>5-

priests,

3<

>

cf.

v.

24

'^

15"-

ss

Sanctify

yourselves]

by the v/ashing
body and the garments and the keeping aloof from every
2

295-

30'-

-^jis

25)

{cf.

of the
defile-

CHRONICLES

214

Gn. 35' Ex.

ig'"-

which I have prepared for it\

Cf.

sexual intercourse

ment, avoiding

Unto the place

On

(r/.

the construction see textual note.

13.

The verb

be supplied in the first clause (Oe., RV.,

Made a breach upon us\
prasentes, on (g v. i.).

may
we

did

seek

tiot

pronominal

it

him)

(or

God

(Ba.) or to

13= (q. V.)

The

aright].

object of the verb

's-

i).

w.

'

bear (StT^)

cf. v. =;

')^

Cf. 13".

has

For

ambiguous, the

either refer to the ark as in

may

and most). The

did not search out and

(Ke., Zoe., Oe.,

to be preferred

is

text is

'<

We

former, however,
14. David's request is combring up the ark in the right way.
with.
15.
their
plied
Upon
shoulders].
Cf. Nu. i'" 79, but see
:

text. n.

1. ^v;'] is here taken with the force of -ja

by Be., Kau., Ki., while
2. pnt"']
Ke., Zoe., Oe. give the force to prepare (see ni:-;- BDB. II. 3).
on use of inf. cf. Ges. 114/. 7. s:;n.;] read P-'-'J, see on 6'. 12.

1*7

>.nir;.-i

Sn-]

equivalent to 'ui 'dt

ov^

Ex.

'^n

232.

On the omission

of the relative see Ges. 156?? (d), Dav. 144, 145 Rem. 5, Ew.
for the same construction where preposition precedes verb 2 Ch.
2,T)T) b;
i^

and very similar

a combination of

Ch. 29'

and

Ch. i65 3o'8f

13.

^Jl^'^^3DS]

apparently

formed as in the case

of nr: with short words, ht:: E.x. 42, cj*^:: Is. 3", hn'ttc Mai. i" (Be.).
nsS then has the force of Tw'S Sy wherefore, because, Ew. 353 a, Koe.
ii. 2.
Weil ihr das erste Mai
389h. Hence Kau. renders the clause
n::'^

nr^-Nn^, the union being

nicht ziigegen ivart.

not (employed) /or

and

renders:

iv Tcp

gards
is

25"

ll^

7'
"

(under no

Warum

as a corruption
in (&^^

Nu.

and reads

e)

Bn. then

omits eroi^vs).

(^

'la

D'j13J

as a

is

d.~x

n't

15.

>d.-

re-

aDnj2]

derived from 1P33 in

ark are ana Ex.

regarded
gloss
In P the carrying
staves of the

4^ et al., ai3 the

frame or

of the sanctuary were carried

13", see Gray, Com. in locis.

Nu.

pi.

i.

at first.

and hence

by Bn., Ki.

renders:

Because ye were
Ki. retains the interrogative force
wart ihr dock bisher nicht da? 05^ reads Sri ovk

what was

irpbrepov ifxas elvai eroZ/uous

wanting

Nu.

BDB.

flat

4"'-

an^S;*].

^^,

surface on which the utensils

also the grapes of Eschol

The

sufl&x refers to the

Nu.

implied

in Dsno.

16-24. The musical

arrangements
On the composite character

for bringing

up the

of this section, see above.

16.

ark.

And

Dav-id comjnanded] expresses the Heb. idiom more nearly than the
The chiefs of the Levites]. The reference
spake to of EVs. (v. i.).

may

be to the

six

enumerated

in

w.

s-'"

repeated in

v. ".

With

XV.

PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL OF ARK

1-24.]

psalteries

and harps and cymbals].

These three instruments are

often mentioned together by the Chronicler v.

29" Ne. 12". The

c_yw6t;/5

215

'

138 166 2 Ch.

5"

expressed by wmVto^'iw are mentioned

In 2 S. 6^ Ps. 150' the Heb. word for cymbals

although we cannot distinguish between the
instruments (Now, Arch. I. pp. 272 /".).
17. On the three singers,
Heman, Asaph, and Ethan, cf. 6'-= ("-'> 25' ff-. 18. Their
only in Chronicles.
zelzelim

is

(cf.

138),

brethren twelve] should be read instead of their brethren of the sec-

ond degree
vv.

'o

'

The

(v. i.).

and

singers here mentioned are given again in

in part in 16^ {v. s.).

with the Zechariah of

9^' 262-

'<

Zechariah] has been

{EBi. IV.

an Asaphite, probably family, name

in 2

The
(v.

5390).

Ch.

20'^

identified

The name
Ne. 12"-

*\

is

20

j^s^ should be read Bani

following Ben, wanting in v.
A
Bani
in
the
line
of
descent
of the singer Ethan
i.).
appears

(631

and as an Asaphite (Ne.

(46))

in V.

"

11").

'Uzzi'el*]

16^ instead of 'Azi'el, Jei'el) the

a son of

Heman,

Jehi'el] the

in 25%

and

A Levite

Shemiramoth].

col.

name

where frequent.

of a son of

of this

of a son of

name

(so read also

also of a musician,

Jeduthun

in 2

Ch.

29'*.

name appears

also in 2 Ch. 17' f.

Heman

29'< Qr., also else-

'Unni] wanting

Ch.

a Levite in Ne. 12' Qr.

a
not
elsewhere
of a musician.
ElVab] frequent name,
Beniah]
in an Asaphite pedigree 2 Ch. 20'^.
Ma'aseiah] wanting in i6^

in 16^,

}.

Cf. 9=', a son of Jeduthun 253- ='.

Mattithiah].
Eliphelehu f and
Mikneiah f ] both wanting in i6\
Obed-edom]. This historical
Philistine caretaker of the ark, a native of Gath, 2 S. 6"' ', is trans-

'

formed by the Chronicler, or the school which he represents, into

a Levite of the division of the gate-keepers, v. * it^^ 26* and as a
,

Korahite gate-keeper (26'- *), he is a Kehathite. On his appearance

as a singer see above and on i6^^. Je'tel] a name of frequent ocThe name is
currence; in an Asaphite genealogy 2 Ch. 20'^.

doubtless used for the

is

same individual as Jehiah (v. ^*) but which

The gate-keepers] i.e., Obed-edom

correct cannot be determined.

and

Jeiel, cf.

9"

With the Chronicler both

singers

and gate-

19-21. The singers are

keepers are fully recognised as Levites.
now divided into three divisions according to their musical parts.

With

These instruments fell to the concymbals].

Cf. v. '^
ductors to mark the time (art. Music, DB.).
To sound aloud]

2l6

CHRONICLES

perhaps equivalent to beating time (Ke., Zoe.).

Cf. V. '% stringed instruments perhaps not

Set to'Alamoth
Ps. 46' 48'^

{cf.

and Ki. refuse

hence

lit.

to (the

voice of)

BDB. nc^y).

to translate.

With psaheries].

unhke the Greek

young women,

The

phrase

is

Azaziah] wanting
With harps]. CJ.

i.e.,

v.

instruments whose difference from the psalteries

clear, but they

were probably more harp-like.

Set

Kau.

is

and

'

lyre.

soprano

obscure.

in v.

not be original.

may

in

165,

stringed

',

not entirely

to the

Sheminith

prob. to a deep octave or in the bass,

To
Ps.
6'
12'.
The musicians led the service of song.
(f.
lead].
22. Chenaniah]. Cf. v.", the name also occurs of Levites in
lit.

upon

the eighth,

i.e.,

26" and as Conaniah, which Ki.

35'.

here, 2 Ch. 31'^

after (g

Chief of the Levites in the carrying] prefers

he had charge
i.e.,

'

of the

duty of carrying the sacred furniture and directed the carrying

This is the usual interpreta(of the ark) because he was skilful.
tion,

but the word niassa, meaning bearing, carrying, uplifting,

is

rendered uplifting of the voice, song, by ($, EVs., Oe. (U prophetia).

23. Berechiah]. For the occurrence of the name in kindred lists

cf.

"

v.

6=^

"9)

c)"!.

Elkanah].

Cf.

as above

q'^.

Elkanah,

derived from the father of Samuel, appears in the genealogy of

Heman, cf. 6'"-'- (=5-27). 19-21 (34-36). The introduction of two gate'
* is
keepers here in addition to those of vv.
striking and suggests
that this section is composite.
24. Shebaniah] also the nam^e of a

priest in

haps

Ne.

lo^

'^'

i2'4,

and

of Levites in

Ne.

'

9^

phat.
or a Levite.

Nethan'el] the name

of Levites in 26^ 2

Ch. 35" Ne.

of priests in Ezr. 10=2

1235.

20

and per-

]sj"e.

1221,

'Amasai] not elsewhere

name, but in the genealogy of the Kehathite Heman, 6'"

of the Kehathite Mahath, 2 Ch. 29'=.
(35)^ and
Zcchariah]

priest's
(25).

10'

Ch. 24" f. Joshaphat] an abbreviated form of JehoshaNeither name occurs elsewhere as that of either a priest

not elsewhere the

name

of a priest; of Levites see v.

Benaiah]a

'5.

not elsewhere as a priest's name; as Levite see v. '^ Eli'ezer]

Sounded with trumpets] (hazozeroth
priest's name in Ezr. 10' ^
ril"lVln) the long straight metal horns with flaring mouths,

mentioned almost entirely as a sacred instrument (v. = j-^s 2 Ch.

27
-^zr. 3'" Ne. i2'6- 41 espec. Nu. lo^-s) in distinction
15'^ 2o!'8 2926-

from the shophar, the curved horn

of a

cow

or

ram used

in early

XV.

PREPARATIONS FOR REMOVAL OF ARK

1-24.]

war

Israel especially in signals of

(Ju.

3" 6=<

7'

217

S. 13' 2 S. 2^^, etc.),

but also by the priests (Jos. 6* Lv. 25'). The seven priestly
trumpeters before the ark were doubtless suggested by Jos. 6*.

'

'Obed-edom and

from

repetition

Je'i'el*

"

v.

{q.

were gate-keepers for the ark] a curious

v.), probably a gloss.

16. I'txm] a late use of its with the force

command

followed by

inf.

of pers. (1. 4), cf. 2 Ch. 14^ 29^' 31' Est. i'"; so Kau., Ki.
n^cy.T?]
inf. instead of the direct discourse in older writings, Ew.
338 a, cf.
^7

27"

134
1

140.

Ch. i".

On

h)p2].

III. 4.

nnci:''^]

a^->n^] inf.

use of 2

where only

expressing means, Ew. 280 d, Ges.

Ew. 282 d, Ges. 1195', BDB. 3

should be struck out: a dittography.

hence with reference also to

(JB Keuralov, (^^^ Kicralov,

should read

cf.

iniB'-'p

(Ki.).

18.

oninN

n-'ji'Dn

17.

in>a'ip]

'tr'^p

6" we

dhd;?!] 'jti'C

occurs else-

15' and Ezr. i'", where the text is corrupt in both

places (see BDB. njs'c and authorities there cited), hence is suspicious.
After subtracting the two gate-keepers, the following list contains twelve

names.
\'y;

ciZf,

in

S.

Accordingly we conjecture that the original read an^ns Dnc>n

and with them their brethren twelve, the first two consonants

of D^JBTH having

come

by dittography caused iti'j? to fall out.

and 16^, but it would naturally
inn3i]
wanting in <&, v.
be omitted before the copulative, since it is used nowhere as a proper
name. Probably 1 and
have been trans-oosed and the copulative
before the resulting ij3 has been .onnecte'' with the preceding word,
S.\"rj.'M

in

j3 is

J3

'",

>

accordingly read '?i<TJ^ ^J3i nnrr. The spellings of tli? first and of
the last of these names are supported by v. ^^ ''"Jni'i ni-i^r and partially

by

nnat

16^ Vn'^^

of the text (see Ki.

cf.

<S. 19.

in\j;:]
in<:ji3.

have

Nii'Dai]

tQv

3n^'?n]

withe ut

">

suggests

some disturbance

The

preceding name is dubious,

On constr.. Dr. TH. 188, Ges. iT,id.22.
Ewvevia, 'Kosvevia, Iex<"'"*, hence Ki. reads
05

SBOT.).

rii-n:].

dB^L

(q. v.).

wanting in

<&,

has

1.

and so omitted by

Ki.,

Bn.

Ntt'ca id-]

followed by Ki., Bn., the former rendering NiVD with reference to carrying the ark, the latter being un24. onxxnc]
certain, V. s.
1L-1] mf. abs. Oe. regards it as a noun or ptc.
(g dpx(^v

(jjSwv,

N'j'an

\z'

Hiph.

ptc.

from denom. issn Kt.

D''-)xi;nrj

Stade, Gram. 280) or onxxna Baer, also

Baer, Koe. i. 305 e).

'^
n^n''] read after v.

Cf. 2 Ch.

5'^ 7

Ges.

BDB.
13

530 (for Dnxnxnc

Qr. nnxriD Ges. 530,

^928, Piel 2

Ch. 5" f

(1-

44)-

Sn'J.'\

'" as
Following the clue of 16* Bn. and Ki. give the original of w.
The Levites appointed AsLi)h the son of Berechiah the chief

follows:

and Zechariah

and Shemiramoth, Jehiel,

and Obed-edom and Jeiel, the gate-keepers.

the second in rank, then Uzziel,

Eliab, Beniah, Mattithiah,

2l8

The names

CHRONICLES

omitted are regarded as coming from a later annotator

*^ is a still later
i'-""; v.
gloss (but see above).

who

has also added vv.

25-XVI. 3. The bringing up of the ark.The Chronicler

took these verses from 2 S. 6^'^-^^, making such akerations as were
necessary according to his view of the affair, which is shown in the
preceding passage. 25. So David, etc.]. The connection is with

V.

after the details concerning the preparation

have intervened.

makes no mention of the elders of Israel and the captains of

thousands.
The ark of the covenant 0/ Yahweh] in 2 S. "the ark
of God" or "the ark of Yahweh," cf. w. "
with 2 S. 6'=- '
2 S.

'

'.

13'.

This change

26.

a touch of the school of the Chronicler, cf.

The Chronicler piously
helped the Levites].

is

When God

introduces the divine agency as the cause of the auspicious begin2 S. has "when
ning of their undertaking.
they that bare the ark

had gone

six paces."

That they

sacrificed seven bullocks

and seven

According to 2 S. David is the sacrificer and the sacrifice

"an ox and a fatling." Ke. and Zoe. harmonise the passages

rams].
is

by making them refer to two distinct occasions, 2 S. describing the

start and i Ch. the conclusion of the journey.
But the sacrifices
mentioned in 16'. Ba. points out that the
small offering of 2 S. is represented as David's and the large one
of Chronicles as that of the King and his elders.
For special
of the conclusion are

sacrifices consisting of the

Jb. 42

Nu.

23'- ", also 2

same numbers

of the

Ch.

With a

Not only David but

292".

27.

same animals

cf.

robe of byssus].

also the Levites and singers are represented

as wearing processional robes of white linen.
And tipon David

was an ephod of linen] from 2 S. is perhaps a gloss. According

to 2 S. David wore only an ephod, which was a scant skirt or kilt,
and thus he was liable to shameful exposure {EBi. II. col. 1306)
2 S. 6'<

robe.

According to the Chronicler, David wears the priestly

The Chronicler omits all reference to David's dancing
2.

save incidentally in v. ".

The scandal of the exposure of his person is passed over in silence.
28. 2 S. mentions David along with
Israel and introduces only one musical instrument, the
shophar

in Chronicles only here.

On the other
''*) occurring
the
addition
to
the text of 2 S., cf. v\'. "-^i- ^*.
29.
instruments,

or horn

(cf. v.

XV. 25-XVI.
It is

SECOND REMOVAL OF THE ARK

3.]

219

a mark of the unskilful art of the Chronicler that this single

David should be

verse of the episode of Michal's judgment on

when

here introduced

David

omitted.

is

1.

the story as a whole with

worshippers; hence indicative

(2

2.

He

blessed the

as well as the priest exercised this function;

blessing (i K. 8") omitted by the Chronicler

Solomon's
Ch.

feasting.

by the

The king

people].
cf.

of

on

reflection

its

Peace-offerings^ were largely eaten

7'

).

3.

portion] uncertain whether of flesh or wine

{v. i).

aiN13;'] 2 S.
n, a dittography, so Kau., Ki.
27. S^idc] either a
+
niy which is superfluous here, cf. v. '.
denom. verb from BAram. nSjid Dn. 3-' or from V^s with n inserted,
BDB. Be. thought \^2 S^ycz Sjji^-d a corruption of ij7 Soj -idijd (as
in 2 S. 6") through illegibility, and this emendation is accepted by BDB.
25. aio'^nn] strike out

nn

6'=

More Hkely tlie change was intentional, as the omission

would show. The statement also that "the Levites that
"
danced would then be inappropriate, while a description
bare the ark
{v. 1*10 p. loi).

of nini

"'jd'^

of their sacred vestures

Either the

onTJ'cn^]
stood

is

nz'T^ri

(Kau.).

a natural touch of the Chronicler.

is

itrn].

be omitted or read NS'C3 instead of Nccn, cf. v. ".

an explanatory gloss (Zoe., Bn.) by a reader who under-

art. is to

29.

to

refer

to

2 S.

^^'1]

the lifting up of the voice in song, cf. v. "

nim.
The latter is striking in pre-exilic

6'

TH. 133, Dav. 58 c, and is probably a corruption.

the perfect cf. Dr. TH. 165.
pnu'Ci ipi"] instead of
n3"\3Ci TiDO in 2 S., a substitution made either to suggest a more
Dr.

literature.

On

K3].

dignified

movement

and

iron

After

i.-iN

D-'DStri.

denses

5is

2 S.

or because

\ey.

has

XVI.
iniiica.

2. nin>] 2 S. 6'8

pen ^ih

'^NTJ'^

(the ordinary

word

a>'n

more

'ui

ni'^jj

nixas,

SjS of

for loaf, Ju. 8=

2
i

ioidd

intelligible,

1. D^nS^ni-

2]

nnpM]

cf.

136.

S.

6^^

6"

S.

2 S.

3.

into

is

an

r\^r\\

dTr.

Xey.

13'.

cf.

nini 'jdS r^hv;

The

Syn
Chronicler con-

Sxiu'i r^x S3S.

S. 2^5 10' Pr. 6^6 Je. 3721) 2 S.

-13:]

nSn

elsewhere only in P of a sacrificial cake, implying that the people

2 S. has in 1^,
received cakes connected with the peace-offerings.
not

05,

of iDU'N

the numeral, rns, nns, with each

ctTT.

discussion

cf.

Xe7.

is

gift.

unknown; the renderings

The exact

in the Vrss.

vary

meaning
(for full

Dr. TS., pp. 207/.).

XVI. 4-6. The Levites appointed for service before the ark.

These verses are

of the words,
iy. s.).

The

original with the Chronicler with the omission

and Obed-edom and

Jeiel,

appointees already mentioned

and Asaph, from v.

^
) were set aside
(15''

220

CHRONICLES

merely for the purpose of l^ringing the ark in state to Jerusalem.

They consisted of three chief singers with twelve of their brethren

and seven

priests.

of his brethren

the

numbers

is

Here we have only one

and two

priests.

The

to be sought in \^.

^^

chief singer with seven

reason for this reduction in

The

Chronicler thought

the tabernacle with the altar of burnt-offering was at Gibeon at this

The occasion of bringing up the ark to Jerusalem was so
time.

and
had been accomplished, they were divided
both places. Asaph and seven of his brethren were

important as to

When

Levites.

for service in

call for the participation of all the priests

this

assigned to service before the ark in Jerusalem, while Heman

and Jeduthun and the rest of those mentioned by name (v. )

were appointed to the worship in the tabernacle at Gibeon. Only

two priests were appointed for services as trumpeters before the
ark.

Thus

the reductions are not in the

We

same proportion.

should expect Asaph with but four of his brethren. The number
two for the priests may have been suggested by 15" or Nu. 10' 2,
while a large numl^er of priests was indispensable at the altar of
Since the service before the ark is represented
burnt-offering.
as of a musical character entirely, the larger number of singers

appointed to th?t service is accounted for, also the number seven

may have influenced the Chronicler {cf. 15").
4.

The

song as

is

adminir>tration of the Levites

was one

of prayer

and

implied by the following words, both to commemorate

These into thank and to praise Yahiveh the God of Israel.

dicate three forms of service, the first a liturgical prayer at the

and

presentation of that part of the meal-offering which was burnt,

53 <.w ]sju.
and
i.
Lv. 2-- ' '^
the memorial
e.,

{cf.

explanations of the
i.

Intro.

39

titles of Pss.

(6)); the

^u
5^6
38 and 70 espec. Briggs, Psalms,

second refers to the use of Psalms that

prominently confess and give thanks to God; and the third to

The Levites
praises like those of the Hallelujah songs (Zoe.).

Yahweh"

at the

at all burnt-offerings (23^0 f) of

which

were assigned the duty "to thank and to praise

daily

burnt-offerings and

the meal-offering constituted a part (Nu. 28' ^), hence all three
of these liturgical forms are connected with the burnt-offering.

Since the Chronicler represents that

no

regular sacrifices were

SERVICE OF SONG BEFORE THE ARK

XVI. 4-36.]

made

in

Jerusalem at

this time {cf. 21=" ),

may

it

221

be inferred that

these Levites were to conduct the musical liturgy before the ark
at the

same time

made on

that the offerings were being

the altar at

Gibcon with corresponding musical service. The two priests also

(v. ) sounded the two silver trumpets as if present at the burntofferings (2 Ch. 2926-28

4. p-iN] (S

lo'-

For occurrences

pear in 152^

so Ki.

Nu.

nn^.

SN^i'^2]

jn

5.

2-

10).

of the

Sni;;^']

1524 n^n^

but

6.

Jahazi'el] does not ap-

name

read

cf.

''N''!"!

12^

'*^'>

23'^ Ezr.

as also in i5'8-

20

q.

S\
v.,

i$^K

cf.

7. An interesting statement showing that Psalms of thanksgiving

(Hodii Psalms) were assigned to a particular class of singers
(Bn.).

8-36.

A Psalm

of thanksgiving.

This

is

a compilation from

verses found in the Psalter, vv. 8-"=Ps_ io5'-'5,

w.

31-36

=Ps. 106' "

are slight.
since vv.

The
8-22

"_

The

variations

from the

original place of these verses

w."-33=Ps.

was

in the Psalter,

are clearly a fragment of Ps. 105.

universally admitted, although Hitz.

96,

text of the Psalter

(This

and Ke. held the

is

now

original

^^
Hence, since v.
place to have been in Ch.)
corresponding to
Ps. 106^8^ is the doxology marking the close of the fourth book

of the Psalter,

it is

a fair and usual inference that the Psalter had

already been arranged in five books at the time of the Chronicler.

Yet it may be further said that if the small fragment vv. ^*-''*
existed independently of Ps. 106 (so Cheyne),

w.

an insertion

and

if

the whole

than the period of

the Chronicler (so Bn.), this inference cannot be made.
section,

'-=,

is

of a later date

8-22 = Ps.

105' -15.
According to Briggs, the first five verses
are an introductory gloss, making the Ps. into a Hallel.
8. 9.
Two tetrameter synthetic couplets

Give thanks unto Yahweh, call upon his name;

Proclaim among the peoples his doings.

Sing unto him, make music for him;

Muse upon all his wondrous deeds.

The Hebrew shows assonance between

second and fourth

lines, these

ending

the

first

in the

and

sounds

and the
and au re-

third,

222

CHRONICLES

Each couplet
line, and

spectively.

consists of three clauses, the

composing one

first

and so a

the third a tetrameter

two short
line

by

it-

couplet the first clause calls upon the worshipper

to pay divine honours, the second clause is a stronger repetition of
this call, and the third commands him to proclaim the deeds of

In the

self.

his

God among

is similar.

his

first

in the

the

second couplet the movement

Call uponpeoples;
his name] may also be rendered "proclaim

name," which

preferred by Briggs, but the former

is

is

better

The second couplet shows

the preceding command instead of
Make music for him]. The verb

suited to the structure of the stanza.

that this clause strengthens

anticipating the following.

("IDT) may either mean to sing to (?)
also here according to

instruments, Ps. ^^^

1493.

may

BDB.,

or

it

may

God, Ps.
be

27^

144' (parallel to m''wN'),

cj.

The

loi'

104'^

used of playing musical

71''

147'

98^

parallelism of Ps. 144' suggests that the latter meaning

have been intended here, so Briggs. These two cou})lets

are based

upon

'

Is. 12*

which reads as follows

"Give thanks unto Yahweh,

call

upon

his

name;

Proclaim among the peoples his doings.

Commemorate
IMake music

for his

(lltiT)

done excellent
Let

The

first

two

this

be

lines

known

name is exalted,
Yahweh for he hath

unto

things,
in all the earth."

were taken verbatim; the

duced to the same form as the

first

two.

last three

were

The words "in

all

re-

the

parallel to "among the peoples" may have been

10. Glory in his holy name]
defilement. Of
his name as sacred and separate from

earth"

origi-

nal in Ps., but not in Chronicles.

i.e.,

all

Briggs substitutes as original the per-

them that seek Yahweh].

sonal pronoun, him, instead of the divine name for the sake of
11. Seek his face continually] that you may
the assonance.
of
his greatness, even as when men sought the
gain knowledge

No assonance appears in this

face of an earthly king, i K. io=^
there
is
an
but
in
12
verse,
apparently intentional resemblance of
sound {niphWothau
mophethau) in the midst of the lines
.

instead of at the ends.

Commemorate] celebrate

by recounting,

SERVICE OF SONG BEFORE THE ARK

XVI. 4-36.]

His wondrous

223

deeds which he has done] and his marvels] espec.

This is done in Pss.
rf. Ps. 105".

the miracles of the Exodus,

105 and 106, but most of these wonders of Hebrew history are
omitted here. 13. The original text of Ps. probably read, "Ye
seed of Abraham, his servant, Ye sons of Jacob, his chosen one"

(so Briggs), which in Chronicles has become. Ye seed of Israel,

his servant (pi. in (B is not likely original). Ye sons of Jacob, his

chosen ones.

The

Chronicler copied the pronominal suffixes from

the present text of Ps., where the assonance has been destroyed
by a copyist's misunderstanding, by which the plural his chosen
ones,

i.e.,

the sons of Jacob, has been substituted for the singular

Israel was
i.e., Jacob rather than Esau (Briggs).

his chosen one,

doubtless substituted for Abraham, since

it

makes a more

obvious,

though less poetic, parallel, cf v. i". 14. He, Yahweh, is our God;
Jn all the earth are his judgiuents] an assertion of the world-wide
rule of

Yahweh.

15-22.

The

Psalmist then recalls the covenant

which Yahweh made with the three patriarchs in turn, with

Abraham] Gn. 15, 17, 22'6-i8^ his oath unto Isaac], On. 26--^ unto
Jacob for a statute], Gn. 28'3-'5, and to Israel for an everlasting
covenant],

Gn.

35'"'^;

and how when they were but a few in numi.), cf. Gn. 343", he suffered no man to

ber (so read instead of ye, v.

wrong them], as
Isaac to the

in the relation of

men

of Gerar, of

Abraham

to the Canaanites, of

Jacob to Laban and to Esau, and

Pharaoh Gn. 12", and Abimelech

reproved kings for their sokes],

Gn. 203-7. The patriarchs are represented as anointed kings only
here and in the parallel Ps.
In Gn. 20' (E), Abraham is termed

a prophet.

23-33 = Ps.

beginning of Ps. 96 is

96"'

^'--s-

'"b

"

'"^

nb-isb,

weakened by omitting

vv.

The

^^
^a^

strong

since they

are inappropriate here (Be.). In these verses an appeal is made to

earth (v. "), and Yahweh is proclaimed as the one efficient

all the

God who alone has done wondrous deeds among all peoples (v. =^).
He is contrasted with the gods of other peoples which are things of
nought and have done nothing
443

a-

Je. 2" Ps. 115^-^ while

All peoples are

to worship

and

him

admonished
(vv.

^s.

29).

for their worshippers,

Yahweh made

to bring offerings

cf. Is.

40'

the heavens (v.

unto

a-

=).

Yahweh and

All nature shall rejoice, the heavens

the earth, the sea with all its life

and

the field with all its

life,

CHRONICLES

224

Yahweh cometh to judge the earth.

conclusion of Ps. 96, v. ""^<', is omitted in Chronicles, since
the Ps. does not come to an end with v. ".
34-36 =Ps. 106' " <.
and

the trees of the forest, for

The

The

common

of these verses is a

first

Pss. 106, 107, 118,

closing, Ps. 118",

phrase with which

liturgical

and 136 begin and makes

also

also Je. 2,Z" Ezr. 3"

Mac.

cf.

an appropriate
4='.

35.

And

In Ps. "and
gather us together and deliver us from the nations].
gather us from the nations" is a cleai reference to the dispersion
and so inappropriate to the time of David. The writer sought
to remove this significance of the phrase by inserting the words,
and deliver us. Verse 36, the doxology of the fourth book of Ps.,

is

not unsuitable here.

12.

Ps.

iri'c]

vs.

1055

13.

Sx-iii''

i"i;]

Ps.

cnn^.s

105^

y-^t.

15.

has grown out of (*'' ixvT]tiovevwv

= 15?. Ki. BH. prefers the
reading of Ps. but the Chronicler may
have changed to pi. imv. intentionally to accord with vv. ^ ' ''' '2" " +. 16. pri-i^^] Ps. 105' pni:""? which spelling also occurs in Je.
n:r] Ps. 105' 1?t (^b^

fj.vrjfxoveio/xei'

Am.

79- '6. 19. BO.-rnj] Ps. io5'2 crvna, likewise i MS., (&, B.
the better text.
20, noScm] lis wanting in Ps. 105".
21.
22. 'N'3J3i] Ps. 105's ^N^ij-i.
23. cv ba.] Ps.
c^s*^] Ps. 105'^ a-iN.
24. 1-1133 rs] Ps. 96^ without tn.
25. Niiji] 1 wanting in
96' ar''.
2,^"^^

This

is

Ps. 96^.

26.

nin-i] <& k. 6 debs ijfxQv

ij^hSni.

27.

'2pc3 nnni] Ps.

nnn is a late word frequent in Aram., elsewhere

in OT. only Ne. 8'.
The word place may have been substituted
for sanctuary because more general and better fitting the abode of
the ark before the Temple was built (Zoe.). 29. rji:^] instead of
96* icipcj nsani.

r.-insn^, Ps. 96^,

meaning

is

because the Temple was not

built.

y^y

The

n-^-i;].

RV.

dub.

better in holy attire.

in holy array (margin in the beauty of holiness),

Perles suggests a connection with the Babylonian

addru "to fear " and interprets veneration before the sanctuary, though
this rendering is excluded in 2 Ch. 20^', which he regards as
corrupt

V. 29c corresponds to Ps. 969^.

1905, col. 127).
=<*
of
Ps.
"">.
composed
96""
rjflSr] Ps. 96'
Composed of Ps. 96"* and ioa_ ncN^] Ps. 96'" nrN.

(OLZ.

verse

8,

D'i;:'::3

D'cy

|n-'

r\-[vn }'S;]

Ps. 95'2

of Ps.

"33-

Ps.

irn'^x

io6<8 i-rxi.

wanting

N3]
^nSx] Ps.
nm'S

iJisS ij?> 's>\

Myvi

is

106

is

^-p

r'?i'\

N3

ry\7^\

S'^ni]

32. Composed of
33. ^jsSa
35. ncNi] wanting

in Ch.

'3.

Ps.

u'^^xm]
^^-1'^'^.^.

n;-^n

wanting

Thus

in

-t:]

Ps.

the

turned into an historical statement.

30.

This

vji:::.

Ps.

31.

96"''--

Ps. 96'"' and

Ps.
in

96'2b

Ps.

36.

poetic

On

12a.

K-

i3a

106".

i-:n-i]

Ps.

termination
'?'?n

cf.

Ges.

LEVITES APPOINTED FOR SERVICE

XVI. 37-43.]

225

37-43. Levites appointed for service. A continuation of

vv. "-^
37. A resume of vv. '. 38. And 'Obed-edom and his*
We must either
brethren sixty-eight and Hosa to be gate-keepers].

"

Hosa to a position beThe phrase and Obededom the son of J eduthun'* is probably a marginal gloss which made
its way into the text in the wrong place.
The glossator finding
Obed-edom represented as a singer in 15^' 16^ gives him a place in

read his with

and

fore

(^,

(Bn.) or transpose and

their brethren, etc. (Kau., Ki.).

In 26^ the
the family of Jeduthun, the singer (see below on v. ).
gate-keepers of the family of Obed-edom number sixty-two.

On Hosa

cf.

26'.

39.

Thus according

to the Chronicler there

were two sanctuaries, the ark brought to Jerusalem constituting

one and the tabernacle with its other furniture at Gibeon constituting the other (21^9 2 Ch.
brethren ministered.

K.

And

to

priests'

'

40.

do

On

At

i^-^).

this latter

the high place

On the continual offerings cf.

all that is written, etc.] i.e.,

Zadok and

which was

his

at Gibe' on cf.

Ex. 29^8 Nu.

28''-

everything which was the

41. With them] i.e., with

duty to do in the sanctuary.

his brethren at Gibeon were placed the two guilds of

Zadok and

singers represented

Heman and

by

Jeduthun, while the guild of

Asaph (v. ") ministered before the ark at Jerusalem. And the
rest of the chosen] refers to all the singers chosen at this time.

Who

were designated by name] i.e., those so designated in i^^

who did not serve in Jerusalem (v. ^). 42. And in possession of
them were trumpets and cymbals for musicians and other instru-

and instruments of the song of God.

song of Yahweh, Ps. 137^ 2 Ch. 29". And

ments used in sacred song*]

With song of God,

cf.

lit.

the sons of Jeduthtin at the gate]

know of any
"Obed-edom

is

dubious.

Chronicles does not

sons of Jeduthun who were gate-keepers except

the son of Jeduthun," v. ^\ a late gloss possibly

dependent upon the statement here. Some words may have

from the text between Jeduthun and at the gate. 43. Taken

fallen

from

cf.

S. 6'"'. 2a

and thus

is

a continuation of

v.

',

37. vnN'?i idnS] S with direct object, Ges. 117^.

ora dp nai'^]
Ex. 5" 16* et al. 38. pn^T'] is merely a copyist's variation of

pnn\

39.

^pniiM
15

pnx tn]

j::in]

obj. of 2v;^^ of v.

wanting

in

(S

and

to

''.

42.

ancyi]

BDB.

be omitted as a

av 3. b,

dittography

226

from

V.

"

CHRONICLES

(Kau., Bn., Ki.)-

Be. holding that 'ni

lent to the nnjaai o-^^j of v.

"
rearranged vv.

''

I'a'
'

were equiva-

>'-<2

somewhat

after the

^z ni.T'S rnin'? nic;;'3 npj Ti'X onn^n

reading
Dvn;:'D D\-i'?iSi nni-in iinnn ]c^ni D'n'?Nn -i>a' I'rja ncn d'?i3?'^.

order of

v.

is-.:m

43.

JDm] 2 S. 2Z"'\

XVII. The promise to David in view of his purpose to build

a temple for Yahweh. Taken with slight variations from 2 S. 7.
unity of worship should become law
According to Dt. 12'

'

had passed over Jordan and when Yahweh

all their enemies round about, and

after the Israelites

had given them "rest" from

had chosen a place "to cause

his

Temple should have been

with David and Solomon, cf. 2
the

of Isr. pp. 19

/.,

n.).

If the

name

to dwell there"

S.

{i.e.,

when

This "rest" came

built).

"

7'-

K.

<4)

narrative in 2 S.

in

(We. Hist,

51^

as late as

is

Sm. Com.) the writer probably knew of this Deuteronomic provision and sought to show why this unit}^ of worship
the Exile (so

was not ushered

in

by David through the erection of the Temple

given him rest from all his eneinies round

when "Yahweh had

To th_ Chronicler, David, the man of blood, in no

(v. ').
wise fulfilled this condition {cf. 1 Ch. 22'
), hence he omitted
about"

'

from

2 S. 7'

the

words "Yahweh had

substituted / will subdue all

thee to rest from

all

given him rest, etc.," and

thine enemies (v. ') for "I will cause

thine enemies" (2 S. 7")-

1-15. Nathan's message to David. 1. 2. When David divelt in

his Iiouse] probably the one built with the aid of the King of Tyre,
14'

=2

S. 5".

Nathan,

2 S. 7, 2 S. 12'

+6

^-

the propJiet] (vv.

times in

K.

2 S. 12, i

i'

^-

^^

and

parallels in

f 10 times

in

K.

i,

(title) BS. 47'; in the phrase "acts of Nathan the

I Ch. 29" 2 Ch. 9"; and frequent as a personal name
prophet"
elsewhere) was the well-known court prophet during David's reign

Ch.

2925 Ps. 51=

of the supporters of Solomon at his accession, i K. 1.

I
in a house of cedar and the ark of the covenant of Yahweh
dwell
Lo,
The contrast between David's regal palace
is under curtains].

and one

and the humble resting-place

of the

his intention to his religious adviser,

Do
first

all that is

in thy heart, for

impression that

God would

ark was sufficient to indicate

who immediately

God

is

with

thee.

responded,

3.

Nathan's

favour David's undertaking was a

XVn.

THE PROMISE TO DAVID

1-15.]

mistaken one.

came

to

me

(lit.

//

came

to

pass the same night, that the word of God

4. Thou shalt not build
in a dream.

Nathan] doubtless
the, v. i.)

house

to

227

dwell in]

is

expressed in 2 S. in the form

5. For I have not dwelt

of a question equivalent to a negative.

in a house from the day I brought up Israel, i.e., from Egypt (so
2 S.), unto this day, but have walked in a tent and in a tabernacle^].

This statement v^as not

literally true, since the

seems to have been a fixed structure

sanctuary at Shiloh

DB.

(see Dr. in

IV. p. 500 a,

7-14. H. P. Smith finds traces of

4925, 2).
rhythmical structure in this oracle, Ijut not without extensive
emendation (see Com. in loco). 7f. / took thee from the pasture,
also

EBi. IV.

col.

from following the sheep] as narrated

humble
It is

S.

16" ^.

From

this

Yahweh had made David a prince over Israel and

make his fame like that of the great men of the earth.

origin

promised to

implied that David's honour

added

in

is

great

Temple.

credit of building the

and

9.

enough without the

And

I will appoint a

them] i.e., the establishland

in
safety from their enemies
promised
was not yet accomplished, hence the time for the building of the

had not yet come {v. s.). 10.

Temple as set forth in Dt. 12'"

my

place for

ment

people Israel

will plant

of the people in the

Will build thee a house] certainly means a dynasty and not a build11. J^hou must go to be with thy fathers]. 2 S. "thou shalt
ing.

sleep with thy fathers"

is

more usual phrase

the

(r/.

Gn.

473 (J)

Dt. 31 '6 1 K. 2' 11^3 2 Ch. 262, etc.), while that of Chronicles has no
The motive for the change
exact parallel, yet cf. i K. 2^ Gn. 15'=.
in

Chronicles

is

difficult

to determine.

thought the expression to go

was introduced by one believing

life.

12.

with

A direct reference

which

is

Boettcher (Aehrenlese)

was more indeterminate and

to the

the

in the continuation of

Temple

to

fundamental

that

it

David's

be built by Solomon,
Messianic promise.

coupled
may be a gloss (so Sm.). 13. The foreboding
of iniquity with its punishment contained in 2 S. 7'^ is omitted
"So sensitive is the Chronevidently to avoid a sombre thought.
In

2 S. the

icler for

verse

the honour of

David and

his house that he cannot even

mouth of Yahweh a reference to its faults" (Ki.).

As I took it from him that was before thee] i.e., from Saul, who is
mentioned by name in 2 S. {v. i.). 14. But I will settle him in

endure

in the

228

my

CHRONICLES

house and in

kingdom

my kingdom forever]

be

shall

made

house and thy

"Thy

2 S.

The change

sure forever before thee."

of

Chronicles (2 S. has the more original text) is due to the point of

view of the Chronicler, who regards the kingdom as a theocracy,
cf. "upon the throne of the kingdom of Yahweh" 28*, "thine is the

O Yahweh"

kingdom,

My

29",

Yahweh"

the throne of

"upon

house must be taken parallel to

29".

kingdom, thus referring to

my

the people of Israel.

1

Ch. has

Ti'JO,

have

'

2 S.

7'-

"'3

>

ma |nx

where

11-3 yv' D^n'^xn jnx.

The

iMT twice, njn and mj?n> nnn

I'^sn

nj nxn,

r\-p-\^r\

mn'>

Chronicler by his last phrase has given a clearer description of the

Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. has elsewhere ^jn, except
position of the ark.
'^jn]
Ne. i {LOT.^^, pp. 155 /., foot-note). 2. Ch. has again Tin in

the place of iSrrn, and has omitted l*? before nu';*.

3. D\-i':'Nn] 2 S.
+ n>3j.-i, which is not original, cf. 2 S. 4.
7< ninv
;.^j] 6 MSS.,
-2;^^ n'^n
njj.n nnx n"?] 2 S.
'^y; Tin Sn] 2 S. 7* in Sn n2>' "tn.

&

no

v-ias'S

njan nPNn.

iS

non

inal statement,

is

The

>':'

latter

is

undoubtedly the more origwhich

either definite with the idea, the house

be built, not by thee, but by thy son (Bn.), or Ges. 126^,

only definite in the writer's mind and to be rendered indefinite in
our idiom. 5. '?n-\S'"i rx \-i'''?;'n iii-s crn j-:] 2 S. 7^ ^J3 tn \iSj;n dvdS
shall

D'-x:;2

This

Sn-\;;".

prcci Shn Sn

Snsr: n^n.Ni] 2 S. p';'~2i

Snsa

iSn.-iD n>nNi.

probably the true text (Be., Kau., Ki., Bn.).

(SBOT.) after Klo. reads j:>'s ':'N ]yi'::r:! hna Sn Shnd iSn,-\D
latter

Bu.

is

n^nxi.

"Thus

only," says Bu., "does the necessary sense of shelter under

strange roofs find proper expression whereas iH (in 2 S.) expresses a

wandering about

in

and with a

to the later fiction of

">>'i2

'^;a2

P."

case of copyist's confusion of letters.

'^nx] 2 S. 7* -ins-: supported by Ps.
''>,

it

corresponding

But one would expect

be shown by the text of Ch. rather than

S. 7' has >:2.
2 S.
'Jsr] the true text.

later fiction to

After

shelter belonging to

"^ns in

'cv]

2 S.

S.

(Bn.).

'J3U',

SNTiri

."n.

this

6.

a clear

7.

jd

Before ''ntj"> 2 S. has

78".
an unnecessary repetition and perhaps not original. 8. pn;Ni] 2

S- 7'

^~1

S.

has

"^nj after cr'.

(6 in 2 S. agrees

with Ch. in

omission, hence Ch. has the true text (We. TS., Dr., Bu., Sm.).
9. As in V. ' the preposition with ''ry is repeated before 'rsntf^ in
Bn. thinks the text of Ch. is original,
2 S. 7'.
^~^2'^] 2 S. ^r^^y;^.

its

n'?^ in Dn. 7=5 suggests that this verb was supplanting

and more usual nj;\ Ci tov raireivCxrai reproduces the text
Perhaps 1| comes from a late transcriber. 10. C'c:^i] 2 S.

but the use of

the older
of 2 S.
7'i

3rn

jc'^i.

Bu., Bn., Ki.

In both texts after

?).

To

retain the

should be omitted (Dr.,

causes a reference in v. "> to the
in 2 S.

XVn.

DAVID'S PRAYER OF THANKSGIVING

16-27.]

229

Egyptian oppression, but this is a thought alien to the context, in

which rather the blessings secured by the settled government of David
are contrasted with the attacks to which Israel was exposed during
the period of the judges. IO^in So hn 'nyjsm] 2 S. T'2it< Sod ih inn^jni.

We. TS.,

Dr., Bu. prefer for the te.xt of 2 S. as more agreeable to

the conte.xt io'n Sdd iS inn^jni. Bn. prefers in Ch. roMN as demanded

by the context. nini -\h ruji noi iS ijni] 2 S. ncj;' n-ij 'a nini ^'7 luni
niH'' 1^.
Both of these texts are harsh. Ki. in Ch. removes before
ni3.
This is followed by
($ read I'^uxi and I will magnify thee.
Oe. and commends itself to Bn. In that case we should read nj3N,
in v. "; nini has then arisen from n\ni the first
cf. the first person
word of V. ". Bu. (SBOT.) gives as the true text in 2 S. ^'7 nuD 'jjni
nin> iS r^z'-;" no >d.
Sm. suggests that the material of v. '" is a gloss
1

(see his full

Bu.).
\>:2r2

made

has been

inoSnc, see 14^.

to

12.

2 S. supports the

>h] 2 S.

The

Bu., Sm.).
2 S.

7"

shorter

14.

nSiy

dSijj n;;iiDJ

'^xt
nj>

''Di:'S.

13.

where

S. 7'^

pointed by Dr., Bu., Sm.

7"

Ch.

of

te.xt

supported by 05 in 2

I^jd'^c.

ay no'rS] 2 S.

-\;'n] 2 S.

rt^n''

11.

n<m] wanting by error in 2 S. 7'* (Dr.,

iinnx pn n^yzn followed by <& in Ch.
yyi^v nx'' t^n, also C6 in Ch. The change in Ch.
point more definitely to Solomon.
imoSc] 2 S.

comment).

"i\-iijs

Ch.

mni

indo] 2 S. inaScD nd3.

On

omission see above.

has

'\^0\

is

and preferred as more

imiDn la's Sin'^:' djjd

nini -|ndo -jijoS oSiy

n;;

-\y

We. TS.,

(Be.,

original

ikddi oSiyn

inisScai >ni3a

inoSnoi 1013

16-27. David's prayer of thanksgiving.

pressed his gratitude for the divine

(gin

tdn]

nB'Nc] 2 S.

i^jflS rtTi

of

paj

Dr.,

inimDym]

jdnji.

Thus

David ex-

promise delivered by Nathan.

16. Then David went in], the newly erected sanctuary (Be.) or
possibly his

prayer

is

own

house,

and

peculiar in the

sat before

OT., but

This posture

Yahweh].

for instances

among

in

related

Standing (Gn. 18" i S. i"), kneeling

peoples, see Sm. on 2 S. 7'^.
(i K. 8^^ Ps. 955 Dn. 6" "') and prostration (Nu. 16" i K. 18^2)

were the usual postures.

The prayer begins with an

expression

wonder that Yahweh should have exalted one so humble and

from such an unimportant family, Who am I, O Yahweh God,
and what is my house, that thou hast brought me thus far? 17.
This verse is obscure both here and in the parallel text of 2 S.
of

18.

What shall David continue to say unto thee?^ for

thou knowest thy servant]. This rendering is of a te.xt corrected
from 2 S. {v. i.). David's heart is too full for utterance, yet God
{v.

will

i.).

understand his servant.

19.

Again the

text

is

doubtful.

20.

230
All that

whom

men have heard

there

is

CHRONICLES

reveals the uniqueness of

no other God.

und Ucbersetzungen,

21.

According

p. 288) this verse in its

contained a contrast between Israel's

nations.

who

His reconstructed

text {v.

to

Yahweh, beside

Geiger (Urschrift

most original form

God and

i.) is

the gods of other

rendered as follows And
:

{Is there) another nation in the

earth which a god went to redeem to himselffor a people and to give
to himself a name and to do for them great and terrible things in
is like

thy people Israel?

from before his people a nation and its gods. But the
Chronicler, or rather his forerunner in 2 S., applied all this to
Israel by the change of another ("inS) to one (THS) and other

driving out

And who

changes until Chronicles read:

is

like

thy people
himself as a
people, giving to thyself a name by great and terrible things in driving out nations from before thy people, which thon didst redeem
Israel ? a unique nation

which God went

to

redeem

to

Chronicles passes from the third to the second

22. It is Israel's glory
person, not an unusual construction.
that the true God had chosen them in preference to any other
nation, that they should be his people and he should be their God.

from Egypt.

23.

The King prays that the message borne by Nathan, the

may be established forever. 24. Saying, Yahweh oj
hosts is the God of Israel * and the house of thy servant David is
established before thee].
The prayer seems to be that the people
may say that Yahweh is Israel's God, and that David's house
has the legitimate right to rulership by divine choosing.
The

prophet,

change from third to second person

V.

=").

Thus King David

is

awkward, but possible

puts the rights of his

(v. s.

house to rule

beside the right of Yahweh to be the God of Israel, and wishes

them as firmly estabhshed. He justifies the boldness of this
petition

by recalling the divine revelation which he had received

through Nathan, 25 thou hast revealed to thy servant that thou

wilt build him a house.
27. The prayer closes with an assertion

worshipper that Yahweh has blessed his

house and what he has blessed, shall be blessed forever. In this
of the confidence of the

the text differs from that of 2

for this blessing.

S.,

where the

last verse is a

Bertheau regarded the text of

2 S.

prayer

as the original

because the request for the fulfilment of a promise and also for

XVn.

16-27.]

DAVID'S PRAYER OF THANKSGIVING

231

new

This
blessing has its proper place at the close of the prayer.
very fact, however, Benzinger alleges as the reason why we should
look for the change of a perfect into an imperative, and not the
The request for fulfilment he finds in v. ". Xhe
converse.
leading thought, he says, of David's prayer is that Yahweh through
his revelation has already brought a blessing and made a beginning

with salvation

''

(vv.

")

therefore David's house will endure, for

whatever Yahweh once blesses, remains blessed forever, and

thought

16. ijn] 2 S.
7'3

has

me

all in

nin

v.

'.

(Some Heb. mss. have

11.13

2 S.

^>-]

17.
iiro

nini ijin.

s^n'^s mn''] 2 S.

:\i"^n] 2 S. nin^ ijin.

solving the te.xtual difficulty.)

'rx.

2 S.

ijn\N-ii

instead of "upd, which helps

And {thou) hast regarded

2 S.
of a man of liigh degree, AV., RV.
And this too after tlie manner of men, RV., And is
man? AVm., R\'m. Both of these texts are clearly

to the estate

according

DiNH

7's :jn, cf.

after ppn.

ni>

n'^j'cn D^!<^].

not at

this

disturbed by the introduction of the imperative.

is

nsTi,

law of
(B in Ch. has Kai i-rreidh fxe cos Spacns
corrupt and are unintelligible.
dvdpwirov Kai i/i/'wcrds fxe, the last clause of which, and thou hast exalted me

this the

("'j'?>Mi), gives good sense, and from the first half Bn. would derive ^jn">."1
HNnDJ and render, Die liessest mich schauen etwas ivie eine Vision. Ki.
Oe. reads -jVi'cn dtn rmr'D ij.i\s-ii,
gives 1^ up as hopelessly corrupt.

Thou

regardest

me

after the

O thou who exaltest

(as

manner

of a

man

{i.e.,

in

thy condescension),

Ke. gave a similar meaning but retained

me.

corresponding to pinic^) as regards the elevation,

i.e.,

n'7;'rn

the elevation of

race (my seed) on high.

We. TS., after hints of Be. and Ew. (see
Sm.), reads in 2 S. DIvNH nin ''jsi.n /Ihc? thou hast let me see the generations
of men, i.e., hast given me a glimpse into the future of my descendants. Bu. adopts this and then from n'?j7D in Ch. adds u^y^.
Kau.

my

favours the reading of

We. TS.

ina;] 2 S. 7= T''^n nai':' niy

as the original because the

in

18.

f]-Dv nsi.

nx niaoS

-p'^x

n^T

tvj i^Dr

na

Ke. defends the text of Ch.

Zoe. allows it.
Oe. reads

more difficult.
and thus obviates the harsh construction
of "i^aj; PN.
But iT^y nx is wanting in d and came probably by
copyist oversight from the second half of the verse and 1^22^ is likely
an error for i^i*^, hence the text of 2 S. is to be preferred (Be.,
")2D^ after (S

Kau.,

Bn.,

and

rod do^daai

Ki.).

In

2 S.

-\-^2-;

is

followed by nin^

iji.x.

Ch. omits

19. nirr] see v. is.

goes with v. '.
i-ia;] 2 S.
7'' T<3i, which Be. and Ba. regard as the original reading but (6 in
2 S. agrees with Ch. and is followed by Bu., SBOT., Sm. rightly

j-iN,

(Bn.).

nv-i>,

in

M,

After ynnS

omits the clause.

2 S.

Bu.

has Ti3>' but wants .ii'^njn Vd tn. (g^ in Ch.

in 2 S. rearranges v. ^^^ (after Reifmann given

CHRONICLES

232
in

Dr.)

rt<;r\

Sm.),

(see

n'^njn ^2

rn

The Chron-

'p-i^nh p-C'i'.

]-^2y'

however, had clearly the present order in 2 S. before him. 20.

Ch. has retained only .-iin> out of o dvh^n nin> nSij jd "^y in 2 S. 7=^
The words n'^'iJ p ^'J may be represented in the So pk
before ^vS".
icler,

niSnjn of the previous verse (Be ). 21. Both the texts of Ch. and
Ch.
2 S. 7" give evidences of corruption, but the former is the better.

has rightly '^Nnr^ instead of ':'N-u"r, T^n instead of lo'^n, and t:nj instead
i'^ avJ'*?
instead of 1'^ avz'^, and ."Snj
is-i.s'^, while 2 S. has correctly

of

Both

instead of ,'T?njn.
after

^^

sy and

end of the verse

also at the

emendation of ins into inx

be read cnS 'Si) after

texts require

Ch. has omitted BoS

in 2 S.

pvy-;"^) (to

The

vn'^s.

passage according

to Geiger {Urschrift, p. 22S) followed by We. TS., Dr., Bu., Sm.

(and Ki. in Ch.), originally read as follows: ^^N > S^nt" "|:;>o ''21

n'^nj

niNniji

vhSni ^u

Egj'pt,

24.
from
mere
has
r^3

cv.;''^i

i'?

c;*^

nnsS a^nSx

1'?

I'rn t^tn jf-iNa

reading nu-ni and thus re-

21- S

person and the clause respecting redemption from

which clause Ki. regards as an insertion or marginal note. 22

2 S.

23.
iS ]m~\

7=^

psn] wanting
V.

-'.

nin^]

S.

l"?

after y::^, TNtn

the latter

is

text of 2 S.

25.

'.-i'?n]

nu

n::^'^.

nj3N

-i:n.-ii

nin'

On

A summary

cpn.

be struck out as a

has '?Nir^ Vj? and

7" Ssis" viSs m.xas mnv mj^'?
After T!3y nsd 2 S. has i^S rx and
is

n^vS rn'* -|n3-<i.

'^i;S Tiasi rDia

XVIII. 1-13.

Taken with

2 S.

2 S.

r'3 T13'' in^i^n.

-]''2';

2 S.

necessary to the text, but

probably a needless copyist addition (Bn.). 26.

a^^^sn Nin nrs nin> ijin
72s is fuller and as follows

nNrn r^nv^n rs ^^3J; Ss

T\3i Sxin.

2 S., also to

'rx-^r^'S dvi'^n.

The former

nSspn tn.

mn\ jcn^]

to be struck out as a dittography

wanting in

repetition of the following

^'^]

2 S. 7=^ a^n'^s

and

in 2 S. 7-^

Sxil;^ tT-n]

nini before poj.

uh^^h

d::^

Bn. emends

the second

tains

j-.m]

an"? rv;'>'?i

^JD3 cnj''.

123;

n.-s

"i^]

27.

2 S.

-\-\2h

mai

The
nn>'i

nSxin] 2 S.

7='*

nini ^jnx n.nN ^3

these changes see above.

of the foreign

wars of David.

David defeats the

dependencies and conquers

slight variations from 2 S.

8'-'^.

Gath with its

Moab, Zobah, Damascus, and Edom. As a con^eqaence of the defeat of the King of Zobah, the King of Hamath sends gifts, hence
David controls practically all of Syria south of Hamath except the
Phoenician cities and the remaining cities of Philistia. 1. Gath and
Phihstines and acquires

instead of the unintelligible "bridle of the mother

of 2 S. 8'.
Whether the reading of Chronicles is the orig-

its duuglitcrs]

city"

RV.

inal is impossible to determine.

from

2 S.

2.

The

We. TS. and Dr. think

Chronicler omitted from

he measured them with the

line,

2 S.

making them

it

derived

the passage,
to lie

"and

down on

the

XVm.

FOREIGN WARS OF DAVID

1-17.1

233

ground, and he measured two lines to put to death, and one full
keep alive," possibly because this harsh treatment of the

line to

upon the character of David

shown him by the Moabite King, i S.
22'' '.
Of that incident the writer of 2 S. 8^ seems to have had no
knowledge (Sm.), but the Chronicler certainly must have been

Moabile captives cast

reflections

after the previous kindness

acquainted with

it.

This

fact,

then, rather than the excessive

cruelty of the measure, probably influenced him,

cf.

20=.

And

brought tribute] probably, as in the days of Mesha, this consisted

of wool, 2 K. 3^
3. Hadad^ezer*].
Chronicles has here and else-

where Hadarezer,
passages

in 2 S.

Hadadezer, as
appears

in the

Damascus
Of- these

cf.

vv.

The

in 2 S.

"

^-

'

ig'^-

original

M, and

Ben-hadad

II.

as also (^ in

carried

K. 15"-

is

known

=0

all

the parallel

name was of course

The component Hadad
by a number of kings of

of the

K. 11".

name Benhadad,

of later times,

i^,

form

= 2 Ch.

16-

"

K.

20', etc.

in Assyr. ins. as Dadda-id-ri

= Aram. Hadad-idri = Heb. Hadadezer (KB.

Hadad was the name of a Syrian deity. The name
Hadad is help (Dr.) (see Sm.). Zobah] an Aramcan

(var. ^idri)

i,

p. 134, n. i).

signifies

consequence during the reigns of Saul (i S. 14^") and

mentioned
in Assyr. ins. as Subutu or Subiii (see Del.
David,

state of

Par. pp. 279^., Schr.

KAT.-

pp. 182 Jf.),

and situated according

Noeldeke between Damascus and Hamath (EBi.

Unto Hajfiath] is an addition to the text of 2 S.

a glossator or, as is more

is an inference from vv.

Hamd on the

likely,
'

*.

col.

280

to

6).

Whether from

from the Chronicler, the statement

is identical with the mod.

Hamath

Orontes about one hundred and

Ashe went

I.

fifteen miles

north of

hand by the river Euphrates].

The subject is either Hadadezer (Be., Zoe., Dr.) or more probably
David (Oe., Ba., Sm.). 4. A thousand chariots and seven thousand
Damascus.

to establish his

horsemen] but according to 2 S. David took a thousand and seven

hundred horsemen and no mention is made of the chariots. Since
(i of 2 S. agrees with Chronicles, the Chronicler did not likely alter

the text, but rather reproduced what he found.

David hamstrung
all the chariot horses] as a measure to insure peace, cf. Jos. 11 ^ ^

The Hebrews among their hills were slow in adopting cavalry and
David now began their use, for he reserved from them

chariots, but

CHRONICLES

234

5. Aram of Damasciis].
Aram
[horses] for a Imndred chariols.
is a singular collective for the Arameans.
The Aramean kingdom

with Damascus as

an important role in the

overthrown
finally
by Tiglath-pileser
Damascus itself is a city of extreme antiquity,
chief city played

its

history of Syria until

III in 732 B. c.

it

was

although early references to

as

Timasku

as Timcdgi,

in the

Dima^a,

Damascus was

it

are few

in the

Amarna letters.

also threatened

Aram

peoples,

cf. V. ".

of

Damascus]

as

The independence

this attack

by

the willingness to succour Hadadezer.

sons'^ in

and uncertain.
It appears
Thotmes III, and

of the Syrian conquests of

list

was

his

6.

of

upon Zobah, hence

Then David put

custom

The writer piously ascribes the

do

to

garri-

to subjected

credit for David's

Yahweh, cf. v. '^ 7. Shields of gold] is a somewhat

doubtful rendering, more likely arms or armour (Ba. Exp. Times
X. pp. 43/.). Of gold would refer to the decoration. 8. Tibhath]
(so read also in 2 S. S^ f) and Cun f ] (2 S. Berothai) are otherwise unknown. Furrer {ZPV. viii. p. 34) identifies the latter with
the mod. Kuna near Bereitan.
Whereivith Solomon made the
brazen sea and the pillars and the vessels of brass] is an addition
from the hand of the Chronicler, whence it made its way into ($
of 2 S.
9. To u, king ofHamatli] (2 S. To i) is otherwise unknown.
victories to

regularly mentioned as the northern

Hamath,

on the western side

kingdom had
defeated.
is

in

Hermon immediately

plainly been threatened

10. Hadoram, his son]

known
1='

of

{q.

boundary

of Israel,

north of Dan.

This

by the Arameans whom David

(2 S.

Joram).

Nothing further

The name appears as that of an Arabian tribe

Upon the defeat of Hadadezer Tou hastened to

of him.
v.).

send his son

to bless David, i. e., to congratulate him, possibly to

acknowledge his suzerainty, and to purchase his favour with gifts.
11. These also did king David dedicate to Yahweh] together with

the spoils of
Philistines,
ezer, son of

of a

war

of

(vv.

Edom,

nations,

2 S.

Alo'ab,

adds "and from the

'Ammon, the
Hadad-

spoil of

Rehob, king of Zobah." We have no other mention

David with Amalek except that in i S. 30, where we

are told that

Judah

war from the

and 'Amalek.

David distributed the

=6

ff).

12.

And when

spoil

among

his friends in

he returned he smote

in the Valley of Salt eighteen thousand].

This

is

Edom*

probably the

XVm.

FOREIGN WARS OF DAVID

1-17.]

235

an abridgment of 2 S. 8'^, "And David made a

he returned from his smiting of Aram, he

original text here,

And when

name.

of Chronicles, Moreover Abshai the son 0/

smote Edom,* etc. "
The
Zeriiiah, is due to a curious misreading of a copyist {v. i.).

Edomites may have taken advantage of the absence of David and

the army, when they were far north, to make a hostile raid, as the
Amalekites did when David

Ziklag to go north with the Philisis only mentioned in connec-

left

The Valley

tines (i S. 30).

of Salt

Edom, 2 Ch. 25" 2 K. 14' Ps. 60=. On account of its

proximity to the salt mountain, Khashm Usdum, and to the Salt
Sea, it has been identified with the plain es-Schkhah, at the southern
tion with

end

of the

had done
is

Dead

in

13.

Sea.

Damascus,

v.

And he put garrisons in Edom] as he

The pious formula which closes v.

repeated here verbatim.

1.
"

nri>i]

2 S. 8'

-tn.

n>rjai nj

pn]

n^sn jpd ns, which

S.

is

2Nin vhm]

On

2.
omission see above.
quite unintelligible (see Sm.).
3. -irj,mn] many mss., 2 S. 8' ^Ty-n^.
2 S. 8^ ONiD inni.

Ch. pre-

which since it appears in (6 of 2 S., 'ASpaafa/s,

may have been found in this form by the Chronicler. Ch. has
in 2 S.
Bn. thinks it is a corruption
omitted am p.
n,-i::n] wanting
The former is read
of 7\-2^ry, at Helam, see 19".
^^sn'^] 2 S. ^''^'n^.

serves a corrupt spelling,

after
2 S.

Dr. by Bu.,

p^d]

who

wanting

thinks

cir-iD didSs nyas'i 2di i'^s]

But

agrees with Ch.

it

in

represented

in Kt. of 2 S., given in Qr.

2

l| of

8* c^r-iD

S.

2 S.

is

tind

of

iiriaT^aai

(S in

and some MSS.

(6 in 2

yzz'y iSn.

likely nearer to the true

4.
S.

reading,

which may have been originally seven hundred cJiariots, cf. 2 S. 10",
which was added a thousand horsemen, and finally by other ad5. J<2'i]
ditions and changes the text of Ch. appeared (see Bn.).
In ityDii instead of ptr'm we have an unusual spelling,
2 S. 8^ Nam.
^
and Syriac ^^ojn^hi. For a full discussion see J. Halevy,
cf. V.

to

Revue Semitique, 1894, pp. 280-283. '>'T"^^] see v. ^. 6. c^3i'j garrisons given in 2 S. 8 has fallen from the text as the object of
2 S. in pn.
The
Di'M.
It is found in the Vrss.
vti] 2 S. ^n.-n
^<^^^^^]

former gives the better idea, Yahweh gave victory

33; Sn

nj;-] correct over against

dSb'ti"! ax^;3M]

in 2 S.,

where

T-\2':\

16" or

name.
V.

s.

(S

in

-\<i2r:T2

wanting
in

both
(Bn.),

'ui T]-y; na]

in

^.

naan,
2

S.

(Sm.).

wanting

9. v;r] 2 S. 8'

^>'p,

S.

in

(Be.,

to

David.

Dr.,

7.

Bu.,

Sjj

and Ch. has

'-iinar:

Sm.).
8. nn^J"] true reading confirmed by CS
Gn. 222*. Kau. reads nagni. jiaci] 2 S.

cf.

of

iK tQsv

^kXktQj>

m-n.2D

cf.

Nothing is known of a city of either

S., an addition by the Chronicler,

but the text of Ch.

is

confirmed by (B in

CHRONICLES

236
a S.

2 S.

and

10.

but since

11.

clause ^22

.-;;'nji

am

8"

''73

S.

nn

a-.:'

and

S'^

also

12.

S.

was

p|D3

be preferred
1V3 rn noi

DMjn the additional

clause,

Ch.

of

the

be

to

is

additional

clause

8"

i^oni] 2 S.

^^ David made

Instead of

lairai (Bu., Ki.).

to

is

"i'?3i

hdh hmis

rt<

first

name, the Chronicler clearly omitted.

after (S in

naix ^Sd] wanting in

ainn] 2 S. c^iv,

text

pSsjjci

onx

The

uvm.

after

The

aisa.

has after

2 S.

iryTin VS^'oi.

i3'.;'3

2 S. '^2^ anr

'^n]

tt-npn

ans*::] 2

Sm.).

ja

D1S HN iriDHo

ant

']D:>^

2 S.

N-.:'j]

-itt-N.

(Dr., Bu.).

adds the King's name.

has leddovpav the text of Ch.

S. 8">

2 S.

in

(see

preferred
naix i'?D

n'?s"ii]

(Dr., Bu.).

ncnj.

more probable form

the

is

^2~2

the original

This by a copyist has been

corrupted into p >::*2, and then some hand has added the missing
name of the mother hmis. non may have been the correct reading in
2 S.

(We. TS., Bu.), where as the

text

now

we must

stands

substi-

tute Dis for DTN, or possibly the original text may have contained
sin rs irionn larai Q-y ^^\ t-;"!
two clauses and as a whole read
:

DTK PS nan (Bu., SBOT., somewhat after Be., who read Atid Joab
the son of Zcruiah smote Edam when he returned from the conquest

Ke. read as Bu. except T'l instead of n^n. The words of

of Aram).
the title of Ps. 60, n'^3 Nua cnx .--x y^ asv arM, support the reading of
Be., yet the title most probably is subsequent to the text of Ch. with
laz'ai

(Bn.).

13.

After

ans, which

2 S. 8'*

a-'asj

(if

not a

omitted as superfluous.

V7\^y\

WZ'ii D-'

14-17. Administrative

The King

has the additional clause

2 S. "'Hm.

officers.

Taken from

15. David'smaking
nephew Jo'ab the son
Jehoshawas over the
Cf.
.

always mentioned in

this

also in the reign of

Solomon

("I'^irTiS,

defined exactly.

lit.

way

the one

Most

(2 S. S'^ 20=^ i

16. Zadok,

likely his

is

doubtful

V.
{v.

i.,

i.).

cf.

to

2'^

This Jehoshaphat
K. 4= f) held ofl&ce

The

4^).

causes

functions of the

remember) are nowhere

duty consisted in reminding the

Bn. Arch. p. 310, Now. Arch. I.

the son of Ahitub].

the son of Abiathar].

spelling

K.

(i

who

of important business (see

p. 308).

14.

himself acces-

of Zeruiah (David's sister)

host].
phat the son of Ahilud was the recorder].

King

2 S. S"-''.

himself acted as chief justice, thus

sible to the people, cf. 2S. 15= ^

recorder

"^aa

the Chronicler naturally

dittography)

24'.

The

Cf.

$^* (68).

Shavsha was

scribe (1S1D)

Ahimelech*
scribe].

The

was the King's

Shavsha's
secretary, an office distinct from that of the recorder.
two sons acted as scribes in the reign of Solomon (i K. 4'). 17.
Benaiah the son of Jehoiada ] see 11", was over the Cherethites and

XIX.

AMMON

CAMPAIGNS AGAINST

1-19.]

237

"
guard {cf. 2 S. 15" 20' + v. Qr. i K.
is
the
Chronicler's
were
about
the
David's
sons
king]
4j)_
" because he
paraphrase for 2 S. "And David's sons were priests
could not understand how any could be priests except, according
the Pelethites] the King's

i38.

ji^ici

Aaron

to P, the sons of

(see Intro, p. 13).

8'5 has in after ^hm.

16. nn^as p iScaxi 3V.;>nN p pns']
U, 2 S. 8" I'^D'-nx the true reading for Ch., but since Abiathar
is mentioned as priest before, during, and after David's reign, most
Abiathar the son of
modern scholars prefer to read in 2 S. after

14. 2 S.

05,

Ahimelech

should read in
(see
20^5

^cn

Bu. Com.).

and
T''?

Nr^:;'

change, however, should go further and we

but not in Ch., nvj^nx ]:: -["^o^ns p -i.^^3ni pnxi

The

(Dr.).

S.,

supported
17.

4'.

7\-<^^>

against

.s-'v.;']

K.

^r\-^-:in

*?;;]

S.

of 2 S.

8'^

imDm

by
by

n^j'

2 S.

error.

2 S. d^'Jid.

cjcsin]

XIX-XX. 3. David's war with the Ammonites and their

xhe
Aramean allies. Taken from 2 S. io'-' 11' 1226- 30.

31

Chronicler has omitted the narrative of David's kindness to the

house of Saul,

S.

9,

because he passes over entirely David's

also omitted the episode of David's

and he has

relation to Saul;

crimes in connection with Bathsheba,

reflects upon the character of the King.

11.

S.

because

12,

In this story of the

monite war the direct variations from that of

2 S. are of

it

Am-

minor

importance, chiefly those of a magnifying character to give David

greater glory, or to simplify the narrative (see especially below

XIX. 1-15. The King

of

Ammon

insults David.

hash the king of the children of 'Amnion]

and perhaps

also 2 S. 17")

time of Saul

(i

reign, since

S.

(v.

1.

Na-

2 S. 10= i S. ii'-

was already on the throne during

'

the

but this does not imply a very long

exact chronology for the events of either
2. When the Kingof Ammon died, David

11' ^),

we have no

Saul's or David's reign.

resolved to

show kindness

to his son

Haniin because

kindness which the father had shown him.

was, the history does not

tell us.

What

this

Bertheau suggests

it

of

some

kindness

may have

been during the time when David was persecuted by Saul. Hiram's
love for

David

mon

K. 5"

(i

led to a similar missicjn

'").

3.

The

princes of

upon

the accession of Solo-

Ammon,

suspecting another

CHRONICLES

238
aggressive

move on

Hebrew King, warned their

David desires to

the part of the

lord in the scornful question, Thinkest thou that

honor thy father because he hath sent comforters unto thee? 4.

With a reckless determination to provoke war, Hanun insulted
the ambassadors of David.
The beard was held in high esteem

To remove

the Hebrews.

among

the beards

and shorten the

robes of the ambassadors to near the waist, was an insult indeed.

5. David saved the feelings of his messengers and upheld hi? own

dignity by directing that they should remain at Jericho until their

beards should be grown. Jericho] (ini^) is the well-known town

in the lower Jordan valley, the mod. Eriha, about fourteen miles

crow

(as the
1.

flies)

from Jerusalem.
in 2 S.

wanting

.;'n;]

We. TS. omits

]^:r{.

10',

2. -z]

which has tun before

2 S. lo^ t.;'N3.

vay

which has the additional phrase

S.,

before V3.s.
also

TiSn Vf2-; Mi2 y\i<n

l''':'x

rx nn

v-\2-;

1^3

and

1:2.

Bu. after
in

wanting
instead

"^n

of

'-y

though given in some mss., and

adds sn^jix after ]ijn, and instead of
-^pn^ in;a, 2 S. has i";'"i rx i.nn -\n;'3

2 S. lacks "^n before ""ix,

p^n Sn.

irnj':'

Dox"--]

3.

2 S.

'-}^'-^^

n'^-;*

10'

-[s-i'^i

nDnn'^i nSj-i'ri.

-i3j::n]

precedes the subject to

upon the idea conveyed by the verbal form, Dr. TH.

4. an'^jM] 2 S. 10* Djpr >sn rx n'^jM.
The Chron 135 (4).
n;--'s-:n].
icler has given a less offensive word than STmrr of 2 S. (Bn.).
5.
13'?m] and D^i'jxn *?;] are wanting in 2 S. IO^
throw

stress

6-15. The

Aram

Aram Zoba twenty thouKing of Maacah a thousand men

Ishtob twelve thousand men." We. TS. and Bu. omit

and hired

(of)

sand footmen and

(of)

campaign. 6. 7. The Chronicler has quite

10^'', which reads "The children of Ammon sent

first

rewritten 2 S.

and

Beth-rehob and
the

(of)

"a

thousand men," since the Chronicler has a total of 32,000.

The sources or the motives of the changes introduced in the text

by the Chronicler are mostly obscure.

David so much

That he should convert

obvious enough to make the victory of

greater; and possibly a similar motive, and his

footmen into chariots

is

love of detail setting forth magnificence,

insert as the compensation the enormous
ents of silver.
for

a hundred

"

of a

led

him

thousand

to
tal-

2 Ch. 25^
hires 100,000 men
Ishtob " may have been omitted as obscure

According to
talents.

may have

sum
Amaziah

XIX.

AMMON

CAMPAIGNS AGAINST

1-19.]

or because originally joined with

Maacah

239

or through oversight.
for Beth-rehob be-

Aram-naharaim may have been substituted

Rehob

cause the Chronicler identified the latter with

of

Jos.

of Asher could not belong to the Arai9=, which as a possession

means. Since Arameans from beyond the River took part in the
second campaign (v. '), Aram-naharaim was an easy substitute.
of the host at Medeba. is a touch of detail descrip-

The assembling

but scarcely corresponds to the actual fact, since Medeba is a

northern Moab. In some way it may have been confused
of
city
with Rabbah of Ammon. Aram-naharaim] "Aram of the two
tion,

rivers,"

probably the Tigris and the Euphrates,

i.e.,

Aram-ma acah] (Dt.

not

far

from

Medeba] (Nu.

Damascus
21^

Is.

Gaulanitis.

in

Zobah].

'=

Jos.

15=

cf.

I'L

was a small Aramean kingdom

13")

3^ Jos.

13'-

also

f;

Cf.

18^.

Moabite Stone

n^intS, line 8) was about six miles south from Heshbon. 9. The
children of Ammon awaited Joab's attack al the gate of the city,
doubtless Rabbath Ammon, while the Aramean forces were at

some distance in the field. 10. 11. Joab prepares to attack the
Aramean allies himself with the flower of the army, because they
were probably the stronger, while his brother Abishai with the rest
On Jo^ab and
of the people draw up before the Ammonites.

12.

Abishai^ see 2'.

Joab should show themselves
Aramean
unable to cope with their
antagonists, Abishai should
case
Abishai should be put to
and
in
send him re-enforcements,
If the forces of

14. 15. Joab's help, howthe worse, Joab promised to help him.
lost heart when they saw
the
Ammonites
for
ever, was not needed,
their

Aramean mercenaries

walls of their city.

the

campaign was
6-7.

v;'!<3.-i.-i]

these verses
D^-i3jn

N^sn

position.

is

to

closed.
2 S. 10^ irN3j.

nMi D>]

quite different in 2 S.

Sd.

and retreated within the

For the time
Jerusalem].

in full flight,

And Jo^ab came

Dr. accepts

2 S.,

Bu. follows Ch. putting

2 S.

{v. s.).

The remainder

in^.

8.

Dnajn n3X

of

Sd] 2 S. lO'

the construction being that of apin construct, but both of these

N3i-

men.
readings convey the wrong idea that the host consisted of tnighty
The original undoubtedly was onajm n::s.i S:) (Th., Graetz, Oe., Bn.),
since the mighty
1.:-! n-3.

Ch.

men were David's body-guard.

has the original reading

Rabbah, the royal

city

of

Ammon.

'ui

(Be.,

9. n-'yn nna] 2 S.

Bn.).

D^o^nm]

S.

The

city

10'
is

repeats the

CHRONICLES

240
names

11.
V.

'^

2 S.

^r:iN]
cf.

I\-i;'!i'ini]

ii'".

2 S.

10"

']h i"'>;'inS

is

ark,

was probably the

nsn':':;'?

original (Bn.),

ms]

2 S.

15.

10"

S.

which
T^ri.

vidShi.

the

is

12.

It

is

better

10"

S.

S.

13.

and rnx] are wanting in 2 S.

from the presence of Joab and from
Hence it is inferred that 2x11 ^jas stood

clause

it:>' 'J3

Joab came

to

'?>r!

which

'-\;]

pis,

14. liD*^
original text of 2 S. lo'^ (see Sm.).
a-is3 n-rnS-;''.
The wording of Ch. is the more

n:;n dj]

text after a->N (Ki.).

also

n;vi"'^.

impossible to determine

a)id they also fled

his brother.

so

spelling,

n;-v;',n'-]

though probably that of

text

graphic.

a-'ja::.

'Z'^2i<,

i3-i>'i]

Ch. has given a natural paraphrase. 10.

Bu. follows Ch.
iino] 2 S. mna.

of the four allies.

iinsi d'jd] 2 S. lo' iinNsi

2 S.

axp

has after

The

y:.'^^.

m^^

(2 S.

unrelieved

iv)

io'<.

($ reads

the presence cf

in the original

the aaditional

statement of Ch.

and
an

certainly very abrupt, and more likely

original than that the text of 2 S. should be

Jerusalem

is

abridgment of an
expansion of an original represented

in

the text

of

Ch.,

an

as Bn.

suggests.

16-19. The second campaign.

In

this the

Arameans come

with re-enforcements from the far north in order to regain their

16. The Arameans had apparently returned to tlie
lj5t prestige.

north, where they

Arameans

rallied

and

and brought out the

the Euphrates.
Accord-

sent messengers

that ivere beyond the River,

i.e.,

ing to 2 S. it was Hadadezer who sent for the northern Arameans.

Either his authority extended to the region of Mesopotamia or
he only applied to the Arameans of that country for assistance.

Shophach] (v. ^^, Shobach 2

Hadadezer's army, was placed

S.

io'-

'*

the

f)

commander

of

command of the new troops.

the fighting men of Israel together,
in

1 7. David in turn gathered all

crossed the Jordan, and came upon them; or better perhaps after
And set the
2 S. (fu. i.) and came to Helam, an unkno\\Ti place.

battle

in array against them].

These words are superfluous and

have arisen from a repetition of the te.xt

David commands in person on this expedition.

18. TheApparently
Arameans
(x'.

/.).

were again defeated. Seven thousand chariots] 2 S. 10' ^ "seven

hundred chariots," an intentional change by the Chronicler to
magnify David's victory. But the change of "forty thousand

horsemen" (2 S.) to forty thousand footmen can only be explained

on the ground that the Chronicler preserves the original text.
Otherwise no footmen would be mentioned in 2 S. 19. This

XX.

CONQUEST OF AMMON

1-3.]

241

was complete and the Arameans were reduced

victory

to the

position of a subject people.

16. laJj] 2 S. io'5

f]}i.

The Chronicler has abridged and simplified

"

the narrative of 2 S. by omitting the clauses

"and they came

and they were assembled

The

Helam."

latter may be a wrong

together,"
insertion in 2 S. (Bn.).
He also has retained one plural subject throughout referring to the Arameans, thus ihey sent messengers and they brought
out, etc.,
etc.

2 S.

where

2 S. has

2 S.

131-']

131^',

ncxSn xaM, Qr.

to

"Hadadezer sent messengers and brought out,"

so also v.

nr':',-!

's.

17.

and he came

This proper name occurs twice in 2

of the Arameans, and secondly in

an'^x Nn^i] to

to

Helam

S. 10, in v.
v.

"

'^,

parallel

be read with

Bn., Ki.).
the gathering-place
to

(Be.,

its

substitution

Helam, read by Cornill in

E-. 47'^ after Sibraim and situated between the border of Damascus
and the border of Hamath, is meant. If this is accepted, Helam was
the northern rallying-point for the Arameans called from beyond the
River (2 S. 10'^) and the reading of iH upon them is correct and 2 S.
-lo" should be corrected from Ch. and not vice versa. ::nSN Ti>-i
are to be struck out as a dittography from the following and the preceding words. ncn'?s cis .'^NipS i^n iv^] 2 S. 10'' in rN^p':' dis idi>"'.
^
^ 2 S.
(B"" follows 2 S. and
Ch., while in 2 S. (S" follows Ch. and
Either there was a variant tradition which made David initiate the
action or more likely this change was due to the Chronicler and
some MSS. of (B came under its influence. 18. d^'s'^n] 2 S. lo'^ niNC.
^Sji w'^'n] 2 S. d:n3.
The te.xt of Ch. is to be preferred as original.
Dr. and Bu. read tr'ns. n^sn nosd -\z' -^syy nsi] abridged from 2 S.
DC r!::M r^^r^ ixjx tc i^ic nvSi. 19. 2 S. lo'^ has QijSDn Sj with ii^;
here.

It is possible that in the first instance

nax nSi im^yi -en o-;] 2 S.

apposition as the subject of inim.
1N1M Dna;''! '?xt.;'i nx. The Chronicler is more concerned with David
'n in

than Israel and has paraphrased accordingly.

XX.

1-3.

The conquest

of

Ammon. 1. And il came to pass,

when kings go out]

doubtless what the Chronicler copied from 2 S. 11', but there
the original was "at the time when the messengers went forth,"

at the time of the return of the year, at tlie time

is

i.e.,

a year after David first sent messengers to Hanun, 19^ = 2 S.

And Jo'ab led forth the strength of the host and

lo^ (see Sm.).

'Amman, and he came and

"And David sent Joab,
Israel; and they destroyed the
Ammon, and besieged Rabbah." The Chronicler

destroyed the land of the children of

besieged

and

his

children

Rabbah] a paraphrase of
servants with him, and all
of

16

2 S.

242

CHRONICLES

sharpens the narrative by making it more individuah'stic. It

seems a curious oversight on the part of the Chronicler to have

Now David tvas abiding in Jerusalem, the words

introducing the story of Balhsheba and out of place in the Chronicler's narrative, since in the following verses David is clearly in
retained from 2 S.

And Jo'ab smote RabbaJi and destroyed

the field with the army.

Cf. 2 S.

12" where the text

is

faulty (see Sm.).

it].

According to what

seems to have been the original text of 2 S., Joab captured a

which protected the city's water. With victory thus
he
sent
for David that the latter might have the glory of
assured,
fortification

taking the

By

city.

the Chronicler's abridgment, the

abruptly on the scene

Rabbah]

King appears

in time to take part in the sacking of the

Am. i'-" Je. 49^ and frequent) the mod.

and one-half miles north-east from Heshbon,
twenty-eight and one-half miles east from the Jordan, w^as the
capital of the Ammonites (cf. Baed.^ pp. 142 ff.; Buhl, GAP.
city.

(2 S. 11'

'Atfiman, thirteen

p. 260;

and on the

history of the place Schiir. Jewish People, II.

AndDavidtook thecrown

pp. 119^.). 2.

i.

of Mile om"^] the national

" 2 K.
god of Ammon (i K. ii=231') and probably distinct from
Molech (see Moore, EBi. III. col. 3085). The name has not been
found outside the OT. If this emendation is correct, this state-

ment implies

A parallel
Apollo.

that an

to the idol's

image of the deity was found at Rabbah.

crown has been found in that of the Delian

And he found the weight^ a

The weight

precious stone].

came upon David's head,

has been interpreted to
also that he put
likely,

and

them

is

i.e., it

mean

talent of gold

that

And

it

was a

David tortured

at forced labour.

hence we render,

and in

probably an exaggeration, since it

was worn by him. 3. This verse

he

The

the captives,

latter

and

seems the more

set

* the?n at saws and at

picks

On

other variations from the text of

at axes.

1. nnSi] wanting in 2 S. 11'.

2 S. see above.
2=2 S. 12'".

im]

supplied by the Chronicler.

^
(^^^ MoXxo(X)/tt /SautX^ws avrdv, and
Oj??] tliei'' l':i"g, so also 2 S.
in 2 S. MeXxoX tov ^affiX^us avrCjv (other MSS., MeXxo/x,
cj/i).

Tulit autem

David coronam Melchom de

mentators interpret as a proper name,

23"), adopted

Jewish comK. ii^- " 2 K.

capita ejus.

zi:^o

(cf.

by We., Dr., Sm., Kau., Oe., Bn., and

others.

nxiC>i

XX.

SLAUGHTER OF PHILISTINE CHAMPIONS

4-8.]

hpvr.] better

'^p-z.n

The

1231 2^11.

S.

2 S. nSp.?:;.
n^] wanting in 1^ of
(Bn.).
U, and necessary (Dr., Bu., Bn.). 3. -i:"i] 2

Ni-rN

2 S., but given in S>, ,

text of Ch., a

cltt.

Xey.,

was preferred as
Ki.,

Bn.

axes of iron. This latter is the true

additional unintelligible clause ]d''"3 Driis n''3"rti.

text.

Be., Ke., Zoe., but that of 2 S. correctly

by

Sr-ian rnrj::,

4-8. Philistine champions slain.

2

The

'8".

243

noriginal by
-ij.:d]

2 S.

Corresponds

Chronicler passes over the story of

S.

has the

with

S.

Tamar and

Absalom, Absalom's rebellion, and the atoning vengeance on the

house of Saul, recorded in 2 S., as foreign to the purpose of his
This brought him to the account

history.

of the slaying of the

xhe account of the

four sons of a Philistine giant, 2 S. 2i'5-22.
destruction of the first the Chronicler omits probably because he
unworthy of David that he should wax faint and require
by one of his men, 2 S. 2ii5-'7. He gives then simply
the- story of the death of three sons of the giant, but departs from
the narrative of 2 S. by changing the statement "Elhanan slew
thought

it

to be rescued

Goliath the Gittite" into "Elhanan slew the brother of Goliath

the Gittite," v.

made

This change by the Chronicler was undoubtedly

i S. 17, where Goliath the

^.

to reconcile this story with that of

Gittite falls

by the hand

of

The

David.

to the different sources of the stories.

(2 S. 2i'8 I
I

Ch. 27"

was

Ch,

ii29

f), i.e.,

and the corrected

discrepancy in S. is due
Hushathite

4. Sihhecai the

text of the parallel 2 S.

Sibbecai from the town of

Hushah

Sippai f

Judean family of Zerah.

otherwise unknown.
5. The place
of the

23"

He

((/. 4^).

(SapJi 2 S. 2i'8 f)

of this war.

Gob

in 2 S.,

was

probably omitted because obscure, just as Gezer was substituted

in the preceding verse (1;. i.).
Elhanan, the son of Ja'ir] (2 S.

= 1 Ch. ii= f).

21"; and another of David's chiefs 2 S. 23^4
Lalpni f] is a fiction from the lehem of Bethlehem in the text of 2
" 2i' 22' 2 S. 2i'
S.
Goliath the
S. 2i'3

i.)
17^f).
Gittite] (i
whose spear was like a weaver's beam]. It is a mark
the Chronicler's carelessness that he should have retained this

The
of

{v.

staff of

clause descriptive of Goliath when, according to his text, Goliath

merely identifies Lahmi. 6. 7.

Jonathan the son of Shime'a.

The unnamed
This nephew

parently called Jonadab in 2 S. 13'

-.

giant
of

was

David

slain

by

is

ap-

CHRONICLES

244

4. ncjjn] a corruption of 2 S. 21" ii>'

ifJ3] 2 S. 2^2 in Gob.

Oe., Ki., Bn.).

stituted Gezer for the obscure Gob,

which

''H.-'i

The

which

is

has (Be, Zoe.,

(6

Chronicler probably sublikely the original form.

considered the original here by Zoe. and Ki., while Be. preferred
But Gezer was a Canaanite city. Klo. reads
Gezer in both places.
It is

Gath.

7\2'\r)

nS>3 na'X

ND"in

f]D.

(many mss. and

idD pn]

"iti'?'>o

editions d^ndih) 2 S. rs

wanting in 2 S., and probably an addition

Zoe., and Bn. think the word may have fallen

VJ3'i]

of the Chronicler (Be.,

5. 2 S. 21'^ has 2M2 after nrnSc.

nn'M3 pn'^N
PN (Qr. i^J'O] 2 S. n^Sj pn >cn'^n po nj?' p jjhSn (omitting D'JiN after nj,"', which is a dittography from the following clause).
The Chronicler has changed the original text given in 2 S. to avoid a
discrepancy with i S. 17, where David slays Goliath {v. s.). "i-y^ is

from the

text of 2 S.).

riSj ^HN icnS

clearly to be preferred

that Goliath

is

to

ny^ (Bu.).

Ba.

favours the assumption

and not a proper name and thus harmonises

title

the two statements concerning the death of Goliath.

6.

mc]

2 S. 21 2

>aixi on^'j; vz,'^ U't:' v.";'3iNi] 2 S. p;"2sni

1^13 a corruption (Dr., Bu.).
ii:D3 j,'aisi Dins';; ci'i c';:' vVjt pi;'3Xni v-11 probably an amplification
of the original.
7. n;'C'] so Qr. in 2 S. 2121, but Kt.
n'^u] 2 S. iS^.

i;Tr and

i S.

16' nss'.

nSu

8.

Sn] 2 S. 21" nSi nSs p>'3ix pn.

The

Chronicler has omitted the numeral because he has omitted the story
of the death of the first of the four brothers.
nSi: should be pointed
n'r^j,

Ges.

S.x

6gt, cf. 3*.

XXI-XXIX. The

= n'?K

these, v.

BDB.

preparations for the building of the

of the servants of the Temple.

Temple and the personnel

In these chapters David

is

tions for the building of the

Temple

entire credit for its erection.

made such preparamake him deserve the

said to have

as to

It is to

him

that the

Temple

site is

revealed in consequence of the sinful numbering of the people and

the propitiatory sacrifice (2i'-22i).
The material necessary for
the building

and

its

furnishings, greatly in excess of

possibly have been used,

is

what could

represented as collected by him, gold,

hewn stones (222-^- '^), and even precious

and fine linen (see on 29=), in astonishin wood and in stone, in gold, in
abundance.
Workmen
ing
in
and
in
iron
are
also supplied without number (see
silver,
bronze,
on 22" '). Even the plans are prepared in advance and delivered
to Solomon by David with proper public ceremony (28" ).
silver,

bronze, iron, timber,

stones, with variegated

The

princes are

stuff

commanded

to give the

young King

all

assistance in carrying out the great undertaking (22" s),

possible

Solomon

XXI.

DAVID'S CENSUS

1-8.]

245

himself being admonished to conduct himself piously to secure

'
Thus every problem is anticipated
prosperity for the work (28' ).
and solved by David. Solomon becomes merely the representative

who

and

carries out the predetermined plans,

of the credit for that

down

writings put

performance which the

as his greatest glory.

The

is

thus robbed

earlier historical

organisation of the

Temple servants, which grew up during the long period between the
completion of the Temple and the post -exilic period of the writer,
also credited to

David

is

in defiance of historical facts.

Modern

critics have usually considered the greater part of cc. 21-29

from the Chronicler (so Ki., SBOT.). But recently, Biichler
has come to the conclusion that cc. 22. 28/. are a part of an extensive
extra-canonical source which he thinks the Chronicler used here and
elsewhere {Zur Geschichte der Tempelmusik und der Tern pel psalmen,

to be

ZAW.

1899, pp. 130/.).

.further, maintaining that

c.

Benzinger carries Buchler's position still

21 (ultimately taken from 2 S. 24), except-

from the same source, but he ascribes 22'*-" 28"*

the Chronicler {Kom. pp. 61, 62, 64).
Kittel now
adopts Benzinger's position {Kom.). Buchler's whole theory is based
upon radical textual emendation which discredits his results (/. c. pp.
ing W.614-18.

97

20

f.

28

s.^

The

ff.).

is

2910-30 to

Chronicler's omission,

everything which

is

in

in

the

preceding chapters, of
to the character of

any way compromising

David, properly prepares for this presentation of the crowning acts of

life.
The passage must be late post-exilic, and since we find

his

many
reason

hand {v. i.), we can see no good

whole section should not have been written

indications of the Chronicler's

why

practically the

by him.

XXI. 1-XXII.

David's census and the plague. This

passage is dependent upon 2 S. 24, but deviates from it in a
number of important particulars, (i) Satan (v. ') instead of Yah-

weh

1.

(2 S. 24') is the instigator of the census.

army, there associated with Joab

(2 S. 24^),

(2)

The

officers of the

are omitted,

and

also

the description of the country traversed and the time occupied

in taking the census (2 S. 245-8).
(3) The results of the census

with 2 S. 243).
(4) According to Chronicles no
count of Levi and Benjamin was made (v. ), while according to
2 S. all the tribes seem to have been counted.
(5) David sees the
differ (cp. v.

destroying angel "between earth and heaven"

(v.

'),

while in 2 S.

vHRONICLES

246
he

simply described as "by the threshing-floor" (2 S. 24'"). (6)

and both are clothed with sack-

is

The

elders appear with David,

and

cloth

fall

prostrate (v.

This description

'=).

is

wanting

in

Chronicles also adds the representation that Oman

on seeing the angel went into hiding with his four sons (v. ^o). (S)
The price paid for the threshing-floor varies (cp. v. " with 2 S.

Samuel.

24=").

Vv.

(7)

(g)

26_22i

The

fire

from heaven

is

not mentioned in

S.

(10)

Although these variations are

are wanting in 2 S.

and Chronicles has reproduced 2 S. 24 in a freer manner

than in the earlier parallels, there is little ground for the view that
the Chronicler must have used an intermediate source.
Of the

extensive

main

might be expected from

Chronicler; (2) is an abridgment

variations, (i), (5), {6), (7),

late WTiter including the

and

(9)

any
most natural from him; (3) rather reveals the Chronicler after the
gloss has been omitted (see v. ) (4) is in accord with his religious
;

attitude.

Even

if

an

earlier

hand were

certain, (8)

must be an

exaggeration due to the Chronicler, while (10) is recognised as

coming from his hand (except 22', which is certainly an integral
part of the preceding paragraph, v.

/.).

Benzinger, followed by Kittel, holds that since these variations cannot

be explained on any one principle, neither by the theology of the Chronicler, overlooking exceptions, nor as an abridgment, the Chronicler did
not take the chapter directly from 2 S.
However, too much stress should
not be laid on the variations in this case, since the Chronicler would

doubtless have omitted this account as doing David discredit had he

not found a new use for it, i.e., to show how the site for the Temple was

The changes seem natural enough

from the Chronicler. He abridges what is to David's discredit (2 S.
10''") and expands that which does him credit (2 S. 24'^).
selected, a thing not hinted in 2 S.

1-8.

The census.

moved David

moved David

to

1.

number

number

to

Now

Satan rose up against Israel and

Israel].

According to 2 S. 24' Yahweh

Some commentators have

the people.

held that Satan has fallen from the text of 2

S. (Ew., Zoe., Oe.,

but this finds no support in textual criticism. The introduction of Satan, who appears in Jb. i' 2' as an angel bringing
et al.),

complaints about
Chronicler,

who

men

before

God

(cf.

also Zc. 3'-

"),

is

due to the

desired to remove the offence caused by the state-

XXI.

DAVID'S CENSUS

1-8.]

ment

Yahweh was

that

247

the direct instigator of an act portrayed

David sinned by ordering a census to be taken without

having been commanded to do so by God {cf. Ex. 3o"-' and the
lustratio populi Romani, introduced by Servius TuUius, which
took place on Mars-field after each census, see Varro, de Re Rustica,
as sinful.

I.; Livius, i. 44, cf. iii. 22; Dionysius, iv. 22).

According to
Thenius, Zee., Ba., et al., the arrogance of David revealed in the
census was the principal cause of Yahweh's anger. But such
ii,

conduct, though possibly the basis of the popular view taken of a

census, is not hinted in David's prayers (vy.^- "); the census is

regarded by the writer as a sin per

epidemic and the crowding

se.

enumeration has been found by some.

instead of "Israel

connection between an

narrow quarters

of people in

and Judah"

For

(2 S. 24') see

for

the use of Israel

below,

v.

2.

And

said to Jo'ab, and to the princes of the people, go number

The census was a military measure, hence was entrusted
Israel].

David
to

Joab and only those "that drew sword"

On

Jo'ab,

cf.

2'^

From Be'ersheba

even

to

(v.

=)

Dan]

were numbered.
i. e.,

the extreme

southern and northern limits (see Buhl, GAP. pp. 69 /.). Beershcba, the modern Bu-es-Seba' on north bank of Wady es-Seba'
,

{cf. 4-8),

Hebron, and was

an

ancient

biblical derivations of the

Buhl,

crow

flies)

sanctuary

{cf.

lay twenty-eight miles (as the

GAP.

p.

name,

cf.

Gn.

original

I9<^

It

name

of

lay in the

Am.

21 3' (E), 26'=

5^).

(J)

For
(see

Dan, the modern

183, with references there).

Tell-el-Kddt, had the

Leshem {W^h) in Jos.

south-west from

Laish {^^b) Ju. iS^s,

extreme north of Pales-

Onom. (2nd ed. Lag. 249. 32, 275. 2;^)

was four Roman miles west from Panias (see Buhl, GAP. pp.
tine,

and according

to

HGHL.

238/., with references there; also GAS.

with the modern Banias).
habit of defining limits from south to north,

who identifies Dan

11'", also I

Ch.

135.

3.

AndJo^ab

said, Let

pp. 473. 480,

For the Chronicler's

cf.

Ch. 19^ 30^ Ne.

Yahweh

increase his

people as much as one hundred times, is not my lord the king, are
not all of them servants of my lord?*] {v. i.).
Popular superstition
connected a plague, and consequently a large decrease of the

population, with the taking of a census.

called this fact to his lord's attention

Joab diplomatically
for him Yahweh's

by wishing

CHRONICLES

248

He also assured the King

blessing in a great increase of people.
of the loyalty of his subjects.
Why will he be a cause of guilt unto

Israel?] i.e., the community guilt which results from the sins of
one or a part of its members, cf. Lv. 4' Ezr. 10' ". 5. A^id all
Israel were a thousand thousand and a hundred thousand that dreiv

This number

short of those given in 2 S. 24' (800,000

This decrease was probably
1,300,000) by 200,000.
intentional on the part of the Chronicler, since he had
excepted
Levi and Benjamin (v. ) from the census, an explanation which is

sword].

falls

500,000

favoured by the round

tribe, or 200,000 in

both

lists (2 S.

26.

6.

This

historicity

all.

number
V.

and here) are

verse,

wanting

^i*

is

of the decrease, 100,000 for each

a gloss

(v. i.).

The numbers

at variance with those in

in 2 S., is

was maintained by

Be.,

Nu.

from the Chronicler.

Ke., Zoe.

The

in

and

x. 2.

Its

Chronicler

excepted Levi because the law required that this tribe should not
be numbered among the children of Israel (Nu. i^^ cf. 2"), i.e.,

They might be numbered by themselves,

however, for religious purposes (Nu. 3'^ 26"). Some commentators have held that Benjamin was not numbered because the census
for military service.

was interrupted
Zoe.,

Oe.).

(27=^)

by a countermand from David

We., followed by Bn.,

makes

the

(Be., Ke.,

ground

of the

omission of Benjamin the fact that the holy city lay within
borders.

But Jerusalem was

before even the

site of

the

sanctified

by

the

Temple and

this

its

was

Temple had been consecrated through

The Chronicler would scarcely overlook

when in v. ^o he explains why David sacrificed in Jerusais more probable that he was influenced
by the fact that

the sacrifices of David.

this fact

lem.

It

the tabernacle of

Yahweh, which the Chronicler considered the

was set up at Gibeon within the

centre of worship in David's time,

borders of Benjamin (Jos. i8). 7. Therefore he

(God) smote
Israel] anticipates the account of the plague.
24'

it is

According to 2 S.
David's heart which smites him for his sin, and leads to

his repentant cry to

Yahweh, while here God

first

shows

his dis-

not necessary to suppose that the Chronicler

wished to represent that David's confession was wrung from him
pleasure.

It

is

by the appearance of the pestilence (Ba.). He simply emphasised

the divine leading in establishing the site for the
Temple.

XXI. 1-8

DAVID'S CENSUS

249

1. iDj."i] rise up, a late usage for earlier dp,

10"

cf.

Ch. 20" Dn. 8"

Qal. 6 c; 1. 88). Zoe. following (g i<XTi\, rendered

stood, but ^t' and other variations of <& have 6.vi<jTt\, 15 consurrexit,
II'*

& >CLO
24'.

here

(BDB.

Ssn^'i Sy NJCJD

Ch. the

inf.,

inf.

2.

-iM-i]

is

Dipx

an attempt

Ch. 32" (=2 K. i85'''

follows.
Also so used in 2 Ch.
Ch. 32'^

cf. 2

i8''

2 S.

while

36") where only in

Is.

which

iS^,

3 against,

is

certainly

from

(without doubt from the Chronicler) J.

Same change

2 S. 242 I'rcn.

harmonise with

to

in 2 S. 24', but there

cf.

the Chronicler,

1''

same form

PD>i] the

-icy

'

in vv.

^i-

21=2

S.

249-

".

so.

Chronicler seems to prefer nm, cf. 17' = 2 S. 7', 17'= 2 S. 7^ 17'' =

2 S. 7', ii<=2 S. 5^
ayn i-ia' Vni 3nv Sn] 2 S. 24* ^^^'H ^'nn na* 3ni> '?.x
iHN.
Be. read doubtfully ion ib'n S-'nn na^ Sni aNV Sn.
Ki. follows

The

06 Koi irpbi Toiis

and

dpxovras

63 (intensive

stem)

in 2 Ch. 305.

2 S.

ttjs

2 S. 3"'

17"

f.

24'-

ij;i

naD

24^^.

v^^ in3d].

242 has yity ivsa nyi

I

K.

55

Am.

8".

isS for

the unusual

t3i-'

appears also in 2 Ch.

This order elsewhere only
taia*

pn, so also Ju.

njj-iNi]

2c'

i S. 320

cohortative,

c/.

Ges.

3. io>'] 2 S. 24^ oyn.

The suffix makes
48c for form, 108J for use.
Yahweh the real ruler. This is the Chronicler's stand-point, cf. especially

"

dwdtxeus.

npi3 (in sense of muster) in 2 S.

29".

d.id] 2 S. 243

DHoi

The repetition

onri.

is

customary

in S.

The

{cf.

2 S.

Chronicler's use corresponds to that in Dt. i".

':iK nSh
anayS 'jix'? dSd iScn] is at variance with 2 S. 24' dint "iScn <J^K ^jijji,
12^).

which

is

a more attractive reading.

Be. thought the text in Ch.

was the

by conjecture. Oe. preferred the

because the increase of one hundred times is not yet a

result of reconstructing a corrupt text

reading in

2 S.,

Although Bn. thinks (&, Kal oi 6<p6a\iJLol Kvpiov imv /3X^7ro;Tes, may
have been corrected from 2 S., he regards it as probable that the text of 2 S.

fact.

was

The

also original in Ch.

makes

continuation of <S irdvTes

rip

Kvplcp

fwv

altogether probable that (S is corrected from 2 S., hence

has no independent value. Origen's text (Field) contained only this
last clause.
^'?D^ ->3tn ^Sn may better be taken as a nominal sentence,
fl-arSes

it

''JIN as the subject and iSnn as the

predicate, which should be
translated "Is not my lord the king" (cf. u^Sd nini Is. 33", nini on
D^lSN^ I K. i82'; and on the rather unusual use of nS with a nominal

with

A may have fallen out before oSa, but is not

nSh must be understood before the second clause as in

clause Ges. 152^).

indispensable.

I S. g^"- 21 and
probably also in Gn. 20^. This gives a smooth
reading and explains the double question which follows: why does my
lord require this thing, for is he not the king (over these or a hundred

Ju. 928

times as many), and

they not his servants.

u.

13

^223 Ezr. 96-

Torrey says of

it

Ezr.

4.

9)

(1.

7).

why

will he be

rvcvn]

cf.

a cause of

Ezr.

lo'"- ",

guilt unto Israel, for are

also 2 Ch.

24"

28io- "

elsewhere Ps. 696 Lv. 4* 5"- '6 22'6 Am. 8";

"used chiefly by the Chronicler " {CHV. p. 19, on

13,

15;

Abridged from

2 S. 24*-

*.

it:B''>i

of 2 S. 24^

is

replaced

250
by the more
V.

2.

f^"^

^^^

riNDi]

It will also

*.

Both are used

"iSn.-i''i.

5. iMi] 2 S. 24' ^'?Dn V.

3in n"^"
in V.

common

CHRONICLES

'?N-i:'''

s. V.

parallel in Jb. i'

2', v. s.

'sj'^n t]hn S.sttt'^ S3 '.im

certainly used for the whole kingdom

v.
the Chronicler used "^nt;" in the

is

'?o

(text. n.).

be noticed that in

'

The writer's
general sense to include the min^ pni ^tt-\y^ -n of 2 S. 24'.
intention seems to have been to ignore the separation implied in the term
"Israel

and Judah."

seems

to

David's kingdom was one kingdom, hence "^ntiI'i S.t

V. ''^^ then is a gloss and

be used in the same sense here.

the internal evidence given for this

(The phrase could have been

is

supported by

from the

lost

absence from

its

(S.

text of (B (or its underlying

Heb.) by homoeoteleuton, but the other evidence is strong against its origiThe Chronicler certainly would not reduce the number of 2 S.
nality.)

from 500,000

24'

24^

6.

2V^i

$].

The

to

was influenced by 2 S.
in Gn. 2i'2 and more

glossator
7.470,000 (Bn.).
same construction
8. D^nSxn]
11" Gn.
'n hy] cf.

2 S. 24' nin\
usually without h-; 2 S.
38'".
frequent though not consistent change of the Chronicler, cf. v. '= 2

24", also
7'-

Ch.

'i-

ri'" 14"'

9-13. Gad's commission.

David^s
2

Gad

seer].

Ch. 29";

Gad

"

>*

3= respectively

172.

See also for further instances Dr. LOT.^^,

is

9.

2 S.

20.

23"

2s.

24

5>9-

p. 21 n.

And Yahweh

spake unto

mentioned twice elsewhere

in

Gad

Ch.,

29''

where

Heman

12.

For triads of divine judgments

said to be the King's seer.

a
as
counsellor
of
David whilst a fugitive
figures
prophetic
cf.

from Saul,
Lv. 26" '
^224-36 ^417

i
I

also 256

S.

22^

K. 8"

^82 42>'-

-j-.

"

Ch. 20^

44" Ez.

is

Je. i4>2

6"

512

b.

13

217-9 241" 279-

'; also

Yahweh

and "the sword

answer

of

Yahweh" which

cf.

29"

'

y'^ i2'6; for the angel

as an expression for pestilence, 2 K. 19".

Chronicler brings out the contrast between "the sword of

of

S.

serves to

The

man"

make David's

(v. ") clearer than in 2 S. 24'^

10. n-jj] 2 S. 24'2 Sju.

(S ftpw in both places.
We., Bu., et al.,
adopt the reading of Ch. in both places. 11. S:3p] not in 2 S.; an
Aram, loan-word, late(BDB.), cf. 12" 2 Ch. 29>- Ezr. 830 (j. 103).

12. cja*

Ch.

is

tt'i'^;;']

original

2 S.

24"

D^r-y V22'

but (6 rpla

(S (fterjyeiv ff,lStefugere (Be.,

erri.

The

hddj] an error for

dni
Oe.,
Bn.).

(Be., Zoe., et al.).

reading of

n^p:;

2 S.

njtrn'? Tia^iN

24"

aim]
2 S. 24" T^vn DN1 \Q-\-\ Nini.
Zoe. prefers the reading of Ch., and Oe. the
text of 2 S.
We. (on 2 S. 24''), followed by Ki. and accepted
in BDB, holds that pju'dS arose from a misreading of ptti dni, which
was original in Ch. This is an attractive possibility owing to the
general resemblance of the letters, but the Chronicler introduces the first
two alternatives with V-qn, hence we should naturally expect the text as
Tipj,

Ki.,

XXI.

THE DIVINE JUDGMENT

9-17.]

251

Moreover, the second clause in 2 S., "idti Nin, shows that somethan the flight (iD)) of David was necessary to make this
more
thing
punishment equivalent to the others. T'^mn anni adds nothing not
given.

It is far simpler to suppose a l to have fallen

already expressed in ins.
out after '', as the sense demands, so (&^, SI, hence the clause read origi-

nally nja'D

n^a^s

1*?

aim and

sword 0/ thine enemies overtaking

the

The same

Cp. for an exact parallel Je. 42'^

in the last clause of the third alternative (n-'ni'D).

n'?i3j,

but there

13.

n'?DN] 2 S. 24'*

i/xirecrov/xai.

14-17. God's judgment and David's repentance.

there fell

{hz'''\)

people"

2 S. 24'5

phasises the divine side

him of the

evil].

3'".

by the threshing-floor of

Oman

was

built

{v. s. v.

Ajtd

there died (n!2''1)

The

2 S.

{cf. 22').

15.

And

God

of

cf.

from the

Chronicler em-

he (God) repented
6^ Ex. 32'^ i S.

Gn.

And the angel of Yahweh was standing

Oman

lay on the top

The

the Jehusite].

Mt. Zion, where

of

threshing-floor

later the

Temple

does not connect the incident with the

On Jehusite,

of the

').

For repentance

15" Je. 18'" 42' Jon.

of

"And

consequence of the pestilence.

in

14.

from Israel] because they became the victims of

sword of Yahweh;

the

thee.

use of the participle occurs

site

Oman is the only

cf. i< ii''.

Jebusite
Temple.
mentioned by name. Verse 16, not found in the parallel text of
2 S., is an embellishment by the Chronicler based upon the phrase

"when he saw

the angel that smote the people" (2 S. 24'') (Be.).

In the older narratives the angels of Yahweh have a human form

Gn. 18 Ju. 6"

earth and heaven.
{cf.

ff

132

),

but here the angel hovers between

15. inSd QinSxH n-'U"i] 2 S. 24'^ inSch

with the text of Ch. lies in the indefinite

already been mentioned

Jerusalem

mand

it

(v. '-)

Moreover,

(v. '<).

and

God

The

nVtfM.

difficulty

since the angel has

has accomplished his work outside of

gives this

Be., followed later

at once.

iti

In'^o,

command

only to counter-

by Oe. and Bn., pointed out that the

reading in Ch. arose in the following manner 'n it' (2 S. 24'^), in a text
which did not separate words, was mistakenly read nin> and this the
Chronicler changed to 3^^^^'^, according to his custom {v. s. v. '). How:

ever, the text of

Chronicler.
mn-'

nxT

n>ntt'n3i]

why God

sent

(Be., Bn.).

Ch. should not be changed, for

pins'no] other MSB.

and

a clause not found in

2 S.

the original of the

it is

but '2.
S*
pO^
but necessary here to explain

editions

'2,

a>s,

Jerusalem and immediately repented

an

angel against
31] enough,
K.
cf.

19'

Gn.

45=8.

tj-ix]

2 S.

24""'

Kt.

252

CHRONICLES

2 S. 24" Kt. n>ps or

nnw-i, Qr. r>i^pH;^.
n;ns^ Qr. as above.
Elsewhere in 2 S. 24 always as Qr. (& 'Opvh in all cases both 2 S.

&

and Ch.
other Heb.

always

MSS.

^il. 16.

a>cit'n

I'inh pai D^r::>n }^3,

yiNn pa] so also

j>3i

so

(S,

I;

&. 17.

nsjcS nS ^c;3^]
Be. and more recently Ki. regard these words, which are not found in
2 S., as a gloss, but such an accumulation of clauses is
characteristic of

U,

the Chronicler.

18-27. The purchase of

Oman's

floor and the expiatory

Yahweh commanded Gad]. The
appearance of the angel of Yahweh consecrated this spot, cf. Gn.
" . In 2 S. Yahweh
2?>^^
Ju. 62"
i3>'=gives the command, but in the
narratives in Judges the angel commanded sacrifices to be made.

sacrifice. 18.

And the

angel of

f-

These may have influenced the representation of the Chronicler.

And Oman turned about and saw the angel; and his four

20.

him hid themselves] since to see the angel of Yahweh was

same as seeing Yahweh himself, which portended death
(cf
also Gn. 32" Ex. 20"
Ju. 622 13" Tob. 12"'
^3'" Is. 6^).Now
Oman was threshing wheat] is wanting in 2 S. 24, but
sons -with
the

'

might easily

be inferred from

v. 2 {cf.

the similar addition in (g of 2 S.

24'5
KoX ^fiepai 0pL(T/xov TTvpwv) and
appears to have been introduced by the Chronicler in view of the
following statement of
v. 2' and
went out from the threshing-floor. V. '"^ ends

Oman
Oman

abruptly with
fashion in

v.

'

and his sons in hiding, but in a similar

David and the elders are left fallen upon their

faces because of the presence of the

angel. 21.

came unto

Oman]

is

wanting

in 2 S.

but

is

And

as

David

made

necessary by the
insertion of v. ".22. The Chronicler
fittingly makes the King
speak firstPlace] more than the actual area of the threshing-

floor (Ba.),
24^' a.)

which would have been

but not for the

with the increase in

for the meal offering]

meal-offering
{cf.

Nu.

155

{cf.
s.)_

sufficient for

an

altar (2 S.

of the

Temple. This change goes

the purchase price (v."). 23. And wheat
is not found in 2 S.
In later times the
site

Lv. 2''^) was united with the

burnt-offering
The sacrifice recorded in Ju. 1319 may have

25.

And David gave

for the
place six hundred shekels of gold by weight].
to
2 S.
According
242* David paid ffty shekels of silver for the threshing-floor and
influenced the Chronicler.

Oman

XXI. 18-XXn.
the oxen.
tions,

THE PURCHASE AND SACRIFICE

1.]

It is

253

not likely that we have here two variant tradiis a corruption of the other.
If fifty shekels of

nor that one

by comparison with Gn. 23"*, six hundred

We have here a characteristic

silver is too small a price,

shekels of gold

is

certainly too high.

exaggeration of the Chronicler (Th.) not only for the sake of exalting David (We.) but also to emphasise the value of the Temple

which should not be paid for in silver but in gold.

(Note the later descriptions of Solomon's Temple, in which nearly
everything is described as covered with gold.) While no imsite {v. s. V. ")j

portance can be attached to the ancient harmonising effort whereby

each of the twelve tribes was made to pay fifty shekels, and thereby
the six hundred in Chronicles

was accounted for (Raschi), this sugwhat may have been the Chronicler's reasoning in reaching
hundred shekels as the price of the Temple site. The Chron-

gests
six

makes David pay

icler

fifty

shekels of gold for each tribe since the

all.
26. And he called

Temple should be the place of worship for

upon Yahweh and he answered him with
with

fire

fire

from heaven upon

God

shov/ed his acceptance of David's

from heaven as at the consecration of Aaron

the altar of burnt-offering].

sacrifices

I K. i8=<- ^a 2 Ch.
(Lv. 9=^,
y 2 Mac. 2'
thus put on a par with the former one (Ki.).

cf also

24"

nini nix n^'to.

"

direct

18.
Gad
command (v.

24^.

Ke. correctly asserted that

tion in V.

the latter

is

spoke
s.

v.

reproduced

doublet in vv.

^o

and

altar is

^'\r]-' DwO iJi

24'', Be., Oe., Gin.
tj-n]
This change was necessitated by the altera-

19. -ima] better ^3^^ 2 S.

2 S.

This

).

21.

'8).

20.

in v.

name

in the

21.

of

Yahweh

"

but not at his

Be. corrected this verse from 2 S.

v. ^ is

The

ix'^iDn is

not parallel to 2 S.

24^",

but

result of Be.'s correction is

rendered by (^ Tbv

jSatrtX^a

(=

and D''X3n."io being incomprehensible after "i'^:;n is transliterated nedaxo-^iiv, but translated by ^ (which has rov ^affiXea like ^)
(^^ also has rbv /3acriX^a, but Tropevo/j.^vovs for 'N^nnn.
Kpv^ofj.voi.
^'?D^),

H, 01, follow M. Ki. regards ^'?D^ as the original reading, and the
mistake by which it was read ixSnn led to the insertion of ''Njnn::',
which he supposes to have been originally O^DSnna (SBOT.), thus
finding three steps (Kom.) in the development of the verse,
(i)
Oman turned about, he saw the king going about, etc. (2) As

As

Oman
As Oman

about he saw the angel going about, etc.

(3)
turned about and he saw the angel, his four sons hid themselves with
him, etc. Furthermore, he regards the verse as a gloss in its original

turned

254

CHRONICLES

The theory falls from its own

it conflicts with v. 'i.
No reason is apparent why a glossator should insert this
weight.
verse in Ki.'s original form, since it adds nothing and explains nothing.
<B has the supposed original form 1^"^, and also the reading Z'sanrc,
which is regarded as the result of misreading ^N'?D^ for -|^:.n. (See Tor.

form, since

Ezra Studies,

p.

The

112.)

Chronicler desired to add more witnesses

to the presence of the angel at this spot, since this fact consecrate

the

Temple

site,

and

for this purpose the narrative

introduction of the four sons of

wise the angel plays a

than in the account in 2

22.

Oman

is

is

recorded.

thus accounted

for.

The
Other-

much more important part in this narrative

"
S. {cf. w. ^-- 's- ' -'= respectively 2 S. 24"-

<h injn n'^d ID;:]

Gn. 23'. 23. c'J-n-n] threshing
cf.
For a description of them, see Bn. Arch. pp. 209/., Now.
sledges.
Arch. i. pp. 27,2 f., DB. I. p. 50. 24. .-~i'?j;ni] Bn. and Ki. correct to
niSynS on basis of (&, but ri'^>n may be an inf. abs. in ni as other ~'^
27. pj f] is a Persian loan-word (see
verbs, cf. 2 Ch. 7' nnini,
IS.

25)_

BDB.).

28-XXII. 1. The site for the Temple determined./!/

when David saw that Yahweh had answered him in
the threshing-floor of Oman the Jehusite when he sacrificed there
then David said, This is the house of Yahweh God and this

that time,

is the altar

understood

of burnt-offering for Israel.]

at that time

sacrifice there

when David saw,

(Luther, Be., Ke., Oe.).

Y.-^ has usually been

then he was wont to

etc.,

Ba. rightly points out that

a protasis to which 22' forms the apodosis, yx.-^- =" being

The translation he was wont to sacrifice there is
parenthetical.

V.

is

doubtful, since the fear of the angel of

Yahweh

(v.

") did not

Gibeon
prevent David from
Before the Temple was built Solomon sacrificed at Gibeon (2 Ch.
It follows that V. =8 and 22', as protasis and apodosis, cannot
v).
to sacrifice after this event.

going to

come from

Bn. and Ki. maintain). The unity

shown by the fact that this is the house of
Gn. 28") and this is the altar of burnt-offering

different sources (as

of this section is also

Yahweh God

(cf

for Israel (22') are brought out in contrast to the tabernacle of

Yahweh which Moses made in the wildertiess and the altar of burntat
offering respectively, which were at that time in the high place

Gibeon

(v. 29).

The purpose

of these verses is to

show how, as

and plague, the threshing-place

consequence
Oman became the consecrated site for the Temple.
of

the census

a
of

XXn.

PREPARATION FOR THE TEMPLE

2-5.]

29, p;'3J3] other mss.

Dn. 8"

= 28.

Est.
22^.

7;

'3 iti'X,

in Pi. Jb.

XXII.

so

51.

3^+7

30.

times,

1. D^n'^NH mn^]

f/.

nya: J] elsewhere in Niph.

S. i6' '^ Is. 21* Ps. iS^

29'.

to be fond of this designation for the Deity,

D'.-:Sn

for

j9 6"-

"

255

The
i

Chronicler seems
Ch. 17"- " has nin^'
'^ 28=" 2
Ch.
22'', 'n

mn> ij-in in 2 S. 7'8- '; cf. also '>sn '^

26" (all
probably from the Chronicler);

also 32'^ (which

Bn. and Ki. ascribe to a Midrashic source). Possibly

inserted by a late editor (see BDB. mni II. i. h), but then

a^n'^Nn
it is

was

strange

that this editor should have chosen almost exclusively those passages
which seem on other grounds to belong to the Chronicler. Of course
the possibility remains that the Chronicler himself inserted D\n'?Nn in
an older source, though this is not likely.

XXII. 2-19. David's preparation for the Temple.This

is a free
composition by the Chronicler, full of general
and exaggerated statements, with a number of short quotations
from earlier canonical books woven together. No careful, definite

chapter

statement suggests a trustworthy historian or even the use of an

That David contemplated building a temple is
likely (2 S. 7), and he may have made some preparation for it,
earlier source.

but the Chronicler's description must have been

drawn by

infer-

ence from the older canonical books, assisted by a vivid imagination.

2-5. General preparation. Not a studied account of material

prepared for the Temple, but rather a careless list of such things
as happened to occur to the writer.
Cedar (T"l^s) is the only
timber mentioned, though fir (tt'll^) (i K. 52^ <">) 6''- ^') and
olive-wood
K. 6"- ^^- ^') were also used. 2. David
(]12'^ "i^'j;) (i

is

here represented as anticipating the action of Solomon in

set-

commanded to gather
sojourners that were in the land of Israel; and he set
The historical fact seems to have been that Solomon

ting non-Israelites at forced labour, for he

together the

masons, etc.
made a levy upon pure Israelites to carry out his building operations

(cf. I

K. 5"

'

(13

f.) I

j28 124).

A later

writer taking exception

to the reduction of Israelites to practical slavery

made

the levy

consist of non-Israelites (i K. 9=' ' ).

The Chronicler following
this later view represents the levy as consisting of sojourners, but

makes David responsible

for calling them together just as he

other
need
in connection with the building of the
anticipates every

256

CHRONICLES

With characteristic inconsistency the Chronicler later

'2>*"
represents Solomon as making the levy (2 Ch. 2'
')),
Temple.

'

'

The

sojourners (gcrtm) were foreigners who for one reason or

another left their native clans and attached themselves to the

Like the jar among the Arabs, the ger was personally
without
but
free,
political rights.
By the performance of certain
duties he rendered a return for his protection.
His lot was often
as
is
evidenced
the
exhortations
to deal justly
hard,
by
repeated

Hebrews.

i' 24" 27", to show him kindness Dt. iC 26'% to

from oppressing him Ex. 222" 23 (both JE) Lv. 19" (H)
Dt. 24'^ Je. 7^ Zc. 7'". He was entitled to the Sabbath rest Ex.

with him Dt.

refrain

2010 2312 (both

JE) Dt.

lyte of the post-exilic

16.

1^16.

29_

3^ jf0fi

i^i

In

5'^

community,

the ger represents the prosecf.

Ex.

12^'

Lv.

24^2

Nu.

9'*

abundance] exclusive of the 100,000 talents

given by the princes (29').

Binders] obscure. Here they are
represented as made of iron, but in the only other place where the

word

is found (2 Ch. 341')

they are of wood. Possibly they were
merely iron or wooden pins used to make the joints fast (BDB.

"clamps or the like "). The bronze was for use in making the two
pillars which stood in front of the Temple, the sea with its support-

and various sacred

utensils.

4. Cedar-trces]oi Lebanon,
the much-prized building-material of the Assyrian and Babylonian
kings as well as among the Syrians, were then abundant on the

ing oxen,

Lebanon range east of the Phoenician coast and probably also on

Hermon and the Antilebanons, also on the Amanus Mountains
further to the north, and elsewhere.
Sidonians and Tyrians] the
inhabitants of the two well-kno\\Ti Phoenician cities, on which cf.
I".
5. For David said to himself] is better than and David said,

etc.,

in

since v.

w.

2-4.

states the reason for

Solomon

my

son

is

David's preparation as narrated

young and

tender,

etc.]

(cf

29')

agrees with the Chronicler's representation that the father and

not the son was the moving spirit of the great undertaking.
2. Dua"^].

Ec.

2^-

where

^
in

35.

use in the Qal

is

late

(BDB.), cf. Est. 41^ Ps. ^^^

is found in any form else-

only place where this root

Ch.-Ezr.-Ne.

Chronicler.

Dnjn]

The
The

There

also

is

Ne. 12", which

it

appears as the

(S Trdvras toi)s TrpoarjXvTovs, so HI;

is

inf.

S"

agreed to be from the

cstr. with
(1.
55).
/-^^.i V>,V.
gm.
'^

lio^^

XXn.

CHARGE TO SOLOMON AND PRINCES

6-19.]

257

takes offence at the word in this connection and corrects to antjn or

"
stone-cutters," comparing 2 K. 12" 22' {JBL.
CTij.-i, "masons" or
vol.

1895, p. 29), but the Chronicler's motive for introducing

cf. 2 Ch. 2'.
icyi] 1. 89. dtiSkh no] 1. 15. 3.

XXIV,

onjn

is

evident,

^^
29^ etc., 1. 105. nnjjn::'^] appears also in 2 Ch.
aiS] also in 22^the
is the same, a verse agreed to be the
where
construction
34" ti

work

of the Chronicler,

CHV.

132.

1.

p. 20;

1.

pjn]

105.

1.

34.
1.

3-iS]

54.

4.

px'^] cj.

EVs.

5. isnm]

Tor.

Ki. renders

said.

Gn. 20" 26' Nu. 24" i S. 2o2 2 S. 5 1222 2 K. 5" (BDB.

EVs. render these passages thought. laS Sn {cf. Gn.
8^') may be \nderstood as well as 12*^2, hence, For David said to
see 1. 129.
pisin] 1. 6.
nrjN]
'mjn':'] on
nSycS] 1, 87.
himself.
dachte,
"iCN

cf.

Qal

2).

'7

cohortative used to express self-encouragement, see Ges. 1086 (a).

On Chronicler's use of word cf. v. ^, also for pM (1. 54). 3iS] 1.
105.

This

verse

is

by Driver (LOT.^^,
worded sentences.

cited

Chronicler's strangely

539) as one of the

p.

6-13. David's charge to Solomon. 7. As for me, it was

my purpose to build a house unto the name of Yahweh my God]
is

dependent upon

David as
in his

the

in

except

K.

8'^,

of

change

Solomon

telling

which

The

person.

his son

prayer of dedication (i

weh came to David through

him not to build a Temple

K.

followed almost verbatim

is

Chronicler represents

what the

latter says of

8'^ ).

The word

8.

the prophet Nathan,

S.

(2

Ch.

of

David
Yah-

commanding
but no rea-

17),

Elsewhere David's wars are given as the reason

given.
he
could
not
build the house of Yahweh (i K. 5'^ ">), but
why
because
they did not leave him time for other undertakings
only
son

is

The

(Ki.).

Chronicler was the

first

David could

to state that

not build the Temple because he had shed much blood (cf. 28^),
which may be nothing more than a religious interpretation of
I

K. 5"

'".

And I will give him

9.

about].

Cf.

(21^1^

peace,

K.

"
5't'-

(4'^'= 5'').

n'ch*^

peaceful),

(nnn"' beloved of Yah,

tions, this verse is

rest from all his

For his name

2 S. 12^^

a repetition of

but he
').

2 S. 7'5-

the order of the last three clauses

clause

cf.

also

K. s'"-^

^^^^K

10.

13.

is

17

(where

T*"iyri

Solomon]

also called Jedidiah

With only

'^*

is

reversed.

Be

strong

good courage; fear not neither be dismayed].

Jos. 10", also Jos. I'

enemies round

shall be

Ch.

{cf.

Cf.

slight variai7'2- na^

but

With the first

i K. 2') and of
28" 2 Ch. 32'

takes the place of S"l\1).

CHRONICLES

258
7.

Qr.

>J3]

'j
817.

J3;

other MSS.

Kt. and Qr., also

1J3

^J3

and Qr.

Kt.

AV., Ke., Zoe., Oe. follow Qr., but the emphatic

z:h b;] cf. 28' i K.
(c/. 28=) favours the Kt. (RV., Be., Ki.).
u. 18
(=2 Ch. 6'- 8) I K. io2 (=2 Ch. 9') 2 Ch. i" 24^ 29"'.

<g TiKvov,

Fill mi.

8. 3-1S] 1. 105.
3'2i] c/'. 283 I K. 2=' Ps. 79'; also Ges. i24.
9. nc*^-'] CS SaXw/nwi', rarely SaXo/xwi', <S^ and NT. mostly SoXo/twi'.

ap--?

Ch.

10.

17'=.

1.

'nij''3n]

t]-

ipi3^c]

by the Chronicler
the Chronicler.

1.

67.

in v.

12.

54.

11.

'",

cf.

'?nt;'''

'j;']

not

irj7 nini in^].

also v.

nrai Sjr]

" and

cf.

found in

Same

2 S.

expression

7'^
is

=i

used

both agreed to be from

Ch. 2" (which Bn. and Ki.
28^,

same source

Va:;' is used alone by

as this passage).
the Chronicler in 26'^ 2 Ch. 30", also Ezr. 8'^ Ne. 8', see Tor. CHV.

the

ascribe to

p. 24.

14. Noiv behold by my hard

house
labor I have prepared for the
of Yahweh a hundred thousand
and
a
thousand thousand talents of silver\ The
talents of gold

14-16. Transfer of material.

amounts
of the

are impossible,

The

Temple.

and out

of all proportion to the actual cost

and silver is very

our money and its purchasing
the light talent was intended (Ke.,

intrinsic value of this gold

nearly equal to five billion dollars in

value was
Zoe.,

et

more.

still

Even

if

amount remains

reducing the value one-half, the

al.),

io'<, Solomon's yearly income

According
amounted to only 666 talents of gold, cf. also i K. 9"- - 10'.
15. 16. Moreover, there are with thee in abundance workmen,

to

incredible.

K.

hewers and workers of stone atid timber; and

all

who

are skilful

work of gold, of silver, and of bronze, and of iron, without

number]. These two verses were certainly intended to be read

in every

together

and

their separation causes

trouble

(v.

Without

i.).

workers of gold, etc. The metals

were weighed, not n.umbered. This construction preserves the
balance for the whole section (vv. <-'). In v. '< the Chronicler

number

refers to the skilful

records the material, which David prepared, in two groups: (i)

In w. " ' he tells of two
the metals, (2) the timber and stone.

groups of workmen whom David gathered together: (i) those who

did the rougher work in stone and timber, (2) the skilful artisans

who worked

in metals.

The

order of these two groups

is

the second time in accord with the Chronicler's habit.

also timber

and

stone v.

'<,

and

stone

and timber

v.

'=.)

reversed

(Notice

The ma-

XXn.

CHARGE TO SOLOMON AND PRINCES

6-19.]

were without weight

terials

workmen were in abundance

14.

my

in abundance (v.

AVm.

trouble,

my

in

poverty, so

my

and the

'*),

without number (vv.

/caret ttjv Trrwxe^aj' /xov,

"Ji'^J (5

renders

259

'^

'

).

in paupertate mea, AV. in

RV. in my affliction. Bn.

BDB.,

hard-pressed situation {bedrdngten lage), explaining that

poor compared with the rich Solomon. But the whole

David was
is an effort to exalt David even above Solomon, who has little
HWB.^^ gives Miihe
to do except carry out the plans of his father.
In Ps. 107" poverty is refor this passage, which is followed by Ki.
garded as an affliction (':;), but, possibly in Gn. 3132 and certainly in
Dt. 26',
means oppressive toil. Be., followed by Ke., rendered
account

>:;'

durck meine miihevolle

by

my

The

Arbeit.

parall.l ^n^ Sdj in

In any case the 3

hard (or painful) labor.

is

in the translations of Be., Ke., Ki.), cf. Ps. iS'o Is. lo^*

and see Ges.

and Temple,

iigo.

cf.

15,

a::n] skilful,

Ex. 28' 316 3S>

and

the iron, there is

Mi.

4'''

Ho.

i2'i

used of artisans of tabernacle

2-

Ch.

2^-

i'-

".

i3._i6.

of the gold, the silver, and the

no number, so Ke., Zoe., et al. Ki. Kom.

RV.

-\:D3 t'S Si-ijSi r;:'njS) fiD^S jnt"^]

brass,

36'-

29^ favours

instrumental (so

Erz und Eisen ist unermesslich viel vorhanden.

These renderings are dependent upon the Massoretic punctuation, which
use
creates two difficulties,
(i) We should expect the Chronicler to
translates Gold, Silber,

Spra px as

in vv.

^-

instead of

",

-i::D3 j-n,

when speaking

of metals

v/hich were reckoned by weight and not by number. (2) No good reason can be assigned for the repetition of this list which has been given

with more detail in

v.

It

'^

does not appear from the text that the

metals are the main thing and must be grouped together again to add

Without emending the

suggested.
are removed by connecting eid:""! anr*?
njfnjSi with the preceding verse, "1SD3 px referring to the s^n Vdi
as Ke.

force to the exhortation,

consonant
hx-\2^y
'2

of V.

15.

'5

(pycfi,

text,

So

both

(S

difficulties

seems

to

have understood

iv xpv'^^V, ^^ ttPTi'P'V)

^''

X'^^'^'y

>5b

^al iras

""^

^^

(TO(t>h%

"'^''^PV,

iv iravrl
"^"^

ianv

not necessary to suppose that (S did not read the article; see Ges. 126m..)
brings out this meaning clearly by repeat"
"
before each metal and by translating iddd pN,
workers
ing s4,.r:i:^
(It is

dpidfjjbs.

-'"'-^
I"*

^001^

w]

j3?

they (masc.) were not

to

be

numbered.

17-19. David's charge to the princes. 18. For he hath deNot the Israeh'tes
livered the inhabitants of the land into my hand].
but the original Canaanitish peoples are intended, cf. ii< Jos. 2"
18'

Nu. 32"-

this

time on
28

it,

cf.

i5''

19.

The ark of the covenant of Yahweh] was at

Mount Zion in a tent which David had prepared for

And the holy vessels of God].

I K. 8' = 2 Ch. 52.
29.

26o

The

Chronicler drew upon what was done in the reign of Solomon

K.

(i

CHRONICLES

8<

Ch.

5*) for

what he represents as commands

of

David.

XXIII-XXIX. The last acts of David.This passage is best

understood as a unit from the hand of the Chronicler, whose title
is contained in
23'- ', When David was old and full of days, then (i)
he made Solomon his son king over Israel, and (2) gathered together
all the

princes of Israel, (3) ivith the priests, (4)

These

last acts of

priests,

as

is

and the

and

the Levites.

David, which concern his son, the princes, the

Levites, the Chronicler recounts in reverse order,

his habit elsewhere.

According to

Ch.

task and in vv.

"And

29-" cp.

21

29^,

Hezekiah brings

in

"the priests and the

he addresses the Levites and assigns them their

he commands the priests to do their work. In 2 Ch.

Levites," then in vv.

s.

the Levites stood with the instruments of David,

priests with the trumpets," with

instruments of David,"

and the

"and

the trumpets together with the

For further instances cf. 22'" 22"- ' 256

v. ".

2620.

Beginning with the Levites

how David

service in the
result

them

(c.

23),

the Chronicler narrates

divided them into courses in preparation for the

Temple.

The

increase in their duties which

new

would

from the building of the Temple, and the lighter nature of

at which they should begin
26), led David to reduce the age

(v.

service to twenty years (v.

Then David, with

i.).

the assistance of

Zadok and Ahimelech, divided

(2420-3'

is

the priests into courses (24'-").

The account of the
a later insertion, see in loco.)

organisation of the singers

(c.

26) follow.

The

(c.

25)

and

that of the gate-keepers

third act of David's old age, to gather to-

gether the princes of Israel (232), is doubtless introduced to give

an opportunity to describe the military forces and the civil service as well

organised

(c.

27), so that

Solomon could devote

all

his activity to carrying out the plans of his father concerning

the Temple.
This chapter (27) differs from the preceding, since
the organisation or reorganisation of the religious functionaries
is represented as taking place at this time, while the
military

and
was

civil officers

are simply exhibited as already organised.

to be expected, since the former

were being prepared

for

This

new

XXm.

COURSES OF THE LEVITES

1-23.]

duties which should

come with

261

the completion of the Temple,

while the latter had their duties throughout the reign of David.
The last act of David, "He made Solomon king" (23"=), is narrated in cc. 28/.
XXIII. The Levites.

With

chapter the Chronicler begins

After the superscription (yy.
=),
he briefly states what provisions David made for the Levitical
oversight of the building of the Temple (w. 3-^), followed by a list
this

to record the last acts of David.

'

who were
new legal age

of the heads of Levitical houses

the introduction of a

(w. ^--^),
and the duties

of the Levites (vv.

Ki. assigns 23^-^

The

and Bn.

divided into courses

for service

(w.

'^-"),

26-32)_

23^^-'- to

a hand later than the Chronicler.

of Levites, however, should properly be placed first, since the

priests were a subdivision of the tribe of Levi, 23" naturally preceding
list

c. 24.
Benzinger adduces the following reasons against the Chronicler's
authorship of 23^^-^: (i) the description of the Levitical service is
24-27
contain a correction of v. 3;
general and out of place here; (2) vv.

(3) the Chronicler in his preference for the singers would not have
placed this service last. But the general description (i) is rather a
mark of the Chronicler; no actual contradiction (2) exists between vv.
"-27

and

the

Temple should be completed and

V.

% since the former deals with the legal age of the Levites after
the latter with the more ancient

age (see below on 23^^, also

accounts sufiiciently for the order
legal

service

is

23^- ^);
(cf. c.

and

25).

(3) the

sequence of duties

An account of this Levitical

not out of place here, since it follows the appointment of the

to public duties and leads up to the description of the

younger Levites

priestly organisation.

1. 2.

old

and

The superscription

to cc. 23-29.

1.

When David was

full of days] a statement defining the time of the acts

which follow. Then he made Solomon his son king] not a nomination to the kingship, the actual anointing and elevation to the
throne taking place later (29") (Ke., Oe.), but a sub-title which
introduces

c.

28 (Bn.).

Verse 2 gives the remaining

which the Chronicler has taken up

1.

tpr]

not the adj.

but 3pers.

also in 2 Ch. 24'^; usually as

3-5.

The oversight

the Levites were

an

in reverse order (v.

sg.

pf.

adj., cf.

of

the

verb.

a"ic> j?3i;']

so

Gn. 35" Jb. 42".

of the service of the Temple.

numbered from

sub-titles,
s.).

thirty years old

3.

Now,

and upward].

Since

262

w.

are a

'

copulative

is

title {v. s.),

CHRONICLES
new

this statement begins a

The

better rendered now.

section, so the

Levites were

numbered

ac-

custom (Nu. 4'- " '" ^- " "). The Law also
knows of a numbering from twenty-five years old and upward (Nu.
And their number in men by their polls, was
823.26-) (fy_ V. ^).
This number is found only here. Accordthirty-eight thousand].
cording to the old

Nu.

ing to

the males from one

3^'

month

and upward num-

old

bered 22,000 in Moses' time, or 23,000 according to Nu. 26'.

Those between the ages of thirty and fifty were 2,750 -I- 2,630 -I3,200

8,580 (Nu.

thousand were

4=-

*"

")

4. 5.

{cf. v.2^).

work

to oversee the

{i.e.,

The Temple was

house of Yahweh].

Of these

iwenty-Jonr

of building, v.
built,

i.)

of the

according to the

These
Chronicler, under the direct oversight of the Levites.
24,000 were to have general oversight of the work. Associated
with them in some

way

in this oversight

were 6,000

officers

and

Just why
4,000 gate-keepers, and 4,000 singers.
should have a part in building the house is obscure, unless the
Chronicler thought of them as having the oversight of the buildThe fact is supported by 2 Ch.
of their respective quarters.

these

judges,

ing

34'2

',

where the

a part in

singers, scribes,

officers,

the oversight of the builders.

tory to regard these words

since one of these passages

as glosses in 2

and gate-keepers had

is hardly satisfacCh. 34'^ ' (Bn., Ki.),

It

supports the other.

Thirty-eight

thousand overseers would be unnecessary, but such an exaggera

These overtion is natural from the Chronicler (cf. 22'*
29= ).

were chosen from the existing body of ofl&cial Levites, namely

those over thirty (v. '), and not from those whose service was to
seers

of the Temple (cf.

begin at the age of twenty at the completion
first
of
the
use
The
I
Which
w." ff).
person indicates
nmde].
The Chronicler refers
that v\'. " ' contain the words of David.

to the musical instruments of

i2', cf.

This Niph.

3. ncDi].

with

and

David elsewhere,

Ch.

29**

Ne.

Am. 6k

sf.,

from

late, cf.

tion of

r^:)';':;

Ex.

a.-i'?j'?j':',

agree with

v. ",

is

used positively only here.

here and in

Nu. i^- 's.

excluding women.
i6'6 3826

but see

n. there.

20.

dp?j'7j'^]

pi.

head, poll, in which sense only P

22
defini347._3,-,3js-] js a nearer

^i

v.

D^r'^r]

4.

m:^]

Ke. corrects to
act as overseer, is

B'lr;'

to

used in

XXm.

COURSES OF THE LEVITES

1-23.]

263

2 Ch. 2'- ", Ezr. 3'- ' 2 Ch. 34"- " of

overseeing the workmen in building
or repairing the Temple.
The Levites acted as overseers during the
repairing of the Temple under Josiah (2 Ch. 34'^ "s), and also at the
rebuilding when Zerubbabel was governor (Ezr. 3'- ', where the same

phrase ^}ri-' nij naxSo hy nxjS is used), hence it is likely that the
function of these Levites had to do with the oversight of the building of

The

the house.

formed

it

jecerat are

an

Levites did not oversee the

24.

(vv.

28
ff.).

effort to

5,

make

been made to increase this

of ministry, but per-

iiToiricxei'

and

13

qua:

a smoother reading.

6-23. Heads of Levitical houses.

fathers' houses are usually

work

na'N] (g o^s

vTii;j;

Twenty-two

heads of

found here, and various attempts have

number to twenty-four, since there were

twenty-four courses of priests (24'-'8), of singers (25'-"), and of

gate-keepers (262"), but all have been more or less arbitrary.

The statement

of

Josephus

{^Ant. vii.

the Levites into twenty-four classes

14.

may

David divided

7) that

have been derived from

Bertheau restored the number twenty-four by inserting

Jaaziah with his three sons Shoham, Zaccur, and Ibri (24") into
V. 21,
Mahli of v. " as a
more
24''.

omitting
repetition. Berlin,
recently,
departs from Bertheau only in making this Jaaziah either the son
of Mahli of v. ^^ or of Jerahmeel the son of Kish {JQR. XII. pp.

These emendations are based upon the supposition that

29s /)
our text has only twenty-two heads of fathers' houses, while accord"
ing to the true interpretation of v.
(^. 7;.) twenty-three should
be counted. Very likely one name has been lost from the text

how remains

through corruption, but just where and

6.

On names

Gerslion, Kehath, Merari,

and Shime'i] La dan

6' <i7) Ex. 6" Nu.
3'8.

cf.

5"

(6').

also in 26^', elsewhere Libni

dubious.

7.

La dan

and Shimei,

cf.

Zockler escapes the difficulty by considering

La' dan a descendant of Libni.
More recently this view has been

put forward with confidence by Berlin (/. c. p. 292 B). The variation may be the result of different traditions.
La' dan also occurs
as the
(v.

8)

name

an Ephraimite y^^ f. 8-11. Ladan had three sons

and Shimei four (v. ), two of which united to make one
of

fathers' house, since they

with three sons

">

is

had few sons

(v.

>').

found between these two

second Shimei

(v. '").

Although

connects this Shime'i with the family of Ladan, his relationship is not indicated.
J. H. MichaeHs, following Kimchi, con-

v.

CHRONICLES

264

sidered this SJiimci a son of

Gersonis

holds that he

is

(v. i. text. n.).

La dan {Hie Schimhi,

sed unus ex Lahdanitis v.

'

filiiis v.

inqttil,

non

Berlin

).

(/.

est
c.)

a brother of La' dan, both being the sons of Libni

Still another solution has been suggested by Ben-

a gloss which has crept into the wrong

who considers v.
and
properly belonged with v. '", adducing as proof that
place
But v. "> as a gloss to v. '" is more inexV. "> belongs with v. ^.
"^ is
than
where
it now stands, and v.
plicable
unnecessary after v. '.
'

zinger,

best explained as a gloss inserted to escape the difficaused

culty
by the two-fold appearance of Shimei. After striking
out V. ^^, the first Shimei (v. S") is to be identified with the second

V.

'*'

itself is

son of Gershon

(v.'),

and Shimei

of v.

("yotl*)

i"

probably a

is

textual error for Shelomolh (jy^ch*^).

In 24=2 a Jahath is chief

of the sons of Shelomoth, but there the latter is represented as a
son of Izhar. Then v. " is a glossator's attempt to restore the nine
fathers' houses

which had been increased

formed nine

to ten

The

(Bn. regards this verse as a correction).

by

this error

family of

fathers' houses in the original text, viz.

Gershon

Gershon
!

V.

V.

71

Ladan

Jehiel

Zetham

Shimei

Joel

v.

Shelomoth Haziel Haran

'

I
\

V.

1"

8.

Jahath Ziza Jeush Beriah

JehVel the chief] i.e., chief of those over the treasuries of the
God 26" 29^ Zetham] and Jo'el] appear as sons of

house of

Jehiel in

26"

Shelomoth]

name

'

v.

q. v.
i.

Jo'el

is

the

same as

Joel in 15'-

possibly
Hazi'el Haraji] appears elsewhere
f].

i'.

9.

only as

Abram's brother, the father of Lot Gn. ns'-si

cf. also
= D"!" '2 Jos. 13". 10. Jahath]
the place-name
Nu.
T'^D
323*
Y\7\
^s c2o. 43)
Ziza^] is probably the correct
possibly the same as in 6^the

of

-)-,

" and text. n.

Ziza is also the name of a Simeonite

Rehoboam 2 Ch. ii^o
Cf v. ", also
Je'ush].
Ben ah]. Cf. v. ",
the name of a son of Rehoboam 2 Ch. ii'^.
a common name. 12. The sons of Kehath are given elsewhere in

reading,

cf. v.

4", and a son of

-j-.

COURSES OF THE LEVITES

XXTTT. 1-23.]

265

o" 26" Ex. 6^^ Nu. 3". 13. To

To hum incense]. Cf.
sanctify him as a most holy one] (v. i.).
Ex. 30' -. 14. The sons of Moses were reckoned among the tribe
of Levi] and did not share the advantage of the sons of Aaron.
For an ancient tradition of them cf. Ju. iS'". 15. The sons of
and for the birth of Gershom Ex. 2".
Moses]. Cf. Ex. 18'
16. Shuba'el*]
Eltezer]. Cf. also v. *", a common Levitical name.
also
(v. i.) became ruler over the treasuries (262^) and is mentioned
same

the

order,

5^8

cf.

(6=) 6'

'

in

".

24"

17. Rehabiah].

the family of

18.

Kehath

See

Shelomith].

26^' f.

Amariah].

Also the

name

of a Levite

is

Cf. 24^1 26^5

Ch.

text.

n.

on

cf

Gershon,

v.

19. Jeriah].
JahazVel].

'^t)^

of a priest of

Cf.

24"

Cf. 24='.

David 16%

an ancestor of one of the families of the

Jekameam].

Cf.

24"

j-.

20.

Micah].

Cf.

and
name not uncommon, f/. 5^ Isshiah] C/. 24"the name of another Levite 24='; elsewhere the name of one
David's helpers 12% a man of Issachar 7', one of those with

24=^"; a
as

of

Cf. 24", also 5" (6^).

20'^, of

8*.

Like that

divided into nine heads of fathers' houses.

of a Benjaminite 12^

restoration Ezr.

-j-.

foreign wives Ezr. lo^'

-j-.

21-23.

25^

Possibly six heads of fathers'

houses were derived from Merari in the original text, but all
21. 22. With
restorations must rest on conjecture alone (2;. s.).

the

possible

exception of 24=5

'

{q.

tradition

v.)

Merari had two sons Mahli and Mnshi,

333.

Ele'azar

as a gloss

and Kish]. Cf. 24"

by the same hand as v.

but Eleazar

may

'.

".

cf.

agrees that

6^<"> Ex.

6'3

Nu.

"
Benzinger regards
This is not probable,
v.

be counted as a fathers' house without con-

" a

gloss.
According to the later law, where there
were no sons, daughters inherited, and with the express purpose of preventing a man's name from being lost to his family

sidering

(Nu.

V.

2j*),

but such daughters must marry only into the family of

In v. " it is stated that these

the tribe of their father (Nu. 36').

conditions were fulfilled in the case of Eleazar and doubtless the

verse

was added

to

show why Eleazar was also counted among

was known to have had no sons.

the fathers' houses though he

23. Mahli] the grandson of Merari is mentioned only in 24'

and 6^2 ^*t\ but as the name of a son of Merari v." 2426- =8 54. m
(19.

29)

Ezr. 8'8 Ex.

6" Nu.

3' f.

'Eder]

is

also

mentioned

in

266

CHRONICLES

Jos.

15='

This

list

'Eder in extreme south of

also

24=" f; cj.
|.

place-name
Jeremoili\

2430 written Jerimoth

in

of the sons of

6. 30^"'.?]
D|?.'?'!i'.,

BDB.,

have

read:

Mushi

is

(v.

only found here and

Baer, Gin.; some MSS.

7. Berlin
Bn., cf. 24^

opSn^.i.

{v. s.)

2625

f-

28.

is

necessity for reducing all these names to the

Ziza
V. ".
10. Nr;] in V. " n;<T, (^ Ztfa,

Kennic.

which

npt,

for one class of

7'.

24'.

9. nic'i't']
'ju'j'^.
Qr.
['ja*? 'J3 "'>::cm "':3'^]
a corruption of * SaXwjotei0=n'C ,cf. v. " 24"followed by Zoe., Oe., Ki., Bn., but there is no

'>'-':'M"'>'^

Qr.

Judah
cf.

Probably should be Pi.

supposes the original to

n-^pSw, (&^ 'AXudein,

22

i.),

officers, see

BDB.

same form. '^x'Tn] v. i.

and one MS. cited by

probably original, so

is

BDB.

11.

.ins

^^|1D';|]

or possibly for one appoint13. z^Z'^p cnp vi'npn'?] "B ut tninistraret in

^"^po 2 c,

ment, which suits 24^ ''.

sancto sanctorum, so , Zoe., Oe., but the holy of holies elsewhere 'C'-^P
Without the art. the phrase is used of holy things connected with
'pn.

worship, cf. Ex. 30' Lv. 2^, accordingly EVs. read that he should sanctify
Then the suffix must be a subjective genitive.
the most holy things.
The most natural rendering "to sanctify him, a most holy one" was

accepted by Be., Ke.

Ki. mentions

it

as a possibility, but leaves the

question doubtful, since the expression is not used of persons elsewhere.

12;'3] cf. 16= Dt. lo^ 21^ 2 S. 618 ps. 1298 also Nu. 6" .
16. 'ja] pi. when only one son
14. Sy ix-)p'] cf. Ezr. 26' = Ne. 7".

follows,

2".

cf.

''!<i3u-]

26"

'^>>'3"f,

should be read with Oe., Bn., Ki.,

r.^n'^v']

242=

v.

r^z'^y,

s.

v.

24-"
cf.

text,

':'N3vj',

($ here 'Zoxi^arfK,

Sab. proper noun

n. 19.

^Nnn']

which

'^.vai.^.

18.

(g" 'OftTjX,

to be

the result of a dittogralafnjX,

supposes
phy from the preceding y^ and then resolves this 'i'Nnn into '^n'i>; on
This change introduces a second '^sn;' into this
the basis of (B^.
Jahazi-el.

Ki.

'

list and also in 2420 *-, which though not impossible is not likely.
Such forms as ':'!<vn (v. ') and "^vsnri; exist side by side, cf. '?N'i;7.
The evidence of CI is vitiated by the fact
(4'^) and '"'ti^Vi!! (11" 2721).

that in i6

and

Ch. 20"

tions the latter but

'^Nnn''

is

rendered

'Of(e)t^X.

Ki. ques-

passes over the former without comment.

^
lapifiud
n^27^] 24'" nio>T', (S^ in both places 'Apeiudd,

and

23.

lepifuaO,

"M Jerimoth.

24-27. Legal age for Temple service. 24. From twenty years
old and upward].
Various attempts have been made to reconcile
statement with that in v. ', according to which the Levites
were numbered from thirty years old and upward. The older
this

commentators explained the apparent discrepancy on the ground

XXm.

David

that

AGE AND DUTIES OF THE LEVITES

24-32.]

numbered

Law

the Levites from thirty years old accord-

and then later from twenty years old

was no further need of transporting the sanctuary
H. Mich., also Kimhi). That the Chronicler had two

ing to the
since there
(so J.

first

267

(Nu.

4=)

variant traditions contained in different sources has also been

suggested (Be.). After describing all attempts to get rid of the

discrepancy as makeshifts, Ke. arbitrarily emends v. ', reading
Recent commentators ascribe w. ^^ ^- to a
twenty for thirty.
later

hand.

In later times, apparently, the Levites were eligible

from twenty years old and upward. The scarcity of

numbers was the probable cause for the change {cf. Ezr. 2" 8'^ ).
to service

The

makes

Chronicler, however,

this practice the rule for the

y) and

whole

post-exilic period (Ezr.

as the reign of Hezekiah (2 Ch. 31").

matter there.

custom was

The proper

ff

),

so he

made him

it

back as

As

Temple.

Temple

far

hardly leave the

new

time for the institution of the

at the building of the

ascribed the organisation of the

8'<

also carries

He would

service to

the Chronicler

David

{cf.

responsible also for this change.

Ch.

In v.'

he necessarily gave the enumeration from thirty years old and

upward, since this enumeration was made that David could
provide for overseeing the building of the Temple and only
experienced Levites would be chosen for this task (see vv. ^-^).

When David

divided the Levites into courses

for the service of the house of

Yahweh

(v.

men from twenty

(v.

2^),

to

after

do the work
it

should be

and upward
were included among those eligible for service. 27. For by the
last words of David, the number of sons of Levi was from twenty
No new census is supposed, as EVs.
years old and upward].
David
decreed
that
the younger men should also serve
imply.
completed, the younger

years old

but did not provide for a recount.

24.

onmpo]
opSjSj^]
3".

cf.

v.

s.

Nu.
v.

i^'

text.

n.

Ex.

30'*.

ni;-;]

niCB'

other

iDDca]
MSB. '1:7,

cf.

Nu.

cf.

Ne.

i'
ills'

and Ezr. 3^ m'-j with Ne. 13' ^Z'V both pi. Only another way of writing
the same form.
27. o^jinnsn T^n n3i3] Be. following Kimhi rendered "In the later histories of David" and so also Oe., Ba.; but
Be. was influenced by the theory that the Chronicler used two sources.
Better render by the last words (or commands) of David, as U jitxta prcs-

268

CHRONICLES

cepta, so J. H. Mich., Ke., Zoe., Bn., Ki., cf. 2 S. 23'.

ncn] Ke. took
as neuter sg. (Ew. ^18 /)), since ricn is nowhere found with the signification cunt, and rendered "'This,' i.e., this was done, viz., the number-

ing of the Levites," but cf. ai n*^}*

r^-or^
agrees with and strengthens
the

compound

subject

''i'?

Nu.

and Ges. 141^. /;. Here

as the most important part of

3-'',

'iS 'J3

idDS, Ges. 146U.

^J3

29. For the

and
the
g^\
for
fine flour for

28-32. Duties of the Levites.

bread of rows,

Lv.

cf.

shoivbread]

lit.

the meal-oflcring]

whether for

the unleavened wafer] cf. Lv. 2',

baked in a pan] cf. Lv. 2= 6'^ ^^d^ qj- [Jiqi
which is mixed] cf. Lv. 6'* <2", and for the measures of capacity
and the measures of length] cf. Ex. 29^ 30=''.
The Levites may
cf.

2'-

or of that

^,

which

is

have been the keepers of standard measures,

On
28'

and evening burnt-offerings

the
-8.

morning
31.
And

cf.

Lv.
Ex.

1935.

29'-

30.

" Nu.

a burnt-offermistranslation {v. i.).

(to stand, etc.) at every offering of

EVs. and

ing].

cf.

to

all,

offer

Besides the Sabbaths

{cf.

is

etc.,

Nu. 28

'

and new moons

{cf.

Nu.

28" -'5), there were three annual historical feasts (Ex. 23'^-"),
Passover and Mazzoth (Nu. 28'^ -=5), Pentecost (Nu. 282s -s'), and

Tabernacles (Nu. 29'2-3s). 32. According to the Law, the Levites

should keep the charge of the tent of meeting (Nu. iS'- *) and the
charge of the sons of Aaron their brethren (Nu. 3^ iS^- =) but they

were expressly forbidden to approach the vessels of the holy place

(Nu. 18', cf. however i Ch. 9-') and the priests were given the
charge of the holy place (Nu. 18^). BUchler (/. c.) has used this
as evidence of a priestly source which has become confused by
the Chronicler's introduction of the Levites, but a variant tradition ascribes this duty to Levites (Nu. 328-

could have secured

Nu.

all

his facts

from Nu.

The

'2).

Chronicler

3 without consulting

18.

28.
"ryi

'^:h

(iirl)

mn-j]

cstr.

before

before nc'vo and

S,

cf.

^3 Syi

copulative at the beginning of

v.

29.

130a.
evidently read
(S also omits the
(et in universis).
As the text stands the repetition of

Ges.

rnimy adds nothing. Hence ^sb should be emended

to agree with (& and connected with the following verse, 'n Dn'?S (omit
1 with Ci>)
Accordingly
defining nryn more closely, cf. Ges. 131/.
read 'n onSS o^nSxn p^a may hb'jjd Sjn and in the work of the service of
31. niSy mSyn "jaSi]
the house of God for (in respect to) the showbread.
inin>) D^n'^xn n"'3

XXIV.

COURSES OF THE PRIESTS

1-19.]

269

EVs. render incorrectly and to offer all burnt-offerings. This verse is

v. ^o and can only be translated and at every offering of burntThe priest had the exclusive duty of offering the burntofferings (Kau.).
to thank and to praise (v. '")
offering but the Levite had to stand
Some commentators have held that
while the offering was being made.
a part of

the verse refers to the duty of the Levites to procure and prepare the
animals for sacrifice (Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.), an attempt to account for

anomaly of Levites offering the

same misunderstanding of the text, Biichler (/.
the apparent

led to the conclusion that v.

itself

an

only with the priests.

intentional correction

''

32.'

p.

131

f.

n.)

the

has been

belonged to a source which concerned

CS omits i:-ipn motJ'a n>si, which may be

from Nu. i8^ where

sons of Aaron, or more probably the omission

XXIV. 1-19. The courses

By

burnt-offering.
c.

duty is given to the

due to homoeoteleuton.

this
is

of the priests.

The

the duties of the Levites in serving the priests (23 "-32)

account of
is

followed

immediately by the description of David's organisation of the

These were divided into twenty-four courses
priests (24'-'').

The

order, Levites (c. 23), priests

fact that the priests were a
the
determined by
(c. 24), was likely
'^
could not follow 24'1-19
of
subdivision of the tribe
Levi; 23

which cast

lots for places.

Schurer (Gesch.^ II. p. 237) has questioned the genuineness of 24'-'^

suspicioning that this list was not framed until the Hasmonean period,
since the class of Jehoiarib, from which the Hasmoneans sprang (i Mac.
2'), is

placed

clusive
class of

first

contrary to Ne.

12'-'-

'2-21^

but this evidence

is

not con-

and can only be used to question the relative position of the

That may have been altered through later influence.
Jehoiarib.

1-19. The twenty-four courses of priests. 1. The sons of

Aaron are given in the same order in 5=^ (6=) Ex. 6^\ 2. An
abridgment of Nu. 3^ Nadab and Abihu offered strange fire
before Yahweh and were devoured by fire (Lv. 10' -' Nu. y).
3. Zadok and Ahimelech, the leading representatives of the
two families of Aaron, were associated with David in dividing the
Earlier writers would probably have
priests into their courses.

assigned this task to David alone, but not so the Chronicler (cf.
Ahimelech is associated with
2 S. 8'8 with I Ch. 18"'; also 25').
in v. '' and in i8' (where Ahimelech should be read
Ahimelech with Vrss.). According to v. and iS'^ (= 2 S. 8")
Ahimelech was the son of Abiathar, but in i S. 22-" an Ahimelech

Zadok

270
is

the father of Ahiathar.

bear the same

(59

is

in

That grandfather and grandson should

accord with common Semitic practice {cf.

and Phoenician Eshmunezar Inscription hnes 13/.),

t.

^35

name

CHRONICLES

f.)

but the only knowTi son of Abiathar was named Jonathan (2 S.

i5' I K. i-i^) and elsewhere Zadok and Abiathar (instead of

Ahimelech) are associated as the priests, both in the time of David

(2 S. 15" 17'^ I Ch. 15") and in the time of Solomon (i K. 4% cf.
also I K. I' with i"), hence the probability that the two names

were transposed through corruption in

icler wrote (see EBi. art. Abiathar).

4.

S. 8'"

before the Chron-

Chief men].

Possibly

the heads of individual households which constituted the subdivisions of a fathers' house

(Be.).

and

The

last clause of v. ^

Jos.

((f.

though more probably the heads

715 -is)

(Ke.,

Zoe.,

Oe.),

of fathers' houses are intended

should be taken with what follows

David, Zadok, and Ahimelech, assigned them, of

the sons of Ele'azar sLxteen heads of fathers^ houses and of the sons
Some Levites who were not of
of Ithamar eight fathers^ houses.
they,

i.e.,

Zadok ministered in the second Temple although

At least, a
they were not eligible to the high priesthood.
certain Daniel of the sons of Ithamar returned with Ezra (Ezr.
the family of

8^).

The

Chronicler

assumed

this

later

superiority

of

the

Zadokites also for the time of David and assigned sixteen classes
and eight to
to the sons of Eleazar
to the Zadokites
i.e.,

the sons of Ithamar.

These numbers

sixteen

and

eight

are

they are related to each other as the

rights of a first-born to a single younger brother {if. Dt. 21'").
Upon the deaths of Nadab and Abihu without sons, the right of
clearly artificial,

since

The

high priesthood also fell to the

Zadokites as the right of the first-bom. 5. So they divided them
the first-bom

fell

to Eleazar.

by lot one like the other (lit. these ivith those)]. Apart from having
a double share of classes and the high priesthood, the descendants

Eleazar-Zadok had no advantage over their fellow-priests, for

both families were found princes of the sanctuary and princes of
God. These two terms are probably syrunymous, being differ-

of
in

ent designations also for the "chiefs of the priests" of 2 Ch. 36'<
6. Shema'lah the son of Nathaniel, the scribe] is
(Ba., Bn.).
known
from
this passage.
One fathers^ house being taken
only

XXIV.

COURSES OF THE PRIESTS

1-19.]

271

The same

7-18.
for Eleazar and one* taken for Ilhamar] (v. i.).
courses were maintained in the time of Josephus (Ant.
Vita

vii.

14. 7,

Individual courses are mentioned elsewhere, Jehoiarib

i).

Taanith 29 a; Joiarib and Jeda'iah,

12; Abijah, Lu. 1; Bilgah. Sukka v. 8 (see Schiir.
Gesch.^ II. pp. 22)2 ff.).
Jehoiarib, Jeda'iah, IJarim, Malchijah,
Shecaniah,
Bilgah, Maaziah occur in either
Mijamin, Abijah,
one or both lists of priests in Ne. 10' <2 and 12' "J-. Se'orim,

Mac.

(Joarib),

Baba kamtna

Bab.

2'

ix.

'

Huppah,

On

Jeshebe^ab, Happizzez,

Jehoiarib,

Jeda'iah,

and Gatmd do not occur elsewhere.

Jachin,

The descendants

9'.

cf.

of

Harim, and of Immer returned from the exile under

" = Ne. 7''
but Pashiir (Ezr. 2'8 =
Zerubbabel (Ezr. 2'^
'^),
Ne. 7^0 is wanting here. The children of Hakkoz were debarred
Jeda'iah, of

'

'

after the return since they could not find

from the priesthood

their record in the genealogies (Ezr. 2"

be the head of the "house

of

Jeshua"
connection between Eliashib and the

= Ne.
of Ezr.

7").
23

post-exilic

Jeshu'a

may

Ne. 7^^

No

high priest of

that name (Ne. 3') is probable, since the name was a common
Jakim and Pethahiah occur only here as the names of
one.
Jehezkel is also the name of the well-known priest and
priests.

prophet, son of Buzi, Ez.

i' 242* f.

but ifl
>i2, so also Origan's text (Field),
2
Ex.
probably original. Nin>:iN] (g 'A/3tou5 here and in v. 529 (6')
5. ":33i]
3. (S adds Kar oikovs naTpiQv avruv.
6-3 Lv. 10' Nu. 3^
1. (&^ omits the second l^ns

is

read with other Mss.

Some

late MSS.

11

..]

^so

'J32%

so

H,,

g",

Ki. 6.

read ins ipni instead of :nN

l-M ^.*i^|_D,

ins thni

tn>si;

els

eh

inx -inx].

Most commentators

eh

els;

correct

the second inN to nns (Grotius, Ges., Zoe., Kau., Ba., Bn.). Be. retained
M, finding a relation in the proportion eight to sixteen and thn to
to each one for Ithi.e., two lots were drawn for Eleazar
Ke. pointed out that the text would then imply, that the two
Ki. has
lots were drawn for Ithamar, not for Eleazar {cf. also Oe.).
sought to overcome this objection by transposing Eleazar and Ithamar,
^A comparison
but Eleazar is elsewhere mentioned first (vv. ^- '
^).
of 252-'' with 259-3' shows that there the houses were taken alternately

ins tnNi,

amar.

two smaller families were exhausted; then the remaining

Heman were divided into two groups.
These were taken alternately {cf. 258-3') until all had been assigned.
According to this analogy, the older and simpler emendation the
until the

names

of the large family of

CHRONICLES

272

The lot alternated between

gives the true original.
the descendants of Elcazar and the descendants of Ithamar until the

second ins to ins

number of the latter was exhausted, when the remaining eight houses
Then Nos. 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 12,
of Eleazar were assigned places by lot.
'"" were members of the
14, 16, in vv.
family of Ithamar, the rest
^^
belonging to the family of Eleazar. 13. 3s:iri] (S" omits but

Ki. conjectures that the original form was Syar'',

which was omitted in the copy of Greek and intentionally altered
in
because of the offence caused by the form ^^'J. Gray {HPN.
IffpaaX, B'^ Isbaal.

p. 24) follows Ki.

ing

20-31.
list

19.

Dniiis] Ki. points

ar'.'\pD

because of the preced-

n'^s.

supplementary

of the sons of

of

Levites.

many names
new ones. The

Levi has

but also adds several

new
new heads or

list

omitted and a

subdivision

Six

chiefs,

is

in

This

common

second

with

23'--'

family of Gershon is
added to the family of Merari.

Jehdeiah, Isshiah, Jahath, Shamir,

Zechariah, and Jeralmie'el, supplant six of the older heads of fathers'
houses and are represented as the chiefs of their descendants, but

Bertheau held that these verses

are not necessarily their sons.

were written in order to add the chiefs of the classes enumerated

2^7-23

in

but in some cases the writer did not have the information

which he needed and so simply repeated what he had already

given in 23' ff-; and the family of Gershon was omitted, since the
writer

had nothing

to add, hence to include this family

make an unnecessary

repetition.

The

would

fact that only six

such

chiefs are given out of a possible twenty-three or twenty-four

against this view.

The account

of the Levites, given in

c.

is

23, is

connected so closely with the priests (24'-'') that the natural place
for a supplementary list of Levites would be after the latter rather

than between the two.

The

Chronicler would be as likely to

The
place such an additional catalogue here as a later glossator.
fact that some of the names here are repeated from 23 '^ ^ does not
in itself militate against the proposition that the Chronicler was
the author of both passages.
Nevertheless, there are good reasons
for suspecting the Chronicler's authorship of this second list of

Levites, and for ascribing it to a later hand (so Ki. SBOT., Bn.).
Shuba'el (Shebu'el) is called the chief of the sons of Gershom in
In 23'', Rehabiah
23'* but here his place is taken by Jehdeiah.

XXIV.
is

SUPPLEMENTARY LIST OF LEVITES

20-31.]

called the chief of the sons of Eliezer but here (v.

The same

planted by Isshaiah.
(cf. V.

Kish

f-,

since they

of fathers' houses.

same house

in six cases.

chief positions formerly held

sup-

do not add to or subtract from the

As they stand we have two chiefs for
Either new families had gained the
by the chiefs of c. 23 or the Chronicler
which a later writer contradicted.

preference to his friends

gave

"The

rest" at the head of this

catalogue not only to

gate-keepers,

c.

list

23 but also to

and other

officers

tion of a part only of 23=-,

suggests a supplementary
cc. 25. 26, since the sing-

were also Levites.

"and he had no

but here he

after their fathers'

what purports
V. -o),

but

is

"These were the sons

excluded.

is

houses"

(v.

is

"">)

The

sons," in

wittingly gives the opposite meaning to this passage.

to 2322 Eleazar must be counted as a father's house

232-'

is

with 23 '8); Micah and Isshiah (cf. vv. ^*- " with 232); and
29
with 2322). AH of these names could have been in(cf. V.

cluded in 23 '5

ers,

he

'")

true of Shelomith {Shelonwth)

is

22

number
the

273

v.

quota=8^ un-

According
<

(cf.

2321

),

of the Levites

a strange subscription to

be only a partial list of the Levites (cf. "the rest"

easily understood as a quotation of the first part of
to

"These likewise" (C" DJ) (v. 3>) occurs only

though the phrase would be in place in 25 or 26'=. Properly,

lot should be cast for all the Levites, not for the part of them
(v. i. V. 30).

here,
this

in this list to

whom "these "

cast in the presence of

must

refer.

The

lots

Zadok and Ahimelech

might have been

^i) very fittingly,

but we should expect "chiefs of the Levites" in the light of 15"- ',

David

(v.

simply repeated from

of the rest of the sons of Levi] not those who remained after the priests had been subtracted (Be.) nor those who
or only
V.

20.

after 23".

However,

v.

^'^/^ is

And

assisted the priests in the service of the house (Ke., Zoe., Oe.), but

a glossator's
list

contains

title

to a

list

many names

containing additional names. That this

cannot be urged against

set forth in 23 =23

this conclusion (as Be.), since those

place the

new ones

Jehdeiah]

is

in relationship to

also the

name

of

Isshiah]
23".

an

names
them.

in order to

are

given
Shuba'el].

officer of

David

occurs again in

Cf. 23 '^

27'" f.

21.

25^ cf.
Rehabiah]. Cf
232.
22. Shelomoth]. Cf Shelomith 2^^KJahath]. Cf 42.-23. Cf
24. Micah]. Cf 2320. Shamir] here only as a personal
23".

iS

v.

CHRONICLES

274

name, but as a place-name Ju.

ZecJwriah]
23".

lo'-

Jos. 15*' f.

common name,

a very

Isshiah].

CJ.

especially in the writ-

26. 27. The sons of Merari: Mahli and

Mushi and* the sons of'Uzziah. The sons of Merari: of 'Uzziah*
Bani* ( ?) and Shoham and Zaccur and 'Ibri]. The WTiter inserted
among the sons of Merari as he found them in 23^' the
ings of the Chronicler.

family

who had

of 'Uzziah,

This 'Uzziah was not a

three or four sons.

son of Merari but the head of a family claiming descent from him,
otherwise he would have been added directly to Mahli and Mushi
without the intervening the sons
'Uzziah in

The

of.

addition of his son after

(H Benno, EVs. Beno)

^e

contradicts this fact directly

'Uzziah a son of Merari, wherefore it is necessary to

v.

by making

consider the sons 0/ before, or his son after, 'Uzziah a gloss. Kittel
does the former {i.e., he resolves ">23 into Dj") but it is neither

Merari had another son besides Mahli and Mushi

likely that

{cf.

23" Ex. 6'' Nu. 3" =') nor that the original writer would
have had the boldness to add another son to the two so well known.
54

(19)

The second

alternative,

i.e.,

to regard his son after 'Uzziah as

more likely and has the support of (>. Beno (EVs.) in

V. " must either be struck out with the following copulative or it
is a corruption for Bani, a common late name, which te.xt is sup= T'JS = '^ "^12) {v. /.). The origin of
ported by ( {viol avTov
gloss, is

this family

nowhere

13* (P).

Uzziah cannot be determined.

28.

And

he had no sons]

Jerahme'el] also the

cf.

2',

and

verse

that

of

abridgment

Judah,

name

occurs

'"=')

31.

fact that twenty-four

glossator based

case of the priests (vv.

heads
this

cf.

23"

repeated from 23" evidently

{v.

s.).

2y-K

Cf.

KisJi],

the writer continued with the

No

difficulty

need be found

first

in the

of families are not given in this

list.

statement upon what was done in the

and did not trouble himself to make his

catalogue correspond to the right

20. ^n2Yi']

is

well-known family in southern

King Jehoiakim Je. 36=^ 30.

of the

of the son of

After copying 23" ( = v.

clause of 23^4 (= v. '<"').

The

Shoham

a proper name and 'Ibri only as the gentilic of

Zaccur occurs only once outside of Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., Nu.

else as

Hebrew.
as an

of

text.

n.

number.

21. Bn. omits mnm

23. M and Vrss. are

but compare the style in w.'"- ".

>:2^

with

defective.

<S

Add

XXV.

COURSES OF THE SINGERS

1-31.J

after
]y-\27\

CNin jnjn,

'J3i.

Luther, Be.

26.

24.

Ki.,
-\-\i2t''\

Bn.

Earlier

^-f^

commentators added only

so Kt., but Qr. I'SU', C&

^a/jL-fip,

13

Samir,

present Hebrew text of these verses cannot

^sb jg
self-contradictory {v. s.) and
possibly be the original, since v.
the copulative % lacking before 'J3, must be inserted (Bn.) and ij3

and so .

The

27.

inv^-i^ found only here, is probably an

crept in possibly from v. ".
1J3 of
error for iim^', so Ki., cf. also BDB., Gray,
291.
p.

HPN.

v.

"

may have

read

read

':2

originally {v.

'n onci ija invjjS ''tid ij3

'in

attempts to find here the original of

XXV. The

s.).

Accordingly the original text

inv^* >j3i

^^:^^

^'?na

ma

''J3.

(On

23-' ^, r/. 23''-".)

courses of the singers.

The

singers

formed a

Temple worship when the ChronTheir special duties and privileges were the result of
icler wrote.
historical development just as in the case of the Levites proper and
distinct

and important

class in the

the Aaronites, but the Chronicler believed that the system of his
own time originated with David. Probably three distinct classes,
the sons of Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun ( = Ethan) respectively,
were already prominent in the time of the Chronicler. According to this chapter they were divided into twenty-four courses

corresponding to those of the priests (24' ^) and probably also

Doubtless the Chronicler
of the Levites originally (23^ ^).

thought that corresponding courses of each of these orders served

at the

to
to

same

time, the Levites to prepare the sacrifices, the priests

make the
Yahweh

offering, while the singers stood

(233

priests (c. 24),

this

The

).

and singers

sequence of duties.

(c.

We

by and sang praises

Chronicler's order, Levites

25),

(c.

23),

was not unlikely influenced by

cannot be certain from this chapter

that there were twenty-four courses of singers even in the Chronicler's time, since the number may simply represent an ideal of

The peculiarity of the last nine

the
latter possibility.
supports

the writer.

names

{v. i.)

rather

This chapter is certainly a unity and from the Chronicler. Recently

proposed analyses have created more difficulties than they have explained. Asaph is the only one of the three families of singers mentioned
in vv.

'

s
,

but

it

does not follow, as Kittel thinks, that this chapter in

form only dealt with Asaphites. The presence of idn"^ in

V. ' really proves that all three families were enumerated in the following
unless it is a gloss resulting from a dittography
verses, since the name

its

original

CHRONICLES

276

Bn. and Ki. on another page)

(so

must have been inserted

to call atten-

advantage the Asaphites received in having the first lot fall

(f/. what Josephus says of the first of the twenty-four courses

tion to the

to

them

of priests,

I.

Vita,

nine

concerning their source.

k&v rourq)

5^

iroWr]

character of the last

names

The

8ia(popd).

of v.

(v.

indicates

i.)

artificial

nothing

are as difficult to understand from a

They

glossator as from the Chronicler, and the number twenty-four points to

the latter.
It cannot be shown that the Chronicler was not interested

number without doing

in this

1-8.

violence to the text.

The singers according

the chiefs of the serving host^]

who were

in active service

to their families.

i.e.,

1. David and

the chiefs of the Levites

{cf. 15'")

those between the ages of thirty and

Asaph, Heman, and

Jediithiin (= Ethan) were

descended from Gershom (read Gershon), Kehath, and Merari

years

fifty

(y. /.).

respectively according to

6^^-^'^

chief famines of the Levites

35'^).

Who

should

service of song the

i.e.,

(33-47)^

{cf.

prophesy].

thus representing the three

15"-

'^

The

same dignity as

16"

^-

Ch.

Chronicler

'

5'^ 29'3

gives

to

the

to the service of exhortation,

he ranks the singers with the prophets of

Israel,

thus placing

them above the ordinary serving Levites. Elsewhere he calls

them seers, a term to him synonymous with prophets (cf. v. and
references there cited) and in 2 Ch. 20'* ^- he makes a singer actu'

a prophetic capacity. A close connection, however,

always existed between the musical function and the prophetic
office (cf I S. 10* ' '" ^).
With lyres, with lutes and with cymbals]
ally figure in

Bn. Arch.

2']2ff., also art.

pp.
And the number
of them].
(see

Music

in

The number

DB. and
is

EBi., cf. 15"^).

not the one recorded

in V. but refers to the numbers in the succeeding verses, i.e., four

sons of Asaph (although the number is not expressly stated in v. ^),
six sons of Jeduthun (v. '), and fourteen sons of Heman (v. ').
'

The

number

of these together with their brethren is given in

= Ne. y"- where also
exact
(An
parallel is found in Ezr. 2"^^
some families are mentioned in the succeeding verses although
V.

total

'.

their

Ezr.
tion

number

which
of

is

omitted, the total

sum being

given at the end,

Hence w. =-' cannot be considered an insery^s.)

on the ground that v. ^ demands that a number should follow
2^

Ne.

>

is

Asaph

not found until

is

v.

'

(Bn., Ki.).

2.

otherwise unknown, Zaccur, also

This
v.'",

list

of the sons

being the only

XXV.

COURSES OF THE SINGERS

1-31.]

277

one mentioned elsewhere as a son of Asaph (Ne. 12'^ cf. also Zichri
= Ne. II" where ""i3T should be read for ''IDT). On
1 Ch.
9'5

name cf. 42s and 24". Joseph} also v. ', besides the frequently
mentioned son of Jacob, is the name of a man of Issachar Nu.
13', of one who took strange wives Ezr. lO''-, of a priest Ne. i2'<.

the

Nethaniah]
name

also v.

'^^

is

found only once elsewhere as a Levite

Ch. 17^ |. Asar'elah]. Cf. Jesar'elah v. < |. The sons

of Asaph were under the guidance of their father and he in turn
2

prophesied at the direction of the King. 3. Only five sons of

Jeduthun are given although he is said to have had six. Shimei
(''y

i3ty) of V.

" must be the

missing name, since it
all the others enumerated in w.

in vv. ^* as are

is

not found

'

=',

hence

it

should be inserted after Jeshaiah (thus (g).

Of these six sons
of Jeduthun only Mattithiah is mentioned in another place, cf.
but there he

21

155^

1^18.

On

not called a son of Jeduthun.

is

the

name cf. 9^'. Gedaliah] also v. not elsewhere the name of a Levite,
but the name of a priest Ezr. 10", and otherwise not infrequent.
',

Izri*] so read with v.

V.

'5,

26^'*

" instead of Zeri

f

{v. i.).

Jeshaiah] also

besides the well-known prophet Isa'iah, is a Levitical name

Ezr. 8", a grandson of Zerubbabel 3*", a chief of the sons of

Elam

a Benjaminite Ne. ii^ Shimei*] also v. ",

eleven times elsewhere in the writings of the Chronicler as a LeEzr.

8',

name, and otherwise frequent. Hashabiah] also v. ',

a name found only in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. (15 times in all), mostly
vitical

Mattaniah appears as an Asaphite in 9'^ = Ne.

Ne. II" 128- 35 2 Ch. 2oi< 29". With the possible exception of

Levites.
II'"

4.

is

of

Ch.

of

20'*

a son of Asaph

is

not intended, since the

The name appears

later individual.

Ezr.-Ne., and elsewhere only 2 K. 24".

name

is

used

times in Ch."
Bukkiah] also v. f

fifteen

The former is a frequent Levitical

as
the name of priests in Ne. ii'^ 12^'
appears

'Uzzi'el] in v.'' 'Azar'el.

name and
(v. i.).

(Ki.).

the latter

Shtiba^el*].

Also the

Jerimoth]

v.

So read with

name

of a son of

Jeremoth,

Ne., but not elsewhere.

and

v.

instead of Shebu^el

Gershom

23'8 242-

found fourteen times

Hananiah]
Hanani]

but not elsewhere Levitical.

of a chief

is

(^

also v. ",

is

also v.

in

26^4 |.

Ch.-Ezr.-

a frequent name,

"^^y

was the name

musician in the time of Nehemiah Ne.

12^',

and

is

CHRONICLES

278

EWathah] also v." Giddalti] also v."

Joshbekashah] also v." Mallothi]
Mahazi'oth] also f has
"
also
Hothir]
f

not infrequent.

f.

f.

Romamti-'ezer] also v." f.

also V.

-j-.

v.

^s

v. '

-j-.

It

long been recognised that the last eight or nine words, although
intended here for proper names, are almost impossible as the

names

of real individuals.

isation

and

With only

slight

changes in the vocalform a prayer,

in the separation of the consonants, they

which may be translated as follows:

Be gracious unto me, Oh Yah, he gracious unto me,

Thou art my God whom I magnify and exalt.
Oh my help (or Thou art my help) when in trouble, I say.

He
(V.

giveth (or Give)

visions.

what was possibly an ancient prayer should thus

Why

i.)

an abundance of

be resolved into proper names cannot be determined. The diffiSee Ew.

culty is not removed by assigning it to a later hand.
Lehrh.

d. hebr.

Spr. p. 680;

We.

Prol. p. 219;

WRS. OTJC.^

5. Heman, the king's

p. 143; Koberle, Tempelsdnger, pp. lit f.
seer"
is
called
"David's
Gad
(21'), Asaph simply "the
seer].

seer"
if (i

(2

Ch.

there

is

29=)

and Jeduthun "the king's seer" (2 Ch. 35''), or

Heman, and Jeduthun were the King's

correct Asaph,

seers (01 7rpo(f)i)TaL

rov

see further

/SacriXetu?);

on

v.

'.

In

the

may mean either in divine affairs (cf. 26'-), or by

To lift up his * horn
the commands of Yahweh {cf. 2 Ch. 29'^).
God gave, etc.]. To lift up the horn would stand alone here in

words of God]

the sense of blow the horn (Be., Ba.,

Massoretic pointing (Athnach under

following

power

of

(v.

i.).

any one

BDB.). Better ignore the

and connect with the
pjip)

Elsewhere the phrase means to heighten the

i S. 2'" Ps. Sg'^ 92" 148'^ La. 2'').
God
(cf.

exalted the power of

Zoe., Oe., Bn., Ki.).

Heman by

6.

him many children

(Ke.,

may

refer to all the sons of

Heman (Ke., Zoe.,

Heman (Be.). Not

Oe.), but better only to

only the singular their

Asaph, Jeduthun, and

the fourteen sons of

giving

All these]

father but also the similar statements after the sons of Asaph
In his
(v. 2) and of Jeduthun (v. ^) support this conclusion.

characteristic fashion the Chronicler reverses the order of the

XXV.

COURSES OF THE SINGERS

1-31.]

279

instruments in repeating them from v. '. 7. The total number

finds its natural place here after the enumeration of the heads of

houses

{cf. V.

With each

').

so that

the

(24 X 12).
{Wy^'2'i^),

i.e.,

members

of the singers' guild,

number was two hundred and

total

eighty-eight

These were the accomplished musicians, skilful ones

who were distinguished from the mass of the singers,

(CT'O^n), as

the scholars

shown by

is

v.

Presumably the latsome

among the 4,000 singers who were assigned

in overseeing the building of the Temple {cf. 23^ ' ).

ter are

work

above twenty-four were asso-

of the

ciated eleven of their brethren,

included

1. N3xn
Ki., et al.)

army or
Yahweh

The usual rendering the captains of the hosts (EVs.,

be understood as referring eitlier to the commanders of the

'i^'i].

may

synonymous with princes

as

Ex. 12"-

{cf.

of Israel considered as the host of

Keil preferred the latter and identified these

").

princes with those mentioned in 23^ 24^ (so also Zoe., Oe., Bn.).
there is no reason why David should be assisted either by the

But
com-

of the army or by the princes of Israel.

When David divided
the priests he was assisted by the two leading priests, Zadok and Ahimelech (24'), so by analogy he should be assisted by the princes of the

manders

Previously David

Levites here.

to appoint singers

(D^i^n ^1-')

N3S n:*

commanded

from

their

the princes of the Levites

brethren (15"). Although

not used of the Levites elsewhere, as Keil pointed out,

refer to them in this case, since n2S is used of the

is

the phrase
Levites in

may

Nu. 43g^*- ^\
In all of these passages K3X
used in connection with the age at which the Levites were qualified for service in the tent of meeting.
In Nu. 4'^- '^- " the phrase
"
reads n>'iD Snxa ma;''? KTsh usually rendered
service for the work
23.

30.

39.

35.

is

"
from the service
meeting," and in Nu. S^^ ma;'n Naxa
of the work."
In the latter case, the sense is certainly " active servin the tent of

ice."

Now

it

follows N3S"i.

by the singers,

to

is

If
it

be noted that in our passage this same majjS

to describe the service rendered

mayS were intended

should have appeared in connection with its qualifying

Immediately following Nasn iTi', mayS is most

clause 'aa D\x>ajn.

naturally taken as a genitive modifying Naxn in the same sense as in

ID** ^i^^
8-5, and is better rendered the chiefs of the serving host.

Nu.

pnnn icni] on co-ordinate

men regens, cf. Ges. 128a.

Najn in vv.

favours
Qr.,

'd] irjN in apposition

depending upon the same no-

genitives
a''N^a:n]

and so

Qr.

0''Na:n.

($

Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.,

with d-isdc,

cf.

Ges.

dirocpOeyyofiivovs.

DnoDD
2. dSnie-n] so
3. nx]

et al.

13 iw.

" n'7Nni?'v
Baer, Gin., Ki.; also written hSnib-vS, cf v.
(& here 'Eovpet, = n = nxi = nx\ hence read
^ix''.;

^tt'JN

v.

nv,

so

>

Ki.

28o

BH.

Kom.,

4. "jn't^] v.

CHRONICLES
's

Sn-itj?,

0^ here 'Afapo^^X.

Either spelling

be original, but since Snvj; as a common Levitical name might

easily take the place of the less usual ^N"i;>, the latter may be

may

preferred with

on

Ch.
V.

'Upefiibe,

2"

v.

22

niD-);,

may have

the writer

although
?Nnr]
(&,

26'.

>s:^^s^ <B

'EpeLfxdbd.

used both forms, see

IfOv^aijX, cf.

nnN^Ss]

v."

nirn-]
Kau. {ZAW.

(g

23'6.

"i-^'^n.

1886, p. 260) departed from Ew. and others in the renditions of the
nine names (v. s.) by reading second person instead of first, re-

last

pointing the text as follows

'1JI

rn'70

2V^

Furthermore,

nc'il.

ncc^i

-\T>'.

nSn.3

he held that

if

dpk

the

'^n

>j3n

Massoretic

n^

'jsn

point-

ing be accepted for ^"<t, etc., it was necessary to suppose that the portion of the verse from v'^ij on was taken from a context different

from that of the

change from

first

rendered ihe

five words.
Oe. rightly pointed out that this
second person in three verbs is very doubtful. He
two lines, Ich preise iind erhehe Hilfe, int Ungliick
first

to

last

sitzend rede ich iiberaus viele Gesichte or

er gab reichlich Gesichte.

The

im Ungliick

sitzend verwelke ich

Kau., followed recently by Bn.

text of

and the rendering of Oe. are alike difficult, since t gives poor
sense as the object of the two preceding verbs.
From Ps. 34' we should
"
as the object.
Such is the case, if the relative is underexpect "God

and

'

Ki.,

stood before

poetry and
it is

(The omission

\i'?ii.

is

common

of the relative

is

not

in the Chronicler's writings, see

1.

unknown
120.)

in

Hence

neither necessary to change the pointings of the verbs nor to suppose

Accordingly the first part of the verse is better

different contexts.

rendered Be gracious unto me, Oh Jah, be gracious tmto me.

Thou
my God, whom I magnify and exalt. In what follows, instead of

art

nrp

3::"i

it;'

read

"i-j'nvr inr;.

The

verb of the

last line

may

also be

rendered as an imperative, like "Jjn at the beginning of the verse.

that case read i^m instead of i\7in.
The full text is as follows:
T

With

r\-z'p

f comp.

D''Cio

-1-

and taken as a
couplet

Pi.

rendered

abundantly visions.
for

."''33.

et al., cf.

8.

.-icy^]

BDB.

3 -f

tt>

nSs thus
inf. abs. from nSs (= n'^c),
Thou art my help when

also connected with the fourth line 'ni

ns;-

in 27".

In

" T

Ti^r]

may be

balancing the second,

Ges. 75", and the
in

trouble,

Fulfilling

6. r"'3']
pf^ read uip with Ki.
is apparently the cstr. before a sentence (Be., Ke.,
^^D'?n f] an Aramaic word.
d).
5. Instead of

'1

9-31. The singers according to their courses. The order of

was determined as follows the sons of Asaph received

succession

XXV.

COURSES OF THE SINGERS

1-31.]

numbered

courses

14; the sons of

i, 3, 5,

Heman

281

sons of Jeduthun

7; the

6, 9, 11, 13,

judged that two Hsts of seven were

15-24.
first

2, 4, 8, 10, 12,

From

this

Bertheau

arranged, the one includ-

and the second, third, and fourth

other the six sons of Jedu(v. *), and the
the first of the sons of Heman (v. "); then from
=) and
The last ten sons of Helots were drawn alternately.

ing the sons of Asaph

of the sons of Heman

thun

(v.

each

list

man

finally

drew

(v.

^)

Since three

for the remaining positions 15-24.

proposed that
separate urns could not have been used,
does not exBut
this
all must have been placed in one urn.
Keil

plain

why

the sons of

Asaph

odd numbers

received courses with

were formed (Be.),

and of Jeduthun with even.
each as well
names
they could have been composed of twelve

two such

If

as seven,

since

it

is

no more

lists

to see

difficult

why

all

the last

believe that
places should have fallen to the Hemanites, than to
before
sons
of
the lot would fall to the four
taking one of
Asaph

the three sons of

Heman

included in the

first series.

No

doubt

but a simple rearrangewe

2-4
His
himself.
the
Chronicler
vv.
names
in
ment of the
by
then
and
of
a
son
with
He
scheme is apparent.
Asaph
began
alternated with the sons of Jeduthun, taking the sons of both

have here not a record of an actual

families in the order given in vv.

Zacciir

and Joseph

(v.

2)

'-,

lot

with the single exception that

For the sixth place, he

were transposed.

skipped the family of Jeduthun and took the

instead.

those of

After exhausting the

Heman

of

list

first

son of

Heman

Asaph's sons, he took up

same order as v. , alternating

With the fourteenth
of Jeduthun's sons, to which he

in their stead, in the

these with the remaining sons of Jeduthun.

course he had also exhausted the

list

Heman 's
naturally added the next succeeding name from his list of
The last nine names of Heman 's sons remained and these
sons.
he divided into two groups, putting the
the last four in another.

Within these

taken in the same order as in

artificial.

No

manifestly
clusion that a part of this
poses.

The

division

v.

break
list

".

first five in

lists

the

one

names

list,

and

are again

The whole arrangement

in the

scheme

was added

into twenty-four

is

justifies the con-

later, as Kittel supcourses of twelve each

would certainly be natural from the Chronicler.

282

CHRONICLES

9. (6

adds vlQp avrov

288

(v.

-I!-.;;

o^jtt'

The number

Kal dSe\(f>C)v airov before nONS.

and the analogy of the following verses demand that vnNi VJ3
should be added after iDrS (Oe., Bn., Ki.)- There seems to

last part of the verse.

IDnS].
According
a dittography from idpS. Ki. strikes it out as a gloss.
(6 certainly read it. On nx^ (v. '), ^'^^<"Hf'' (v. '^), '^'NI'V (v. '), ''K^w

be some confusion also in the

to Bn., this

is

vv.
(v. 2"), niDT' (v. 22), 7\n-<hii (v."), cf.

2-4

textual notes.

XXVI. The gate-keepers and other

officers.

Levitical

of the
Chapter 26 concludes the account of David's organisation
Levites. The genealogical connections of the gate-keepers are de-

scribed in vv. '",

and

their

appointments

in vv. '2-".

In the former

division are twenty-four heads of houses distributed among three

families. The appointments (vv. '2-19) were distributed to the families

according to the points of the compass, so it became necessary

one of these families in order to make four divisions

to divide

Zechariah, the first-born of Meshelemiah (Shelemiah), receiving a

The administrators of the treasuries
special commission (v. '').
(^v. 20-28)

follow the gate-keepers naturally.

Similarly the keepers
account of the gate-keepers in 91 ' ^-j

of the treasuries follow the

where the former are also classed as gate-keepers (9-6). The

of the Levitical officers for the
chapter closes with an account
outward business

of Israel (vv.

29-32).

1-11. The genealogies of the gate-keepers. 1. Of the

Korah was the name of an Edomite (Gn. 366- 's),
Korahites].
of a son,

i.e.,

a descendant, of Hebron (2"), and of the head of a

Levite family (Ex. 621- 24 Nu. 16' ). The genealogy of

<"
the singer, is traced through Korah to Kehath (6'-

"sons of Korah" are mentioned

in the titles of a

(42, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 84, 85, 87, 88);
as singers in 2 Ch. 20''.
Korahites"

appear

member

of the fourth generation after

Korah

number

Heman,

of

>);

the

psalms

and "the sons of the

Here Meshelemiah, a
(cf.

9"),

is

the head of

a family of gate-keepers. Benzinger (Kom. p. 74) argues from these

data that the tribe of Korah rose from a non-Levitical, even nonto become gate-keepers and later singers, but
Israelitish
origin,

identity of

families

name

is

of
hardly sufficient support for this connection

which may have acquired the same name quite inde-

pendently.

The

Chronicler certainly

knew

the Korahites as sing-

XXVI.

COURSES OF THE GATE-KEEPERS

1-19.]

283

<"

Ch. 20") as well as gate-keepers. According to 6"

the singers of the family of Heman claimed Levitical descent
through Korah and Kehath, but other branches of this line of deers (2

'

scent must have been employed in other service, and so a family of

gate-keepers may have traced their descent from Levi through

The

Kore, Abiasaph, Korah.

show

servants to

Temple

general effort of the late classes of

{cf. Ezr. 2^"^) doubtless

Levitical descent

resulted ofttimes in conflicting claims,

ent families.

and

at

any

rate the oldest

would

likely be appropriated by widely differHence these genealogical connections are of little or no

patriarchs of the tribe

value for determining the true standing and relationship of the late

Kore], Cf. Ebiasaph*]

Cf.
2.Meshelemiah\
3. Zechariah]
the sons
menMeshelemiah,

also
tioned again
occurs
also
24".
'%and
Jedta'el]

families.

of

in v.

also the

heroes

9''.

9^'.

of

(v. i.).

name

of

is

in g''\cf.

a Zebulunite

">

7-

"

(q. v.),

is

and

of

one of David's

Zebadiah] a frequent name but only

'Elani] besides the
Chronicler. Jathni'el

^^"^
ii^^, cf. 12='
f.

in

the writings of the

|].
name of the country east of Assy., a frequent post-exilic name,
but only in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., cf 8^K Jehohanan] a frequent name,

especially with the Chronicler.

Elieho'enai] also the name

of a re-

The Chronicler identified 'Obed-edom

name (13'^ '=2 S. 6'" *), as is indiGod blessed him (Bn.). Obed-edom is

turning exile Ezr. 8^ f. 4. 5.

with the Gittite by the same

cated by the clause for

known elsewhere as a gate-keeper (15'*glossator is classed as a singer (152' id^

^^

16^8),
q.

v.).

and by a

later

In the present

Obed-edom may be taken as belonging, through Korah, to

the family of Kehath, since the Merarites are not taken up until

context

v.

1",

and

V.

"

limits the gate-keepers to these

Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

Since he

is

two families

also called a son of

Jeduthun

(Be.,
(16'*)

Kittel places him in the family of Merari, but that phrase is probably a gloss (v. in loco). None of these eight sons of Obed-edom
are otherwise known to us.
The names Shemaiah, Jehozabad,

Jo'ah,
the

and Nethan'el occur very frequently in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. as

of priests and Levites and are more or less common else-

names

where.

'Ammi'el

is

also

an east-Jordanic name

2 S.

9^^ 17", a

Danite Nu. 13 '^ (P), and the name of David's father-in-law i Ch.
Sacar only occurs elsewhere as the father of one of David's
3' |.

CHRONICLES

284

heroes 11", while Issachar

only found as the

is

name

of the son of

Jacob and the tribe bearing his name. The name Pe'ullethai is
otherwise unknown. 7. The sons of Shenmiah: 'Othni f, atid
Repha'el f, and 'Obed, and* Elzabad, and* his brethren mighty

men of valor
six men are
in

" and hi Ch., and Elzabad is the name of a Gadite m

Elihii is not an uncommon name.
With Sema^rhiah may
='

Ru. 4"-

i2'2

sons of strength) Elihu, atid Semachiah -j-]. These

otherwise unknown. The name 'Obed is found only
(lit.

-f-.

name Ismuchiah

be compared the Levitical

9 belongs

The
it

is

logically after v.

but

',

Ch. 3i'3

doubtless in

it is

its

-j-.

Verse

original place.

Chronicler evidently overlooked this statement and so added

10. Hosah] appears also in \t. i>- '^ and in i6'8, where he
later.

a gate-keeper

also associated with 'Obed-edofn as

the

name

Ch.

of another Levite 2

of the father of

a hero of David

29^',

f.

Shimri]

also of a Simeonite 4",

ii^^ |.

For

there

was not a first-

^ adds the statement that the first-bom had died, which

born].

is

and
is

doubtless an inference from the present reading. Possibly the

article has fallen out before first-born ("nSid") nTl), which
would permit the rendering for he was not the first-born. 11.

a very

Hilkiah]

is

On name

cf. v.

elsewhere.

The

common

Not one
total

name.

Tebaliah

of these appears as

number

9"

a son of

Hosah

was ninety-three
Since the Chronicler knows of four
of gate-keepers

(62 4- 18 + 13), cf. 9" 16^8.

thousand gate-keepers in David's time
these ninety-three as the chief men.
1. 1D!<] in

-j-].

Zechariah].

1p;3N, (gB here

(23'),

he probably intended

AjStd l,a(pdp.

tiD.s

was a Gershonite

but fiDo.x was descended from Kehath through Korah {cf. 9"
(22 f.) Ex. 6i- 18.
2i)j hence read either ip^pN or 1??'?^?
(Be., Ke.,

(62< f)

6?

t.

Zoe., Oe., Gin., Ba., Bn.), the latter

w.

2-

9;

V.

only in Dn.

minions
cnx.

&

in>D'?tt';

ii'-

',

rulers;

reads

921

n>!;'?tt'D;

where the
possibly

'''!-*l?aiiikO

Kennicott, also C5, prefix

sg.

9>7is

being preferable.

"

used.

we should read
.

vhn

to

io-^n].

imcStt'D]

so

6. D^^s-ccn] elsewhere
Here abstr. for concr. do-

DiS::'.

a^Sccn.

7.

^31>l] ul

adds

After other Mss. cited by

both words (Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki., Bn.).

12-19. The appointments of the gate-keepers. The Chronicler described the Temple as if it were already in existence.
The

XXVI.

COURSES OF THE GATE-KEEPERS

1-19.]

285

royal palace was attached to the south of the Temple area, hence
no watchers were necessary there. The Chronicler clearly had the
he was describing
post-exilic Temple of Zerubbabel in mind, thus
12. Even of the
conditions of his own time or idealising them.

chief meti]

13.

the ninety-three chiefs who

like the great] not as well the small as the great
are enumerated above.

i.e.,

The small

(EVs.), since the literal meaning of the phrase

is

the like of the

Hosah with only

small is the like of the great.
house of Obedthe
the
same
as
men
fared
thirteen chief
(v. ")
as Meshelthe
same
14.
edom with sixty-two (v. ).
Shelemiah]

The house

of

emiah

v.

Zechariah]

is

mentioned above

in v. ^

Counselor

with prudence] is probably no more than an effort to explain

why the subordinate Zechariah should have been ranked equally

with the three chief houses of gate-keepers (vv. '-''). 15.

guarding of the southern gate and the store-house {cf. Ne.

Obed-edom and

w.

The
la^^)

The

Chronicler probidentical
with
the treasury
this
store-house
as
of
ably thought
2 Ch. 252^,
in
his
"with
Obed-edom"
hence
addition
building,

fell

to

cp. with 2
cf.

w.

'

chamber*

up

his sons

cf.

*-\

K. 14'^ 16. The western side

Strike out to

'.

(v. /.).

Shuppim

fell

(v. i.).

At the ascending highway],

to the western side of the

Temple from

the principal approach from the lower city

Hill.

17. 18.

was as follows
south

i.e.,

to the lot of

The number
:

six

on the

Hosah,

At the gate

of the

a street which led

the Tyropeon Valley,

and from the Western

of gate-keepers serving at

one time

east, four on the north, eight on the

four for the gate and apparently two at each of two

and six on the west i.e., four at the

doors of the store-house

highway and two at Parbar a total of twenty-four. No relation

between this number twenty-four and the twenty-four courses of

and of singers (25' ) is apparent, nor does there

)
priests (24'
seem to be any connection with the twenty-four heads of families

named

in

w.

The

^-^K

Chronicler's preference for the

twelve, also twenty-four as a multiple of twelve,

Parbar]

is

number
sufficient

a Persian word meaning possessing light,

was apparently a colonnade or some kind of structure on the
western side of the Temple area identical with the Parvarim (Rv.
explanation.

the precincts) in

K.

231' (see

Dr.

art.

Parbar, DB.).

286

13.

ijjtfi ipii''?]/or

124).

(1.

14.

CHRONICLES

every gate, an idiom

in>DSi:']

cf.

'

V.

text.

n.

common

innoii]

in

Ch. and

late

should read

Heb.

ih^-idtSi

with Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Gin.,

<& Kal

text.

Zacharia;

(SI

MeXx^^i

Zaxapla,
is

likely

originated
should be struck out.

clearly

arose

Zoe., ei

al.

et al., but the versions probably read our

Swdf- tQ MeXx^^i certainly had our text.
a correction also. 21 "i-Sd yyv suggests that

viol

an Aramaic
Hosah alone is

in

to

gloss

Y}!V.

in place (cf. v.

16.
'")

D''0!r'?]

and

aiiJcS

by dittography from the preceding D''!Dn, Be., Ke.,

no^r] only here as a proper noun, and once as a common

The usual meaning casting forth Ki.

6^^=felling (of trees).
renders
questions, since this was the main gate toward the city.
npS "the gate which goeth into
qucB ducit, i.e., tr (cf. Ju. 5' Ct. i')
noun

Is.

the ascending highway."

(^bal have Tracrro^opiou, so also Origen's
TO ira.<TTo<t)opLov is used to translate hdb'S in 9^6 23^' 28'^ 2 Ch.

text.

" ", hence (& must have read nju'S or Pji:"S. Ac31" Je. 35^ Ez. 40"
to
2
K.
there
was a chamber on this side of the Temple in
23"
cording
the D^nno = ijib (cf. v. '*).
By itself 05 has no more weight than i^,
may represent a transposition of two letters of the original,
but the absence of the name elsewhere, the difficult meaning if taken as a

since either

proper name, and the fact that a chamber (nDiyS) is spoken of as in the
onnfl (2 K. 23") favour the reading of 05, njt:''? or noirS. On cstr.
19. n-ipn] ^b j-ead Kaad = nnp, but
followed by 3 see Ges. 130a.

1^ is

probably

original, cf. v.

'.

20-28. Administrators of the treasuries of the sanctuary.

Two

classes of treasuries are differentiated, those of the house of

God, and those of the dedicated things

under the hands of Gershonites (vv. ^i
Kehathites(vv."-28).

20. And

(v. =").
2=)

The former were

and the

under

latter

the Levites, their brethren,

etc.

(v.i.)

a superscription to the following section. Over the treasuries

of the house of God^ i.e., for the fine flour, wine, oil, etc., cf. 9",
is

and

over the treasuries of the dedicated things]

cf. v.

^e.

The same

21. 22. The

to be made in 9^8 (Bn.).
La
the
Gershonites
the
descendants
adan,
through
of
of
Laadan]. The second clause is in apposition with the first.
On Laadan cf 23'. The heads of the fathers' (houses) of La adan
the Gershonite, JehPel and his brethren^ Zetham and Jo'el were
over, etc.] Cf. 23'. The sons of JehVeli is a gloss (1;. i.). Jehi'eli-\
is an incorrect reading.
Jehi'el'^ is the same individual mentioned in 238 298. The name is common in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., but
not found elsewhere. His brethren*] read as plural (v. i.), is

two divisions seem

sons

XXVI.

20-32.1

TREASURERS AND CIVIL OFFICIALS

287

show the inferior position of Zetham and Joel, cf. 23'

Kehath rather than the four famihes which sprang
298.
from him, should be expected here, since only Amramites are
mentioned as over the treasuries. Possibly the others are added
because special offices of the Izharites and Hebronites follow
"
24.
(w.
)j but there is no further mention of the Uzzielites.
And^] omitted in translation. Render with v. ^s, of the Amramites
was Shuba'el* (cf. 23"=
rider over the treasuries.
25.
added

to

23.

ff

And

his {ShubaeVs) brethren of Eli'ezer]. His brethren is used

all are descended from two brothers, Gershom and

because

Eliezer, sons of

Moses,

(Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

Benzinger
prefers the reading of ($ his brother.
Eli'ezer] and Rehabiah].
'517.
Cf. 23
Jesha'iah] and the three following individuals are
cf. 231^

known from this passage. On name cf. 253. Joram] is a

common name. Zichri] is also the name of an Asaphite g'^ (cf.
Ne. II"). The name occurs twelve times in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. of
only

eleven individuals, elsewhere only Ex. 6" (P). Shelomoth]. Also

v. " and in v. ^s Shelomith.
The spelling of the name fluctuates

between these two elsewhere and

an Izharite 23 '^
a son of

22

2422

Rehoboam 2 Ch. ii^''

Which David,

26.

Ezr.

81".

18"

= 28.

8", 2 Ch.

is

27.

Two

doubtful.

a Gershonite

^^nd

other Levites,

bore this name, also

and the head of a post-exilic family
the king

To

23',

had

dedicated].

Cf.

Apparently the
Chronicler thought David also provided for future needs. 28.
Saul the son of Kish]. Cf. 8^3 = 939. Abner the son ofN.er]. Saul's
5'.

repair the house].

Jo^ab the son of Zeruiah].

cf. I S. 14^- ', etc.
Cf. 2i.
Chronicler presumes that every one who led forth the army
of the Israelites into battle consecrated of the
booty to Yahweh.

cousin,

The

20. n>nN].

Read

an^ns with <$ dStXcpol clvtwv, so J. D. Mich., and

most commentators after him.

if

these verses

come from

21.22.

The

the Chronicler, since

text

is

certainly corrupt

Zetham and Joel are here

sons of Jehieli, but in 23 ^ they are his brothers. (&^ adds to the conand gives no aid. CU'-, which usually has the fullest reading,
here follows ^ in v. 21, but omits ''^N^m ^ja from v. 22 and inserts the
fusion

copulative before

a.ir.

(^^

may have been

corrected from 23', but also

internal grounds point to ^"^x^n^ ja as a gloss.

The gentilic form is out
of place in v. 21, also in v. ", where it is simply repeated, and rn>x
pointed

as singular, as in

M,

is

useless,

but as plural contradicts

i'?N''n>

^j:i.

288

The

'

final

of

(8 Kul

rnsi]
n^nSi:',

v.

''^N^ni

(v.

aSeXtpii)

T({i

CHRONICLES
21)

a remnant of the

is

airov

ZaXunud

n^chr, (&

vnx'?T

both

in

lost

before ant.

adopted by Bn.

26.

23" text. n.).

(cf.

25.

ni':'?^']

Qr.

ntt-S]

Ke. corrects to "iitn with B, so also Oe., Ki., but cf. 28^' text. n. nts'i
niNDHi o^'D^nh].
Co-ordinate genitives depending on the same nometi
27. ptn'^] is used elsewhere to
regens are unusual, Ges. 128a.

'^
'
22* 2 Ch. 245- 12^ etc., cf. BDB.
repair &n old building 2 K. i2Here it must have the same or a more general sense,
prn Pi. 1. c.
^28. t'npnn] on art. for the rel. pron. see Ges. 138^, also
V. s.

1.

119.

C'^'lpon]

Bn. corrects to

B''Ji';'sn.

niDSc]

cf. v.

29-32. Officers for the outward business.

"

29.

text.

n.

Chenaniah]

"
appears elsewhere as the name of a master of the carrying (15"For the outward business over Israel]. Cf. "Levites who
q. v.).

had the oversight

1 1 '6).

(Ne.

(g

of the

Officers]

outward business

i.e.,

of the

house of

some minor officials, possibly

As early as Deuteronomy (17^

God"
scribes
^-

19"
2V) priests and Levites are assigned duties as judges. In later
times the priests and Levites seem to have exercised a certain
(cf.

ypafji/xaTV6Lv).

amount of authority in outward things throughout the land (cf.

I Mac. 2", Jos. Ant. iv. 8. 14), which was
probably the case in the
time of the Chronicler, who ascribed to David the inauguration
of the customs of his own time.
30-32. One thousand and seven
himdred Hebronites were appointed to have oversight over the
business (nSX?^) of Yahweh and for the service (niDJ?) of the King

in western Palestine (v.

same

as that

which

^o).

Their work seems to have been the

their brethren

performed

in eastern Palestine,

i.e., for every affair ("131) of God, and [every] affair (131) of the
King (v. '2). Just how this service was related to that of the sons of

Chenaniah, the

officers

and judges

(v. ^^), is

duties be determined with certainty.

not clear, nor can their

we suppose them to have

Temple and for the King,
If

been collectors of taxes, both for the

the account follows naturally the appointment of the treasurers
2

(vv.

That there should be only one thousand seven hundred

and one-half tribes, when
were two thousand seven hundred for the two and one-half

"-28).

overseers for western Palestine with ten

there

seems strange. Possibly these numbers

contain a hint of the importance of the district of Gilead in the

tribes of Eastern Palestine,

XXVn.

COMMANDERS OF THE ARMY

1-15.]

own

289

Maccabeus found many Jews in

to have been
5^^).
(cf. 6 <8") also seems
(i
an important trans-Jordanic Jewish centre (i Mac. 5' ').
Hashabiah] is not found elsewhere as a Hebronite. On name
cf. 25'.
Jerijah].
Cf. 23" 24".
Chronicler's

time.

Judas
Jazer]

Mac.

Gilead

30 naiya pi"''? layn] means literally from beyond Jordan westward.

Western Palestine is meant, cf. Jos. 5' 22'.
.

XXVII. The organisation of the army and the officers of

The preceding chapter closes with an account of the
The organisation
Levites who were assigned semi-secular duties.
David.

cf the

army

(vv.

the

'-'5),

and overseers

treasurers

list

(vv.

of tribal princes (vv.

^^-^i),

'^

-'''),

the royal

and the King's counsellors

(vv. "-") naturally follow.

Although the Chronicler has given the list of David's mighty men in
such a doublet does not necessarily point to different authors
While the Temple is the centre
(cf. Bn. Kom. p. 79, Ki. Kom. p. 99).

cc. 11/.,

of interest in cc. 21

jf.,

it

is

also apparent that the writer wishes to

magnify David in every possible way. Solomon built the Temple but
David here receives the greater credit, since he collected the material,
money, and skilled workmen (c. 22). He, too, prepared for the service
in the Temple by organising Levites, priests, singers, and gate-keepers (cc.
^
^(i Ch. 11^"
) David had many mighty
23 jf.).
According to 2 S. 238
men, but they were not organised. The Chronicler would scarcely
attribute the preparation of the plans of the Temple (c. 28) and the
organisation of the personnel of the cult (cc. 23 /.) to David because
"
"
is young and tender
Solomon.
(22* 29'), and then overlook the
was
David
pre-eminently a military leader
military and official bodies.
and Solomon a man of peace. Hence the Chronicler represents that
David had a large body-guard organised into twelve courses of 24,000
each.
This account forms an essential part also of the history of David's
preparation for the Temple. A well-organised army and trained offi.

cials

would aid materially

undertaking.

The

in the successful completion of this great

Chronicler does not ignore this fact, for according

David appeals to these classes for aid (22" 282"' 29^ ^ ),

and depends upon them to furnish the necessary political support
Rather than being a later bungling piece of work inserted in
(281 ).
an unsuitable place (Bn.), c. 27 seems to fit into the scheme of the
to his account,

Chronicler perfectly.
{cf.

24'

s.

259

3
),

of an exaggeration

19

The number

24,000 also suggests the Chronicler

of 288,000 men is about the kind

and a body-guard
(cf. 2 S. 15'*)

to expect

from the writer

of 22'*.

CHRONICLES

290

1-15. The organisation of the army.

force of officers, one for each

King and

household

his

month,
K. 4' ). For

(i

substituted a large body-guard

icler

Solomon

organised a

to provide victuals for the

who

this

account the Chron-

served the King "in every

matter by courses," but ascribed their organisation to David.

of the twelve officers are taken from ii' .
1. After

The names

this superscription a fuller account might be expected, but the

catalogue which follows (vv. ^-'s) contains only the twelve classes,
the number belongmg to each, and the name of the command-

ing officer, hence Bertheau thought only a partial account was

here given. 2. Ishbaal* (v. i.) the son of Zabdi'el] does not

contradict "the son of a

is

name

the

Perez

4.

And

(cf.

2*

Hachmonite"

from

the latter

since

belonged 3, to the family of

David also was descended (2^- ' * ).

whom

Eleazar the son of Dodai*] is restored from ii'" {v. i.).

his course (and) Mikloth the ruler, is obscure.
A Mikloth

occurs in

8^2

9"

-,

but there

the one mentioned here

Cf. ii^s"
ble gloss
strikes

it

18" 27% also

Aaron (12"
(26))._6.
2 S. 232<.

f.

is

no

ground
Benaiah,
The
5.

him with

for connecting

the son of Jehoiada].

priest] is considered a

v. ^\

proba-

by Oe., since Benaiah was a militar)' leader, and Bn.

out because Jehoiada' is nowhere else called a priest, nor

even a Levite.

Cf

'">)

But a Jehoiada occurs as a military leader for

and Levites figure in a military capacity (12"

ii"-"

=2

'Asah'el] was

S.

2S"'-''K'Ammizabad \].7.

slain

by Abner

reign (2 S. 218-"), to which the clause

him

(11"))

He

a family (Oe.).

of

9-15.

in the early part of

and Zebadiah

The name Zebadiah

clearly refers.

of the Chronicler (nine times in all).

The

Cf

occurs

only
8. Shamhuth

iV'

David's

his son after

in the writings

the Zerahite*].

names from v. onward varies

Helez and 'Ira^ (11" ') are transslightly from that in 11" .
posed, as are also Abi'ezer and Sibbecai (11=^ '). 'Ilai (11") is
omitted, so also Ithai (11") between Heled and Benaiah {iV ),

Cf

II".

order of the

'

the last
20*.

6"

two

also being transposed. Sibbecai,

Abi'ezer]
<>).

was a

Maharai]

'Othni'el]

by

citizen of 'Anathoth, a

of the family of

his relation to

Zerah

the Hushathite].

Cf

Benjamite town

(cf.

(cf.

2*).

Caleb (Jos. 15" Ju.

incorporated into the tribe of Judah.

Cf
i'^*-'*

11
3')

2.

was

XXVn.

THE TRIBAL PRINCES

16-24.]

1. mx'iniD'fl'^Nnn'^']

26^* text.

c/.

n.

29 1

PKX>ni nxnn] used

of enter-

*
2 K. ii^- ' '.
nnxn] each,
ing and leaving service, 2 Ch. 23*2.
also
S'8
Nu.
so
11", but 2 S. 238 natto 2Z'\
Dvau"]
17I8.
Ju.

here So/3a\

(=

11"

Sya-i-^),

238 'le^oade, hence We.,

as original in 2

nn

and

S.

(=

Ie(re/3aaX

both passages in Ch. 4.

with 05 AwSai, "'in), so also

there

(&
S.

Sj'Ji:"),

are doubtless right in reading .-^oa'i

e/ a/.,

^J2y> for

(but read

12 it>'Sn

'leo-eiSaSa

cf.

nn]

ii'^

2 S.

23^

hence supply p -ir>-'?N, Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki., Bn. niSpni inp'^nDi]
Be., on the basis of the addition to v. ^, struck out the copulative,
before

1,

which

is

ni'^pn

bp

Oe.

Zoe.).

in (S, arose

wanting

to ipp^nD

Ke.,

(also

according to (S, Kal

iirl,

nnnn

^^

n\::u',

TnT^n, so also Ki.

10.
15.

'ji'^D.-i]

,j,n,.

(g 6

The form
^/c

(g XoXSeta,

n_';'n]

n-\v is

^aWovs.
ii'd

16-24. The tribal princes.

"

census

(v\'.

viz., to

show

I'l^n

(g

The

tD'^'Dn.

X^aoS,

here.

'

8.

11"

lefpa.

Oe. corrects to

found only here,

S. 2326

lefpaeX,

23^^ '-nnn noi;'.

S.

this clause,

Kittel corrects v.

and reads the same

n-\vn nincj'] (6^ SaXaci^ 6 'Ecrpae, * Sa^iiaw^

Za/j-adid 6 'Adi, 2

that

suggested

through dittography.

cf.

12.

^mt vv.

^^d'^a?^]

Qr.

".
I?'?

2 S. 2325 2'^n.

two verses concerning the

indicate the probable purpose of this section,

^4)

David followed the

that

enumeration of the people

commanded Moses

method

in

making an

according to P,

When,
sum of the

(c. 21).

to take the

legal

people

in the

Yahweh
Wilder-

'), Aaron and a prince from each of the

twelve tribes (Nu. i"=) were associated with him in the work and
only the males from twenty years old and upward were counted
"
(Nu. I" ). David likewise here had twelve princes of tribes
besides Zadok, the representative of the house of Aaron (v."),

ness of Sinai (Nu.

i'

and only those from twenty years old and upward

No

numbered.

previous

of the tribes (cf. 2' '

The

are wanting.
their birth (cf.

Gn.

sons of

29"-35

Dan

(cf.

(cf.

Gn.

text (Zoe.)

(Ba.).

were

Leah come

f).
first,

Gad and Asher

in the order of

^on-20 and 35"), then follow six tribes

whom Rachel was the legal mother,

(cf.

3022-24 462 35'"-")

30).

nor

(v. 23)

followed in this catalogue

Gn. 30' 35"), the grandsons and son of

and Bilhah's remaining son
Gad and Asher have neither fallen from the
likely that they have been omitted accidentally

Bilhah's son Naphtali

Gn.

is

Gn. 35" 46^ 493

six

(or divisions of tribes) of

Rachel

order

is it

The number twelve was full without them, and coming

last

were the ones to be omitted.

It

in several lists (22

Gn.

352^) they

292

CHRONICLES

significant that we have six princes from Leah and six from
Rachel, if Zadok, the priest, who represented the whole people
rather than a part of a tribe {cf. 29"), is excluded. Of the
twentyis

whose names appear in this list of the princes only

Zadok, David and his brother Eli'ab*

five individuals

otherwise known.

five are

and Abner the cousin

of Saul,

cf. 26^8,

are well

HashaUah

known.

Most of
possibly identical with the person mentioned in 26^\
the other twenty names are common.
16. El-iezer the son of
is

Cf. 23'^
as masc. personal
Zichri].

Cf. 253.

biah].

and

of

and 26'KShephatiah].
Cf. i2\Maacah]
name 11" Gn. 22" (J) i K. 2^^ f. 17. HashaKenm'el] is the name of a son of Nahor Gn. 22"

an Ephraimite Nu.

34^^ f.

For Aaron, Zadok]

is

expected

rather at the beginning of the list (cf. Nu. i=), but is also in
place
after Levi,
18. 'Omri] is also a Zebulunite name 78 (q. v.), and a

Judean g\Micha'el].

Cf.

5'^ 19. Ishmaiah].

Cf.

12*

f.

Jerimoth].
Cf. 2SKEzri'el*].
Cf. 5=^ Je. 36=^ f. 20. 'Azaziah] as a Levite name 15=' 2 Ch. 2)'^'' \.Hoshea'\ Jo'el], and

Pedaiah] are frequent.

21.

GAS.

designate

Iddo].

Cf. Ezr. lo^^ (Kt.) ^ .Zechariah].

f. 22. 'Azar'el].
Because Yahweh had said,
Cf.

all,

!!*'

since such

an

act

Cf.
etc.].

(See

The term might

Cf. 5'.

Gile'ad].

eastern Palestine.

all

HGHL.
Cf

2S*.Jeroham]

pp. 548/.)

24"-^Ja

asi' el].

frequent. 23.

is

David refrained from counting

of God's promise in

would imply a doubt

Gn. 22".24. But finished

not].

Cf. 218 '-.Neither

was

the

number

put in the book* of the acts of days of king David] because naturally to the Chronicler no record would be made in the royal
annals of such an impious and disastrous census.

Nin^Sx.
Read with (g 'E\ta/3
3N"^n, which is
of David's eldest brother elsewhere, 2'' 2 Ch. ii's j S. i6

18. ih^Sn] Qr.

the

name
28.

1713.

28^ cf.

2"-'-, so Zoe., Gin.,

Ki. 19.

"-N'-!;;:]

Hebrew pronunciation should be

adopted by Ki. 22. oni'] ^ba Icopa^, l
iv /3i/3\(<f), cf. s^C'H n3T iflD in 2 K. i22
the

'^N''"i.:3.',

as in

Je. t,6^\ but

5=^

so <g in

lepoa/j..

138.

12

every instance,
24. -ied:;^ -\2D::n]

1413.

is.

28^

second isD-: probably arose through the influence of the

read icD2 with Ki.

25-31. The officers over the King's possessions.

officers are here

etc.

first,

The
hence

Twelve

enumerated, another instance of the Chronicler's

XXVn.

OVERSEERS AND COUNSELLORS

25-34.]

293

25. And over the king's treasures]

preference for this number.
to those in the field, etc.
in
contrast
i.e., those in Jerusalem
heroes (11" 2 S. 23"), of
of
one
of
David's
name
^Azmaveth] also the

two

the father of

of David's

mighty men

and a Benjaminite
Cf. 4" f.27. Shimei

(12^),

name (8'^ = 9") f- 26. 'Ezri ^].Cheliib].

Whether he was from the Ramah

the Ramathite].

in

Benjamin

Ramah (Ramoth) of the Negeb (Jos.

On name cf. 25'. For the
determined.
2 Ch. iVKZabdi {cf. Jos. 7>- " " 8"

(Jos. 18**) (Be., Ke., Zoe.) or

I

19'

S.

30") cannot be

stores of the wine].

Cf.

Ne. II" (?) t) the Shiphmite]

Shepham (Nu. 34>''

moth in the Negeb

')

(Be., SS.

may have been an inhabitant of

who vocahse ''QSt?') or of Siph-

of Judah (i S. 30") (Ke., Ri. HWB., Ba.,

unknown. 28. The sycomore-trees] were proverbial for their abundance in the Shephelah, cf. 1 K. 10" = 2 Ch.
= g27_ The Shephelah properly means lowland. George Adam
1

Bn.), with

site

15

pp. 201 ff.) would limit the technical designation

west and south-west from the hill-country of Judah,
but Buhl {GAP. p. 104, n. 164) has shown that several passages

(HGHL.

Smith
to the

low

hills

(Dt. I' Jos. 9' 2 Ch. 26'") favour the broader significance given in
the usual rendering of (g plain {to irehiov or 77 'TTehivri).
(See also

EBi. IV.

col.

the Gederite]

name

of

of

Cf

Ch.

oil].

DB.

a king of
III'.

Edom

Joash]

893 /.) Ba'al-hanan

12^ Baal-hanan was

III. pp.

from Gederah or Gedor,

also the

29.
.

4455 and Dr. in

i^'-

cf.
'

Gn.

''

f.

7,6^^-

also a Zebulunite 7^

Stores

{q.

v.) f.

Sharon] the name of the coast-plain from Joppa northward to Carmel, noted for its fertility. Shitrai f]. Shaphal]
also name of a grandson of Zerubbabel 3", a Gaddite chief 5'%
a prince of Simeon Nu. I3^ and the father of Elisha i K. i9'- "
30. Ohil] a form of the Arabic word
'Adlai |].
2 K. 3" 6^' f.

abil

(XjT) "We

to

manage

camels.

The

Ishma elite].

That an

Ishmaelite and also a Hagrite (v. ^i Heb.) appear in this list does
not indicate an earlier source for the names as Benzinger supThe name Obil, which occurs only here, with its apposes.
propriate meaning points rather to an artificial origin.
Cf. 2420

-j-.

Meronothite].

Meronoth

{(^^

have been near Gibeon and Mizpah, cf Ne.

Hagrite].

C/. S'"'" Ps. 83'

">.

Jehdeiah].

Mepadcov) seems
3'.

31.

Jaziz

to

f, the

CHRONICLES

294
27. D'cnpai:']

29.

nai:']Qr.

and so .

o^pna

'tpic,

(^

+
'

Kt. preferable,

-n

BDB.

On

-t.

'Ao-aprais,

al

31.

-r for

icn see Ges.

Zarpai, so also
c'l^in]

1.

36.

"

IS, g-

^j

107.

32-34. The King's counsellors.This catalogue has Jo'ah, the

captain of the host, and Abiathar, in common with previous similar
lists, also Jehoiada the son of Benaiah instead of Benaiah the son of

= 2 S. S'^-is and 2 S. 20"-26. 32. David's

{v. i.), cf. 18'^-"
EVs.
render
7mde, which is a common meaning of the
lover].
Hebrew word (IH), but no uncle of David by the name of
Jonathan is knowTi elsewhere, while Jonathan, a son of Shimea
Jehoiada

(Shimei), David's brother,

is

mentioned

in 20^

=2

S. 21=',

hence

Be., Zoe., Oe., Ba., Bn. take the word (Til) in the general sense
of kinsman, here nephew.
Zoe. cites Je. 32'' as parallel, but there
son
has
fallen
from the text {cf. w. s- , other Heb.
certainly
(p)

Mss.,
is

and

one

the

The

(&).

of the

most

uncles of David are nowhere given; Jonathan

(^, H, certainly took

common Hebrew names;

common meaning

uncle.

nephew would not

likely

be

chosen as a counsellor, nor is there any reason why either tradition

or the Chronicler arbitrarily should make this nephew David's

On the other hand, the only Jonathan

leading counsellor.
was an adviser of David was the son of Saul {cf. i S. 19. 20).

who
The

Chronicler certainly selected Ahithophel and Hnshai from parts

i.), which he did not quote, so he may also have wished

of 2 S. {v.

to refer briefly here to the romantic story of

The word in

is

David and Jonathan.

used most often as loved one

{lover), Ct.

i"

30 times in Ct., also in Is. 51, where it is equivalent to friend (BDB).

Lover is not too strong a word to describe the friend of i S.
igi-

clause

2o<i

f-

{]'^2'0

2 S. i-.

A man

w'"'N) {cf. 2

of

skill,

Ch. 26* 34'0.

tion of Jonathan, the son of Saul

scribe

{cf.

a fair rendering of the next

is

certainly
S.

an apt descripAnd he was

i-- ").

(Sin "121D1) could not describe him, but the form suggests
words are a gloss, which is made more probable by their

that these

absence from (g^ and from Origen's Septuagint text (Field). A

glossator found a scribe mentioned in i8' 2 S. S'^ and 2 S. 20", and

added this phrase to the first oflScer, ignorwas already described as a counsellor (ryT*).
Although Jonathan had long been dead (i S. 31 2), Ahithophel had
missing the

office here,

ing the fact that he

XXVm.

DAVID'S ADDRESS

1-10.]

also been

dead

some time

for

to give the officers living in

Jonathan
first

at

is

"wise"

King's sons.

(2 S. 17"),

295

and the list does not purport

The proper

David's old age.

of this catalogue, since

place for

he was David's

is

A son of a
Jehi'el, the son of a Hachmonite].
mentioned once elsewhere (n")- The word mean-

is

appropriate here, of the tutor of the

counsellor.

Hachmonite
ing

the head

ON THE TEMPLE

particularly
33.
Ahithophel] a most trusted counsellor

whose word was as "the oracle

of

God"

(2 S. 16"),

of

David,

joined himself

Absalom during the revolt of the latter (2 S. is^')? then killed

when his counsel was not followed (2 S. 17"). Hushai,
the Archite] befriended David during the same rebellion, cf. 2 S.
The "border of the Archites" was not far
1532-" i6i-i9 175-16.
to

himself

from Beth-el
also

K.

titles of

also

I-

"The

45.

honour

Mac.

16^.

Jos.

in

2'^

The

Egypt

y^

king's friend].

Cf.

S.

15"

i6'

friend" and "the well beloved friend" were

6'

34.

(see

tmv

Erman, Ancient Egypt,

(f)i\(ov;

Jehoiada

11"

io=

p. 72).

Mac.

the son of

is

8'

{Cf.

tmv

elsewhere

Benaiah]
"Benaiah, the son of Jehoiada" (see references above v. ').
Bertheau would simply transpose, but against this change are Ke.,
A priest is expected before Abiathar (cf. i8i =
Zoe., Oe., et al.

7rpa)T(ov <f)L\(ov.)

*
20") and since Jehoiada is designated "the priest" in v.
as it stands.
(On the same name
s.) the text is probably correct

2 S.
{v.

and grandson,

for grandfather
Jo''ah]

David's

cf.

24'.)

Abiathar].

Cf. 24^

sister's son, 2'8.

XXVIII-XXIX. David's

last

assembly and his death.

represented as calling a general assembly to ratify the

choice of Solomon as his successor, but according to the historical

David

is

record in

K.

i,

Solomon owed his succession to the machinations

and the prophet Nathan. According to

of his mother, Bath-sheba,

the Chronicler,

Solomon was the appointee

of

God

himself (28^

cf.

assembly was to acquaint

').
principal purpose
the public with the project of building a temple and so secure the
popular support (28i-), hence Solomon was publicly advised of his
22'

The

of the

responsibility (28'-'); the plans

were transferred to him (28"-'9);

he was given encouraging assurances of support (2820-21); and the

princes were called upon to aid the project by personal contributions (29'-).

As Solomon

signalised the completion of the

Temple

CHRONICLES

296

by a prayer

K. 8"-"), blessings (i K. S^^-s'), dediS^^-^"), and a sacred feast (i K. 8"), so

of dedication (i

K.

catory sacrifices (i

David, according to

this account,

marked

the completion of his

preparations for the building of the

Temple by a prayer (29'-"),

and a sacred feast (29"'). The

blessings (292), sacrifices (292'),

David

history of
(29^=2

Solomon as King
and a summary of his reign

closes with the anointing of

the account of his death

1'),

(2926-30),

XXVIII. 1-10. Solomon presented

assembly as the

to the

1. Now David asdivinely chosen successor to the throne.

sembled all the princes of Israel} a general term including all the

princes designated in the following

list, i.e.,

the princes of the tribes]

mentioned by name in 27'-", the princes of those who served

king by courses] mentioned by name in 272-15^ the princes
captains) of thousands

and

the
(or

the princes (or captains) of hundreds]

repeated from 27', the princes over all the property and the cattle of
And his sons with
the king] those mentioned by name in 27" -s'.

J. H. Michaelis {recte Syr. regis et filiorum eius,

Male Vulg. filiosque suos) and modems (Be., Ke., Zoe.,
EVs.) connect and his sons with the preceding the pos-

the eunuchs],
c. 2724-

31.

Oe., Ki.,

sessions of the

King belonging

the King's sons

such an assembly,

place in
brethren].

Dt.

20

I715-

house of

also to his

to be expected here

is

cf.

The King was regarded

also
rest

carried about

for the ark]

and they are

i'-

'

"

{v.

i.).

As forme,etc.].

a permanent abode.

i.e.,

of

certainly in

2.

My

as the brother of his subjects,

S. 30=3 2 S. i9'3 "2).

from place

K.

sons but the mention

Cf. 22'.
It

to place previous to this time.

cf.

had been

The

foot-

our God] refers to the "mercy-seat" (H^lSD) {cf. v. ") upon

the ark {cf. Ex. 25") (Be., Ke., Oe., Bn.).
/ had prepared] does not
refer to the preparations of 22* ^ , since those were made to aid
Solomon (22^). The Chronicler here represents that David made
stool of

ready to build before

=2

S. 7).

3.

God had commanded him not to do so (c. 17

4. 5. As Yahweh chose Judah from all the

Cf. 228.

tribes {cf. 5"), the

house of Jesse from Judah

David from among

all his

prince

{cf.

ii* 177

among

the

many

=2

brethren

S. 7^

K.

sons of David

{cf. i S. i6-'=)

S'^),

{cf.

so he selected

to sit tipon the

i S. 16'),

and

to be the reigning

Solomon from

throne of the kingdom

XXVm.
of

Yahweh

ON THE TEMPLE

DAVID'S ADDRESS

1-10.]

Solomon

29=' i7'0-

(cf.

6.
authority.

7.

17", and with

v. '^ cf.

K.

3'^

8"

thus clothed with divine

is

V.Ms repeated from

9^.

With v. '" cf.

David closes this

22' (q. v.).

8-10.

portion of his address with a personal admonition

congregation of Israel (v.

' "
With v. ^
Dt.
4-'

cf.

'8

Cf. 29'-

The

K. 8".

and then

297

first

Solomon

to his son

to the
'

(vv.

').

Lv. 2$*\ With a perfect heart].

30''
Yahweh hath chosen thee, etc.] v. s. vv.
'

"

Temple

interrupted by the transfer of the plans of the

David resumes his admonition to Solomon
to Solomon.

in V.

beginning as he leaves

address

20^

is

off here.

1. Snpii] elsewhere in Hiph. in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., i Ch. 136 15' (both

from the Chronicler) 2 Ch. 52 (= i K. 8') ii' (= i K. 1221). 15' is
ascribed to an extra-canonical source by Biichler, Bn., Ki., but v. in

mpSncn]

1.
42.
very common word of the Chronicler.
is late (BDB. mtt' i b), cf. 27' 2 Ch. 17"
officers
for
royal
Dimu'DH]
used elsewhere in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. as a general
228 Est. ii Pr. 29'^^.
^'^^-\'\

loco.

term for movable possessions, 272' 2 Ch. 31' 32" Ezr. 8^1 io all of which
a^Dnon / ii^y] wanting
are probably from the Chronicler, 1. 107.

in (&^^, (&^ Kal tCjv vlQv aiirov

rots

(riiv

evvovxois,

filiosqiie

suos

cum eunuchis.

Bertheau stated the following reasons for taking rjaSi

with the preceding "^^hi
(i) Sis the sign of the gen. before iVn

and would hardly be the sign of the ace. before the next word;
not be given
(2) if the sons of David had been intended, they would
The first is no valid objection in the Chronicler's
in this position.
As regards the order, if we turn to c. 27, we shall obwritings.
serve
verse

up to this point the Chronicler has included in this

the officers to the end of v. ^i [v. s.).
Jonathan, the next

that
all

had long been dead {v. s. 27^2), and following him

It is a well-known fact that
the tutor of the King's sons (2722).
eunuchs frequently had charge of the education of young princes
(see DB. I. pp. 793 /., art. Eunuch), hence the King's sons with the
in order (2732),

is

eunuchs are not out of order here, as Be. contended, but e.xactly where
they should be expected. By construing rja'ji with the following, with
is otherwise
Jt, we also have a satisfactory explanation of D>, which
peculiar in this

only in poetry
Tov yev^adai.
CS,

B, read

ntn dvd]

list

fie

of accusatives.

2.

ijiynt:']

1.

(BDB.).
me
^aaiX^a, H
imrDn]
hidSc]

and

late writings

'':3i'?DnS.

^nio^Dn]

ut

5.

eligeret

1.

67.

7.

115.
1.

Dnn
4.

54.

f] occurs
^^Sc^'-] 05

hence Oe. thinks

regetn,
1.

54.

ipidSd]

1.

67.

and subsequent writings (BDB. av

Used elsewhere in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. only in 2 Ch. 6'^ (=1 K. 8^*),
7 h).
nrn avn^ only in Dt. 6^* Je. 44"; also Ezr. 9'- '^ Ne. 9'", which
cf. also
8. Israel is the
are from the Chronicler (see Torrey, CHV. pp. 14 ff.).
especially Dt.,

Je.,

CHRONICLES

298
mn' Snp also
20<.

Ne.

in

ar^njn

|].

9.

13', cf.

Dt.

mrn::

-is'

'

'

<

232'^2\.

La.

i'"

Mi.

the Chronicler) J; elsewhere in OT. Gn. 6' (J)

nx' is not found alone in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne., and

Nu.

2^

29'^ aaS matt-nD

Cf.

-ix'''?

nS naa-n^

mams

i6

(from
ix^ Ss.

only occurs in

these passages with this meaning, see BDB. nas'nD i a.

ijc'iip] 1. 23.
in^ji'] in the Hiph. late (= earlier Qal), only three times in OT.

(Is.

is

19^

from another

root, see

p. 126) says the former could

2 Ch. ii'^ 29".

Ki. (Koiit.
the Chronicler.
Bn. ascribes

BDB.),

come from

10.
539).

both to Midrashic sources, 1. 30. lyS J] Driver gives among the

words or constructions of the Chronicler which are used elsewhere

The same phrase

na-yi prn].
only in poetry (LOT.^^, p.
occurs as the final admonition in a speech in Ezr. 10^, which is certainly from the Chronicler (see Tor. CHV. p. 21).
11-19. The transfer of the plans. 11. The pattern (n'^J^n),
literally "construction," was probably a description in words of

what is found in Ex. 25"= *,

David delivered to Solomon the pattern of
i K. 6'; and of the houses thereof (v. i.), i.e.,

the dimensions, material, etc., similar to

and not a drawing.

the porch,

the

cf. 2

rooms

Ch.

of the

Temple

debtr or holy of holies,

building, the hekdl or holy place, the

and the side-chambers

(i

K.

6= f);

and of

side-chambers; and of the upper

probably
chambers, cf. 2 Ch. 3'; and of the inner chambers, the porch and
holy place according to Be., Ke., Zoe.; and of the house of the
the

the

treasuries,

12. David, as here reprethe holy of holies.

sented, also worked out all the details for the courts and for the
surrounding buildings, and delivered to his son the pattern of
mercy-seat,

i.e.,

This use of
everything which he had in his mind (lit. spirit).
is late, cf. Ez. ii^
spirit (ni"l) as the seat or organ of mental acts

For

the treasuries of the house of God and

for the treasuries of the dedicated things] (cf. 26=") describes more
closely one use to which all the chaynbers round about were put.
20=2

(BDB.,

m"l. 6).

Verse

13. is ambiguous. And for the courses,

taken as a continuation of for the courts and for
bers (v.

'2)^

ix.,

that

David delivered

also

etc.,

may be

the

cham-

a description

of the

all

courses of the priests, etc., to Solomon; or the verse may continue the description of the uses of all the chambers round about
(v.
'=).
Benzinger points out that the word pattern {r\'''11T\)
could hardly be used for a description of the courses, and

XXVm.

PLANS OF TEMPLE GIVEN TO SOLOMON 299

11-21.]

(g {koI TOiv KaTaXv/xaTcov) certainly

V.

connected

this verse

Bertheau (followed by Ke., Zoe., Oe.) held that

'=".

this verse

with
all of

a further description of the uses of the chambers,

is

a continuation of the things described by pattern,

hence he understood lie gave him the pattern before v. '^ 14.

while

The

V.

"^

is

Chronicler was probably influenced by the account of the

tabernacle in Ex. 25, where Yahweh gives Moses the pattern of

"the tabernacle" and the pattern of "all its vessels" (Ex. 259).

For

all vessels

The pleonastic style is

of every kind of service].
15. And a weight for the golden

characteristic of the Chronicler.

candlesticks

and

their

lamps]

i.e.,

David appointed

certain weight for the candlesticks

(cf.

Ch.

4').

(v.'')

Candlesticks
(jr,"''l)

of as used in the
of silver] not mentioned elsewhere; thought
chambers (Ke., Oe.); in reality a mere fancy of the
priests'

Chronicler.

The same

in the following verse.

applies to the tables of silver mentioned

Elsewhere only one table of show-

16.

Ex. 25" 37' 40"

i K. 7^^ 2 Ch. 13"

v.
As
in the foregoing verses, he
17.
Ch.
4",
q.
291 8), except
The flesh-hooks (i.e., forks
gave the pattern must be understood.

bread

is

mentioned

(cf.

meat) are mentioned elsewhere only in Ex. 27' 38^ Nu.

Ch. 4>S cf. also i S. 2'3- 1^.The basins were used for sprinkling
the blood of the victim against the altar, cf. 2 Ch. 29", and the cups
were those with which the drink-offering was poured out, Ex. 25^'

for lifting
4>< 2

37'8

Ke.,

Nu.

4'

et al.);

The

bowls were possibly a covered dish (Be.,

mentioned elsewhere only in Ezr. i'"- ' 8". 18.

f.

Altar of incense].

Cf.

Ex.

3o'-"'

of the chariot, the cherubim].

constituting God's chariot as

Ch.

26'.

And

the pattern
are thought of as

The cherubim
in Ps.

18"

<".

The

Chronicler

mind.
(cf.
probably had the vision of Ez. i^
Yahweh
19. All this in writing is from the hand of
upon me,
As
causing me to understand, even all the works of the pattern].
"

Moses received the pattern

>5

s-

BS. 49*)

of the tabernacle

and

its

in

vessels

by

divine inspiration (Ex. 25927^), so the Chronicler, while giving

David the credit for preparing the plans for the Temple, declares
*"

Yahweh was
Yahweh upon

that
of

tion

(cf.

K.

3'5

"The hand
the source of David's knowledge.
"
is a frequent expression for divine inspira.

Ez.

I'

3'^ etc.).

300
11. n^jari] a pallern

P and

late

(BDB.),

CHRONICLES

according to

cf.

vv.

is.

'2.

19.

which anything

VP3

pni] (6 Kal

is

constructed,

twv

o'ikuv avrov.

This, omitting pn, which is unreadable unless n^jan is supplied, is

the correct rendering, generally adopted, with the suflSx referring to

Bn. corrects vna to non. vjijj] also

the Temple.
of V. 2 t a loan-word from or through Persian

in restored text

(BDB.)

1.

19.

nn] only here by the Chronicler in the sense of seat or organ of

mental acts. This use is occasional and late (BDB.). 12. a^n':^Nn no]
13b-14. (S'^A here and in the following verse abridged. 15.
1.
15.

nnjcS

Be. construed Vpu'D as ace. of the obj.

Sp'^''^^]"
(also Zoe., Oe.) and an: as in free subordinadependent upon pn of v.
other MSS. mnva.
tion to on^mji (Zoe.). The text is obscure.
anr Dn>mji

18.

:i7\jn

mnp]

19.

S the sign of the

ace, Be., Ke., et

corrected to DiJ3Dni d^w-idh with (S, H, but see Ke.
S'Dari]

n-'jan'^i]

7^\r^^

mn^ TIC

must be the subject of

(Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

'Sy

at.

a''33Di
iSjj

D-cnsS] Be.

nini nin a.ira

SiD'^yn, as it is implied in the phrase

has been construed in three different

Bertheau connected it with 2nD2 as in Ps. 40^ "'Sjj 31P3 "prescribed to me," hence he rendered the passage das alles hat durch eine

ways.

Norm gegehene Schrift von Jahve's Hand Jahve gelehrt, and understood the law of Moses to be meant, since Ex. 25 jf. was the basis for
mir zur

this passage.

Keil connected

"'':'>'

"
with the preceding nini t^d
writing

from the hand of Jahve came upon me," i.e., a writing which was divinely
inspired, but not necessarily received immediately from Yahweh as in
the case of Moses (so also Zoe.). Oettli construed the words as Ke., but
since a writing composed by David could noi be said to teach him, he
corrected

S'^sB'n

to

^'?''?K'o'7.

Benzinger takes

"iSy

with

which

S-'Dcn,

is

The Hiph.
not an impossible construction in Ch.
Sos-n].
ana] 1. 60.
"
is so used by the Chronicler in 2 Ch. 30=2 and Ne. g"-", cf. also Ne. 8'V. '' is quoted by Dr. among "the heavy
(see Tor. CHV. p. 24).

combined sentences, such as would be avoided in the

by the use of two clauses connected by i^'n" {LOT.^^,

20. 21. Encouraging assurances to

1
22'='',
etc.], cf. V.

for

Yahweh

Deuteronomic phrase,
service of the house of

house.

Now behold

the houses thereof,

rooms

thereof,

cf.

Yahweh]

language

Solomon. 20. Be strong,

not fail thee nor forsake thee] a

lu-ill

Dt. 316-

earlier

p. 539).

Jos. i^

i.e., all

All

the

the

work

work for the

of building the

Temple) and of
and of the upper
and of the house of

the pattern of the porch (of the

and of

the treasuries thereof,

and of the inner chambers

thereof,

the mercy-seat, even the pattern of the house of

Yahweh^]

restored

doubtless original and dropped out by homoeoteleuton,

21. And behold the
see Tor. ATC. p. 67, Ezra Studies, p. 73.

from

(^, is

XXIX.

THE OFFERINGS FOR THE TEMPLE

1-9.]

301

The presence of the priests

who are not mentioned in 28', is not imphed.
Every willing man that hath skill]. This combination (D''12
nODrii), not found elsewhere, may have been suggested by

courses, etc.] described in cc. 23-26.

and

"

Levites,

a wiUing heart " (}2h 2'^12 b^) (Ex. 35^)

plus "every wise-hearted man" {2b D3n b^) (Ex. 35'). The
idea that skilful men should offer their services for the building

whosoever

is

of

of the sanctuary

was

certainly suggested to the Chronicler

20. At the end of the verse

nini

21

r^j n^j2ni

nion

r^^2^

restore

D^n^'jan

from

vnm

(B aSixn

vn^'Syi vdtjji

o'ljan

vnai

by Ex.

ns
{v.

njni

s.).

Be. struck out h but similar uses of h elsewhere by the

Chronicler are against this. Ke. thought it was used to emphasise the
.

'ij SdS].

following phrase.

No. 45

(1.

13c).

Dr.

As

calls

it

the S of "introduction," LOT.^', p. 539,

used to introduce a

in 52 2626 29^, S is apparently

nominative similarly to a late use of na (see Ges.

117

i)

and probably

should be explained in the same way.

XXIX.

1-9. David's

and the

for free-will

appeal
offerings

modelled
response. Here again the account of the Chronicler
is

after the history of the tabernacle (v.

s. 2821).

As Moses appealed

to the people for free-will offerings (Ex. 35^-^

latter

responded

to that appeal

resented as appealing to
their

gifts.

285,

is

his

father's

yet

1.

Solomon

(Ex. 35^"-"), so

the

of

princes
whom alone

251-8)

cf.

Israel,

David

is

rep-

and receiving

God hath

young and

and the

chosen],

cf.

tender] and therefore cannot carry out

without assistance, cf. 22^.
The palace]

plans
(ni''3n) a word used ordinarily for a Persian palace or for5
8
2=- 6.
tress, cf. Ne. I' Est. !=
^15^ etc., Dn. 8^, also of

the fortified courts of the Temple, Ne. 2^, but here, in v.'' and
possibly in Ne. 7=, of the Temple itself, a term descriptive of its
So used also in the Talmud (see Tor. CHV. p. 36;
grandeur.
1.

12).

2. With my might], Cf.

David had prepared gold,

{q. v.).

all

"by my

silver,

painful toil" 22'^

and bronze] the materials

which the people gave for the tabernacle (Ex. 35^

cf.

253),

also

onyx] (cnti^) a precious stone, possibly onyx or beryl,

but identifications are dub. and Vrss. vary; found in Havilah,
according to Gn. 2 '2. The phrase stones of onyx is also used

stones of

CHRONICLES

302

combined with and

stones for selling in Ex.

these stones are described as

"

for the

25'

where

"^

t,^^'

ephod and

for the breast-

whence the Chronicler probably derived the phrase.

Variegated stuff and fine linen^'\ to be used for the priestly
vestments {v. i.). 3. / give unto the house of my God] not
necessarily his whole private fortune, according to the text, but
plate,"

cf. V.

The

object of the verb follows in v. \

I have prepared] i.e., above all prepared

4. David's gift would amount
cf. 22'.

= I K. 9"

fiction,

but such an anachronism

The

one hundred

as the similar exaggeration in

to secure the gold of

first

lo'i),

the Chronicler.

to over

money if weighed by the heavy

amount by the light standard. This

standard, or one-half that

9'"

all that

in his official capacity,

our

millions of dollars of

amount is a pure
Solomon was the

Above

is

(2

22'^.

Ch.

8'*

not strange from

set aside his private gift to overlay

King

the walls of the hotises]

Ophir

i.e.,

the various

rooms

of the

Temple

proper, cf 28", also 2 Ch. y-^, and also 5 to supply gold for the
things of gold and silver for the things of silver even for every

work by

the hands of artificers, thus furnishing the precious

metals for the most sacred things.
To consecrate himself] lit.
"
to fill his hand," is a phrase used regularly of induction into
a priestly office, cf. Ex. 28^' 32" 2 Ch. 13^ 29", but here figura-

"who will offer willingly like one consecrating himself to

the priesthood?"
6. The princes over the king's work] are
those recorded in 2725-31.
7. Gold, five thousand talents] or about
tively,

one hundred and

by

standard

light

than

less

coin,

is

fifty

millions of dollars, or one-half this

v.

{cf.

fifty-six

clearly

and

thousand

22'^).

Ten thousand darics]

slightly

The

dollars.

an anachronism.

amount

Why

use of daric, a Persian

this small amount in darics

should have been added to the large amount in talents does not

The

appear.

resents the

JehVel].

older explanation was that the sum in darics repamount contributed in coin (Ke., Zoe., Oe.). 8.

Cf. 26"

without grudging,

'.

9.

cf.

28 ^

1. 'x 12 in3 ins].

120.

On

Possibly nnN

see

1.

the

Temple only

here, v.

These gave with a

perfect heart]

i.e.,

the omission of the relative by the Chronicler

a copyist error for icn. n-\>2n] is used of

is

's,

and Ne.

7',

and of "the

fortified court or

>

XXIX.

THE OFFERINGS FOR THE TEMPLE

1-9.]

303

"
enclosure of the ;emple Ne. 2^, all passages from the Chronicler {v. s.).
2. '331] other mss. S331.
'>mji3n] 1. 54.
^id] in 2 K. 9^" Je. 45"
means stibium in the form of a black mineral powder used for

darkening the edges of the eyelids; in Is. 54" possibly a dark cement,
Here -\^s
setting off precious stones, but We. and TKC. correct to ^bj.
Ki. corrects to \d': here also,
usually taken as a stone of dark colour.
but this is doubtful.
S'>!r ij3N1 rt-\p'> px '731
nD|-ni] v^z' meaning marble,

is

occurs only here and as

"

common word

for

rr

fine

only Est.

linen."

variegated stone here, Be., Ke., et

else for a stone, and elsewhere

is

Elsewhere

5'*.

al.,

rr

is

understood as a

usually
but the

word

used no-

is

"
exclusively
variegated
stuff."
In Ex. 2636 27I6 3535 36" 3S'8. 23 3929 the weaver of
and purple and scarlet" is called a " variegator " (op.^).

where

woven
"blue

Now,

i Ct.

HDpi

is

it

fine linen

means

this "blue and purple and scarlet" and also

which we should expect here from Ex. 25' 35' after

exactly
(pz-)

which the Chronicler's account

modelled

is

{v.

rwp'^ includes the

s.).

coloured material as the product of the "variegator" (sp^). These

materials were necessary for the Temple as well as for the taber-

were used for making priestly vestments (Ex.

nacle, since they

39

39.

27.

^y3.

Hcncc

28.

28j_

probable that

Is

it

r}-\p-^

\2H Sdi

is

28^-

a mar-

ginal gloss intended originally to explain the difficult \^o, but which
This gloss caused
crept into the text after nnpii instead of before it.
the addition of the following ij3ni, which (& probably did not read
{cf.

Kal

(&^^

original read

see

with (&^ Kal

irdpiov
a'sri

PiDpni.

diS]

1.

\l9ovs

105.

Dr. LOT.^\ p. 539. n':'JD] a very

2' t-

I.

hSvd'?]

87.

28"

cious metals also in

D-'B'nn]

3',

also

54.

1.

25',

word (BDB.),

cf.

Ec.

32.

nvj

{].

5.

.13^'^?:]

sense

in

of

(both from the Chronicler) in Ch.-Ezr.K. 7'^ and a phrase of P Ex. 3i3- s 3529. 31 33 35_

22'^

workmanship only
Ne.; and elsewhere

worded sentence,

pprn] used in the Pu. of pre(from the Chronicler), and in Ps. 12' <^'; and
1.

\iij''3n]

of settled wines in Is.

strangely

late

4.

Accordingly the

waplovs).

3.

282'

5") 22'6 2 Ch. 24'2 3411 (= 2 K. 22') Ezr.

ii^s.
aijnn] Hith. in the sense of offering
a free-will-offering (for the first Temple), also w. " ^- '^- " "; (for
the second Temple) Ezr. i^ 2^^ 3^ (BDB.).
These verses are certainly
cf.

Ch.

41*

Ch.

1.

15.

but 'nh na*

i^,

0"'j3nnN]

probably
sents
see

131]

106).

8.

Ezr.

421
26^

70).

6.

b,

On

iddti Ezr.

CHV.

|D3"\i in

Ne.

766

Nxnj -wa,

2^^

pp. 17

and

and elsewhere Ho.

Nxcjn]

ni3Nn

n'i''?]

8'^

cJ. v.

8^' f; 05

Ne.

/.,

Ne.

Jon.
".

'

'i

cf.

27'

7. D\nSxn n>3]

xP^<^0'^^, 13

769-

solidos;

which repreFor other views

-j-,

on Ezr.

BDB.

(xian)

usually 'nh ^U'ni,

2821 text. n.

cf.

so also in Ezr.

22)

so Tor.

III. p.

cf.

(niN3i)

(1.

(1.

in Ezr. 829.

Sapet/cos, cf.

bpaxp-'fi,

DB.

and Ne.

from the Chronicler

2

S.

(=

'4'

827.

with authorities there cited.

7"-

'

(ni3i)

and Ezr. 2"

4" Ps. 6818 Dn.

9. oanjnn]

1.

70.

ii'2 f

rhy^:^

(1.

nnniy]

304

CHRONICLES

"
a standing expression in the Chronicler's account of such occasions,"
Tor. CHV. p. 24, on Ne. 8'^

The source

of

22'-'3 28i-'2-

i'

'^b-

Are these

291-9.

thirty-five

and

one-half verses from an earlier source (so Biichler, Bn., Ki.), or a free
composition by the Chronicler? The following words or phrases

found elsewhere in Ch.-Ezr.-Ne. only

in verses

which may

safely be

ascribed to the Chronicler occur here as follows (see textual notes for refOMoh 22^, nnanoS 22', fi3-\ (as a general term for movable poserences)
:

sessions)

28', nin ovr^3 28', niaii-na -x> Ss 28', v^tjj 28",

mon

29',

ppiD

29S hdnSd (meaning workmanship) 29^ atj (as Hiph. meaning offer'
'
', D^jomx
ing a free-it'ill offering) 29^29',
29', a total of

twelve expressions recurring fifteen times in twelve out of the thirtyfive and one-half verses.
Some of these words are rare, occurring in

only two or three places, but others, like umdi, are rather common
in this group of writings.
In addition, nearly every late or unusual
expression found here is met with elsewhere in passages which are
certainly from the Chronicler's hand, and those occurring often

here he uses frequently elsewhere. These are as follows d^h'tn-i nin^

* ^- "
22', -irj?ii (meaning appoint) 22', dih^nh n^z 22^ 28'^ 29', 2-h 22':

529^ pon 22'22^

22^, nSycS

5-

'"

282-

292,

\ SnjnS

'

29"-

nixiN

22=,

moSc

(p

with

22"' 285-

inf. to
',

-|c>'

express necessity)
nin>

>t\i

22",

^yz'

nip^nDH 28', DTna'cn (meaning royal officers) 28',

Israel the nini Snp 28^, uB-nnn 28', na'j?i prn 281", n>iZT\ 28", 3.-"3 28",
V'Styn 28'3, la's omitted 29', oicin 29^, nc>S (S introducing a nomi2212,

Snpii

28',

native) 29^,

rh^^^i nn:;i:'

29',

a total of twenty-four expressions recur-

ring forty times in twenty-six out of thirty-five

and one-half

verses,

certainly establishing a strong probability that this is a composition

by the Chronicler if there is any force at all in the philological argument.
Furthermore, many expressions show the Chronicler's point of view
distinctly,

and

it

can be shown that the writer was dependent upon

material collected or composed by the Chronicler, indicating that our

passage is at least no older than the latter. According to 22'' and 28^

man

prospers as he keeps the commandments of Yahweh. The

same thought is expressed by the Chronicler in 2 Ch. 24-" 26* 3121.

28' includes

almost

t?ie latter,

which

nini pidSd

ND3

Sj;

is

all

the ofl&cers mentioned in

c.

27, suggesting that

from the Chronicler, was before the

28^

cf.

a'^iy -\y

tidSdoi

the Chronicler has rewritten from aSiy

nj?

"ini23

writer.

With

inimnyni 17" (which

in3'?cci

ino

jcnji 2 S. 7'^

representing Israelitish royalty as belonging to Yahweh). He

shows the same point of view in Da\'id's prayer nsScDn nin^ -[S 29",
nini ndd S>' 292'.
aisnpn nnxxSi a^nSs-n ro pi-ixnS 28'2, shows
cf. also

thus

acquaintance with 2620, which is from the Chronicler. 'junjn

'
from the same hand.
29' also suggests a knowledge of 26^'

The

Chronicler's style

is

apparent throughout the passage.

Sn^p'-

The

XXIX.

DAVID'S PRAYER

10-25.]

redundant expression

DM

p. 26.

29^

With

see also Tor.

see

1.

22' is duplicated by nii'njS

the style of 296- ^ see Tor. CHV.
njiDB'i lai nti'nji
d-ibSn ntrnn nnao an?

onD3 cdSn

On

ntr'nj

the construction nnoo d-'aSn t]hn

cf.

The

V. ".

px anS

^pz'r:

hpz'D i^N 'rnaSi v. ".

2-yh 13

119.

CHV

on Ne.

p. 22,

i'".

in 29^

and

22. 28 /.

q^K hnd onoD an? 22",

With
a

article instead of the relative Ti'N is

The numbers

t\o:l^

nxdjhi 29^, cf. inxdjh

of the Chronicler,

mark

29' are artificial, the

increased with the inferior value of the metal

cc.

305

(cf.

Ezr. 6").

amount being
Throughout,

The

bear the marks of a free composition.

statements

"

are general and exaggerated.

David prepares things in abundance,"
"
"
without weight," and
without number." The various materials are
enumerated (22^-^) as they seem to have occurred to the writer. There is

none

K. 6. There the writer

David and the Temple.
The Deuteronomic colouring (22^ ^- 28' ff) does not point to an older
source {contra Bn.), since this readily follows from the Chronicler's use of
Deuteronomic phrases {cf. 2820, 2 Ch. 1,^,^ compared with 2 K. 218).
Nothing indicates that this passage has been worked over by the Chronof the careful detail

which characterises

intends to describe the Temple, here to

He

icler.

either wrote

e.xalt

or incorporated the source without material

it is a free
composition of a predecessor who

it

In the latter case

change.

must have moved

same

in the

circle of ideas.

Considered as a unity from the hand of the Chronicler, the sequence

of subjects is not unnatural.
After the determination of the site of the
(2i'-22') follows:

Temple

Solomon himself

(222-5);

is

the collection of

workmen and

material

prepared for the undertaking by a parental

charge {22^-^^); the material is transferred and the workmen are placed
at Solomon's command (22'^"); the princes are admonished to support

Solomon by aiding in building the Temple. (The courses of priests and

Levites are prepared cc. 23-26.)
In cc. 28/., Solomon is presented to
the general assembly as divinely chosen to build the Temple and to sit

upon his father's throne (28'-"'); the patterns of the buildings (28"")
and of the sacred vessels (28"-'8) are presented to him, followed by the
declaration that they

came by

monished and encouraged

and they give generously
(2910-19)^

divine inspiration (2819); Solomon is ad'

the appeal to the princes is made
);
the assembly ends with a prayer
(29'-');
(282

blessings (2920), sacrifices (29='), a sacred feast (29""),

and the

anointing of Solomon king (29"''). The somewhat parallel passages,

22 ff- and 282 S-, serve distinct purposes in the Chronicler's scheme.

The former

leads

up

to the transfer of the material,

the transfer of the pattern.

to

come from one hand, and

10-19
father].

20

latter to

as a whole these chapters seem

that, with litUe doubt, the Chronicler's.

David's closing prayer.

Cf.

and the

Thus taken

10.

the fuller expression,

"the

The God

God

of

of Israel, our

Abraham,

of

CHRONICLES

3o6
Isaac,

and

praise]

of Israel, our fathers" (v.

13.

We thank

we

and

are continually thanking and praising.

14. David
confesses that by their free-will offerings (w. =*) he and

i.e.,

humbly

'8).

God what

his people are only returning to

he had

first

given.

Verse 15 continues the same thought. Yahweh is the real possessor of the land and Israel's rights are only those of the stranger
("!3)

and sojourner

22=)

(cf.

(iw'iri), i.e.,

they are entirely de-

pendent upon Yahweh's good will, cf. Ps. 39'^

2y. Their days on the earth are as a shadow]
ness,

Jb.

cf.

{yiro^ovr}).

148 1^13 ^o'.

8',

and

(v.

Yahweh,

Israel, our fathers

{cf. v. '")

of the thoughts of the heart]

ous

spirit

God

the

V.

palace].

11. Be. inserted

before the second

{cf.

apart from Yahweh, an

and who are my people?"

Abraham, of

of

Isaac,

and of

imagination

in this

same generand

itself in their free-will offerings,

Cf. v.

qS after

i*^.

lo^ Je.

man

keep thy people

i.e.,

which has shown

^.The

in Ezr.

or salvation

keep this forever as (for) the

establish their hearts unto thee],

Cf

hq's, also Gn.

no hope] EVs. abiding after (^

there is

The word is used elsewhere only

The thought is, there is no hope

the parallel clause in Je. 148) in

answer to the question "who am

). 18.

"2)

in their transitori-

cf.

S.

perfect heart].

'.

and so

"'3

7^ 19.

also Kau., Bn.

An emendation

Ki.

of the text does not

inserts

it

seem neces-

may have merely an intensive force (see BDB. '2 i e),

which case render yea, everything in the heavens and in the earth.
14. DD iXyj] occurs also in 2 Ch. 2^ 132" 22' and without n^ with the

sary, since ^3

in

same meaning

2 Ch. 14'" 20"; elsewhere only in Dn. 10^

11^.
16.
pnnn] with the meaning abundance is late, cf. Ec. 5', where it is parallel
to ip3 (1. 28).
N'%i] must be taken as neuter, it is from thy hand, but
'

Qr. Nin as masc. referring back to \'\'D'r\r\ is better. 17. Bn. describes
^JN as an explanatory gloss on the basis of 05, but it is not certain that
<j5

did not read

ijn.

ixsDjn]

-\Z'h

seel. 119.

20-25. The close of the assembly and Solomon's accession

20. At David's command to bless Yahweh, all the

to the throne.

assembly blessed Yahweh, the

down and
king].

God

prostrated themselves

Both verbs are used

to a royal person,

f/.

Ex.

4^'

of their fathers,

before

of divine

K.

i^i.

Yahweh and

and bowed
before

the

worship and of homage

21.

As was customary on

XXIX.

SUMMARY OF

26-30.]

such occasions,

sacrifices

DAVID'S REIGN

in abundance],

represent the peace22. The Chron-

which the people partook (Oe.).

offerings of

307

omitted the account of Adonijah's attempt to seize the

icler

throne

K.

(i

i)

and the consequent exaltation of Zadok to be

K. 2^^). Instead, Solomon is represented

chief priest alone (i

as regularly appoinied and anointed, apparently without opposition, and Zadok was anointed to be priest at the same time, while

David was

still

living.

anointed Solomon.
sat

On

According to
In i K. 2"'

David"

the throne of

upon

death.

23.

the throne of

K. i",

it

was Zadok who

"Solomon

the statement

follows the account of David's

Cf. 28^

Yahweh].

24.

Also

all the

sons of king David] refers to Adonijah's submission to Solomon

(i K. I"), after his attempt to become David's successor (i K.

25. Royal majesty which had not been on any king before
can
him]
only refer to David and Saul, since the Chronicler ignores
Ish-bosheth.
Barnes renders "royal majesty which was not on
more
than on him," as the Hebrew word for before is
any king
j5

B.y

used in Jb. 34'% thus bringing Solomon's reign into comparison

with those of all the kings of Israel, cf. 2 Ch. I'M K. 3 '2.
22.

piji'] is

monise

wanting

this verse

in (S^,

with

23',

mon king over Israel (Bn.,

H, . 24. nnn ni ijnj] cf.

^ and is doubtless a gloss intended to harwhere David is said to have made SoloKi.).
2

^^\y::^^]

Ch. 30^

'i

^ Kal

expi-crav aiirbv, so also

un.

-\^

26-30. Closing notices of David's reign. 27. This chronMore exactly, David
ological summary is repeated from i K. 2".
reigned seven years and six months at

Now

the acts of

David

the king, first

Hebron

and

last]

(cf.
is

2 S.

5^).

29.

the Chronicler's

usual closing formula, cf. 2 Ch. 9=' 12'^ 16", etc.

Doubtless the
Chronicler was influenced by the books of Kings in appending to
the account of each reign a reference to sources for further information,

The

but

K. has no such closing citation for the reign of David.

it for David and cites the

Chronicler was not satisfied to omit

acts of
acts of

Samuel

Gad

the seer,

the seer.

and

the acts of Nathan the prophet,

There can be

little

and

the

doubt that these are

nothing more than references to the narratives in which Samuel,

Nathan, and Gad are mentioned in our books of Samuel. The

CHRONICLES

3o8
order

that in which they appear in the earlier

same as

the

is

historical books.

If

men with which we

the Chronicler

knew anything about

these

are not familiar from the books of Samuel,

he kept that information to himself. Where he does mention

he simply uses material found in
(c. 17) and Gad (c. 21),

Nathan

2 S. (cc. 7. 24).

He

probably quoted the acts of these three men,

book which contained all of

instead of simply referring to the one

them, since such an enumeration of works would emphasise the

importance of David's reign. Samuel, the seer (^i^s1^l) and

Nathan, the prophet (S''iJn) and Gad, the seer (nTrin)]. These
three seem to have had distinct functions as suggested by
the different

titles,

or at least there were three distinct prophetic

In the earlier books the

offices in the early times.

"

and Nathan

cling to

Samuel

38. 44

but the text varies in regard to

45)

'^

>9)

g''

Gad

K.

(i

(in

first
1

i^

S. 22*

two
"

he

23.

is

titles
32.

34.

called

24" the prophet, David\': seer). Ro'eh, the

of Samuel, seems to have signified in the ancient times a "di-

the prophet
title

and

(i S.

in 2 S.

vining priest," like the Babylonian bdril "seer," taking its origin
from the custom of "inspecting" the liver of the sacrificial animal
for omens; hozeh, the title of Gad, which may also be translated
seer or gazer

(GAS. The Book of the Twelve Prophets, I.

in the custom of reading the signs

probably originated

p.

17),

of the

etc.; nabi\ the title of Nathan, doubtless signified one who

claim to direct revelation through an ecstatic condition brought

heavens,
laid

on by music and singing

XXVIII,

1909, pp. 42

howling dervishes (Jastrow, JBL.

But that these distinctions were ever

like the

_^.).

clearly maintained in Israel

to question.

that the term

of Elijah

threw
special

is open
nabV under the influence

off the earlier

title

and cruder

significance

of the true prophets of

Yahweh

Certain

and

it

is

his successors

and came

to be the

of the later day.

At

same time it is likely that the terms hozeh and ro^eh were later
used as mere synonyms of naW without any evil meaning being
attached to them as has been alleged (Jastrow, op. cit.). This
was certainly the case in the time of the Chronicler, whose retention
the

books does not imply a

meaning on his part. 30. With all
with the whole account of his reign,

of the distinguishing titles of the earlier

careful differentiation of their

his reign

and

his mighty

i.e.,

XXIX.

SUMMARY OF

26-30.]

including

all

the times that passed over

vicissitudes of his

aud over

all the

David came

DAVID'S REIGN

life,

and over

kingdoms of

(cf.

Ps. 31'^

"5>),

the

Israel, the events of the nation,

the lands, those countries with

into contact, as Philistia,

With the phrase kingdoms of

etc.

him

309

which

Edom, Moab, Ammon,

the lands,

cf.

Ch. 128

17'"

20".
26-27.

(B

omits

-\^D i^-x a''C\ni

to V. ", has D^ju- after

the

first

anhm

verse of 2 Ch.

i.

D^'tt'Siy,

Sn'-ic-i

Sr hy.

and so

<g,

K.

H, &.

?", the parallel

(5.

30.

(g

adds

A COMMENTARY ON
2 CHRONICLES

COMMENTARY ON
I-IX.

CHRONICLES.

THE HISTORY OF SOLOMON.

In relating the history of Solomon {c. 977-937 B.C.), the Chronicler has omitted as foreign to his purpose, or conveying a too unfavourable impression of Solomon, the following particulars given
in I K. i-ii: the circumstances attending Solomon's accession to
the throne (i K. 1-2); his marriage with Pharaoh's daughter and
the sacrifices at the high places (i K. 3' -2); the story of his judg-

ment between the harlots

(i

K.

3'-^5);

the

list

and

of his officers

and the account of his wisdom (i K.

his
of
the
mention
palace and the adjoining buildings
4-5" (4));
his
likewise
and
K.
worship of foreign deities, and the
7'-'^);
(i

the provision for his court,

trouble of his latter days (i K. 11).

And

also in the account of

Temple the Chronicler has omitted the promise inserted in the

midst of its description (i K. 6"-"); the statement of the length

the

K.

of the period of its construction (i

description of its
(i

K.

727-39),

the building

ornamental work

And he has otherwise

and

its

furniture;

its

(i

and portions
6"-3) and of its

6"-=),

K.

abridged, also, the

of the

lavers

account of

general dimensions (i K. 6'"'

compared with 3'-'); the most holy place (i K. 6'^-" compared

with 38-9) the two cherubim (i K. 6"-28 compared with 3"'-'0 the
two pillars (i K. 71=*-" compared with 3'^-"). Characteristic inser;

tions also

have been made

in the narrative

the explanation of the

with the priests

high
(i'-^; the choir of Levites
fire and cloud
Levitical
from
a
a
');
psalm
(6"
quotation
(5"-");
from Yahweh (7'-'); the appointment of priests and Levites
place at

(8'^"^),

Gibeon

and minor annotations and changes.

Much

of the narra-

dependent upon Kings, has been practically

<'-'">
rewritten, especially the negotiations with Hiram (i K. s'^-^'
tive also, while clearly

compared with

22-'<

w-is)),

3^i

314
I

CHRONICLES

KINGS I-XI COMPARED WITH

CHRONICLES

I-IX.

Ch.

K.
Solotnon's Accession and Marriage

1-3'

Gibeon

Omitted.

Preparations for Worship at

Yahweh's Revelation at Gibeon

1 1-5

Solomon's Wealth an(d Horse-trade

114-17

wanting

i6-i3

K.

in

abridged.

taken from

K.

I026-29.

The Judgment between

ol6-S8

4-5"

(4)

1-15-26

(1-12)

r27-32 (13-18)

Solomon's

Officers,

the Harlots

Provision,

Omitted

and

Wisdom
The Negotiations with Hiram
Solomon's Workmen

Omitted.
2315 rewritten.
16 f.

21 (2).

(17 1.)

repeated

and abridged.
Building and Structure of

61-11

Temple

abridged with slight

3'-'

new

614-22

623-28
629-36

637-38
^I-ll
^13-22

matter.

Omitted.

Promise

6l3f.

The Most Holy Place

3'- abridged.
The Cherubim
310-H rewritten.
Omitted.
Ornamental Work
Time Occupied in Building the Temple Omitted.
Omitted.

Solomon's Palace

The
The
The
The
The

Pillars before the

Temple

Brazen Altar
Great Basin

315-17

4'

greatly condensed.

wanting

in

K.

Bases of the Layers

reproduced.
Omitted.

Lavers

4*

42-5

abridged and annotated.

^40-47

^48-50

7"
gi-n

The Candlesticks
Summary of the Works of Hiram
Vessels that Solomon Made
Completion of the Work
The Ark Brought In

wanting in K.

47-10

41118 rewritten.
419
5<

22

slight changes.

no change.
musical

S^-K

service

added.
812-63

Solomon's Address and Prayer

61" almost no

varia-

tion.
85^-"

Solomon's Blessing of the People

condensed,

71'

new

feature.
862-64

865

f.

91-9
Qio-14
915-23

Sacrificial

The

Ceremonies

Feasting

Yahweh's Covenant with Solomon

Cities Given to Hiram
Solomon's Cities and Levy

7^-'

annotated.
annotated.

78.10

enlarged.
reconstructed.

711-2-

8'

-2

8'-"'

considerable

change.

1.

SOLOMON AT GIBEON

1-13.]

K.

g'^

Residence of Pharaoh's Daughter

Solomon's Offering

p26-28

Solomon's Marine Trade

9"*

Visit of

10'-"

Queen

of

315
Ch.
8" reconstructed.
S'^^-'s
'

8''

Sheba

9''''

greatly enlarged.
rewritten.

very slight varia-

tions.

ioM-29

Solomon's Wealth

9"--8 very slight varia-

Ill-*"

Solomon's Apostasy and Adversaries

Sources of Solomon's History

Omitted.

tions.

'

ii<'

The

Sources:

Bn.

which B.

in

following

is

'e-''

-9

enlarged.

by Ki.

the source analysis given

= Biblical source,

Chr.'s Forerunner;

-31

^29

i.e., i

K.:

i'-

Chr.;

'-''

after

B.; -2'5

d"

"'-'s)

Chr.; 3'-5Chr.'sF.; ^post-Chr.; '-'^Chr.'s

Chr.'s F.; '-s' B. but post-Chr.; s^-"* B.; '">-i3a

^-^
F.; 4' Chr.;
B.;
B. but post-Chr.; i3b-642 B. with 65b- i3. 32b 40-42 f^m Chr.; 7>-6 Chr.'s
25-28 B.

'^-u Chr.'s
'^-'s
F.; g'-^* B.;
F.;
Chr.;
Chr.; --8'' Chr.'s F.;
but post-Chr.; 29 Chr.; ^o B. The basis of this analysis as far as it re-

veals
25/.),

a Forerunner of the Chronicler has already been given {v. pp.

and the conclusion rejected. The only source apparent is K.

Vv.
I. 1-13. The promise to Solomon at Gibeon.
the Chronicler, while vv. -" depend upon i K. 3^-"- ^^'^

Solomon's accession to the throne

cf.

Ch. 23' 29".

'

are

4'.

from

1.

For

Strengthened

common

expression in Chronicles to denote

one's firm establishment in rule or in the maintenance of power (cf.

himself]

J2i3

Dn.

jy.

8.

21

io'5-2ij

tinctive,

2.

(pTnri'')

1.

j^8 159 jyi 2i4 23' 25" 27^ 325

38).

touch of the Chronicler

with

(cf.

Israel respecting the

all

Ch. ii'

And magnified him exceedingly].

And Solomon gave commandment to

istic

19'^, see

also

use of verb in earlier books both rarer and more dis-

Ch.

Cf.

all Israel, etc.]

13'

Ch. 29".

a character-

where David consults

removal of the ark).

The

narra-

Kings knows nothing, in connection with Solomon's visit

to Gibeon, of such pomp as is implied in this and the following
tive of

3.

The high place]. The Chronicler adopts this expresK. y, where Gibeon is called the great high place. The
sanctuary at Gibeon was undoubtedly an ancient one of CanaanGibeon is the mod. ed Dschib, five or six miles northitish origin.
west of Jerusalem (cf. Buhl, GAP. pp. 168/.). Because there was

verse.

sion

from

the tent,
of

etc.].

Solomon's

Cf.

Ch.

2i2.

sacrifice at

This

Gibeon.

is

the Chronicler's explanation

The remark has no

historical

CHRONICLES

3l6

foundation, but otherwise the act of Solomon would have been a

violation of the law of P (Lv. 17^ '). Whatever "tent of meeting" ancient Israel may have had, it had been replaced by the

temple at Shiloh

The

S. 3' Je. 7'2-

(i

brazen

'<

26').4. Cf.

Ch.

15,

16.

was

vindication
there] a further
of the legitimacy of Solomon's sacrifice at Gibeon.
On the
brazen altar and Bezalel cf. Ex. 31'-' 38'-'.
And Solomon and
5.

altar

the assembly sought

him]

Yahweh

i.e.,

(Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau.,

with reference to the altar,

Bn., Ki.).

//,

AV., RV.

The former

1. ptnnM]

is

is

the rendering of (g,

preferable.

characteristic

of

expression

the

Chronicler

{v.

s.).

kingdom late word cf. 1 Ch. 11'" 1. 67. ray.

nin>i] cf. i
Ch. ii^. nSi'DS] cf. I Ch. 142, 1.87. 2. ics'] late force of
give command, cf. I Ch. i4'2, 1. 4. D^aDirSi] possibly a corruption for a"J2i:'n
before which na-Si has fallen out, cf. "M et ducibus et judicihus, and
inioVp]

D-BDari

^tastt'

in the lists of

>-ity

elsewhere,

Ch.

28" 296.

tQv Kpirdv where

(&^

cf.

in 2 S. 7? cp.

Ch.

176.

Snt^^

Ch.

These words are confused

28'

has

(Be., Ke., Zoe.) or better modifies H^^i h^f, every

Ki.). nn

(Oe., Kau.,

V^

SoS (Be.,

lo'-

2',

fell

out by homoeoteleuton.

berg ed.

worthy of

all Israel

104), either in apposition with

equivalent to 'n nrsa, Ges. 138/, cf. i Ch. 1512.

6") are wanting in (g'' but the words probably

-i^n] {cf. 2 S.

-'D

(1.

Zoe.) or better in apposition with i^-'Vi (Bn.).

adversative in late Heb., cf. 19' 3317 Ezr. lo's Dn.

I. pana]

1.

52^

Ke.,

4. Sas] decided

h naj

cf

>ii'xi]

d^idd'^h, also ^^Tif for

S3S2]eithet a repetition of VKna-^ SjS'

QB\ mti-TiM]

($,

5. ar] so <&, B, generally

adopted; BomB, AV., RV., render the suffix with reference

to the altar.

7-13. Taken from

K.

35-i3i5b 41.

The passage

in Chronicles is

just two-thirds as long as that in Kings, and has been condensed

with

much

skill,

of the favour

shortened.

gaining in force.

shown

The

David

The somewhat

verbose mention

K.

3^) has been appropriately

(i
allusion to the son on the throne appears in the

to

form

of the Messianic promise, a clear

suggestion of 2 S. 7,
to
is
later
than
this
narrative in
(according
SBOT.)

idea of Solomon's weakness

in" (i K. 3')

is

is

omitted and the phrase

which

Kings. The
"go out and

happily used to express the object of the request for

in and out royally before

knowledge and wisdom that he might go

his people.

The dream

also of

Kings (w.^'s) has disappeared.

I.

SOLOMON'S WEALTH

14-17.]

The

revelation

is

instead of merely

317

thus a more direct one, given in that night

"

"

by night
Yahweh (i K. 3%

(i

K.

Elohim

3^).

(v.

')

(v. ')

has been sub-

in Kings with its

V.
stituted for
cf. 1 Ch. i3).
Deuteronomic promise of "length of days" on the condition of obedience has been entirely omitted, possibly because it was recognised

attain extreme old age.

Solomon did not

that

'^

9.

Let thy promise

succeed
(word), etc.], the promise that Solomon, his son, should
to the throne, build the house of Yahweh, and that his throne should

This promise had already

(i Ch. 225^).
been partially established, for thou hast made me king, hence with
10. Wisfirm faith Solomon prays for its complete fulfilment.

be estabUshed forever

dom (riDDn) and knowledge (j;"It2)] since these are necessary to one
who would judge righteously, cf. i K. 3'. That I may go out and
come in before this people]. The Chronicler represents Solomon as a

man

of peace, hence these

as the

head

of the host

(cf.

words probably do not

i

Ch. ii^

S. i8"-

")

refer to

Solomon

(Bn.) but rather

11. Because this was

include any transaction of business (Ba.).
12. Such as none of the kings
in thy heart].
Cf. 1 Ch. 22' 28^.

have had that have been before

10.

\'ify

in

and

pound
pj,'3J3

1133

Cf. Ec. s's

Ch.

292=,

nsaS as a misplaced gloss (Ba.).

in part in 9"-2 8.

Taken from i K.
The Chronicler has omitted

14-17. Solomon's wealth.

peated

" '^ Dn. i^ " Ec. lo^" f. H. ='D3J]

where with t-7 and Ec. 6^ where with
12. jinj] sg. with comas here; elsewhere Jos. 22' f31'. 13. r^^22^] read after (&, H ns^nn, or omit
cf. Est

Aram.

subj.,
.

Cf

late Heb., also in vv.

>-i?:]

common

thee].

io=

^^

and

re-

the story of the

and the account of Solomon's civil government

and the prosperity and greatness of his kingdom given in i K. 4-5
These in i K. illustrate the fulfilment of the divine promise
(c. 4).
harlots (i K. 3 '6-28)

'

The
in answer to Solomon's prayer at Gibeon.
Chronicler passed over the story of the harlots probably because it
contained so little of the religious element, and he probably chose
which came

as an illustration of material glory these few verses instead of

the longer passage for the sake of abridgment, and because he

was not

interested in

clesiastical.

any form of government that was not ec-

CHRONICLES

3l8

This passage appears twice, more or less fully, in both 2 Ch. and i K.,
and after the account of the building of the Temple in each, as

before

follows:

Ch.

i'<-"

taken from

K.

lo^^-Js.

Ch.

9=^-28

taken from

K.

5 lo^^"^ 5' 10='

be seen that the

It will

in K.,

and the second

in

in

Ch. from the

by parts from the second

differing in the

taken from the second

K. (being supplemented
In K. the two accounts are variant,

account

first

in K.).

number

Ch.

"

to

is

in

first

of chariots, the

of horses for the chariots

2.

first

ascribing 40,000 "stalls

Solomon and the second giving him

The

only 1,400 chariots at the end of his reign.

Chronicler regarded

these as two separate summaries of the chariots of Solomon, one at

the beginning and the other at the close of his reign, and reversed the
order, since

it

was more appropriate

that

Solomon should begin

his

reign with 1,400 chariots and later have 40,000 (so read in 2 Ch. 9^
The introductory word
V. in loco) than that the reverse should be true.

second account

in the

in

K.,

^id-sm

he gathered together,

supported the Chronicler in placing that account

i.e.,

organised,

first.

14. Chariots and horsemen]. These were not used by Israel in

occupied the mountainous

their early warfare, since they at first

parts of Palestine, but

gressive state

when under David they became an

and extended

their borders, chariots

ag-

and horsemen

were gradually introduced (cf. for chariots i Ch. i8< =28. 8^), and
under Solomon, as here expressed, the purchase of chariots and

A thousand and four hundred].

horses became a regular trade.
In I K. 5 (4") 40,000 stalls of horses for chariots are mentioned,

9 4,000 {q. v.). Chariot cities]. Cf. S^ i K. 9''. 15, Silver

and gold]. Their abundance came through Solomon's commerce.
Cedars], the most durable, and so valuable, timber, which came
in

from the

forests of

Lebanon, and thus was an import. Sycamores],

name in England and America, but a

not the tree kno\\-n by that

tree of the

genus

close at hand,

The

of the fig

was very

Ch. 27 2^) whose wood, since it grew

16, Horses].
plentiful for Jerusalem.

(cf.

OT. was

horse mentioned in the

the war-horse.

Egypt].

Horses were introduced into Egypt by the Hyksos (during the

period of the thirteenth to the seventeenth dynasties, 1 788-1580
in
B.C., Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 425), and
later d}-nasties the

best horses to be

"

stables of

had

in

Pharaoh contained thousands

Asia"

(lb. p. 195),

of the

hence the importation

I.

SOLOMON'S WEALTH

14-17.]

319

which were widely used in Egypt, into Palestine would have been most natural (v. ") The securing of horses
from Egypt is also strongly favoured by Dt. 17'^ Is. 31'. But it is
of horses

and

chariots,

Egypt {WI'^'Q Mizraim) we should read

17. Six
Miizri OlXa) and think of a land in Asia Minor {v. i.).
so
And
about
in
value
hundred of silver] i.e., shekels,
for all
$380.
out hy
them
used
to
and
the kings of the Hittites
bring
of Syria they
possible that instead of

means, or they (chariots and horses) used to be exported (v. i.)

were brought also out of
by their means]. Horses and chariots
and Syrian kings at the
Hittite
the
for
traders
the
king's
Egypt by
The
for
as
Solomon.
same price
Hittites], a people mentioned

their

Canaan (Gn. 15^" Ex. 3'" 13=

among
but their proper home was in the north even in the high
lands of Asia Minor, Cilicia, and Cappadocia. They dwelt in
between the Euphrates and the Orontes, centred at Kadesh
the inhabitants of

frequently

et al.),

power
and Carchemish, but were
the Assyrians.

Syria]

subdued

in the eighth

century by
often
but
applied
(Aram), Mesopotamia,
finally

kingdom of Damascus and the adjoining petty kingdoms,

Maacah, Geshur, Rehob, and Zobah {EBi.). A trade with the kings
of these people and districts would be less natural from Egypt than
from the nearer Muzri of Asia Minor.
to the

14. cn'::i]

K.

10=6 anj^i;

15.

Ch. has the true reading supported by

all

of i K. 10", but (& (both

jnrn nNi] wanting in
here and K.) rb xpvfflov Kal t6 apyvpiov.
Probably originally from Ch.
16. Ni|i!;] I K. io- nipD. Instead of HI drove of horses (still preferred

the Vrss. in K.

by Kau.), Be. already discerned here ID and the name of a place (so
in K., 'B here), which is the view of most modern scholars, either

(S'^'-

Kueor Koa, a
Forschiuigen,

district of Cilicia
i.

(Winckler, Alt. Unter. 168 jf. Altorienlal.

a place in the direc-

28, Bn., Ki., Bur., Sk.), or, better,

Egypt (Stade and Schwally, SBOT.). In the former case ansn is

S. of the Taurus, which often figures in Assyrian
With this agrees Ez. 27'', since Togarmah, the source of
inscriptions.
But Dt. i7'
horses, war-horses, and mules, lies in that direction.

tion of

Muzri, a N. Syrian land

Cf. also
decidedly favour the reference to a place near Egypt.
Jerome's Onomasticon, 273. 86, in. 8 Coa qua est juxta Mgyptum.
Hence we render and Solomon's import of horses was from Egypt (or
from Muzri) and from Koa: the traders of the king used to bring them
Is. 31'

but omits KipD*

from Koa at a price (so Ki. BH., Bn.). Kau. retains
and renders "And the royal merchants were accustomed to bring a

CHRONICLES

320
drove for payment."

This is preferred by WTiitehouse, EBi. I. coL

17.
question of the true reading must remain sub lite.

The

726.

iN>sri iSpi]
(gBAjji

of

I.

18-VII.
18-11. 1.

is

nSpm.

d-m< ^sSsi]

K.

'n ^j'^sSi.

in<sv]

preferred by Ki.

The Building and Dedication of the Temple.

Solomon's purpose and the levy of workmen.

This verse

(1).

Nxr.i

which

j;_ ,j<x>,

I.

18

K. 10"

is

entirely

from the Chronicler.

name

A house for

i"- "
28' 29'.
And
of Yahweh]. Cf 1 K. 5'' "' i Ch. 22'a house for his kingdom] i.e., the royal palace and
of
buildgroup

the

K.

ings described in

Chronicler in 2"

"2)

g".

mentioned incidentally by the

i K. 5" "^ f);

but

1 only Derived from

71-'=

yn

(2).

here out of place; repeated in w. '^f- "^t.)^ which see. The

reason for this repetition is not clear.
The doublet occurs also
in (8 of

K., where cp. 2"d.h

Chronicler
in full,

may have

-^yjth 515

written from

having noticed that his

18.

I.

II.

1,

-1CN11]

with force of

rtri'-y \B0^^]

and P, Ges.

of Ez.

Ges. 134^.

2-9 (3-10).

K.

later repeated

or purpose followed by

^Sn]

ti^x] sing, after

in i K.,

Sometimes the

mention was incomplete

command

tHeb.zgf.j,

memory and

52' nc^jyh idm.

1345.

Wanting

first

f.

where

Solomon's message

KS'i

to

inf. 0- 4)-

a usage
another usage of P.

sing, after

l'^^',

(Be.).

te)is,

appears before SjD.

Hiram. This

is

based

upon I K. 515-20 (1-6) 5ut quite rewritten by the Chronicler, or taken

from another source (Bn., Ki.). The foUowing particulars given in
I

(i

K. are wanting in Ch. (i) The embassy from Hiram to Solomon

K. 5>=(")- (2) David's hindrance in building the Temple (i K.
:

The rest given to Solomon (i K. s'^u)). (4) The

Yahweh to David (i K. 5' '(=>). The last three, however,
embodied in i Ch. 228"'. And the following are added in Ch.
The dealings of Hiram with David (v. =")). (2) A description

5"<'>).

(3)

promise of
are
(i)

of the

Temple as a place of offerings and as being very great (yv.^'(3) Words of self-depreciation (v.'t^'). (4) A petition for a
skilled worker in metals and cloth who also is an
engraver (v. (')).
"'')

(5)

An

enumeration of the kinds of wood desired

The

(v. 7a(8a))_

(g)

contribution to Hiram's servants (v.'"")).

2 (3). Huram],
I K. 5's")
Hiram, see i Ch. 14KAs thou didst do, etc.]. The sentence is incomplete.
Supply, "So do with me." On the transaction

cf.

S.

5"

Ch.

14'.

According to

Ch. 22' David had

I.

18-n.

PREPARATIONS FOR THE TEMPLE

17.]

32 1

already procured an abundance of timber for the Temple. 3 (4).

The Chronicler thinks of the Temple chiefly as the place of the
ministration of the priests and the Levites, cf. i Ch. 23=" and
,

avoids the thought of the building being the dwelling-place of God.

He enumerates the incense of sweet spices burned every morning
and evening (Ex. sCf), the perpetual shew-bread (Ex. 25"), the

morning and evening sacrifices (Nu. 28' -8), and the extra
offerings of the Sabbaths (Nu. 289 '), of the beginning of months
(Nu. 28" -'5), and of the set feasts (Nu. 28'-29s). Forever this

daily

i Ch. 23".
{i.e., such service) is (binding) upon Israel]. Cf. Nu. 19'
4 (5). Cf. I Ch. 29' Ex. 18". 5 (6). The heaven of heavens], the

highest sphere of the heavens,

The purpose

before thee].

cf. 6's i

K. 8".

But

to offer

isnot to erect a dwelling-place for

which would be presumptuous, but merely a place of

worship. 6(7). Kings knows

addition of

sent

The

K. 7").

from Tyre
in

sacrifice, i.e.,

no such request for a workman, but

and brought such a skilled metal-worker

skill in weaving and engraving is an
(i
His need of such a workman is shown
the Chronicler.

Solomon

states that

of

incense

Yahweh,

Ch. 292 (see corrected text).^With the wise men, etc.]. Cf.
2 2'5.
7 (8). Cypress and algum trees]. Only cedar trees are

Ch.

mentioned

in

K.

52"

(6)

but cypress also in

K.

Since the

524(10).

algum trees are clearly the same as the almug trees of i K. 10",
is here apparently
i.e., sandalwood or ebony (Bn.), the Chronicler
involved in an inaccuracy in deriving them a product of Ophir,

from Lebanon (Be., Ke., Zoe., Ba., Bn., Ki.). And my servants,
taken from i K. 5=(6'. 9 (10). In the message of
etc.],
I K. no compensation is specified (i K. 52'^')) but later it is re-

corded that Solomon, presumably for the timber received, gave

Hiram yearly for his house 20,000 cors of wheat and 20 cors of

K.

oil (i

5=^f-

""f').

Here the

gift is for

the support of the labourers,

whether yearly or simply a gross amount is not stated, and 20,000

cors of barley and 20,000 baths of wine are added, and the amount

from twenty cors to 20,000 baths; or, since 10

in i K. has the same amount)
a
hundredfold
cor,
((SI

of oil is increased

baths

= one

a cor represents about eight bushels.

10-15(11-16). The answer of Hiram. This
I

K.

-23

5='

'7-9),

21

and as

in the case of

is

based upon

Solomon's message

is

either

322

CHRONICLES

rewritten or taken by the Chronicler from another source (Bn., Ki.).

The jnain variation is the reference to the skilled workman sent

' <"
10 (11). Chronicles
>).
agreeable to Solomon's request (vv.>=
emphasises the fact of a written reply from Hiram, which is not
'

directly stated in Kings.

11

comes

(12). This verse

awk-

in so

wardly with the allusion to Solomon in the third person instead of

the second as in the previous verse, that possibly it should be trans(Kau., Bn., Ki.) giving the reflection of Hiram
posed with V.
on receiving the request from Solomon and thus introductory to the
written reply and parallel with i K. 5 (^>. The avowal of Yahiveh
'

<"'

as the maker of heaven and earth by Hiram is a noticeable touch

by the Chronicler, who has no difficulty in seeing in the heathen

name

king a reverer of Yahweh. 12 (13). Hurajn-abi], the

of the skilled workman in i K. y'^- *" " called Hiram.
The
half of the

name

(abi)

should be rendered as a

father (Be., Zoe., Oe., Ba.), or better,

wy

latter

of respect

title

trusted counsellor,

my
Gn.

cf.

3" (v. of add.); tw Trarpi 1

Mac. ii (Tor. AJSL. Jan. '09, p. 172, n. 17). 13 (14). In
I K. 7'< the mother of this workman is a widow of the tribe of
The reading of the Chronicler may have come from
Naphtali.
45*; Bevre'pov 7rarp6<i 01 add. to Est.

the influence of Ex.

the tabernacle,
y_6

(7)_

14

is

(15).

31% where Oholiab, one of the artificers of

Dan. Cf. further on this verse

of the tribe of

Cf. V.5

<''.

The

is

15

(16).

my lord

expression

There

relatively on the footing of a vassal.

in Kings.

is

nothing

Yapho, mod. Yaffa, the port

not mentioned in Kings.

1&-17 (17-18). Solomon's workmen.

adaptation or abridgment of

levies of

workmen

Hiram

like this

of Jerusalem,

These are represented

as taken after a census from the aliens in Israel. This

icler's

puts

K.

is

(13

^-'-^^

is)^

the Chron-

where two

are mentioned, evidently a combination of

two

sources (Kau.? Ki., Bur., 550r.). The first levy (w. ^^ f- <'=f >),
30,000 out of all Israel, sent 10,000 a month in turn to Leba-

non,

is

The second

entirely passed over

the burden bearers

by the Chronicler.
and hewers and overseers

(\w.

"'

levy,

<'^'>)>

^^^

Chronicler gives, but prefaces the list with the statement of a census
taken by Solomon of all the aliens in Israel, whose number exactly

equals that of the workmen,

i.e.,

153,600

'

(v.

<"'),

and

whom

I.

PREPARATIONS FOR THE TEMPLE

18-n. 17.]

Solomon divides and

given in Kings
tion

(v.

"

work according

sets to

The

c^)).

to the

arrangement

Chronicler's motive of reconstruc-

from the stigma

clearly to free native Israelites

is

323

of hard,

This burden'is imposed upon foreigners. 16 (17).

With which David his father numbered them]. Cf. i Ch. 222.

serf -like labour.

17

Threejhousand and six hundred

(18).

bly

was the

three

This proba-

overseers].

Kings and not the present

original reading in

text,

thousand and three hundred.

2. irxo] introduces a comparative sentence of

member

the second

is

wanting.

only used in

incense;

3.

abs.,

pi.

cf.

two clauses of which

e^cd]

spices,

used in

13", elsewhere only in P.

.iji>'c]

'Jn]

Oi

^:2.

term used only of the shew-bread, cf. Lv. 24^

2 Ch. 13" 29'8 Ne. io'<.
PI. Lv. 24S f.
See also 13".

tech.

Ch.

9^2 232s 2815

Here

with

T'nn] adv. gen.along

Koe.
3i8d. The idea
perpetuity and the word T'DH are derived
no
from Lv.
Ch. 29".
D;n](5 +
pjix]
form of pjnx deep red purple. S^did] crimson only
"
here and
the more usual
prob. a Pers. loan-word (BDB.)
nSrn]

modifies
and
deep
purple.
d^ouSn]
the
K.
d^jdSn
form dub.
Behold thy servants
with
pjnSi]
governed by

niS>'

iii.

relation

of

5.

nxyi ini]

Kal elSSra,

6.

cf. i

cf.

late

'^.

v.

ija>

in

through zeugma.

24^.

V.

n^apriS

n>'Sin

blue

so .also

7.

nPij"^.

for

3'^

(Bn.).

8.

'ui uy]

latter

9""-,

to

||

niiry':'

lonf-

f,

shall he

explicative.

my servants even
new

to prepare, etc. (Ke., RV.), but Oe., Kau., Ki.,

begin a
sentence (or continuation of n'^tr) (Be.) And timber in abundance

must

be

prepared for me.

adj. force Ges. 113^.

the true reading,

Dr. TH.
ns omn^] S with
name Huram is

subj.

K. 7"
j'in'^1

etym.

1-2.
1.

mountain
222).

passage

given in

K.

^JD'?^?

7'3

Ges.

BDB.

"?

as Hiram.

nu-x p, v.

s.

106/^,

Dr.

it

TH. 10.

5 e (d).
The artisan's
13.
nij3 JD nrx p] r

anj;:]!] (g

doubtful,

K.

523

nnoT

The place and date

also

Kal v(palvei.v

air.

17.

hio]

of the building of the

Entirely independent of Kings.

Moriah].
(Gn.

Vrss.

38 (/3). 12. ^-^^.^]

the force of namely

nana Nin

xSsn] inf. abs. as an adv. with

Ges. 106m.
niDc] i K. 525 ,-iS3D=.-i'?0Na
11. njo'' iii'n] Heb. tense has force of
114/.

only to a dittography, but notice the following

15. iD-is]-i-is dT. Aram. cf. Ecclus. S:* + often.
nnDDi]

Att.

Ges.

9. 'pnj]

may go back

tives.

III.

ple.

h\DQi

so

In

the

infinirafts,

K.

52*

Tem-

mountain oj

The Temple mount

in the

in Jerusalem is identified with the

land of Moriah where Abraham offered Isaac

The name

may

occurs only here and there and in the latter

represent a textual corruption, earlier, however,

324

than the time of Chronicles.

his father in the place
floor of

Oman the

lation of

Yahweh

which David had prepared in the threshingAfter the reveCf. i Ch. 21"".

at the threshing-floor,

taken from

is

Where Yahweh appeared unto David

Jebnsite*].

prepare to build there the

of this verse

CHRONICLES

Temple
i

K.

6'

(i

David began

Ch.

22'-'').

2.

at

once to

The

date

with the omission of "the four

Exodus," and likewise the name

month, "Ziv," given in Kings. Solomon came to
In the second month]. Any reference to
the throne about 977.

hundred and

eightieth year of the

of the second

wrongly in the text (v. i.). The second

month was approximately from the middle of April to the middle
of May.
3-7. The general dimensions of the porch and the holy place.
the day of the

month

Abridged from
vv.

''-s

in

of the

Kings,

3.

K.

i.e.,

its

Temple,

the stairs.

is

6--

'

method

And

'^-'*-

='

'"

omitting entirely the matter of

the mention of the windows, the side chambers

of construction,

and the

these are the foundations

side door

and

which Solomon

laid

in building the hoiise of God] i.e., this is the ground plan of the
house. The reference is to the dimensions immediately given.

The length after the former measure]. Before the exile the Hebrews
used a cubit longer by a handbreadth than the one in use after the
exile (Bn. ArcJi. pp. 179/.) and the dimensions of the Temple, says
the Chronicler, were according to this earlier measure.

The two

cubits of Egyptian origin were in the ratio of 7 to 6; the earlier one

was 527 mm. (20.74 inches), the latter 450 mm. (17.72 inches) (Now.

Arch.

The height of the Temple, thirty cubits, given in

omitted, being out of place in the ground plan, cf. v.^.

p. 201).

Kings,

is

4. And the porch which was in front of the house: its length was
twenty cubits before {i.e., according to) the breadth of the house and
the height twenty cubits^].
(Oe., Ki.) Since the Temple was only
thirty cubits in height, the reading of

cubits for the height of the porch,

is

^, one hundred and twenty

universall}-

regarded as a tex-

The numeral hundredwas probably inserted in the

who was thinking of Herod's Temple, the porch
some
one
by

tual corruption.
text
of

which was 100 cubits

in height.

The

overlaying of

For height,

thirty cubits

have

For another rendering see below.

the porch with gold is not mentioned in Kings,

been preferred to twenty (Be.).

m.

ARCHITECTURE OF THE TEMPLE

1-17.]

325

although perhaps imphed i K. 6'". Such overlaying with gold

as is mentioned here and in vv. ^^- probably never took place, since
such gold-plating is not mentioned in connection with the plundering of the

Temple by

K.

foes (i

King Ahaz

in financial straits.

mentioned

in 2

K.

18'^

except for the floor

relief

work

(cf.

K.

K.

14'^)

nor when

stript

by

covering by Hezekiah

was probably not gold (Bn., EBi. iv. col.

room (Heb. house)] i.e., the holy

5. And the greater

With cypress wood].

place.
4932).

i42 2

The metal

(i

K.

In Kings only cedar

6'^-

6'8- "

is

mentioned

Palms and garlands], basg, j^^d hg garnished

(Heb.

').

32.

35),

whole Temple (Be. and so evidently

most comm.); the holy place (Kau.), which is more agreeable to
The idea evidently is of
With costly stones].
the context.
overlaid)

house], the

the

precious stones set in the walls, although it has been suggested

that they were costly flagstones for the floor (Kau.).
Parwaim],

name

a gold-producing place conjectured in

Arabia (BDB.), yet really dubious. Sprenger (Die alte Geogr.
Arabiens, pp. 54/.) identifies with farwa in SW. Arabia, citing
apparently the

of

Hamdani (f. 940 A.D.), while Glaser (Skiz.

Parwaim in el-farwain mentioned by the same
a gold-mine in NE. Arabia (see Guthe, PRE.' 14,

the Arabian historian

pp. S47 ff.) finds

historian as
p. 705).

This verse has no

wall],
I

an inference from

K. 6'^

K. 7. A continuation
And he carved chernbim on the

parallel in

the description of the holy place.

of

K. 6", which appears to

Cherubim were on

the walls of the

Temple

conflict

with

described by

Ezekiel (41'^).
1.

^ has nin^ as subject of hn-ij, and (5, S>, V, the order psn yofn

This gives the true

text (Kau., Bn., Ki.).

To

adhere to

DipD3.

gives a

1^

Then Solomon began to build the house of

Yahweh on Mount Moriah where he [Yahweh] appeared unto David

very harsh reading, viz.

his father which [house] he [Solomon] prepared in the place of David

that D. had appointed] in the threshing-floor of
the Jebusite.

[i.e.,

See RV.

Oman

2.

uca] wanting

in three Mss., 05,

B, and to be omitted as a

dittography (Be., Ke., Oe., Zee., Kau., Bn., Ki.).

RV., would naturally be expressed by Z'-^rh D''j::'3.

"In

the second [day]"

Ges.

134/'.

3. hSni]

looks toward several following subjects, Koe. iii. 349n.

iDin] inf.
used as a subst. Koe. iii. 233a. This Hoph. inf. also used by the

Chronicler of the founding of the

Temple

in Ezr.

3"

|.

4.

is

mean-

CHRONICLES

326
The

ingless.

am

>jfl

on;:'y pick 13-iN

^-j

icn

have been proposed:

readings

following

PDN njjni D^2n

a^-^-z-;

non

^jo

Sj;

o'?iNni

(Oe., Ki.)

and (S'^ twenty cubits for the height)

noN ontrp n^an Sd^h 'jb Vj; o'riNni. The
hnd (z;. 5.) is plainly a
clause a'^B'y1 hnd najni is entirely lacking in K.
'^"iJS tower.
corruption, since a porch of the height of 1 20 feet would be a
Since the height of the Temple was thirty cubits, some prefer to read
after <&

(which has

and

K.

Dia'Sc

mcN

onrp

niDX n^an

after

O''::^

3m

6^"

ijd

'Jfl '?>?'

13->n

"^y

<"

najni (Be.).

Also

am

Sy i-ixni

read

is

lam

n::N3

^^z'y r^-<2r^

'7D\n >jfi

Sy ib'K dSinhi

Kau.), ajid the porch

which was iu front of the main room of the building was ten cubits broad

and

ijo

(Be.,

[Heb. before] the breadth of the building

Since a statement of the height is out of place in a de2- *
where the
scription which purports to give the ground-plan {cf. vv.
Chronicler omits the height given in i K.), and the breadth is expected,
the length according to

twenty cubits.

More likely, however, the Chronicler placed

this reading is preferable.
these dimensions in the order in which they appear in his source (i K.
ijs Sj? iisn non ijo hy -\Z'H dSinhi
6'), hence we prefer niDN n^an

am

amm onry and the

nry nicN
according

to

ten cubits.

porch which was before the house: the length

tlie breadth of the house was twenty cubits and the breadth
This requires the least number of changes and the last three

words could easily be corrupted into ons'yi nxa najni. 5. ncn] late
word used especially in Piel. aia] many Mss., (6 \ina. vSy H'm] cf.
BDB. n'^jj Hiph. 4, used of ornamentation howsoever made cf. v. '^
22. 35
miJ'T^i'] i K. 7", in description of
onc.n] in I K. 6-9^ae nnnn.
tabernacle (Ex. 28'^- - ,^g')> chains, in i K. 62' D"'XX iiiaD garlands

RV.

of flowers, open flowers,

8-9.
5i6.2o_

The most holy

8^

K.

Cf.

See tjd

place.

The

6-".

BDB.

Greatly

condensed from

third equal dimension of the

K.

most

Of six hundred
holy place has been omitted by the Chronicler.
not
in
a
given
Kings. According to the
talents],
particular
lightest

calculation

system 45

The more
incredible.

Chronicler.
V.

the nails

would

give

The amount

(i.e.,

is

the latest

Jewish weight

(DB.

9,

The

nails]

fifty talents

were intended

on the wainscoting (Ke., Zoe., Bn.).

was one

iv.

906

108.29

a).
^ts.

Heb.

for

each

tribe,

to fasten the sheets

And the weight of

shekel for fifty shekels of gold*].

slight correction of the

is

Both amounts seem

64,974 lbs.
doubtless a free invention of the

Possibly he thought of

Ch. 21".

of gold

talent

usual light weight given for a talent

that

(BDB.);

for a

lbs.) the weight would be 27,000 lbs.

Thus read

text underlying (I (v.

i.).

after

Upper

m.

ARCHITECTURE OF THE TEMPLE

1-17.]

chambers], not

mentioned elsewhere

in 2 Ch., but in

Temple

8. DT-ipn v-\p

K. 65- 16.
from I K. 86- .
ber, 1

rT'j

Ch. 28"

In

nx].

the

in

K. the term is
from

also appears in

D>B'^|-'^ irip

description of the

v.).

(q.

also in 2 Ch. 3I6 42"

'<',

327

hindmost chamK. 7" and 2 Ch. 5'

iian, the
i

K 6'6 S^

(as glosses

SBOT.)

9. anr d^ii'DH oiSpf'? nncDDS Sptrci] and

passage).
the weight of the nails fifty shekels of gold, i.e., a little less than two
pounds (avoirdupois) of nails served to hold over thirty-two tons {v. s.)
(a

7*

Dtic.

late

This

of gold in place.

is

clearly impossible,

even the Chronicler would

ToO v6s after 'dd^, thus

make such

and

it is

doubtful whether

a careless statement.

(&

adds

o\ki]

weigh nearly two pounds; so

This equally difficult reading (two-pound nailsl) no doubt goes
a Heb. original, inN Sprc, which is probably a corruption of

also 15.

making each

nail

back to
ins SptS' (note '^pii'D a corruption for Spr in 2 S. 21", v. BDB.). Hence
we render, and the weight of the nails was one shekel for fifty shekels of
gold {i.e., for one miiia), which gives a proper proportion and one which

any writer might propose.

he made in

the most holy

Abridged from i K. 6"-28. 10. And

room two cherubim, woodwork,* and he*

The cherubim.

10-14.

covered them with gold], a combination of i K. 6"" and ^^

In
I K. 6" the wood is olive.
11. And the wings of the cherubim in

their length

and

were twenty

cubits].

Each wing extended

since they stood across the holy place with

wing

five cubits,

tips against

touching one another, their combined length

was twenty cubits, the breadth of the room. The remainder of
the verse carries out this description.
12. This verse describing
the wall

and with

tips

the position of the other cherub shows that the position of the two

cherubim

from

tity of

K.

side
6^6

form

by

side

was

identical.

The

Chronicler has omitted

the height of the cherubim, ten cubits,

(i

K.

6'^^).

13.

toward the holy place.

And

their faces

They had

and

their iden-

toward the house]

clearly only single faces

i.e.,

and

not the composite ones of Ezekiel's cherubim. 14. The veil between the holy place and the most holy is not mentioned in i K.,

nor

is

such a

veil

described in Ezekiel's Temple.

However,

Zerubbabel's Temple probably had it, though this is not certain.

The Chronicler derived the description either from the Temple
of his day or from the veil of the tabernacle Ex. 26" (see DB. iv.
p. 847).

On

the colours

cj.

2'.

CHRONICLES

328
10.

OTT.

Ci'Si'i:]

BDB.

images

with

work (Kc), some

slatuario sculpture

nryo image work, TS opere

form of sculpture (Be.,

special

K. 6^3 has ]?;ii' 'Xj? (preferred here by Oe.), it is better to

and read O'sya (Bn.) of wood. idsm] read after i K. 62'
and <& the sing. 11. After inN.n (gi- has 3nD, which Bn. would supply
The npD and JJ^JC should change
according to the parallel in v. '2.
Kau.). Since

follow (& ?|

!^\i\Q)v

of the
'-, appearing by the attraction
This verse is wanting in (&^ and may be a
dittography of the preceding, but more likely the verse was lost from the
Vatican text by horaoeoteleuton, a common error in this MS. 13.
Since iJ'ia is used transitively (i Ch. 2818 2 Ch. 5' i K. 8") either ^dj3 is
places, the masc. form, as in v.

nearer noun Jnjn.

12.

to be struck out (Be.) or D'-iins

omit

'3a

V.

text.

V.

12

and

description,

15-17.

reads like a gloss.

v.

''a,

The two

Compared with

we have a

skilful

showing

Ki.

to be read (Bn.);

is

beautifully

BH.

retains the

K., especially

compact and

if

we

intelligible

abridgment.

pillars before the

Temple.

Abridged from

The

Chronicler has omitted in his descrip7'5-22, cf. Je. 52='.

tion their metal, brass; their circumference, twelve cubits (i K.
r

K.

7'5);

and the lilywork

the checkerwork of the capitals (i K. 7"),

surmounting the capitals (i K.

Thirty-Jive

cubits in height].

height of the pillars

is

mentioned here and

7'3-

").

In

15.

K.

Two pillars].

71^ 2

K.

Cf. v. ".

25'' Je. 52^1 the

given as eighteen cubits; thirty-five are only

in

Ci>

of Je. 52='.

This

latter

dimension has

been explained as representing the double length of the two pillars,

assuming that each was about seventeen and a half cubits long
a reckoning including the five cubits of the
in their construction (Ew. Hist. III. p.

(Mov.

p. 253), or as

capital

and other additions

237), or as a misreading of the numerical sign

TV*

(eighteen) for

nh

we have no eviHebrew and thus OT. writ-

(thirty-five) (Ke., Zoe., Oe.) (to be rejected because

dence of the use of such signs in ancient

ing), or, which is the most probable, as a corruption arising from the

Kings (n'lli'y H^Dw' riwlli) becoming illegible in some way

and thus read "|-iS* '0t2^^ W^h'C! (Be.) or something similar (Bn.).
Possibly the Chronicler read a text of i K. 7'^ in which ^C, comtext of

passed about, had become illegible (or corrupted to ClD"*, added), in

which case he would have interpreted the twelve cubits of circumference

hence his 35 = 18 + 12-1-5

the description given in i K. 7'5-2i (with v. '^

as an addition to the

(capital).

From

height;

m.

ARCHITECTURE OF THE TEMPLE

1-17.]

329

corrected from Jc. 52-'') and omitted by the Chronicler (although

a partial description appears in 4'^'"), they were hollow bronze
pillars four finger-breadths in thickness, eighteen cubits

(about 30

and twelve cubits (about 20 ft.) in circumference.

Each was surmounted (i) by a molten chapiter or capital five
cubits in height, which (2) was covered with a bronze network,
in height,
ft.)

and

(3) over the

network hung two chains

100 pomegranates each

of

outward

at the top in a lily

in four loops (Je.

52='')

Each capital either curved

shape or was surmounted by a lily-

(v.

').

shaped ornament (Bn., Sk.; Bur. rejects the lily shape alto16. And he made chains like a necklace*]. The readgether).

ing in the oracle (^, RV., etc.) in this description of the pillars is
wrong. The slightest change in Hebrew letters of similar form

clearly

(T'3"lD instead of "l"'m3) gives the reading above (Bn.; T^^l^ instead of "l''2f3 on a ring, on the edge Be., Ki.). Around the ballshaped or rounded cup-shaped capitals of the pillars were strung

chains upon which the metallic pomegranates were hung, according

17. Cf.
to I K. 72" apparently two rows of 100 pomiCgranates each.

These two

72'.
pillars were either a part of the porch supportview
a
lintel
based
largely on Ez. 40^', Now. Arch. II. p. 2^),
(a
ing
free
on
either
before the porch (as is suggested by
side
or, better,
I

V.

K.

'^

and

this verse).

These

pillars

were

in

Solomon's Temple be-

cause they were a usual feature of Semitic temples, symbols of the

deity, a survival in this form of the ancient stone pillars the Mazzcboth

(cf.

14=) (Bn.

(The bowls,

fitting

also suggested to

EBi. IV.

receptacles

WRS.

or candlesticks, op.

col.

cit.

493;

for

WRS.

Rel. Sent. p. 208).

sacrificial

fat,

on the tops

that they might have served as altars

pp. 488/.).

Jachin

means "he

will es-

tablish," "the Stablisher," an appropriate name for Yahweh.

The meaning of Boaz is not so clear. It is usually rendered

"

In him
Yahweh.

is

strength," which would be a suitable appellation of

15. nsxni] and the plated capital

anteed by the Aram. npds.

K.

air,
7"=

see

BDB.

has niPD.

Its

16.

use

1013]

is

guarin the

from i K. 62' (Ba.), but more likely a corruption

of T3-I (with prep.) necklace Gn. 41" Ez. 16". &, A, construed the chains
as fifty cubits in length, extending thus from the most holy place through
oracle, possibly a gloss

,.Q

CHRONICLES

17. rpa] perthe holy place (forty cubits) and the porch (ten cubits).
"
Baal of strength, " and then since Baal had
haps originally ly'^i'a
become opprobrious as a name of Yahweh, the author of i K. made
this contraction (Klo.).

IV-V.

The Furniture

I.

The

I.

This

of the Temple.
bronze is not given

among the furTemple described in i K., although mentioned in

K. i6'^''-; and an altar which Solomon built is also menaltar.

altar of

niture of the
I

K.

8^ 2

tioned

K. 9".

According to We. (Prol. p. 44, n. i) and Bn. {Kom. on i and 2 K. p.

EBi. IV. col. 4937) a description of the altar stood in the original

47,

I K. and thus supplied the Chronicler with his information, but

was struck out of i K. by an editor (R'') on the theory that the
brazen altar of the Tabernacle had been preserved and was set up in
But in that case some trace of the missing
the court of the Temple.
passage would be expected in the (&^ text of i K., but there is none

text of
later

(Bur. p. 102). The failure of the altar to appear among the furniture
has been also explained on the ground that the two pillars as receptacles
But this is very
for the sacrificial fat served for altars {v. s. 3'" WRS.).

improbable. More likely Solomon used the bare rock for his sacrifice
the great rock es Sakhra now under the dome of the Mosque of Omar,

which

is

believed to have stood in front of the

Temple and has every

The
indication of having been an altar {DB. IV. p. 696) (Sk. i K. 8").
reference then to the brazen altar in i K. 8" may be a late addition, and
the earliest reliable mention would be in the story of Ahaz, 2 K.

(GAS. J. pp. 64

The

/.).

brazen altar of Ahaz

if

question remains, however,

how came

i6'<

the

not built by Solomon.

In form, accepting the measurements of the Chronicler, the altar

was probably like that of Ezekiel's Temple (43'^-"), i.e., a series of
terraces culminating in a

broad plateau or

would have been twenty by twenty

cubits.

by Hecataeus

22) are

(in Jos.

Apion,

I.

table.
If the

The

base then

dimensions given

correct, the Chronicler

doubtless took his figures from the altar of Zerubbabel's Temple,

The latter was made of unhewn
i.e., the Temple of his day.
stone.

2-6.

The brazen sea and the

lavers.

The description

of the

taken directly from i K. 7"". This was a huge cylindrical or

hemispherical tank resting on the backs of twelve oxen facing outsea

is

ward, three each toward the four cardinal points of the compass.

FURNITURE OF THE TEMPLE

IV. 1-V. 1.]

231

The tank stood in the southeast angle of the court. 2. Molten sea\
The casting of such an immense article of metalwork in one piece
has been questioned; and

was wooden and,

has even been suggested that the tank

it

since the ancients

plated with bronze (Bn. EBi. IV.

hammered work,
The name sea, ac-

preferred

col.

4340).

cording to Josephus, was given from its size {Ant. viii. 3, 5),
but it may also be connected with the symbolical character of
the basin.

numbers
in

ft.)

Ten

cubits from

brim

to

was
ornamentation was

knops, cast

when

uncertain.

5.

it

cast^].

round about

it

{ten in a cubit?)

In two rows were

Whether

the gourd-like

this encircling garland-

of the fruit or the flowers of the

This verse

in (&^^ of

the natural order.

Three thousand

gourd

K., lacking, however,

the statement of the capacity of the tank, precedes v.

is

The

gourd-like knops encompassing

encircling the sea round about.

like

in diameter.

i.e.,

diameter would give a circumference of 31.4159 cubits

And under its brim were
3.
(51.66 ft.).

instead of 30 cubits

is

brim]

of this verse are only approximate, since 10 cubits (17.22

baths],

K.

7^^

*.

This

"two thou-

Both estimates appear too large, since at the

reckoning a bath at 65 pints {DB. IV. p. 912) or
at 64.04 pints {EBi. IV. col. 5997), the capacity would have been
16,250 or 16,010 gallons, but the dimensions 10 cubits in diam-

sand baths."

sm-aller figure,

30 in circumference, and 5 in depth in a cylinder give only

10,798 gallons (figuring with the long cubit, 20.67 '^^-i we obtain
about 15,000 cubits), and if a hemisphere 6,376 gallons {EBi. IV.
eter,

col.

4340).

these figures.

and

The

6.

true capacity

The

full

also their size, given in

To wash in them].

This

was probably somewhere between

description of the bases of the ten lavers

i K. 727-39^ js omitted
by the Chronicler.
is

the Chronicler's interpretation of the

use both of the sea and the lavers.

But they were

ill

adapted for

the purpose of cleansing, especially the sea, unless it was a receptacle from which water was drawn, although it received this mean-

ing in the furniture of the tabernacle (Ex. 3o>8-"). Both the sea
and the lavers probably had a symbolical meaning (an interpretation

now

flood

generally adopted). The sea represented the waters or the

upon which Yahweh as the God of rain was enthroned (Ps.

29'"), or the

primeval flood or deep over which his creative power

CHRONICLES

332
was manifested

{cf.

Gn.

i^

The

Ps. 24^ 93^).

wheels and decorations of cherubim

(i

ately might then symbolise the clouds

lavers with their

K.

729 tt.) y\o\. inapproprithe cherubim of Ezekiel

{cf.

storm upon which Yahweh rode (Ps. 18" *"")).

The bulls probably also were symbols of deity; cf. the calf of the
wilderness (Ex. 32'=) and those set up at Bethel and Dan (i K.

and cherub

of the

12"'-).
2.

'^n] 2

K.

723 1;'.

3.

mm]

in

wanting

K.

7=^.

o^'ipa]

The

oxen;

B have

laiops {gourds), the true reading although (6 and

change to oxen was made by some ignorant copyist

D''i'pDi,

oxen were here mentioned.

meaning.

3^3D-]

K. and

in

wanting

K.

iS]

(S.

K.

who thought the

needed for clearness of

i.now'S,

ncNa

that of ^.

'\Z'y\ ten

in a cubit (Be.,

grammatically inadmissible. The phrase means for ten

cubits (U, ^, ), which is meaningless, since the gourds ran around the
tank for thirty cubits, hence probably a gloss in i K. by some one who

RVm.),

is

mistook the diameter for the circumference

Bur.)-

3"JD a^n DN 'D^pc]

is

(St.

SBOT.,

in (&^ of

wanting

so essentially

K., and

be

may

re-

garded there as a gloss (Bn.). 0''jc] i K. "'J-'. ip^'i] i K. D''j?pfln.

To fit the oxen misread for knops (gourds) in this verse with the following
verse 05'' has S^o y^vrj ^xt6j'ei;<rai' roiis fibffx^^^ ^f '''V X'^^^"'^'' o-^t^v m>
dddeKa fj.6<rxovs. (B^ agrees with ll|. 5. DV"i3 pnriD
ri eiroiij(Tav avroiis

S'Di d-'dSn rt'"'-']

P'inn, is

due

K.

7=5

f.

q^dSs.

Sioi

to a glossator familiar with

^ferAeo'ex',

i.e.,

K.

in Ch., superfluous after

(Be., Oe., Ki.), or simple

Bn. would strike out either

pleonasm (Ke., Zoe.).

Ktti

r\2

'^i3''

or h^D\

p''rna

(S

has

Sdm.

The

candlesticks, tables,
(lampstands) are not mentioned in

and basins.
i

The candlesticks

K. among the regular

furni-

Temple, but only incidentally in the summary of golden

K. 7"), a passage recognised as of late origin (St. SBOT.,

ture of the
articles (i

They do not appear

Bur.).

and thus

their

also

among

the spoil of 2 K.

in the parallel Je. 52 "is

appearance

25'3-i7,

a gloss. Hence,

ten candlesticks, though regarded as historic by Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.,

Ba.,

et al.,

less,

was

are probably an imaginary product.

in the

Temple

(cf.

(cf.

the vision of Zechariah

On

the other

hand

it

is

for the tradition of ten

light,

doubt-

very likely
second Temple and the tabernacle

sibly not unlike that of the

omission from the earliest

Some

one lampstand, pos-

S. 3'),

c.

list

4,

of

urged:

Ex. 25^'=), but

if

furniture

is

Temple

elaborate

its

singular.

"There must have been some ground

lampstands.

Probably these did

e.xist

but

IV. 1-V.

FURNITURE OF THE TEMPLE

1.]

333

brazen, not golden ones, in Solomon's Temple, or they were added soon
must have been some way of lighting the interior of the

after, for there

They would be kept burning day and

house.

house lamps

night, as

in

the East are at the present day.

They might have been put on pedestals
but most likely they were set on the ten tables
the Eastern fashion
"

about which we read

them]

K.

i.e.,

7*'

K. 7^^

According

n.y

jfi iiie te?nple]

they were

in the

room,

down

its sides.

concerning
(cf. Ex.

if

(^^TI), the holy place; according to

Their exact position

before the most holy place.

there,

8.

cannot be determined; probably they extended

Since elsewhere only one table is
tables].

Ten

mentioned for the shew-bread

7^),

to the prescription

p. 701).

the prescription in reference to their structure

2^31-37 ^yi7
I

-"

Cy. V.

7.

(W. T. Davies, DB. IV.

Ch. 4^

in 2

likewise alsoinEzekiel's

in the

Temple (13"

Temple (41"

f-

29> i

altar=table),

K.

and

6^"

since

the position of these tables was the same as that of the ten candlesticks (v. '), these ten tables have been held to have been for the

In the mind
support of the ten candlesticks (Be., Zoe.,Bn., EBi.).
of the writer, however, they were doubtless for the shew-bread and
''
i Ch.
lampstands {cf. v.
28').
(Ke. held for the shew-bread; Oe. uncertain, perhaps
A hundred basins of gold],
for both; Ba. not for the shew-bread.).

in reality

an exaggeration

like the ten

not mentioned in

K. except generally (i K. y^"); their use is unand sprinkling the sacrificial

probably for receiving

certain,

blood (Be., Ba.) or for pouring libations (cf. Am. 6) (Ke., Zoe., Oe.).
These are described according
9. The courts of the Temple.

to the

arrangement

at the

influence of Ezekiel, there

of the priests

time of the Chronicler, when, under the

was an inner court restricted for the use

and an outer one

for the people.

The

inner court men-

Temple, while the great

outer court (i K. 7 '2) was the court extending around all of Solomon's buildings (cf. GAS. /. ii. p. 256). The term here used for
tioned in

K.

6^6 712 is

the court of the

the great outer court (nlTy) occurs only in

The doors
10-18.

are not mentioned in

The
Taken

and

Ch. and Ez.

K.

position of the brazen sea and the works of

directly from i K. j^^^-tT, which explains the awk-

Hiram.
ward introduction here of
the sea.
11. The pots],

the statement respecting the place of

boiUng flesh, an ancient way of

for

334
sacrificial

preparing

food

CHRONICLES
(c/.

S.

2'").

Basins],

Shovels]

utensils for

used for catching the

(Ex. 27').
cleaning
12. The two
the
altar
it
and
blood
((/. v. ).
throwing
against
the
The
two
howls
of
capitals which were
Cf. 3'^-".
the

altar

pillars].

on the

The

pillars'^].

tops of the pillars were either open and

The absence of the mention

cup-like, or ball-like and closed.
here of any additional lilywork favours its rejection {cf. view of

13.

And the four hundred pomegranates, etc.]. Cf.

14.
C/.v..15. C/.v.^16. Cf v. 'K The flesh
noteson3'^
forks {v. i.).
17. In the plain of the
sacrificial
hooks] (RV.) i.e.,
Bur.

3'^).

The

Zeredah].

"Zarethan"

lent of

near the city

of

Adam

the text of

(Jos.

3'^).

K.

This

(7^^),

is

also

mentioned as

probably the mod. ed

bank of the Jordan, twenty-four miles from

Succoth on the east bank is usually identified with Tell

Damieh on
its

Succoth and
the oval (valley) of the Jordan.
latter of these names is the Chronicler's equiva-

in

lit.

Jordan],

the west

mouth.

Deir 'Alia, about one mile north of the Jabbok (GAS. HGHL.
Instead of in the clay ground, etc., the passage probably
p. 585).

in

K. originally read,

at the

ford of Adamah,

etc.

(v. i.).

10. 7 MSB., (&, I K. 739 after in^:: have n^an, which may be supplied
here (Bn.).
Retaining the present text of Ch. n'':D^n is an example of an
R. 5). n2Jj] i K. 3jj. 11.
adj. used nominally (Dav. Syn. 32,
mini and 2]. Since this same man is mentioned in v. " and 2'-, Ki. reads

ON

(SBOT.), yet probably the Chronicler followed the text of

Text of Ch. is the original (so
K. 7^" nnon.
i
Th., St., Klo., Kamp., Bn., Ki., Bur., on i K. 710). a^nSxn ^^22]
12. nnnani mSjni] i K. 7^' mPDn nSji without doubt the
I K. nini n^a.
true reading (adopted by Be., Kau., Bn., Ki. Kom., BH.). ^ Kal
13. 'iJi DIDd'^] in i K.
iir'avTwv 7ajXd^ ry x'^^apf^^^ follows
o-\in

K.

nn'On]

there as a dittography from previous verse {SBOT.

7^2^ but to be omitted
of K., Ki. BH. of K.); the Chronicler reproduced the error of K.

'^
S;, (B^, or anic^n k'ni Sj?, as in v.
Sy]
(Bn., Ki., Bur.), but the Chronicler probably found the error already
in I K.
14. nafj? and =] i K. 7" itJ'j! and ma^y the true reading, and the

>JD

in

K. should be

ten bases

'

and

the ten lavers

15. nns] upon

DM nnn. 16. nuSran]

Ba., Bn., Ki.).

I

K.

':'^'

art. to

the bases (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau.,

in i K. 7".
vnnn]
Ex. 27^ 38' Nu. 4'^
reading of K. is preferred by

be supplied as

sacrificial forks,

cf.

"
K. 7" nipitD bowls." The
Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki., while Bn. rightly considers that of Ch. (retained by
Kau.) the more original, since basins have already been mentioned in
I

Ch. 28"

t> I

IV. 1-V.

FURNITURE OF THE TEMPLE

1.]

335

K. 7". ani^D

So PNi] I K. iw'S Shnh o^'^^n hj nxi, Qr. nSsn instead

which latter gives the true reading (see Bur.)- Be., Ke., Oe.,
in Ch.
Kau., Bn., Ki., adprefer nS^n diSd.i '73 pni as the true reading
I

of Shnh,

here to the present text as the Chronicler's reconstruction of the corrupt

text of

K.

This

latter is quite likely.

the trusted counsellor oj

Koe.

cf.

Oy'^]

iii.

K.

pp. 256/.

v.

King Solomon;

on

pnc] a word appearing

each iv

(6 in

7^^ n3>'C3.

V3N Q-\in] Huram,

and on construction
NH.; i K. oidd. 17.

rm'^Zf i'?d'?

s.

tGj wdxet,

2"^,

in

in terra argillosa, hence

RV. in the clay ground. Be. thought of the hardened earth prepared to
receive the molten metal, the clay moulds, a rendering followed by Oe.,
Kau., Ki., but Moore on Ju. y-^ followed by BDB., Bn., emends to
nsis m3j?C3 at the crossing of Adamah, regarding Adamah as identical
with DIN Jos. 3'^ which is there said to be near jms. nn-nx] i K. j.-ni".^

18. c;n] (the original according to Bn.)

iws:;]

repeated in

K.

wanting

''3]

in

K.
K.

i
i

7^7

nri.

3iS]

K.

2-\^.

Its introduction gives

In K. the meaning is that the

vessels were too numerous to be weighed, in Ch. that the number was
slightly different force to the sentence.

very great because no regard was had to the

used.

The

19-22.
I

K.

present text of

K.

is

amount

(weight) of brass

harsh and probably not the original.

The golden furniture

of the Temple.

Taken from

7^8-^".

This passage

in

nal account of the

K. has been regarded as a

Temple

late addition to the origi-

furniture, for the following reasons:

(i)

the

improbability of such lavish expenditure on articles like hinges, etc.;

evidence
(2) the mention of a golden altar of which there is no historical

a discrepancy between the reference to the cedar

in i K. 6-" and the reference in i K. 7" to the
table of gold; and also all the articles mentioned should naturally have
been given along with the cherubim and table (altar) of cedar, in c. 6;
the brazen furniture
(4) the mere enumeration of the articles, when
in pre-exilic times;
altar for the

is

The
I

Ch.

(3)

shew-bread

same

so elaborately described, points in the

Chronicler has tables

28'

(v. )

and probably with

v.',

direction (Bn., Sk.).

instead of sing, to conform with

of the two rooms

and the doors

For
are of gold (v.") instead of the hinges (i K. 75) (but v. i.).
of
the
the
has
omitted
the
Chronicler
golden
position
brevity, also,
candlesticks (v.

This appears
30'^), but

compared with

K.

7<').

19.

The golden

altar].

later in the altar of incense of the tabernacle (Ex.

it is

had no place

2"

in

lacking in the

Temple

of Ezekiel,

Solomon's Temple (DB.

II. p. 467).

and

Theprobably
tables],

336
in

K.

with

V.

7*

CHRONICLES

"the table."

The

v.20. And

the candlesticks] the

q.

According

Chronicler has plurahsed to conform

to the prescript io7i].

to their form, but their use.

ornaments
22.

The

of the stands

Cf. v.

21.

'.

And

lampstands

The

on which the lamps rested

And

is

not

the flowers] the flower-hke

Ex. 25").

(cf.

lamps and

snuffers, etc.] the utensils for the care of the

of the golden altar of incense.

v. ).

(r/.

reference here

the hinges of the temple of the

inner doors of the most holy place and of the doors of the temple, that
This is the true
is the temple room (the holy place), were of gold'^].

reading (v. i.). The corrupt text makes the entire doors plated
with gold. According to i K. 6^' ' the doors were of olive wood,
overlaid with gold.

The original

19.

all the vessels

SBOT.

has

of

K.

7'^

may have been and Solomon placed (njM)

{p~''j) in the house of Yahweh (Bn.).

which he had made

still

a different text; but our present

te.xt

the Chronicler. 3vn^N-i] i K. nin\ 3n>Syi pun^rn pni]

v^;. At the end of the verse i K. hasanr. 20. After

of
i

K.

K. was before
1w>n \rh-c'n pni

nnjcn hni

K. 7"

lacks asrso DijJjS Dn\-nji.

ha.sjive on the right hand and five on tlie left and
21. 2n; n^3-3 Nin] probably a
3n;?3S] in order that they should burn.
22. i K. 7" has
also (B. ni'^32 av.
gloss, since wanting in i K. 7'^ and

"
niaoni,

the cups," before

rnsrcni.

mnSiS mnoni.

Hence read

n'jDn r\^2n

rir::'jon vnir'^T

^v^ viSiSi

nn

ron

'S-i^

nnsi]

K.

n'3n nnDi as

Ke. dethe most probable original of Ch. (Be., Zoe., Oe., Ki., Bn.).
fends n.^D and as regards the opening (door) of the house its door leaves,
followed essentially by Kau., RV.
Accepting
thought of the entire doors as plated with gold.

etc.,

this,

the Chronicler

A
of the Temple.
his
had
David
The tilings that
dedicated].
father
copy of I K. 7*'.
Although this statement is in i K. 7^', the books of i and 2 S. and
I and 2 K. contain no record of such dedication by David beforeV.

hand

The completion of the furnishing

1.

1.

of utensils directly

made with

therefore, been thought that the

the

word

Temple

in view.

It has,

vessels (utensils) might, after

its common meaning, include weapons and thus the spoil of war
which David did dedicate to Yahweh {cf i Ch. i8' 2 S. S'^ )

(Sk.).

V.
after

1. nrr] eleven Mss.,

i

K., (6^^, &, U, pn.

wanting

in

K.

7^1

I'^cn. n^a"^]

K.

n\n.

The waw has been drawn from

eighteen MSS., 0^^, #,

K. (Ki. BH.\.

pnm] read

V3N.

Sa]

REMOVAL OF ARK INTO THE TEMPLE

V. 2-14.]

337

V. 2- VII. 10. The Dedication of the lemple.

V. 2-14. The bringing of the ark. A copy of i K.

addition of a notice of the priests

the

musical service (vv.

jn

iib-i3a)_

K.

8'-" with

and the Levites and

this section represents

their

an old

2. Tlien] i.e.,
narrative revised especially by a priesdy editor.
Even all
after the completion of the Temple and all its furniture.

the heads of the tribes, the princes of the fathers' houses] a true
of the elders. Zion].
Cf i Ch. 15'.3. At the Feast]

description

the Feast of Tabernacles, the harvest festival at the close of the

In the seventh month]. Nothing in

ingathering of fruit crops.
In i K.
the narrative of the Chronicler is at variance with this.

must be reconciled with the statement that the Temple was

The building may have
finished in the eighth month (i K. 6=^).
it

been finished earlier than the utensils; hence the dedication

have been in the next year

According to

the ark].
priests
66^3.6

to

took up the ark.

12

K.

This

8^,

4.

the

reflects

And

may

the Levites took

up

Chronicler's source, the

the older usage {cf Jos.

The

8'' (JE.).

bring the

(Sk.).

action

Chronicler changed priests into Levites

into conformity with the regulation of P

which assigned the duty of bearing the ark to the Levites (Nu.
3" 4'5); yet in v. he allowed the double expression, the priests
^

the Levites, to stand, possibly because certain utensils

have been borne by the

priests,

and

in v.' the

might well

word

priests

was properly retained (from 2 K. 8^), since when the Temple

was reached only the priests could lawfully place the ark in
5. The tent of meeting and
the holy of holies (cf. Nu. 4^ ^).
all the holy utensils that were in the tent], the Mosaic taber-

nacle and

was

at

all

its

Gibeon

(2

furniture,

Ch.

i^ f);

which, according to the Chronicler,

David erected for the ark

or the tent

6" I Ch. 15') (Be.). The former was without question

in the mind of the priestly editor of i K. who inserted this refThe term
erence, and also this was the view of the Chronicler.
(2 S.

only used of the tabernacle. 6. Sacrificing

when
Cf. the numerous sacrifices by stages
before the ark].
David brought up the ark (2 S. 6'3).7. Cf. v.^8. The exact

tent of

meeting

is

is carefully defined.
position of the ark under the cherubim
9. And the staves were long so that the ends of the staves were seen

22

CHRONICLES

^^8

the holy placed before the oracle].

place could see in the darkness of the

from

One

standing in the holy

most holy place the prowhich

ark
was carried. But they
of
the
staves
the
ends
by
jecting
were not seen without]. But one outside of the holy place could not

So generally; t'. i. Thisisbetter than the interpretation:

"But did not extend beyond the door" (Sk.). And thete they are*
unto this day]. The retention of this clause from i K. 8 is an exsee them.

ample

of the Chronicler's

unconcern

at

times to harmonise his text

with actual conditions, since the ark and

since destroyed.

10.

Now

there

its

staves

was nothing in

had been long

the ark except

The form of expression implies that other things

A late
besides the two tables might have been expected in the ark.
of
manna
and
ark
a
within
the
tradition
golden
pot
placed
Jewish
modern view is that the ark contained
Aaron's rod (Heb. 9*).

the two tables].

one or two sacred stones

TKC.

EBi.

I.

Gesch.

(St.

col. 307),

I.

pp. 457/.;

"a fetish"

in

Now. Arch.

II.

which Yahweh dwelt

pp. 5/.;
(Sm. Hist. p. 71). But if ISIoses gave laws to Israel and brought
the people into covenant relation to Yahweh, then two stone tablets

containing the ten words are reasonably the historic contents of the
ark {DB. I. p. 151). Horeb] the mount of Yahweh's revelation

in the wilderness, in

came

to

P.

11. And

it

followed by D, while Sinai in J followed by

pass

when

place].

This statement from

of

that then the house

v.'^'',

Yahweh
vening

(i

\-\'.

priests (i)

vice

clusion of
'2-'3a)_

(S'"")

had come ont of the holy

in the words

and continued

was filed with a cloud, even the house of

interrupted by the Chronicler with the interxhe Chronicler expands the allusion to the

8^"^), is

nb.i3a_

by mentioning how

and not simply those

have fallen

(vv.

K.

the priests

K.

to

all

the priests took part in the serin course the service might

whom

by describing the musical service at the conwhich the house was filled with the cloud of Yahweh
(v. '"'); (2)

Now

all the priests

who were

at

hand had

sanctified

themselves without keeping (their) courses].

Ordinarily the priests
served in turn in twenty-four divisions (i Ch. 24'^), but on this oc-

casion

custom
/.).

all officiated

without reference to their turn.

at the three great

12.

annual

And the Levites, who

manner with

the priests,

all

This was the

festivals (Schiir. Gesch. pp.

were singers

all

of them].

the Levitical singers,

279

In a similar

who

ordinarily

REMOVAL OF ARK INTO THE TEMPLE

V. 2-14.]

served in turn in twenty-four courses

dedication.

Asaph,

(i

Ch.

339

took part in the

the leaders or the

253-3'),

Heman, and JudutJnm]

representatives of the three Levitical choirs

(cf. 1

Ch.

6'^^-

"')

15" 25'-"). With cymbals, psalteries, and Jiarps], Cf. i Ch. i5'.
A hundred and twenty priests sounding with the trmnpets]. The

blowing of the trumpets was a duty of the priests. The hazozerah

the priestly instrument par excellence (DB. iv. p. 816).
The
one hundred and twenty represent five taken from each of the

was

twenty-four divisions. 13 f. And it came to pass when, as one

person, even the trumpeters and the singers were causing one sound to
he heard to praise and to give thanks unto Yahweh, and when
they

and with cymbals and with the instruments of song and when they praised Yahweh, saying. For he is
good; for his loving kindness endureth forever : then the house was
raised a sound with trumpets

full of the cloud, the house of

the appearance

Yahweh].

The

Chronicler introduces

the cloud coincident with a great burst of

music and praise, while the simpler narrative of i K. presents
more clearly the thought that, when the ark had been placed in
of

the holy of holies, the cloud filled the holy place, as visible token
that Yahweh had taken up his abode in the new Temple.
2. h>r\^)]
r\G^-^ ihizn

K.

wanting

S'

in

'^rr'. After

of

Sn and before

K. and hence a

gloss.

D'^Stim^

3.

K.

K. has

8^

has

nc'^^'

and D'jnNn nno before Jn3 omitted by the Chronicler because in his day the old Canaanite names of the months had
long
since been dropped and numbers were used in their place.
That is the
seventh month is an addition to the original text of K. {SBOT., Bur.).
Kau. holds the text of K. the true one for Ch. Certainly the retention of
ihat is the seventh month is awkward without the retention of Ethanim,
but such awkwardness of the Chronicler is not unknown elsewhere
4. dmS.i] 1 K. 8^ n^jn^n.
5. jn.sn]
{cf. I Ch. i4< "in Jerusalem ").
I K. 84 + nin\ iSyn] i K. iSy^.
DM':'n] i K. ^I'-.n also (&, 15, S>. The
omission of the
is perhaps due to a copyist (Ke., Zoe., Bn., Ki.).
(a gloss) after "l^nn;

Since

iSy.n is in

K.

wanting in ^^^), was introduced

K. from Ch. (Bn., Ki.). Yet dmSh D''jn3n appears also in 23' s
and it is doubtful whether the Chronicler and his readers

8^ (St.

into

30";

Ch.,

it is

SBOT., from

probable that

v. ^^,

recognised as a gloss in

R.^, Bur., since

through their familiarity with Deuteronomy laid any stress upon precision of statement in the use of the phrase the priests the Levites ; the
classes were perfectly distinct in their own mind, as much so as if
the conjunction and had been used between them.
6. vSy] i K. 8^ -f-

two

CHRONICLES

340
1PK.

7.

D^jnan]

8. 'di vnn]

v.

cf.

K.

Here the Chronicler

i K. iid^i.

the latter as the original after

former as the original

in i

Ch.

verb (Trom. Concord.).

28'8

Ex. 2520

K. on the basis of

uncertain, since TreptKaXi/n-Tw

is

retains

8' 'on '3. iddm]

is

the

priests.

Be., Ke., preferred

but Bn. regards the

379,

05 irfpieKdXvirTov.

This

not used elsewhere to render either

9. jnxn jc] copyist error; yet possibly an

though clumsy, change of the Chronicler, who did not wish to
of the ark as visible from the holy place, cf. 3".
It is generally

intentional,
think,

i K. 8^, (S^ and some Heb. MSS. znpn p (Be., Ke., Zoe., Ki.,
Other emendations: oipn Klo., Dipnn Kamp. (B^ combines
both readings.
''Hm] copyist error for vnn, the text of i K. and OS
K. nn + or.
(Be., Ki.).^10. rm'^n] i K. 8' a>j3Nn nm':'.
j.-'j] i
After ain both here and in i K., Bn. and Ki., following (^ in K., supply
iT'ian Pin'?; but while without them the construction is awkward, it

read after
Bn.).

does not seem necessary to supply them (Bur.).

'IJ1

ms

Dnxo

owing

ns'N,

y^nr::.

11.

of the priests.
12. an'nvs'?!
.

to the lack of connection, as

SBOT. on K.
a gloss.

regards

a>"<S':::] i

K.

here introduces an explanatory clause descriptive

mae''? pN] Ges. 114&; Dav. Syn. 94, 95 {h).
^d]

aSs'^]

S of specification,

even.

.^njoi]

governed by

preposition with previous word, cf. Ges. iighh; Dav. Syn. loi.
13. ^n^'i] properly a resumption of
D''"c>] to be taken as the predicate.
iH'i in

to

V. ".

onsxnnS] and
yrrmS] Ges.

1141.

SSnn] appear correlative with

ni.T'

with following word, of specification

^,

wit or even.

filled, cf.

Dr.

TH.

128,

K.

S'"

Ki. after (&^ reads

n>3 PN.

onn^
S of
nSd r>3ni]purpose.the house
^hn*-']

the7t

y^cJi'n'?.

ri}7\->

and
was

with sam.e construction, n'^o ]y;^^

1133 ]iy nSo non.
Be., Kau., re-

gard mn^ -'2 as a gloss, explanatory of n''2n and introduced from K.

Bn., on the other hand, regards the text of Ch. as a correction from K.
14. D''n'7.N-i] i K. S" nin\
of one who held n'?3 to be intransitive.

VI. 1-42. Solomon's address to the people and dedica" ^1 <) with almost no variation

Taken (save vv.

tory prayer.
from I K. 8'=-5i"'. In the addition in
the statement that

some
In yv.

v.

'^

is

given an interpretation of

before the altar (v.

'-)

was lawful only for the priests to stand).

shows that he did not really stand before the

properly
tation

Solomon stood

sort of a
^' '

(before which

The

it

altar,

interpre-

but upon

brazen improvised pulpit not mentioned elsewhere.

new and by far more

prayer, taking the place of

are also omitted).

beautiful conclusion

is

given to the

K. 8" (v." and portions of

\^'.

^''^

"

1-3. Introduction. 1. Yahweh hath promised to dicell in thick

darkness (cloud)] either a reference to the cloud which had filled

SOLOMON'S ADDRESS

VI. 1-11.]

the

Temple

newly

built

line (y. i.)

indicating that

34I

Yahweh had taken up

his

abode

in the

Temple (Be.); or to be understood through the missing

The sun hath Yahweh set in the heavens. The passage

then means that Yahweh, instead of confining himself to the realms

of light, or in contrast to the realms of light, which are subordinate

darkness or cloud, and hence says

him a Temple whose dark inner shrine may

to him, dwells in the thick

I

Solomon,

have

built

This antithesis arises

2. Biit\
serve as his dwelling-place.
from the Chronicler's change of the text {y. i.). The change is unfitly

fortunate.

It

emphasises Solomon's building of the Temple inTemple had been built agreeably to the

stead of the fact that the

nature of God, which seems to be the meaning of i K. S^\ which

reads / have surely built thee a lofty mansion. And] wanting in

The writer
i.). 3. And
with
his face
words
uttered
by Solomon,
thought of the previous
to
the
assembled
back
toward the Temple and his
people, whom
I

he

K.

the king turned his face about].

(v.

now

In

blessed and addressed.

ginning of the
prayer of

Deuteronomic

K. these words mark the be-

section,

embracing the speech and

Solomon.

These w. " appear in C5 of i K. after 8"-" with the following

additional words D^na'3 pDn cvy, which furnish the additional Hne
K. as original by We., Ki.,
(v. s.) which is incorporated into the text of i
Bn., Bur., Sk., et al, but M. is adhered to as the original by St. SBOT.
was the text of the Chronicler. 2.
except -\cxn instead of isn.
poci] I K. |i33.
'jNi] I K. 8'3 nj3.
1.

A statement of the
4-11. Solomon's address to the people.
reasons which led to the building of the Temple, based largely
upon 2 S. 75 ^^ 4. And hath with his hands fulfilled it]. Yahweh

had promised the building

mon

fulfilled this

duced.
ever,

is

of the

Temple and had through SoloThe promise is now intro-

promise. Saying].

5. Cf. for the first part 2 S. 7

different here.

Ch.

There the thought

17^.
is

The turn, howYahweh had

that

only dwelt in tents and did not, therefore, care for a "house of
cedar"; here, that hitherto no place had been chosen nor yet
That my name might be there].
person to carry out his design.

Where Yahweh dwelt

divine nature

there

and almost

if

was

his

name, a term expressive

not quite equivalent to person,

of the
cf.

Dt.

CHRONICLES

342

12'- "

" 262.
6. Under David both the place and the
i4 i6'7. David cherished the design of building
d}'nasty were chosen.

the Temple, but

7" I Ch. i7'2.

the covenant (cf.
S.

4. VT-Ji]
I

7'- i

Ch. 17').

covcTtant]

9. CJ. 2
the tables of

i.e.,

5'").

K.

K. anxDD,

was overruled (2 S.
Wherein is the

it

11.

8'5 niai.

5"*.

cf.

'ji

5.

mna

K.

inj:] i
n'^i]

i8i

wanting

in

pn.

S{<-\!i'>
i

K.

6.

onxn yiNc]
ott'

inaNi]

wanting in i K. and (S^ of Ch., but given in 05^ of K., which is followed by Kau., Ki., Bn., but not by St. SB0T.9. "2] i K. 8" dn -2.
Snii:" >:2 cv] i K. iNixna ij>n3!< d;;
11. jnNH nx] I K. 8=' ]nN'7 oipD.

Qi^xD y^KD onu.

12-42. Solomon's prayer of dedication.

12-13. The position of Solomon. 12. Before the altar] the
And he stretched forth
great altar which was in the court (cf. 4').

his

universal

hands] the

This verse

is

attitude

from the Chronicler.

of prayer

The

(Ex.
narrative of

9"- ").
i

13.

K. does not

mention any structure upon which Solomon knelt, nor yet his
kneeling posture. The notion of the structure may have arisen

from the desire

to

remove Solomon from before the

altar as a place

This view

sacred for the priests (We. Prol. p. 186, Bn.).

jected by Oe.

is re-

Prayer for keeping the promise to David. Acknowledged as relatively fulfilled in Solomon and the Temple
14-17.

but a larger fulfilment is desired (v."). 14. The incornparableness of Yahweh as a covenant God is described, cf. Dt. 3"
(v. '5),

That walk
15.
enant
kept.

before thee with all their heart].

7'.

As it is

With such the cov-

Solomon, David's promised

son, was reigning and the Temple, the promised house, had been
built (2 S. 7'2 f- I Ch. 17" '). 16. There shall not be cut off, etc.].
is

C/. 7'8
is

K.

2< Je. ;^^''K

this day].

The

conditional character of this promise

worthy of notice.
18-21. Prayer for answers at this house.

Expressing in
general terms the burden of all the following seven specific petitions
which are that Yahweh will hear (i) the oath of ordeal (v\'. " '), (2)
"
prayer under defeat (vv. '), (3) prayer for rain (w.^s f), (4) prayer
under various calamities (vv. ^s-ai), (5) the prayer of the stranger

(w.

32

f), (6) the

prayer of the army (w.

'

'),

(7) prayer in cap-

PRAYER OF DEDICATION

VI. 12-42.]

tivity

(w.

s6-39)_

18,

With menl an addition

34^
of the Chronicler;

a possible softening of the cruder conception of mere dwelling

on earth with the thought of spiritual communion. 20. Yahweh

conceived as being away from the Temple to which he is

asked to look day and night, and yet his name dwells in the Tem21. When thou hearest, forple. He is both present and absent.
is

give].

Every answer

to prayer includes the forgiveness of sin (Sk.).

22 f. The oath of ordeal. When one is charged with crime

and made to affirm his innocence by taking an oath of curse, or
having one invoked upon him by the priest, Yahweh is asked to
decide, by fulfilling the curse if he is guilty, or leaving him unharmed if innocent (cf. Ex. 22'-2 Nu. 5"").
24 f Prayer in defeat. If the people are defeated in war Yahweh is asked in view of their supplication to forgive them and estabThe phrase and bring them again into the
lish them in their land.

land has been thought inconsistent with prayer iri this house, and
hence the text by slight emendation has been made to read and
cause them

to

remain in the land (Klo., Bn.).

Such a

essary.

But

this is not nec-

slight inconsistency does not affect the clear mean-

ing of the petition. And if thy people Israel be smitten down

That debefore the enemy, because they have sinned against thee].
feat in battle

was evidence of Yahweh's displeasure caused by

him is frequently taught in the OT. (cf. Jos.

previous sin against

*

71

Ch.

2i'2).

Beginning with the

righteous to prosper
(cf.

Ex. 2320 s

belief that

God

caused the

and brought misfortune upon the wicked

Lv. 26, Dt. 28), the ancient

Hebrew

also inverted

the doctrine, beUeving that prosperity proved previous righteousThus a natural catastrophe not
ness and adversity antecedent sin.

only resulted in the destruction of a man's property, but ruined his

reputation as well.
26 f. Prayer in drought.

Cf Dt.

1 1 '^-i? 28^*.

terpreted as a divine punishment for sin, v.

Which thou

hast given to thy people for

which thou gavest

to

them and

s.

an

w.

Drought was

^*

',

cf. i

inheritance].

to their fathers,

and

in-

K. 17/.

v.

Cf. v.

^^

" which

thou gavest unto our fathers. The land was considered a sacred
inheritance of his seed after him,
gift to Abraham, and a holy
cf.

Gn.

\2'> et al.

344

CHRONICLES

28-31. Prayer in various calamities.

28.

This covers every case

{cf.
Caterpillar] "consumer" (EVs.),
kind
of
locust
In the land of their gates] i.e.,
a
(cf. Jo. i-").
properly
The gates were considered sacred, which perhaps accounts
cities.

misfortune

of

v. ").

for the use of "gates" for "cities"

29.
1645).

sorrow]

Who

(cf.

Dt. i2'2

e/ al., v.

EBi.

II. col.

every man his own plague and his own

Yahweh hearken unto ever}- suppliant who has rec-

i.e., let

know

shall

ognised that his misfortunes are a just divine punishment. 30.

According to all his ways] does not mean that God should recom-

pense him according to his

ment on

their account;

acts, for

rather,

he has just suffered punish-

may Yahweh

render according as

he perceives the sincerity of the sinner's repentance. For thou,

even thou only, knowest the hearts of the children of men]. Yahweh's
even

may

not appear

recompense

is

to perceive

man's true condition.

32

f.

just

if it

Prayer of the foreigner.

the foreigner.

Thus

so, for

he only

able

is

No condition

the teaching here

is

is placed upon
broader than that of

the promise of Is. 56^ ', which requires of the foreigner the keeping of the Sabbath day as a condition of being heard by Yah-

33.

For thy name is called upon this house]. The name

Yahweh was pronounced upon the house, i.e., the house was
This involved
called by his name and he became its owner.
responsibility for its welfare on the part of Yahweh (cf. EBi. III.
weh.
of

col.

3266).

34

f.

Prayer in war.

there the prayer

is

This petition

for aid against

is

parallel to

w.

24

f
,

an enemy which has been

but
vic-

torious because of Israel's sin, while here the writer

is thinking of
a petition for aid when Yahweh shall send Israel forth in a righteous war. With the following petition it is usually regarded
as an exilic addition in i K. (i.e., D-) (so Kau., St. SBGT.,

Sk.).

36-39. Prayer in captivity. C/. Dt. 30" Lv. 26" . This

*"
The Chronpetition in i K. 8 is considerably longer (w.
^-").
a more beautiful ending to the prayer in w.^"'.
40-42. The conclusion of the prayer. Written by the Chronicler.
This differs widely from the conclusion given in i K. 8"",

icler substituted

where the plea

for a hearing of prayer, after Dt. 9=^

=',

is

based

PRAYER OF DEDICATION

VI. 12-42.]

345

upon Yahweh's possession

of Israel through their redemption from

Here, on the other hand, with customary post-exilic forms
of invocation, the plea rings with greater exultation in the thought

Egypt.

of the
his ark

of

Temple being the resting-place of Yahweh, the abode of

and of his priests, and in remembrance of the good deeds

David or

20

Cf. v.

ears attentive].
place]

covenant with him. 40. Let thine

K. 8"- " Ne. i^ Dn. 9". And thine

(better) the divine

eyes be opened].

Cf.

715

7'=

Ne. i" Ps.

1302.

The

prayer of this

the prayer directed toward this place,

i.e.,

cf.

v.

(Be.),

rather than in this place (Ke., RV.).

41. Parallel with Ps. 132',
from which it was probably taken. Arise Yahweh] the first

words of the ancient song of the ark, Nu. lo'^ For thy resting,
Yahweh and his ark had hitherto had no permanent
etc.].

Be clothed with salvation]. Attributes

dwelling-place in Israel.
are represented in the OT. as clothing put on {cf. Jb. 29'^ Ps.

Salvation is equivalent to righteousness. And

ones
(those devoted to the service of Yahweh) rethy pious
in
42. Turn not away the face of thine anointed]
joice
prosperity.
93' 104' Is. ii^).

let

The

hear his prayer.

i.e.,

shown

to

anointed,

Loving

words are from Ps.

then,

David,

or, less

RV., Be., Kau., Zoe., Oe., Ki.),

the good deeds of David (RVm., Ke.).
55') (so

12.

-i::y^i]

K. 8"

is

The

Solomon.

kindnesses of David] either

132'".
the
promises made to him {cf. Is.
especially

final clause of v.

12

js

-|-

naSa.

Vijs] i

repeated at the

K.

end of

-f-

v.

'3.

good, after

DiDtt-n,

13.

32^^,

with which this

Sni^'i

ncj? 13

wanting in i K. ivd] elsewhere a pot or basin, hence the platform may

have been round-like in structure (BDB.), but it is better to read jv; from
]io (formation like -noS from laS, etc.) {cf. Am. 5^6 ?) platform, cf. 05 iSdo-is
(Klo., Oe.).
823

<JsS.
I

nnnn ynNn

17

Spi

7\^7^>'\

E'-i3''i]

Sycn

o^'cao.

K., hence, as usage in this chapter shows,

K. (Ki. BH.,
K. "ass nn. 18.
I

14 v^xni DiC';:o] i K.
repeated from end of v. '2.
16. Tnina] (an interpretation of) i K. 8"
wanting in i K., but given in some mss. and in 05, &, TJ, of

'1JI

St.

SBOT.).\w]

is

to

4 mss.,

be received into the text of

i
K. S^^ 4- nj. Tn*-] i

o-^nh pn] wanting in i K. 8", though given in 05 of K.,

and thus accepted by Klo., Bn., Bur., but not by St. SBOT.l^. At
the end of the verse after T'JbS i K. S'* -f Dvn given also in 05.
20.
rhh^ onv] i K. S^^ dpi nS'''^, <g, &, in i K. agree with Ch.
Dif iciy oit:''^]
21. 'junr.] i K. 8'" njnn.
I K. 829 3!^ ,ctf rrriv
d'cdh p ^n3B' Dipcc]
a direct change by the Chronicler from O'DB'n Sa ^^^^' DipD hv. of i K.

CHRONICLES

346

an easier construction (Sn denoting in or

22.making
K. 8"
dn]
struction. nSs n^i]
8'",

swears, which

SBOT. and
8^2 a''DK'n

at

is

not

common).

HN, a change by.the Chronicler for an easier con

(S here and in K. has n?Ni k31 and he comes and

-\Z'H

is preferred by Kau., Ki., Bn., and Bur. on

K.,
Ki. on K. have nSsa f<ai after Ne. lo'".
23. o^ca'n jc]

The

simply ace. of place.

JD before d^cbti in vv.

s^-

^o.

y^.-iS

demanded by

but

K.

Chronicler has similarly inserted

aij-n'^] read after i K. 8=12 and (&

the parallelism of the following clause (Ki.,

24. i-iJ^ DNi] I K. S" tiJjriD.
Bn.).
>j] i K. irs.
i^Sn
utJ'i] i K.
although wanting in (&, which is followed by SBOT., but since the

yen

V'tt'inS

V.

Yahweh

turn unto

to

phrase

The pronoun

is

very frequent Bur. prefers to retain

certainly understood.

is

T'Jfl'^]

K.

^'S^.

25.

it.

jc] cf.

22. ion--] wanting in i K. 83^.-26. Supply, after i K. 8^^ 1 before

Djyn] to be vocalised ajj-i.- after (g in i K. 8^5 (g (Oe., Kau.,

onKonD.

Ba. prefers (with RVm.

Bn., Ki., also AV., RV.).
thou answerest them. 27. Note n^Dtt'n without the
Ki. inserts, after
junction,

and

Mi.

and

JK because

&)

p,
28.
subject, conaj?n]an order of words
verb not infrequent
P (Lv.
vv.

cf.

23-

=5-

3o_

n^n-' ^3

(S, "H.

in

12

22 42 51.

et al.,

4,

also

K. 8").The I's before ppi^ and

SiDPi are wanting in i K. 8".
r2\s] 05, i K. i:3''N.
Tix3] read inxa after
<g of K. (Kau., Bn., Ki.).
Oe. reads, after ^, inyii-ai -\N2. C5 has
KaTivavTL rwv Tr6\euv.
Ba. suggests V"i23 by making a breach in his
This verse breaks off abruptly without final verb aposiopesis
gates.
Is. 2818

s'

Ps. 62") (see Bur.

(Ges. 167).
29.0N3Dnj.'jj] i K. 838iDa'7i'jj. 30. D''a-^n |d] cf. v. 23.
After nnSoi i K. 8^9 has nT;-i. a^S] many mss., i K. + So. 31. naSS

wanting

T'3n-i3]

in i

K. 8".

32.

^r:J'

njjn Sn

qji]

^bl

^-^j^ri h:>

without Sn, a

K. 8". After iDa* i K. S" has Jiyce" >o

have been omitted through an oversight by the

reading followed by Klo. in

HN, which seems to

Chronicler or by a copyist by homoeoteleuton.

33 nn.si] 1 wanting in
I K. 8^^ but there in (S.
o^DS'n jn] cf. v. 23;
similarly i K. 8" has jidd

34. rans] 1 K. 8" u^n.

The
T'Sn] i K. run'- Sn.
former, required by the person of the verbs, may be the original (St.
SBOT., Bur.). HNrn i^j?n] i K. n^jjn. The Chronicler has added the

instead of pacn.

pronoun
I K.

inx

article

for the sake of clearness.

846

has

a>iNri,

with nrnpn and

SBOT.). 37. Dor]

r^2^^p

K. 8"

(Bur.), but

wanting

in (S^a^ but not in

wanting

in

D''Da'n }d]

cf. v.

23.

36.

After

nn^atf.

SBOT.

correct

35.

K. also omits it, and the lack of the

shows that the word is an insertion (St.

but 05 of

The

reading of Ch.

is

probably

UMyn] i K. irijjni
1 should
^y;v^.
go with both verbs (SBOT., &) or be rejected before
both (Bur. after 05, "H, of i K. and <S of Ch.). 38. DOtt']. Connection
i K. 8^8 has onn^N.
don lai:' ib'n']
requires after d onuc (Ki., Bn.).

cf. V.

33.

St.

K. nuVi]

Dn^njnn]

K.

retains ^.

After iS'^onm

ij>"ini

K. has yhn. T-yni]

K. n^ani which Bn. reads.39. poDD D'orn
05''.

8! onjnn.

is

jn]

Vn.

CONCLUSION OF DEDICATION

1-22.]

VII. 1-22.

of

In

The closing events following the prayer of dedica-

K. 8"-9' the first

the people (w. 54 -ei)^ which

tion.

347

Solomon's blessing

of these events is
is

entirely omitted

by the Chronicler,

perhaps because he had already removed Solomon in a sense from

his position before the altar, placing him upon a brazen pulpit (6"),

and perhaps because he regarded such a blessing as the

especial

function of a priest, or perhaps simply because he thought tradition had supplied a better conclusion in the story of fire descending

from heaven which he narrates.

importance of the occasion and

was given

as clearly at the completion of the

of the original selection of

with the descent of the

and

This story certainly enhanced the

testified that the divine

its site (i

Ch.

that the priests could not enter (v.

The statement that

Yahweh filled the house

2126).

the glory of

fire

^),

most natural

is

Yet since the cloud had also manifested

connection.

approbation

as at the time

Temple

in this

itself

before

Solomon's prayer, according to the narrative given in i K. 8'" ' and

reproduced in 5", it has been assumed that here another written
source was used by the Chronicler (Bn., Ki.), yet the Chronicler

could have invented this narrative even as he added the miraculous

Ch.

fire in i

21'"'.

Now when Solomon had made an end of praying].

1.

are from

K. 8'K The fire,

especially for this

were
is

at

Cf.

Ch.

and the following verse Lv.

hand on the

most natural

etc.].

2126 i

9^^

f-.

These words

K. 18^^" and

That

hence the omission of any reference to their prepa-

not striking {cf. also 5). 2. Cf. 5'^ Ex. 40'^'

pavement] clearly a marked feature of the court of the
ration

(cf.

is

Ez. 40'^

offerings

altar for sacrifice after the prayer of dedication

These verses show how the narrative

').

cerning the appearances of

Yahweh

in

3.

The

Temple

of

con-

connection with the taber-

nacle, influenced at the time of the Chronicler the story of Solo-

mon's Temple.

The sacrifices of the King and people. Taken from i K.

with
the addition of the musical service of the priests and the
8"-",
Levites mentioned in v. . 5. Twenty-two thousand oxen and a
4-7.

hundred and twenty thousand sheep]. The correctness of these

figures cannot be tested because the number of persons present at
the

dedication

is

difficult

to

estimate.

The number

120,000

CHRONICLES

348

In Roman times
(10,000 for each tribe) appears to be artificial.
256,500 paschal lambs are said to have been slaughtered in a few

hours (Jos. BJ.

vi. 9, 3).

6. According to their offices]

i.e.,

in their

ihren Posten, Kau.). The Levites also

stood in similar stations with the musical instruments designed

appointed positions
for sacred service

give thanks unto

when David
is

emphasis

(a2{f

which David had made

Yahweh

(cf. i

Am.

Ch. 23^

6) to

(for his loving kindness endnreih forever)

The
praised through their ministry (lit. their hands).
"
which
fact of the Levites using instruments

on the

David had introduced when he praised God by the playing

Levites

"
(Ke.).

And

the priests sounded, etc.].

Cf.

5'^.

7.

of the

More-

Solomon hallowed the middle of the court that was before the
house of Yahweh]. This statement, taken substantially from i K.
over,

8", purports to be the description of a temporary altar, but probably preserves the memory of the real and only altar of Solomon's

day,

the top of the rock in front of the house,

viz.,

Because the brazen

The

receive, etc.].
I

K.

86

altar

cf.

note on

which Solomon had made was not

glossator

who

introduced the brazen altar into

probably thought of a smaller structure than that

Chronicler describes
here than in

(4'),

hence

4'.

able to

this

remark

is

less

which the

appropriate

K.

The feast, Taken from

i K. 8"f
with the following
In the original text of Kings the feast, presumably that of the Tabernacles, lasted seven days, and on the
eighth day the people were dismissed to their homes. This duration

8-10.

notable modifications.

of the feast is in accordance with the

In Chronicles

we have not one

Deuteronomic law (Dt.

festival,

but two;

first

i6'2).

that of the

Dedication of the Altar, seven days, and secondly that of the Feast of
Tabernacles, seven days. This first appears in i K. 8" in the and
seven days even fourteen days, but those words are wanting in (S
and the way in which the next verse commences with reference to
,

the eighth

day shows that they formed no part

but have crept

in,

of the original text,

probably through the influence of Chronicles

or the tradition which Chronicles represents (Ki., Bn., Bur., 550r.,

The Chronicler seems to have taken exception to the use of

et al.).

the Feast of Tabernacles, which served for a special purpose, for

the dedication of the Temple, and makes the King therefore cele-

Vn.

CONCLUSION OF DEDICATION

1-22.]

brate a double feast

to the fourteenth

Temple from the eighth

month, and the Feast of Taber-

the dedication of the

day

^ .q

of the seventh

nacles from the fifteenth to the twenty-second day, the people being
dismissed on the twenty-third (v. '") (SBOT. on K.). He also in-

troduces on the eighth day of the second festival a holy assembly

(v. ) after the law of P, which added this to the Feast of Tabernacles (Lv. 2^^),

and thus

twenty-third day

of the seventh

his

day

of dismissal is the ninth day, the

month

(The Feast

(v. i").

of

Tab-

commenced on

the fifteenth day of the month and its last

was
the
day
twenty-first day; the following day of holy convocation
was the twenty-second, and the day after that the twenty-third.)
ernacles

8.

So Solomon held the feast

of Tabernacles

month

(v. s.).

from the

From

at that time seven days]

i.e.,

the Feast

fifteenth to the twenty-first of the seventh

the entrance of

Ha math

unto the brook of

Egypt] the extreme northern and southern boundaries respecThe brook of Egypt is usually identified with
tively, c/. I Ch. 135.

mod. Wddy el Arlsh, south-west of Palestine in the wilderness of

Paran {cf. EBi. II. col. 1249; DB. I. p. 667). 9. On the eighth

day] the twenty-second of

the seventh month. The

dedication of

from the eighth to the fourteenth (v. s.).

tents] not unusual for homes, cf. Ps. 91' Ju. 19'

the altar seven days]

10.

Unto

their

et al.

11-22. The vision in answer to Solomon's prayer.

upon I K. 9'-', yet containing the independent vv. 2b^-i5.

Based

This new matter, from the common expression my ears shall be at{T\^2yp 'J'n)) seems akin to the new ending to the dedicatory
prayer, and hence the entire paragraph, since the text of i K. also in

tentive

is not always closely followed, is held by Bn. and Ki. to

have come from another source than i K., but there is really no reason

other points

why

the Chronicler need not have written

it.

12. For a house of sacrifice]. This phrase, while in full accord

with the Deuteronomic idea of the choice of the sanctuary as a

dwelling-place of the divine

presses

more

name

(given in

K.

distinctly the priestly idea of the

13.

9'

and

Temple

yet exas the place

v. ),

This and the two following verses in their condition and promise are parallel with the form of Solomon's prayer

of sacrifice.

in the previous chapter

{cf.

6''^-^^-

"-as).

14.

My

people upon

CHRONICLES

350

whom my name

This idiom means that they belong to

is called].

Yahweh, hence Yahweh owes them

6*.

20.

And I

will ?nake

protection,

Deuteronomic punishment

peoples] the

6".

cf.

15.

a proverb and a by-word

it

Cf.
all

among

for disobedience,

Dt.

cf.

28", also Je. 24.

1. naSs* mS3Di] i K. 8" 'ui ^rri. 1-\> u'sni] Dr. TH. 128, p. 89 f.n.;
Ges. iiib. 3. nmm] Ges. 1132; Ew. 351 c. Such a form of the
inf. abs. is not entirely unknown elsewhere,
cf. Ges. T$n.ff., iiT)X.

4, D>-n S31] I K. 862 123? hii-\'i?-< Sdi. 5. iSrn] wanting in i K. 8",

though there in (8. i K. after n3i has nin^*? nar -\:i'N DTV^n and -\?z instead of npan in Ch. Kau. prefers ipa as the necessary correlative form
with INS. d'hSn] I K. nin\ n>-n] i K. Ssnc'^ ija. 6. ann-c-a S'] (S ^^2

Tas 0vXoKds.

Geschdften, Oe. wfer

i-n n^y
Dienstverrichtungen.

5i</5 qficiis,

Obliegsnheiten, Ki. 6e/ z7zre

ToO AauetS.
di^3 imt SSna] (g ^^z

David canentes per matnis

Be.

t^or z7zre

Ti\s]

vfivoii

AavelS dia xp^s

//z.-e

(^ba

H hymnos

aurtD;',

approved by Be., Zoe., and Oe., who

vorgetragen, and Kau.

siias,

dem Hallel Davids von ihnen

translates mit

indent sie so dett Lobpreis

Davids vortrugen, and Ki. mit dem von ihnen

angestimmten Lobgesang, yet the view of Ke., given above, is to be preferred.

anxxna] cf. 1 Ch. 1524. 7. Instead of n~^ir t-ipM i K. 8" has

^Sc^

i5'-i|i

Ninn ora.

D-'jSnn TNI

mSyn]

K. has

sing, followed by nnj?:n tni.

rh^!^ ns S^anS h^T nS nDSc na^j; la^N] i K. has t-'n
PNi nnjsn nxi nSijjn nx S'onn ]t2p mn> >jflS. The Chronicler
i

nnjsn nxi

D''D'?S'n "ijSn

introduces the altar as Solomon's, in view of

8. In i K. 8" N>nn
{cf. 4').

D^n^ followed

its size,

such great altar

by the

gloss {v.

but between onsa and

s.) dt>

K. mentions no

precede Jnn and n>"3-J'

D'-D"' nyaa'i close the verse,

nj::i

sz'y n>'a-\K

K. has the words u^nSs nin> 'izh. 9.

This verse, save in the words ^rauM orj, is entirely independent of i
K. 866. 10. In I K. 866 the dismissal is on the Sth day (of the feast) instead of the 2yd of the month of the seventh month. And instead of simply anions'? Bi'n ns n^v, i K. has aniSnxS i^Siii'^an pn 13-1311 oynnNnSr.
a^a'' t\-;iz' i

n3Vi3n Sy]

some

mss.,

K.

'n So

nua"? naSs'.

The

11.

-fn'^]

K.

-H

nay.

an

na'rs'Si]

ns

naStf Sdm] i K. 9' diSdd inii

ma'):'*? naSif jS Sj; Nan Sz hni] i K. Kcn iu'n naSB* pc>n So hni
remainder of the verse is wanting in I K. 12. nSiSa] want-

addition of the Chronicler.

nia'j?'^.

'?>.

r>j

represented in n^jc, which is followed by vSn nxij ns'Na

After lasM i K. 9^ has mni and also v'^n
Jij?aj3, entirely omitted in Ch.
instead of iS.
The new matter in Ch. follows inSfln, commencing,
ing in

K.

92 or

however, with a parallel to I have sanctified this hoicse in the statement

I have chosen this place for myself, etc. 16. The text of i K. g^'^^ is

now resumed and

before intt'ipn
stead of

Dis-S.

introduced with

'"

nnj? of v.

and

is

'2b^
placed
omitted after nrn, and r^vrh is read in17. After T'2n i K. 9^ has Tw"ai aaS c.^a.
is
nm^'^i]

and nnja

Tnna

t^'n

is

Vm.

VARIOUS ACTS OF SOLOMON

1-18.]

351

struck, out (Be, Oe., Kau., Ki.), yet may

construed as a continuation of nSn, cf. dib'Vi i S.
3itt'i 2 Ch.
pni] i K, ^1^, but
30', Dr. TH. 206, Ges. \\a,p.
H, &, have 'pni. 18. imoSc] cf. i'; i K. 9^ insSoD followed by

wanting

in

and should be

K.,

be retained and
8'2
<g,

oSyS Snt^'' Vy.

inf.

T'nS ipid]

K. in

'?]?

With

^"Tl2-l.

"'Hid

one would ex-

but probably 'm^ in Ch. has come into the text

Snt^o '7i:'id] i K. ndo Sj;d
to ms'' nS (Be.).
forward
by copyist glancing
Sn-i-;.
Be. thought the change in Ch. due directly to the remembrance

pect

nna

of Mi.

(yet c/. 5'"),

(& in

5'.

K. has

this

reading of Ch.

19.

The

introductory

i K. has 3V.;' inf. absol., and after

9^, and before -^yzwr^
DPN has nnND D3'':3i and '\-\':^VT\ nSi instead of Dna?>'i, and the next two
words are transposed. 20. 'nanx Syo cntt'.nji] i K. 9' ^^-\v^ ns imsni
n::-iNn ^jo Sj*a.
In i K. nin after T\^v\ is wanting, and instead of -\-hv^
1

is

lacking in

K.

cast Old,
ji'Sy

r\-r\

it

has nSrs send

la-N]

K.

out,

9^ ]v^i} n-n^.

and

Sxnc'i n>ni instead of

The text

of

Ch.

is

uj.-'Ni.

an endeavour

21.

to con-

strue the predicate of ntn nun as a relative and thus make sense with
The true reading in i K. was D^JJ ruiiis instead of
the adj. JvSy.
desolate of &, Ki., Bur., SBOT., et al.) and this house
]V^y (after

w^

everyone who passes by, etc. SdS] on the subj. introduced by S cf. Ges. 1436. i K. has S3. After Dii" i K. has p-\\v^.
nc3 -iDNt] I K. has nn hy ncNi. 22 Dn^r3t< ''nha] i K. 9* on'-nSx. DN>sin]
After xun i K. has nirr'.
I K. 3n3N rx N'lXin.

shall he ruins:

Various Doings of Solomon. Taken with

some changes from i K. q'^-^s.
I K. 9>-'^ This
1-2. The exchange of cities with Hiram.
VIII.

1-18.

transaction has been given an entirely different appearance by the

Chronicler. According to the narrative of Kings, Solomon gave the

King of Tyre twenty cities (towns or villages) in payment for timber

and gold, and Hiram was displeased with them, although he seems
But
to have annexed them under the name Cabul to his kingdom.
according to the narrative of Chronicles, Solomon received the
cities from Hiram and rebuilt or embellished or fortified and colonised

them with

Israelites.

The two

statements have been har-

by the assumption that Solomon first ceded the twenty

cities to Hiram, who, because they were in bad condition or of little
worth {cf. I K. 9'2), restored them to him, whereupon Solomon built
them up (Jos. Ant. viii. 5, 3, Seb. Schmidt, Starke, Dahler, Ke.);
monised

(i)

by the assumption that Solomon gave Hiram twenty Israelitish

cities for which the latter gave him twenty Phoenician cities, and
(2)

that Kings refers to the former gift

and Chronicles

to the latter

352

CHRONICLES

(Kimchi and other Jewish commentators). In reality, however, the

Chronicler has remodelled the statement of Kings (Be., Oe.), the
thought being probably offensive to him that Solomon should part
with any of his territory to Hiram, or incredible that the rich and
Solomon should have been so pressed for money that he

glorious

would
to
is

sell

a portion of his territory, hence the passage was changed

That the passage in Chronicles

convey the opposite meaning.

dependent upon that of Kings and not a free composiseen in the parallelism between the introductory verses.
1.

directly

tion is

Seven years were spent

in building the Temple (i

Twenty years\
K. 6") and thirteen in building the palace (i K. y). 2. BiiiWl
with the force of rebuild or enlarge (BDB. piii 1 i.) or fortify

(Bn., Ki.);

so also built in the following verses.

The

store and military cities which Solomon built.

Taken with considerable variation from I K. 9''-". The Chronicler

3-6.

'

has entirely omitted the contents of i K.

g'^ which speak of Solomon's

caused
a
number
of
levy
by
building operations, and of his acquisition of Gezer through Pharaoh his father-in-law; and omitting the

reference to Gezer in
verse

and given

v.

also a

'^,

he has rearranged the contents of the

new

introduction to the paragraph in the

statement of a campaign not mentioned elsewhere against Hamath-zobah, probably with reference to Tadmor, which the Chronicler
I

has constructed out of Tamar

Ch.

18'.

This campaign, since

generally entirely ignored

Bn. nor Ki. discusses

yet Winckler thinks

KAT.^

p. 239).

4.

(v. i.).
it

3.

Hamath-zobah]. Cf.

not mentioned in

in histories of Israel or

its historicity.
it

is

not at

Tadmor]

Certainly

K.,

is

Solomon. Neither
it

is

very doubtful;

incredible (Gesch. Is. II. p. 266,

in the text of i K. 9'* is Tamar (ICH),
all

but the Qr. or margin has Tadmor (iDin).

versions
ing of

This is followed by all

(B Palmyra m) and was formerly accepted as the true readK. Tadmor was the later Palmyra situated north-east of

Damascus; but the other towns mentioned in i K. 9'^ ' are all in S.
Palestine, and in Ez. 47'' 482* a Tamar ("Ittn) is placed in the extreme south; hence the text of i K. seems to be the true reading and
is to Tamar in S. Judah (Bn., Ki., Bur., et al.), but the
Chronicler has glorified this obscure southern city into the Tadmor
of the north, and, as mentioned above, composed v.' as an introduc-

the reference

VARIOUS ACTS OF SOLOMON

Vm.

1-18.]

tion.

And

which he

all the store cities

statement has no parallel in

K., but

built in

353
This

Hamath].

simply the Chronicler's

completion of the reference to Tadmor as one of a line ot fortified
5. In i K.
posts on the northern frontier of Solomon's kingdom.
i

is

only the lower Beth-horon is mentioned. Upper Beth-horon and

with walls, doors, and bars are an addition of the
fortified cities
9''

On

Chronicler.

the location of the Beth-horons

6. Ba'alath] Jos. 19^^

K.

9'^ f,

cf.

Ch. 6"

(^s).

not clearly identified.

7-10. Solomon's bond-servants.

Taken from

K. 920-".

8.

Whom the children of Israel consumed not]. The reading of i K.

of Israel were not able utterly to destroy"
9=' "whom the children
was an unpleasant admission

Of them did Solomon

plication of

K. 5"-3

to the Chronicler,

raise

(i3-i6)j

hence

According

levy].

at least the levy of 30,000

men

Lebanons was composed of Israelites,

men. The revolt under Rehoboam

levy of 150,000

based upon
addition to

Solomon.

this oppressive
i

is

K.)

(Cf.

fifty" (v.

to

10.

with the number in

K.

of Pharaoh's daughter.

K.

K. 12) was
late

to rescue the reputation of

i.).

The house

11.

merely an attempt
157/.)-

(i

work

also the

This passage (from a

measure.

Sm. Hist. pp.

at variance

is

change.

for

and probably

in the

fifty]

this

to the clear im-

Even two hundred and

9^3 "five hundred and

Rewritten from

K.

on her
3 'Solomon brought Pharaoh's daughter

9='. According
marriage into the city of David until the completion of his palace,
when he made also a house for her (i K. 78), and according to i K.

9^^

she

moved from

the city of

David

into this houee.

The Chron-

statement and interprets the removal as caused by Solomon from a religious motive. The city of
David the Chronicler interprets as the holy precincts where the ark
icler

passes over entirely the

had been brought and where,

presence of

In

K.

first

after the notion of Ezekiel (44'), the

Solomon's foreign wife might be regarded as a

g^* it is

also stated that

Solomon then

built Millo.

sacrilege.

This

is

Bn. of the
entirely omitted in Chronicles (an evidence according to
use here of another written source than K., but such omission is entirely

12

agreeable to the Chronicler's handling of the text).

f
Solomon's ministrations at the altar of the Temple.
.

Rewritten from

K. 9". According

to this verse in Kings,

Solomon

2^4
offered burnt-offerings

and peace-offerings three times

on the three annual

clearly

JE

CHRONICLES

(Ex. 23"-"=) and of

feasts

D (Dt.

commanded by

in a year,

the legislation of

This ministration the Chron-

16'-'^).

mentioning also the feasts by name (v-.'^^)^ but in addition to these annual services the weekly Sabbatical and monthly
icler retains,

ones are added

made

to

and thus the ministrations

(v.''")

conform more with the

fully

of the

King are

developed ritual of

(Lv.

any service at the altar of incense (menwhich would be an unlawful act {cf. 26>), has

All trace, also, of

23'-").

tioned in

K. 9"),

been removed by the clear definition of the altar as the one which
he [Solomon] /w J huilt before the porch, i.e., the great brazen altar of
burnt-offering
ple

when

(4').

12.

this service of

Then] after the dedication of the TemSolomon commenced. 13. The comtnand-

ment of Moses] a comprehensive expression for the

legislation

Sabbaths, months, and seasons or set

given in the Pentateuch.
times
when extra ceremonies in the ritual
the
fixed
feasts cover

were required. These were the v/eekly Sabbaths and

month, including the Feast of Trumpets,
and the three great festivals with their associated days of wavesheaf (with the Passover) and atonement (in the same month
of offerings

the beginnings of each

with the Feast of Tabernacles)

Nu. 28^-29"). On
23'
took part in some
himself
King

it is

direct

in the sacrificial services.

way

-s"

Lv.

(cf.

implied that the

these days

14-16. Solomon's appointments for service in the Temple

and its completion. A continuation of the elaboration of i K. 9^^

only

parallel

in- v.

"=

>

with

K. 9"b.

14.

For David's order

and the Levites and the gate-keepers

The treasures] i.e., the
The
I
Ch.
15.
king] David.
23-26.
cf.
furniture of the Temple and the stuff contributed for its services
for the divisions of the priests

and support, the provision

16.

The

final

summary: And

Ch.

262"-").

work of Solomon was accom-

day

of the foundation of the house of

the completion of the house of

f.

all the

{cf.

Yahweh unto
Yahweh through Solomon'^ (Bn., Ki.),
Solomon's trade at Ophir. Taken with some changes

plished frotn the

17
from

for its ministers

K. 926-28, According to i K., Solomon builds ships at Ezionand

Hiram, King of Tyre, provides him with sailors that go
geber
with the servants of Solomon to Ophir. According to Chronicles,
I

Vm.

VARIOUS ACTS OF SOLOMON

1-18.]

Solomon went
sailors.

to Ezion-geber,

355

where Hiram sent him both ships and

This discrepancy has been reconciled on the supposition

was only the sending of material for their

construction (Ke., Z^e.); or an identity of meaning has been found
by following (&, ^, in striking out to him (^h), i.e., Hiram sent likethat the sending of ships

wise to Ophir ships from a harbour on the Red Sea or Persian Gulf
where the Phoenicians might have had a trading-post (Oe.). But
the discrepancy

is

real

and probably arose through the Chronicler's

i K., unless one may assume such a

careless reading of the text of

lack of geographical knowledge that he really thought ships, as well

as sailors, could be sent from Tyre to Ezion-geber.
According to

Chronicles 450 talents of gold were brought back, while according

Kings only 420. Ezion-geber and Eloth]. These two places were
near together at the northern extremity of the Gulf of Akabah.
The exact site of the former is unknown; on the supposition that the
to

Ain-el-Ghiidyan, fifteen miles

Elath or Eloth

is

the mod.

Robinson

it

with

north of the present head of the

gulf.

gulf extended formerly further inland,

'Akabah

at the

identified

head

of the gulf.

It has been placed on

Ophir], The exact locality is unknown.
the eastern coast of Africa, in India, and in south-eastern Arabia.

The

latter is the

1. an-.r-y]

most

likely

Kau., Ki.

(r/.

Ch. i").

SBOT., Kom., both here and

in i

K.

91" prefix

After nnSa* i K. has OTian ^iv nx.

the article, 'yn, after Kb.
inia hni]
6. After nSya nKi this verse corresponds with i K.
I K. I'r'Dn P'a nxi.

with variation only of ^:i inserted before the second iij; and before
7. The Chronicler has departed from i K. 920 only in transposing
pu'n.
^iDNH and ^nnn and in the use of the copulative ( 1), which i K. has only
Qi',

with 'Dn''n, and in the omission of

''J3 before SNntt'\

8. p] wanting in
appears contrary to all the people (v. '), hence is to be
struck out (Be., Ki.; retained with partitive force by Ke., Zoe., Oe.).
Sn-isj" 1J3 Di'^3 nS] is a neat abbreviation of the text of i K.
'ja iSj^ nS

&

and

K.

g^',

oannnS Sntj".

After DcS

K. has ^3y which was struck out evidently bei K. q^^, some MSS.,

cause regarded as superfluous. -9. ih'n] wanting in

and (&, 19, &, is defended by Be. as an Aramaism, but

by Zoe., Oe., Kau., Ki.

in^xSoS

DnajJ*?]

to be read after

K. and

K.

i2y.

is

rightly struck out

The

Chronicler's

K. followed by mjyi. vii'^Sc nB"!]

10. I'^sS] i K. 9^3 n3K':'cn Sy.
(S rtriSuM Y-\^^.

additions are for clearness. ncnSc] in

The

reason of this change is not clear unless for brevity. OTixm D^'trnn]
K. niND iVDni o^B'cn. The smaller number of Ch. is due probably to a

CHRONICLES

356

Bn., Ki., find, however, in this evidence for another

K. before the Chronicler.
i K. has njs'^ca C'r>n at close

copyist's oversight.

copy than

11.

perhaps after the analogy of the plurals

13. ara av imai].
of place or spatial extension.
The same phrase
wanting the 3 with nai occurs in Lv. 23'". To omit 3 gives an easier
of verse after

d;'3.

reading, but

all

nana (Oe.).
Cf. I Ch.
14. iDy>i]

Ch. 23"
124).

mss. have

it

152 Ges.

i3<

Ch.

cf.

15.

2 essentia (Ke., Zoe.); <& apparently

(Be.);

Ew.

m'^-yn^] instead of inf. abs.,

925

(1.

m:r\'^ pi.,

6'

WD

114^ (?)

89).osrcD]
i
Ch. 9".

(1.

42). a.-insi'":]

jna]

cf.

i6^K

Dt.

Ch. ig's. -ip'-n::]

cf.

cf.

2S0 d (Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

129). 'ui

(1.

->'i:'i

cf.

at every gate

-\-;-y^'\

(1.

by Ke., Zoe., cf. Ew. 282 a; read with

Kau., Ki. Kom.; pi. (n^x::) (&, "H, Oe., Ki., SBOT.l%.
unto the (this) day, i.e., the day on which after the consecration
Pixc] retained

ID (nisoa) Be.,

ovn

n;*]

of the completed

Temple

was commenced

the regular public worship

in

Now all the work of Solomon was prepared until this

(Be., Ke., Zoe.).

it

its completion: the house of Yahweh

taken as explained by iDi":. Dr. TH.

day, the foundation of the house until

was finished

."13XS3

(Ke.).

190 Obs. suggests that nvn

is
is

preferred by Bn., Ki.

is

(i,

(g read also

of the foundation (Oe., Ki.).

(given above)

But

a case of apposition.

Ke. and that of AV. are harsh; better after

this

rendering of

U, &, read Dvr^from

nin''

n^2

Kom.

tite

day
This

n::'^-y ni'?3 -i>.

C6^

has

this

and

also

Bn. regards the conclusion as from the uncanonical source.

Much, however, is in favour of nin'' .n>3 a'^c coming from i K. g"-^, and
17. ni'^'X '^xi -13 J ]vr;'? nz^y i^n ix] i
in no way being a corruption.
^T^^2 t;.

K.

9-6

iS]

ni'^^x

wanting

HT'JX.

ix3''i

of

px irx
in

K.

-a^] I
I

K.

IX. 1-12.

-I3J ]Vi-;2 nc'-'-y

K. 9".

927=8

The

Queen

its

K.

K.

''^'jx

liD

B\

18.

viay rx

'>jx2

The Chronicler has transposed nsSr

and
K. has before yaix.

K.
-"nay a;,

3-.;'::ni] i

visit of

Sabeans, often mentioned

for

-\-2]

a^n]

a^n.

almost no variations from

was famous

a^'i^yi

I'^cn r^z-; <jxi.

nrjix v^d;

the

9-8 a^^r;'i.

in the

of

Queen

K. 10 ''^

OT.,

1.

cf.

an;

Sheba, Taken

with

Sheba] the land of the

Ch.

i' ".

Since Sheba

trade (Ez. 27"- ") and costly wares (Ez. 38'=),

its

could well have heard of Solomon and his lu.xurious court.

In Is. 6o its inhabitants are represented as about to bring gold and

frankincense as tribute to Israel and to pay homage to Yahweh.

This word is used in the sense of dark,

questions] (miTl).
obscure sayings, or riddles to be guessed (as in the Samson stories,
Ju. 14), or simply perplexing questions, the probable meaning here

Hard

(BDB.).
distant

of Sheba with costly gifts came to test the

wisdom and glory, of which she had heard in
After she had tested the King's wisdom and, 3,

The Queen

report of Solomon's

Arabia. 2.

OF QUEEN OF SHEBA

VISIT

IX. 1-12.]

357

had observed the house thai he had built i.e., either the Temple
or, what is more likely, the palace (r/. v. '), or all his buildings considered as one structure

and,

4, the luxurious

appointments of his

was no more

spirit {breath) in her, she being quite

overcome by astonishment. Cf. Jos. 2" 5', where the phrase is
used for the loss of breath through fear. And his ascent by which

servants, there

he went

up unto the house of

RVm.

with

of

the house of

K.

io=*

and

Yahweh] AV., RV., but read

his burnt-offering

Yahweh

which he

rather

offered in

The

Chronicler emphasises that

(v. i.).
rather than his wealth causes the great aston-

Solomon's wisdom

6.

ishment of the foreign queen by adding to the account in i K. the

words the greatness of thy wisdom. 8. The words his (Yahweh's)

throne

(i

God (an

K. 10' on the throne of Israel) to be king for Yahweh thy

addition of the Chronicler) show in a striking way the

theocratic stand-point of the Chronicler,

hundred and twenty

three

talents of gold]

and one-half

sum

millions of dollars.

12.

cf.

Ch. 28^

292^.

9.

more than

equivalent to

10.

Algum-trees\

Cf.

Besides that which she had brought unto the king\

This text of Chronicles implies that Solomon gave the Queen
27(8)_

Sheba all her desire besides the equivalent of that which she
had brought to him (Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.). This notion may have
arisen from the thought that Solomon should in no way be indebted
of

to the

H renders et multo plura quam attiderat ad eiim.

Queen.

Ber-

theau would read besides that which the king (of his free will) gave
to her
rh ^^2r\). The text of i K. 10", besides that which

(I^Dn

he gave her according

to the

hand of King Solomon, means that

gifts commensurate with his

Solomon gave to the Queen of Sheba

own wealth and power (SBOT.).
1. npcs']

K.

10'

njjDC.

much difficulty. n2'?a' pn

definite, cf. v.
in>']

3.

K. rSx.

After

mDj"^]

K.
a'^rn^^]
ncScn ^3^
i

=.

2.

n33n ns]

in

K.

lo^

nDSsr

K.

ipdj"^.

K. has

ncsn So rs.

nVi]

4.

i.^'^yi.

ni,T> av'-',

a phrase of

The Chronicler's text is more

10= nsS^'ni

d'^;j

&. in''Syi] i K.
and his ascent with which he used

though given

Nam.

2-\^]

io' -[Sen

K. ino

dSu -im

anitmSm^] wanting

The former

in

2-\.

nT\ a^.

K.

lo*,

with the meaning

to ascend to the house of Yahweh is preferred by Ke., and the rendering of AV., RV., both here and in i K., but
have rniSj? his offersince niSy means upper chamber, and since (&, 13,

ings, this

is

preferable (Be., Oe., Kau., Bn., Ki.)

{cf.

RVm.

in

K.).

CHRONICLES

358
The

last clause in <S

here and in

here has this and also Kal ouk

io

has

n-in.

6. oni-ijiS]

fjv ii>

K.

K.

is

avry ext

lo' a^nm'?.

Kal i^ eai/r^s iyivero.

wvevfj.a.

^^::^^

5, After

n^'ans]

ncx

wanting

(Sp-

K.

in

K., an addition of the Chronicler for clearness, taking the place of

Instead of *?}? i K.
J101 noon, which in i K. follows noD^ written noDin.

has Sn.

this,

7.
in

K.

of

K. lo' have

y^i':,

preferred there by
Ki., Bn. (&^ has

SBOT., Bur., and here by Kau.,

m. 8. isdd] i K. io^ Snii:" ndj.

Ki.

but (S^ follows

wanting

B,

T'tt'JN] <S,

Kamp., Bn.,

Klo.,

1^"i':'n]

K.

r\-\7\>.

iT'synS] wanting

mn'S iSdS]
K.; a more

^>^S^<

in

IJP'i]
directly Messianic thought, keeping in view the future of Israel.
9. 2iS] i
I K. iDitt'^i.
Dn>'7y] wanting in i K.; must refer to Israel.

After

xin i K. has aiS ii>'.

10. dji
K. lo" az'i iu'n aiin 'jn dji. The Chronicler puts the activity here of Solomon or his servants on a par with that
Here
of Hiram or his servants.
aiDij'7N] i K. oijdSn, so also v. , cf. 2\
11. DTuSxn] see v. '".
I K. adds iND r^^-yrs.
m'^Dc] i K. lo'^ ij-Dn,
lO"" r\2-\7\.
nin] i K. Na.
VN^an la'N nnVir nayi a-cn nay] i

K.

a word whose precise meaning

dubious (BDB.), interpreted as

raised walk, floor, or pavement of some sort with which mSoD would
agree (Raschi, Be., Zoe.), or more generally as a support, a railing or
buttress, (B viro(TTr]piy/xara, IS fulcra (Bur.), then 01^703 is an error
dTT.,

Yet both may represent supports, elevaof a platform or estrade designed for the

(BDB.) or a misinterpretation.
shape of some sort

tions in the

dishes or utensils of the

is

Temple and palace (Paul Haupt

in

SBOT. on

(Kau. [Kamp.] and Ki. both represent the word with a lacuna in
mini inxa d^jdV an^ inij nSi] i K.
their translations of K. and Ch.).
nin DVD ly n,s-\j xSi Q'JdSn 'xy p N3 nS. The phrase in the land of Judah,
K.).

instead of in the land of Israel, shows that the Chronicler writes as

12. ^D^^1 "iSrn Sn nx-an] i K. lo"
of his own age (Ba.).

one

jflni

T\rhv ^SD^ Tia nS jdj; icn in Ch.

13-28. The wealth of

is

simply a synonym for njo in K.

Solomon.Taken from iK. lo'^-^s*. The

variations are very slight.

13.

Six hundred and sixty-six

talents

about twenty millions of dollars, constituted the regular

annual income. 15. Each of the two hundred bucklers contained

of gold]

i.e.,

nearly 22 pounds (avoirdupois) of gold, worth nearly 6,000 dollars,

and, 16, each of the three hundred shields contained half this

amount.

17.

The

reading, three maneh, in

K. 10"

is

incorrect (v.

i.).

Ivory] was secured by Solomon's navy, cf. v. ^K 21. According to Chronicles the fleet of Solomon went to Tarshish.

That

seen from the products of the East

brought back by the vessels and by the reference in i K. 22^' to
Jehoshaphat's ships of Tarshish which were stationed at Ezionthis

view was incorrect

is

WEALTH OF SOLOMON

TX. 13-28.]

359

geber on the Gulf of Elah to go to Ophir. The Chronicler misunderstood in both of these instances the phrase ships of Tarshish,

which described a

were used by the Phoeni-

class of vessels such as

cians in their voyages to Tartessus in Spain, and not their destinaThe accuracy of his statement, however, has
tion as he supposed.

been absurdly defended on the supposition that the vessels made a

Spain (see Eng. Trans, of Zoe. Com. in Lange

circuit of Africa to
Series, pp. 28

/.).25-28.

13.

Zi-'Z'Z-^]

onnn

'tr'jxs].

is

V14-17
:

Cf.
in

wanting

K.

lo'^

n33]

Since these words appear in

K.

K.

133.

14,

-\ih

they represent

lo'^,

In their source, i K.,

the original text of Ch. {cf. ( tCjv dvSpuv also).
they are usually regarded as a corruption, and the emendations suggested
Since (S has x^P^^ '"'^'' <t>^p<^v tQv vwoTeTayfiivuv, and
&y;=(popov in ^^ 2 K. 2333, Boe. read '1JI ib'jjjd n^*^, Thenius the same
"
for annn, and SBOT. (on K.) with
with u^'^^-\r^ "the subject people

are numerous.

and here onyn -\z'h-q na'^ after

Na icnd -13*7
Kau. following Kamp.
Bn. suggests (Dnj,'?)n iD'i'xa
Abgeschen von dem was einkam von
'd S31 nnnoni ungerechnet die Abgaben der (Stadte ?) imd der Handler
und der Konige, etc. anj?] Arabia i K. 3iyn. The former is read in
d^kod onnom] i K. n^Sj-in inDDi.
I K. by Bn., Ki., SBOT. (notes), et al.
15. Liin-i'^] wanting
'M^ ani a''N''3a] an addition of the Chronicler.
The text of Ch. is
16. mxD cS::'] i K. 10" D'jd ra'Sc
in I K. io'8.
Gold was reckoned in
correct, as the foregoing mxn cs* shows.
17. nino] substituted as more familiar for ifliD in i K.
shekels (Bn.).
The
ID'S.
18. a^nxn nddS ann 1:031] i K. lo'' mnxn noaS '?ijj; CN-n.
^rxm
original text of K. as seen in (6 was probably mns'D ND3S a-<hiy

a^^jnn for onnn.

#, which has

Ki. Koni. reads there

"cities" for onn.

(SBGT.) and
So

had

the throne

essentially Ki.,

at its back the

et al.,

Bn.,

after

Geiger,

heads of bulls (calves).

Urschrift, p. 343.

The

round top was made because calves were offensive as

In Ch. "lambs" (i^'^s) was substituted, which
of
Yahweh.
symbols
later was read footstool (vij) (BDB.) and mnND was read onnsD

change

(Hoph.

in

K.

to

^20.
I

K.

103]

K.

io2'

io22 D"\''n ^jN oy 0^2

niNtt'j] I

Kal

(S^^ omits the clause, though retained in (6^,

part.).

i-KowbSiov vir^6r]Kv iv xpu(7y Ttp 6p6v(p.

K. Pum.

N*?.

nsScn]

K.

21. Dim nny

nioSn
nvm nj^nn]
23.
K.
Dj; tt'itt'in

nSoS t^w^n

22.

19.

nc3ni]

ijn ^3.

lo^^ nnsnSi.

lO-" ni3^DD.

nvjx

^SD'7

K.

13SD]

ijn

'3]

Nun.

wanting in

io2^, but given in (H, and hence to be read (Bn., Bur., but not
Before >7\>^ i K. lo^s has
Ki. and SBOT.). 25. On vv. 25-28 cf. ii4-iv.

l| of

K.

Dicnoi 331 nDSty

t)D!<"'i,

which the Chronicler omits here, but uses elseiS n^i.

The
iH'i] I K. 231 rnxn jjmsi i^k

where, cf V*.

ni33iDi

text of Ch.,

and Solomon had four thousand

stalls

of horses,

is

that of

CHRONICLES

360

and according to Bur. was probably the original there, but

was i3r">cS, yet (& of K. may be suspected of having come under

(S in K.,
ni:33ici

the influence of Ch.

Moreover, close verbal agreement shovv-s that the

i K.
56, i33-(':'? D'DiD p^\t^ tfa D^yaiN nn'^^''^ nii,

Chronicler here followed

as his source {v. notes on i"").

suf. (ODio'^),

This reading, except

has the support of

in the final pron.

(&-^^ (certainly original

^), the under-

was doubtless the original of Ch., and should be

rendered, and Solo7}wn had 40,000 stalls of horses for the chariots.

lying Heb. of which

K.

The former has

26.
the support of all Vrss.
DHTi]
wanting in Heb. of i K., but present there in (^. The verse is taken
either from a different text of i K. 10, or from i K. 5'" (4^''') with the
I

cnjM.

io=

subject omitted

K.

(i

r\-'Ti

nc'^'j'i

stituted for nij'^tsn the kingdoms.

io28 anx-DD

in

K.

(see

"wn

nc'^::''?

the Chronicler's

and co'^cn the kings subDnsc3 o^DiD d^n'Sici] i K.

for inn)

28.

ns'^-.r'S

The

d^didh nsici.

final

of the

happy generalisation

phrase, mxnN.i Son,

is

somewhat obscure passage

i'^'').

29-31. The final

summary of the reign

with variations from

K.

ii^'-".

The

of

Solomon.

Taken

variations are as follows:

The acts are called the first and the last, which qualifying phrase is
added frequently by the Chronicler to the summaries taken from
Kings

((/. 1215

i5n

2034 2526

26"

28=6 35").

Their written source

is

not "the book of the acts of Solomon," the one given in i K. ii^',
but the acts of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Akijah the

and the visions of Iddo the seer concerning Jeroboam the

son of Nebat. These sources were not independent works, but were
either sections of the canonical books or of the Book of Kings

Shilonite,

(see Intro, p. 22). Nathan the prophet appears

beginning of Solomon's reign (i K. i), Ahijah near its close
K. 1 1" a), hence in the acts or history of Nathan and in the

mentioned elsewhere
at the
(i

prophecy of Ahijah we probably have references to i K. Whether

this is so in the vision of Iddo the seer is more doubtful.
This may
refer to the Chronicler's other source

known prophet
equivalent to

of

K. 13

Iddo {Ant.

is

called

viii.

8, 5),

knowTi at the time of the Chronicler.

{cf.

12'* 13");

yet the un-

by Josephus Jadon, a name

and he may thus have been

31.

Slept with his fathers]

formula with which the compiler of i and 2 K.

closes his account of the reign of each king, denoting either nothing
part of the regular

more than

that one

had died as

his fathers had, or

more

likely

plying association with his fathers in the realm of the dead

im-

and

END OF SOLOMON'S REIGN

ES. 29-31.]

36 1

thus some condition of future \iie.And was buried in the city of

is also a part of the formula
David]. Cf. i Cli. 15". This phrase
mentioned.
just
29.
I

K.
K.

'ly']

!!*11''^.

'^y.:, Qr.
ny.;. 30. nohvf \ha^^^] for the longer text of
31. imnp-i] Pi. instead of Niph. n^pn in
-hn ifN D'D'ni.

Kt.

noW

THE HISTORY OF JUDAH FROM REHOBOAM UNTIL THE EXILE.

X-XXXVI.

In contrast with the author of

ignores the N.
of

kingdom and

and

Kings, the Chronicler

confines his narrative to the fortunes

His most noteworthy additions to the earHer history

and Levites. The former utter

Judah.

are the introduction of prophets

discourses of warning and admonition, and the latter are prominent in events concerning the Temple.

X-XII. The Reign of Rehoboam

(c.

937-920 b.c).

The

Chronicler has incorporated into his narrative the entire account of

i K. 12'-"- ^-* i4-'-2', with the exception of

this reign given in

1421-2%

omitted owing to

dition of

duplicate of

from

its

unfavourable view of the religious conis almost a verbatim

Judah under Rehoboam. Chapter 10

K.

K. 12'".

The

Chronicler's additions to his material

in c. 11 are accounts (a) of

Rehoboam's

fortifications

immigration from the N. tribes (ii'^-i?), and (c)

of the royal family (ii's-^s). (5) appears to be based upon i K. 12",
but (a) and (c) are independent of i K. and may represent other
(ii5'2), (b) of the

sources.

In

c.

12 the Chronicler gives

specting the invasion of Shishak

religious defection of

ondly, in giving

much

fuller

detail re-

first, in reference to its cause, the

Rehoboam and

his people (12' ');

an account of the invading host

(123);

and

and

sec-

thirdly,

admonition whereby through the huxiliaand the people the wrath of Yahweh is averted

in introducing a prophetic

tion of
(126-8.

Rehoboam
The picture
12),

strikingly different

thus given of the reign of

from that

of

Rehoboam

is

There the people are repreK. 1422-24) and nothing good is

K.

sented as exxeedingly apostate (i

said of Rehoboam.
The Chronicler, on the other hand, magnifies
Rehoboam as a builder of cities and as a ruler of ardent worshippers
of

Yahweh, only forsaking

the law of

362

Yahweh when he was

strong,

REJECTION OF REHOBOAM

X. 1-19.]

a supposition necessary

363

to explain the invasion of Shishak,

from

whom the land was correspondingly delivered upon the humiliation

King and his princes.
X. Rehoboam's rejection by Israel at Shechem. An almost
verbatim duplicate of i K. 12'-''. 1. Shechem] mod. Nahlus,
of the

lying under the north-east base of Mt. Gerizim (Baed.^ pp. 215 ff.),
mentioned frequently in the early narratives of Israel (Gn. 12s
2)Z^^

35^ 37

'^'^'

^^ <^^-)-

The assembly

of tribes here

Solomon the N.

of the intervening reign of

shows that

tribes held

still

in spite

to their

ancient right of choosing their sovereign, exercised in the case of

Saul and David

(i S. ii^ 2 S. 5' i

Ch.

ii').

dislocated in Kings, properly precedes

v.

2.

This verse, already

'

{v. i.).

The

Chronicler

mentions Jeroboam without introduction, assuming his readers

acquainted with the particulars of i K. ii^s -, which he has omitted
{y. V. '*).

The

Solomon.

3.

report which

Jeroboam heard was of the death of

called him] (wanting in (| of i K.

And they sent and

a necessary connecting gloss for the present arrangement of

the verses in i K. 121-3.
4^ xhe service and the yoke were the re12^)

quired revenue

(i

K.

5' (4"))

("'), neither of which

is

and the forced labour

mentioned

in Chronicles.

(i

10.

K. 5"^-

My little

finger, etc.]. This proverb-like expression and that of the following

verse mean: I have the will and the power to oppress you more

my father did. 11. Whips]. The whip was in Eg^'pt

an emblem of royalty (EBi. IV. col. 5300). Scorpions] probably
the name given to a whip whose lash was furnished with sharp
severely than

pieces of metal.

13.

And

the

king answered them roughly].

Such

folly shows how thoroughly Rehoboam was permeated with the

feelings of an Oriental despot, and how little he understood the

weakness

of the hold of the

house of David upon the N.

tribes.

His word which he spake by Ahijah]. Cf. i K.ii''^-, a narranot given in Chronicles, and yet thus assumed to be known.
16. We have no share in David, and no part in Jesse's son : each to
15.

tive

This same cry,

Israel, now see to thy house, David].
thy tents,
with the exception of the last line, was raised by Sheba in his shortlived rebellion against
their

17.

homes, but

David

to their

(2

S.

places of

20').

To

their tents]

encampment

verse anticipating subsequent action

at

and thus

not to

Shechem.

clearly out

CHRONICLES

3^4

of place (wanting in (5 of

Kings or to
This
5^' <"'.

K.

12), cither a gloss in

be placed after v."". 18. Adonimm*]. Cf. 1 K. 4'

Solomon's reign probably had quelled dissatisfaction

officer of

before, but this time he failed.

Unto

Chronicler an anachronism

of the

day] in the narrative

The Chronicler at
5').

this

(cf.

narrating only the history of the S. kingdom, omits verse 20 of i K. 12, which contains the statement
that Jeroboam was made king by the N. tribes.

because he

this point,

1. no3t?]

found

in

K.

12' cyy.

11

between

K.

is

K. n^.

in3]

"" and

v.

v.

2. In (&^^ of

K.

this verse is

"b^ with the addition in (&^,

"he

returned (?) and went to his city Sareira which is in Mt. Ephraim."
Hence as it now stands it should precede v. 1 (3ur.), and is so printed in
i K.
After Nin i K. 12= has 1J^1y. a^nxca
St. SBOT.
3tt';i]
.

DnsK3

The former

2ty^^

K.

hn-\Z'> So] I

5. Before iiy

123

K.

Instead of

ntn nj'^]

K.

^j.

Ssnii''' '^np

128

BH.).

has

^y;<

-'-;

12^ n:n D;'n

is

which

isS,

.-in.

7.

Before n^nn 05 and

K.

\2-\r\.

K.

nay]

^japtl

1-s']

Tfi';'^

Dt. 3215

12'

K.

42'-

30

(pi.)

i2'i

13. 'n aji'M]

has

K.

inxyi iii'n.

former.
n3Dj f]

\.

S.

a^PN iD>s.
1213 ajrn

20"'.

14.

many

v*?]?]

K.

12'

~i>:.

6.

have ovn,

D;'n'']

retention

11.
rs

D>3m

i'3Dn

D'::;-i]

and

-t^zr^}

The

mss.

K.

1214

n3D

i2'5

K.

ao'^j?

f.

^^^'P]

wanting
Ki.

in

BH.

corrigenda,

Dav. Syn.

cf.

K.

N3^i] I

I'^^rn j;"'-

ns] thus

BDB.

in

a'3-^|->;3

12.

a reading confirmed by ^-^^S B.

n'33N after

lay.

K.

K. i2'<' vSn. aj:'^] i K. + nrn. -i-n.-^]

BH., Ges. 93(7. {cf. Bur. i K. 12').

Ki.

(770''). On the art. in a'av.ra

'3X1-]

K.

Ges. 35)) other examples 25'" 29'^. on^xni] i K.

8, i K. 128 has wrongly "v.^'N before ann>'n {cf. St.

SBOT., Bur.). 10.

I

be inserted (Ki.

after (6 should

{cf.

ama?i.

D.-i-Ji'i

the Vrss. in both K. and Ch. read

which should be inserted (Ki. SiJ.). 2iaS]

of n of article

reading (Ki. BH.). 3.

4. Before n.-iy i K. i2 has nns.
true

the

{d).

1 2'2 erroneously 13^1.

harsh response, cf. Gn.

K.

After copm

after the

Bomberg

K.

Bible,

Ginsburg and Baer and Delitzsch have

and v. '" require the

K. has B3nN id^n. 15.

sense, the parallel,

S;.

1126

p.

21

After

^jn

In late Rabbinic

mni

K.

Hebrew nsp

cause

wanting after cpn, but

In
i K. 12I6 the verse commences with Ss nim
-13-1.
16.
after
appears
After i'^-dhs i k. has i3n.
instead of ''31, and has an':'N instead of an'^'.
from the preceding ''tt".
U'ls] wanting in i K., perhaps a dittography
17. SNn'.:'> ij3i] casus pendens before waw consec.
^3=] wanting in i K.
{cf I K. 9"') (Dr. TH. 127 (a), Dav. Syn. 49 {b), Ges. iiiA,
18. B-nn] i K. i2'8 a-ns, but CS^S ^, have a->^nN, given also in
i43f).
I K. 46 528, hence without doubt correct (Ki. HB.).'Z'> >J3] x K. '^:i
(Bur.).

O'lnSsn]

nin>.

in

is

VARIOUS ACTS OF REHOBOAM

XI. 1-23.]

'::".

The Chronicler omits

K.

365

since he does not write of the

12=",

fortunes of the N. kingdom.

XL

With very

slight

latest strata of the

small

dissuaded from attacking Israel.

variations from i K. 12"-' --^, which belongs to the

Rehoboam

1-4.

book.

1.

number compared with

A hundred and eighty thousand] a

those elsewhere in 2 Ch. reckoned to

kingdom: under Abijah 400,000 (13'), under Asa 580,000

2. Shemaiah]
(i4^("), under Jehoshaphat 1,160,000 (ly"'').
mentioned also in 12= ', giving a reproof and a promise of deliverance in connection with the invasion of Shishak; and his words
the S.

in

"5

Rehoboam.

as a source of the history of

1.

n''a

hn]

K.

''NT.;'"]

K.

no

i22>

no.

'^Niw'i

rs. ^C'jai]

'^3

K.

no'^rrrn]

nsi'^cn.

pen

K.

oyam'^]

toar nsi.

followed

in

p. The Chronicler has thus, without impairing the narra2. mni] i K.

tive, shortened this verse by the omission of five words.
12" D'n'^Nn, but some MSB. and the Vrss. have nini in i K., preferred by
I

K. by

Ki.

nD'?^'

BH.,

St.

SBOT.^3.

'2

Ssiiy^

Sd]

K.

1223

min^ n>a

Chronicler frequently uses the term Israel in reference to the

i2'-6

cf.

12='

2819- "_

212-''
'ja.

D>'3T'

Rehoboam's

5-23.
I

15"

'^NTj'i

pc^j^i]

Sn pdSc]

prosperity.

K.

K.

nin^

D;'n in^i.

This

section,
all

of

independent of

which are

Chronicler (H-J.) or from three

of the

The

kingdom,
4. DTna] i K.

1313 pdSS.

K., falls into three well-defined paragraphs

from the pen

S3.

S.

either

sources

(Bn., Ki.).
Vv.
may be regarded as either from the Chronicler (Kau., H-J.)
or from an uncanonical source (Bn.), the Chronicler's pre-midrashic foreJudah and Benjamin
runner annotated in v.'" by the insertion of
6-'2

(Ki.).

Judah

These words, since

all

the cities enumerated are in

Judah

{cf.

in

older than the Chronicler, are a gloss.

Benjamin did not historically belong to the S. kingdom, but through the
incorporation of its territory into the S. kingdom after the fall of Samaria
the tribe was later reckoned as having originally sided with Judah, and
in v.

^), if

the material

is

view appears in i K. ii"' (not ^) 122'- -3. Linguistically these verses

belong to the Chronicler and he may well be regarded as their author.
This likewise is true of the remainder of the chapter, although vv. '^ 23
this

are assigned by Ki. to another source representing material of historical

For marks of the Chronicler cf. ni;?l T'j; Vdi (1. 124) r\^~\7h (1.
worth.
134)
6-

22;

tence

V. '2;

3S
(11.

u'lm
j.-^j

(1.

(1.

20),

78) T.

117, 129) V.

'6;

22;

mr Hiph. (1. 30)

srj? (1. 76) vv.
3-1^

(1.

105)

v.

23.

v. '<;
21.

23;

nsy Hiph. (1. 89) vv,

construction of sen-

CHRONICLES

366

Rehoboam's

5-12.

fortification of cities.

These

cities

were

on the roads to Egypt, or on the western hills of the Judaean

Shephelah, and hence were fortified as a protection against Egypt,

and

in

tion

view of the invasion of Shishak the record of

well have historical foundation.

may

their fortifica-

Compared with

by Solomon (i K. gisb.n.is)^ ([^Qy

shrunken condition of Rehoboam's kingdom (GAS.

the

frontier cities fortified

illustrate

the

/. II. p.

(KATj p. 241) holds that their building, i.e.,

89).
was
occasioned through their destruction in insurrebuilding,
rections at the time of Rehoboam's accession. 6. Beth-lehem].
Winckler

Cf.
7.

Ch. 2^K'Etam]. Cf. 1 Ch. ^\Teko'a\ Cf. i Ch. ^K~

Cf. i Ch. 2*KSoco].
Cf. 28^^ Jos. 15^5 i s. 17'.
Beth-zur].
I

town

Shephelah, mod. es-Suweke, south-southeast from

in the

Beth-shemesh (Rob. BR.^

BDB.),

I.

p. 494, n. 7;

from the Soco

to be distinguished

of

David

the fortress mentioned in the history of

in the

el-ma

the

oflf

Wady

not identified.

8.

time of Solomon

it

Galh\
had

i'^),

Cf.

Ch.

i8>.

at the time of

its

own

king

4'8.

(i

Philistine until its destruction,

c.

under Solomon.

Mareshah].

194;

(i S. 22'), clearly
hill

'Aid-

229), otherwise

p.

Gath can

scarcely

Rehoboam, since at the

K. 2"), and it probably
750 (Am.

not unlikely by Uzziah (26^), but whoever wrote

Philistia

p.

Adidlam]

conjectured the

HGHL.

Sur (GAS.

es

have belonged to Judah

remained

Mi.

ii^"

Shephelah (Ne.

GAP.

Buhl,
i Ch.

Cf.

6=),

Ch.

occasioned

had placed

9=^

2*2.

Zipli].

Adoraim-^] mod. DUra west of Hebron.

Lachish] a notable frontier town frequently mentioned (cf. Jos.
10 Mi. I '3 2 K. 18''), mod. Tell-el-Hesy, recently excavated,

Cf

Ch.

2*\

9.

thirty-three miles south-west

from Jerusalem, and

east

from Gaza

15"
17' Je. 34' Ne.
(Baed. p. 118). Azekah] Jos. io'
11=" f, not identified.
10. Zoreah] Jos. 15" 19" Ju. i^^ 16"
i8-- " Ne. ii"t) mod. Sara, fifteen miles west of Jerusalem
'

/^ JCf

(BDB.).Aijalon].
64

(55)

42

(5

mentioned

7)

jji,

Cf

Ch.

3'

All of the above-

in Jiiduh, except Zorah and Aijalon, which

territory of

assumed that these

Ch. 6 ^^^KHebron].

iidak cttd in Benjamin].

cities are

were in the

i S.

later

(Ke., Zoe., Oe.), but

the

Dan
came

(Jos. 19^'');

hence

it

into the possession of

has been

Benjamin
words are a comprehensive term for

VARIOUS ACTS OF REHOBOAM

XI. 1-23.1

367

They are held by some to be a gloss {v. s.).

This picture of fortresses victualled and garrisoned throughout the land seems to imply that they were intended to keep Judah

the S. kingdom.

11

f.

in subjection (y.

and

last clause

Winckler) and to justify the rendering of the

Judah and Benjamin became his (Ba.), but we

s.

so

prefer the view that they were fortified as a protection against

Egypt.
6.

in

pM]

nmso

i-i;']

II" and

the

Is.

of

meaning

rebuilt, fortified

of ramparts, walls, in v.

cities

Na.

293

"

124).

IN?: n3-\n'^]

Ch.

11').

10.

without

"i^y
21^ sg. 14',
pnxNi] a construct governing the
For example of two nouns cf. i Ch. 13'. 12.

2' '2)

-j-.

n.

three following nouns.

-\^';^ -|ij; Sd^i] idiomatic with the Chronicler.
(1.

(cf.

i2

Ges.

Cf.

Ch.

26'^

Qes.

123c

113^.

13 17. The immigration to Judah.

Levltes that were in all Israel

13.

coming out of

And

the priests

all their territory

and
took

Yahweh, from the

would necessarily side with Rehoboam.
14. Their open lands] the land round the Levitical cities in
which the community had common rights and which according to
their

stand with him].

Faithful servants of

Chronicler's point of view,

be sold (Lv. 25" Nu. 352-5, ^y_ j ch. 6" ^^^^). And
their possessions] i.e., their other landed property in cities, includ-

P was never

to

ing houses, which also were an inalienable possession of the Le-

although not of other Israelites (Lv. 2529-3^). The priests and

Levites thus appear making full sacrifice in leaving their former
vites,

For Jeroboam, etc.]. This fact is stated negatively in i K.

a
1231,
passage which may have suggested this entire paragraph.
The emphasis appears to be on unto Yahweh, which is entirely
wrong from the historical point of view, since Jeroboam did not
homes.

His sons] i.e., his successors

repudiate the worship of Yahweh.
The
Chronicler
15.
regarded the schism of Jer(Be., Zoe., Oe.).

oboam

Yahweh

as an entirely idolatrous moveand the newly founded

the
Samaritans
polemic against
in
this
been
seen
at
has
Gerizim
passage (Tor. AJSL.
temple
XXV. 1909, p. 201). The high places] (^\^t22) The word primarily
meant " heights," any conspicuous elevation of the country or land-

scape

in the

worship of

ment.

(cf.

a place

Dt. 32'3

Am. 4'^ Mi. i'), then (both sing, and pi.)

Yahweh as well as other gods (i S. g'^-^^

Is. 58'*

of worship, of

368
iqs.

13

K.

3' 22<* 2

came

places

CHRONICLES

K. 15"); after the Deuteronomic reform high

only an unlawful place of worship,

mean not

to

but one entirely dedicated to the service of other gods. The

Chronicler pjrobably thus used the word here and elsewhere (cf.
4(5)

142(3).

1^17 176 2o'3

21" 28

3H

32'2 S3^-"-^^ 34=)-

And for

(''"l^y li^) a term applied to the demons (Arabic

jinn) popularly believed to inhabit desert and waste places, not as
pure spirits, but in corporeal form, ordinarily represented as hairy

the he-goats]

(hence goat-like) (WRS. Religion of the Semites,^ p. 120) {cf Is.

13" 34" Lv. 17'). The epithet applied by the Chronicler in reproach to Jeroboam's innovations has the stigma of our term devils.
A connection with an Egyptian god Pan and a borrowing from
(Ke., Zoe., H-J.) are not probable.

Egypt

And the calves] the two

and Dan as symbols of

up by Jeroboam
K.
12"This
^).
(i
symbolism probably was derived
from the Canaanites, among whom the bull was the symbol of Baal
at Bethel

golden calves set

Yahweh

(Bn. EBi.

I.

col. 632).

16.

who were

All

loyal to

Yahweh

in the

N. kingdom are represented as having followed the example of the

priests and Levites in going to Jerusalem, not simply to sacrifice,
but, as the strengthening of the kingdom shows, to remain permanently.

17.

Three years].

The

12-

K. 14").

is due to
King Rehoboam (cf.

reason of this limitation

the invasion of Shishak in the fifth year of

This invasion, from the Chronicler's point of view,

religious delinquency of Reho-

must have been caused by some

boam and his people (cf. 12'), and

delinquency, introducing at
falls in the fourth year

this

once a weakening of the kingdom, naturally

of

Rehoboam immediately

preceding the invasion, and thus only

three years are left for obedience

way of David and

trast to

In

In

the

Chronicler ignores completely

K. ii*- Solomon is placed in con-

David.

14. Dn^jtn] in Hiph. only in Ch. with

29*'

in strength.

The

of Solomon].

the apostasies of Solomon.

and increase

(1.

30).

from another

in^jT.sn

root,

with meaning

to

meaning

to reject, 1

give a stench

though of same radicals (BDB.).

Ch. 28^

(Is. 19^) is

17.

Ch.

probably

i;'^n] (g sg.

18-23. The royal family.

This section
ical

is

entirely independent of

K. and

value are necessarily entirely conjectural.

its

source and histor-

B-i. assigns

it

aus der

REHOBOAM'S FAMILY

XI. 18-23.]

andern Vorlage von Chronislen, and Ki.

most part of good historical value."

Rehoboam

369

to the ancient material

"

for the

extremely probable that

was of luxurious habits and that he followed his father in the

possession of a considerable harem.

of some of his wives and children,

recorded, or the

It

is

The memory of this, with the names

may have long continued and been

names may have been invented by the Chronicler.

And Rehoboam

took to himself a wife, Mahalath the

Jerimoth
the
son
of David, and^ of Abihail the daughter
daughter of
Eliab
son
the
of
of
Jesse] {v. i.).
Jerimoth] not mentioned among

18

f.

the sons of David's wives

(cf.

2 S. 32-5 51^-16

Ch.

3'-3 i4*-')>

hence

concubine or possibly Jerimoth (niD"'"!"') is a

corruption of Ithre am (D^iri''), who was one of the sons of David
(i Ch. 3').
Abihail] not mentioned elsewhere; for other occureither the son of a

rences of the

name

ly). 19.

(i S. i6

cf.

Ch. 2".

Eliab] David's

eldest brother

These three sons are not mentioned again.

Zaham-\].

Shemariah],
y".

Cf. i Ch. 125.

Jeush]. Cf. I Ch.
20. Maacah the daughter of Absalom] probably granddaughter,
since Tamar is mentioned as his only daughter (2 S. 14"). Cf.

132, where, according to the true text, Ma'acah is called the

daughter of Uriel. Of the three sons, except in the case of Abijah

and the daughter, nothing further is known. The name

appears among the descendants of the Judahite Sheshan
Ch. 2^5) and a Gadite (i Ch. 12"). Ziza] the name also

(cf i2')
'Altai
(i

(i Ch. 4"t), probably a childish reduplicated

abbreviation or a term of endearment (Noeldeke, EBi. III. col.
3294). Shelomith] apparently also a son, since the name oc-

of a Simeonite

curs of men, Levites

(i

Ch.

23S'2'-'8

26"Q'^-28)|

the

of

exilic

mother

women,
family (Ezr. 8');
(Lv. 24"), a daughter of Zerubbabel (i Ch.

cubines] thirty,

This

according to (^^

3'').

head
of a

23.

a post-

blasphemer

21.

and Josephus, Ant.

preferred as original by Bn.

of

Sixty conviii.

10, i.

And

he dealt wisely] in
the policy which he pursued of scattering his sons and giving them
an abundant maintenance and also a considerable number of
is

wives.

This would be conducive to

their

preventive of rebellion against their brother

not be sound,
18.

24

(but the text

may

v. i.).

p] read n3 with

Be., Kg.,

contentment and

c/ al.

Qr.,

(&,

H. '?>n''3N] read S^n^^Nl after (S* (so

one wife of Rehoboam is meant, as is

generally), since only

370

CHRONICLES

and i?ni of v. '. 21. nb'j] late usage, cf. 13M

13=3 Ru. i* (BDB.). 22, lo^^cnS >o] either an
example of a peculiar sentence without verb (1. 117), or more probably
the verb given in <S SiecoctTo (3!;'n) has been omitted from the text, and

shown by the

sing. ntt'N

10" Ne.

'2

243 Ezr. 92

should be restored (Kau., Bn., Ki. B.B., et al. generally). 23. p"i]
wanting in (&. insM] from X~\D with the doubtful meaning of to distrib-

(BDB.), (&^^, Kal v^^V^V, as though ',"\d had here the meaning to
spread abroad, increase {cf. i Ch. 4'*). (B^ conflates two renderings and
renders 'v\ pM
introduces a subject Kal T]v^Ti6r] A^ia Kal 5i^Ko\p.
lUe

quia sapientior fuit et potentior super oynnes Jilios

the preceding verse.
nj? S^'^] <& 'ij? Sd*?!, so Ki.

a"'a'j

C'j'j

psn

'?{<;;'m]

=^'

is

accepted by Ki.

p.

47,

BH. The text of these

Winckler reconstructs them (KAT.-

certainly doubtful.

is

connecting with

SBOT., Kom., BH.

Analekten Textkritik des ATs.

F. Perles,

onS NSTM. This emendation

verses'"-

eJ2<5

" VJ3 S33 wSDnS

n>3N cniS iCyii, Aiid he appointed Abia the son of Maacah chief in order to make him king from
among all his sons. As S'nt head of the family (BDB. cni 3. f),
241 /.),

pp.

Abijah

r\y;o

appointed during the life of his father his successor on the

not necessary to look to the Assyrian w.'\ reStu as Winck-

is

throne.
ler

v.

(It is

does to draw this conclusion.)

The meaning of

The words vnxa

n^jj*^

are a gloss.

according to Winckler, has been distorted through

It properly belongs with w. ^-'-.
the insertion from v. - of viZ 'rj:;.
Winckler renders Utui er haute und zerstorte in alien Gebieten Jiidas
tend

Benjamins

The

Alenge.

v.

=3^

festen Stddte und er tat hinein Vorrdte in

clause of v. =3, a^^*: ]^r:n '^n-j'm, speaks of the King's

(alle) die

last

own

wives and goes with v. ='.

accept the emendation of Perles.

the whole, however,

it is

XII. 1-12.
narrative of

On

better to

The invasion of Shishak. An enlargement of

K. i4"-28. The additions are vv.'-'"*{v.
'-

the
s.).

(These additions are marked by Ki. as from a Midrash, yet it

allowed that they may have been written by the Chronicler.).
1.

When

strong]

the

i.e.,

kingdom of Rehoboam was

and he was
Rehoboam's reign (cf.
law of Yahweh]. This, from the Chronicler's

during the

II"), he forsook the

is

first

established

three years of

point of view, was a necessary antecedent to the invasion of Shishak.

Attd all Israel].
2. Shishak]
Shoshenk, the first
Cf. ii'.

Pharaoh

of the twenty-second dynasty.

The

results of this invasion

are inscribed on the temple at Kamak, where a

himdred and eighty to\Mis captured by Shishak

some one
These
given.

list

is

of

belong to northern Israel as well as Judah, showing that he

exacted tribute there even if he only used violence in the king-

Xn.

INVASION OF SHISHAK

1-16.]

371

dom

of Rehoboam (Max Muller, EBi. IV. col. 4486).

The
occasion of this invasion was probably the weakened condition
of Israel through the disruption of the kingdom; and Jero-

boam,

he had sought refuge in Egypt (i K. 11^),

solicited such an interference against Judah.

since

may
For

have directly

had transgressed against Yahweh] an addition

they

and a

for the invasion.

and

who

characteristic touch of the Chronicler,

Ch.

Cf.

K. 14",

3. With twelve hundred chariots

and the people were without number].

lo'^.

sixty thousand horsemen;

to

thus accounts

These statements are

of the magnifying character of the Jewish

Kings gives no such detail. For similar exaggerations

Midrash.
cf.

17"

149

133

ff-.

Luhim]

the Libyans

of

northern

Africa,

west of Egypt. They repeatedly invaded Egypt and mingled

with the people and supplied the Pharaohs with a militia. Shishak

was of this race. They are also mentioned in 16^ Na. 3^ Dn. 11"
and (Can^) Gn. lo's i Ch. i". Sukkiyim'\] not yet satis-

factorily explained.

Ci, Iff,

have Troglodytes, cave-dwellers, hence

probably the cave-dwellers of the mountains on the west coast of the

Red Sea (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba. ?); from derivation from booth,
"dwellers in booths" (Ki.). Spiegelberg {Mgyptolog. Randglossen

z.

identifies

AT.)

them with the Tktin, who were used as

troops
dynasty. And CusJiites] the
Ethiopians, the inhabitants of Cush, a general name for the district lying south of Egypt proper,
The Libyans and
cf. Am. 9^
in

police

the

nineteenth

Cushites are mentioned

The fortified

among

the allies of Egypt in Na. 3 \

4.

5. Shemaiah the prophet].

cities].
Cf. iv-.
Cf.
1 12 ff-.
This episode is not mentioned in Kings. You have forsaken
me and I indeed have forsaken you in the hand of Shishak]. Cf. 15^.

6.

Humbled
K. 21"-

themselves] i.e., they fasted

Princes of Israel] in v.

29

and put on sackcloth;

princes of Judah.
Ex.
Dn.
7. In a short time].
Righteous
Yahweh]. Cf.
9"
9'^
Thus taynO is to be rendered (RVm., Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba., Ki.),
and not some or small deliverance (RV., Kau.). And my wrath

cf.

is

shall not be

stroyed,

poured out

upon Jerusalem] i.e., the city shall not be de8. But they will be his servants] in contrast to

34".
the destruction which they will escape.
This service will be of
short duration (v.').
That they may know, etc.] i.e., that they may
cf.

CHRONICLES

372

distinguish between the two services and recognise that the service
of Yahweh is not so oppressive as that of foreign kings (Be., Ke.,

The lands here

Zoe., Oe., Ba.).

9-11. The narrative from

resumed.

refers to foreign countries.

K. 14"*- commenced

9. Shields of gold].

Cf. 9'^

'-.

10.

in v.

Guard]

now

is

Hterally

runners; a term appHed to a body-guard (cf. 1 S. 22'^ i K. i^) and

hence to the royal guard connected with the palace and the

11. The purpose of the shields made by Solomon

12. This verse from the Chronicler, an echo
explained.
Temple.

is

The good
to

of

a clause or expression of time,

1. 3T"] simple perf. after

158* 2o>

'.

Judah are piety and fidelity

which Judah was not destroyed (cf. 19').

things which were found in

Yahweh, on account

21"

370b. 2.

also

here

of v.

is

(S

23

24*-

Ne.

nSj'] cf. V.

^ovffaKei/i.

Egyptian Sosenq.
nn]

'HM

Dr.

TH.

5.

I.

Zc.

7'

pr^r]

This

Ez.

I'

so also Qr. in

latter

is

might be expected

in

K.

14^5,

pf.,

Dr.

TH.

vv.

Koe.

but Kt.

without doubt correct

prophetic

"inaiy]

cf.

20' 26' 291' 302" et al.

13,-7.

one clause or the other,

cf.

"

iii.

pz'^z',

after
.

^-

the

mN-\3i

v.';

see

157 f.n., Ges. iiib.

na^Sa'?] ace. with V, Ges. iijn.
9. hp^] a modification of nSy in v. - i K. 14^5 agreeable to the con^JJD nx] 1 K. 14=6 'd ^o PN.
text.
10, 11. The rendering of 10^ and

p.

lib in

is

singular and without ready explanation,

avrbv ^ovaaKelfj. S.pxovTas,

ol

iraparpixovTes Kai

etc.,

(ii'')

Kai Kar^crTTjcrev e^'

eicreiropeiiovro oi

(pnXdcraavres Kai

ol iiri(rTp4<f)0VTei eis airavTifffLV rC)v ira.parpxi>vrwv.

(&^ follows i^ in io'> and has both (& and the addition 'ui din^ji in ii^.
11. DiNrji D'i-in 1N3] I K. 14-8 a^s-in DIN'.:"'.
12. Cf. for constr. v.'.

n^ncnV]

inf.

continuing

finite verb,

Ges.

114^,

Ew.

351 c at end.

13-16. The chronology and sources of the reign of Reho13. And King Rehoboam strengthened liimselfin Jerusalem

boam.
and

reigned].

These words from the Chronicler indicate Reho-

boam's recovery

of authority after the invasion of Shishak.

Because he did not

set his

heart to seek

Yahweh].

14.

This phrase from

the Chronicler occurs, in the positive form, of Jehoshaphat 19' and

of Hezekiah 30", and of Ezra with the law as the object Ezr. 7'.

15.

modification of

Chronicles,

and Iddo

men

cf. 9^9

the seer].

Ch.

K. 14"

2929.

after the usual

The words of Shemaiah

Cf. 9"; not independent

(Ke.) but the reference

the Chronicler (see Intro.

of

works by these two

main source of

is

to the sections of the

6).

In

manner

the prophet

reckoning genealogies] an

Xm.

REIGN OF ABIJAH

1-23.]

^y^

obscure phrase either defining in some way the character or contents

mentioned (Ke., Zoe.) as containing a genealogi-

of the source just

work of Iddo (Ba.), or a copyblunder, really belonging with the meaning in order to be
enrolled in the genealogies at the close of ii' (Be. after Hitz.), or
cal register (Oe.), or the title of the
ist's

a meaningless phrase arising

or in the

wrong place from a

And

Kom.).

(Ki.

stant] (lit. all

from some textual corruption (Bn.),

and to be struck out

copyist's error,

wars of Rehoboam and Jeroboam were concondensed from i K. 143. 16. Taken

the

the days)

from

with

abridgment

(v.

name

of the son of

Rehoboam,

i.)

K.

14".

Abijah]

the

true

called in

Kings Abijam, possibly to

avoid confusion with Abijah the son of Jeroboam mentioned in i
K. 14' (Bur.), or to avoid connecting name of Yahweh (iT' jah)

with so godless a king (Bn. ?), or a euphonic change of the ending

(Ki.): the real reason remains obscure.

ah

13.

'd]

introduces the quotation from

to usage elsewhere.

K.

ti'n\nnS] either inf.

but

14^"',

j?in b'>"i]

is

superfluous

from

K.

14^2

K. has Rehoboam as subj.

of purpose defining the words of Iddo, or with

opening words, but with n-nni as subj.

15.

14.

and not according

(& of

S of inscription giving their title (Ba.), or text error or corruption.

(B^,
Kal irpd^eis avroO, VK'jJDi, perhaps favors this last.
^^ has in addition

Tov yeveaXoyijcrai, 15

hoboam.

et

deligenter exposita, with reference to the acts of Re-

-Dya-in Dvam niDn'^Di]

K.

1430 av^ii ^^y

oyam pa

ninnSn, naia] each followed by two

128a.
pred. of copula understood, Koe.
genitives,

a^3''n So]

c/".

11'

iii.

nn^n nnnSci.

Ch.

426k.

13'

Ges.

-16.

In

i3P'i|| has r.naN cj?and after T'n it has nijcyn ncyj tcN Ofi;
but the latter is wanting in (&^^, which furnishes the probably true text
I

K.

143' after

of Kings.

XIII. 1- 23.

The reign

reigned, according to

narrative of
"

walking
sake.

K.

(15'-^)

of Abijah

K.

920-917 B.C.). This King

15^, only three years,

Abijah (Abijam)

in all the sins of his father

The

(r.

"

is

and

known

in the brief

only as a ruler
for David's

and spared only

Chronicler gives no inkling of this evil character, but

on the basis of the statement that there was war between Abijah
and Jeroboam (i K. 15') depicts him as a great victor over the N.

kingdom "because
his short reign is

his people relied

made one

upon Yahweh"

of great glory.

(v. '8)^

and

374
Ki. after Bn. assigns
value,

material in vv.

V.

97)

(1.

44) V.

'-2-

V.

';
'^

';

"a.

pinnn

(cf. I

22' 29') (Graf,

'-2

M,

to

v.

to ancient material of historical

^i

to the Chronicler.

(1.

The

38) v.

Ch. 15=0; no TiT

GB.

92) V.

(1.

20;

aaS

]\^

nyj v.

'

(c/. i

Ch.

p. 137).

From

i K. 15'
'^
1. /w the eighteenth
the
where
the Chronicler has
Jeroboam]
only example

1-2. Introduction.
year of King

-^^

Chronicler's style appears throughout, cf.

h with inf. after icn (1. 4) v. s; pij-ixn inv
'';
the detailed ritual v. " (cf. 2= S'^ i Ch. 23''); nnxxna onxxnn

with S

(1.

w.

The whole chapter, however,

be regarded as coming from the Chronicler with use of canonical

and only

may well
inf.

vv. ''

CHRONICLES

f-

given a synchronism from Kings. 2. Ma'dcah*]. Cf. ii^^ i K. 15=.

Micaiah of the Heb. Text, elsewhere a man's name, is clearly an
error.

The daughter of

In 11="

Uriel].

daughter of Absalom (Abishalom

K.

15=),

K.

152

Maacah

is

the

hence either Uriel was

of Tamar, the daughter of Absalom, and thus Maacah

granddaughter (Ke., Be., Zoe., Oe., Ba.), or a confusion has
arisen between Maacah the mother of Asa (i K. i^^"- '^), who really

the

husband

was

his

was the daughter of Uriel, and Maacah the daughter of Absalom,

the mother of Abijah (Bn. after Thenius, also Ki., who thinks of
two Maacahs, but holds that the wife of Rehoboam was the
daughter of Uriel, and that this statement of the text is "a good
ancient piece of information").
one Maacah {cf. 11 --"and 15'^).

same

In

as the Levite mentioned in

all

probability there

Uriel]. Be.

Ch.

155- ",

was only

thought possibly the

but all is obscure in

regard to him; neither can it be determined whether Gibeah near

Hebron (Jos. 15", cf. 1 Ch. 2^') or the one of Benjamin is meant.

And war was

from

between Abijah and Jeroboam].

This clause taken
K. IS"* introduces the fine specimen of Midrash which

follows.

The assembled armies.

The great numbers 400,000

800,000 are characteristic of the Midrash, cf v.'" 14^ 17'^-".
3.

number, however,

of

and

The

Jeroboam's warriors is the same as that credtaken by Joab, while that of Abijah's

ited to Israel in the census

army

is

100,000 less than that credited to Judah (2

S. 24').

(In

Ch. 21^ Israel has 1,100,000, and Judah 470,000.) How utterly
unhistorical these numbers are, appears at once when one reflects

upon the small

The

size of the territory of

northern Israel and Judah.

entire population of the country at its

maximum

can hardly

Xm.

REIGN OF ABIJAH

1-23.]

ever have been more than four times

its

375

present strength of 650,000

souls (EBi. III. col. 3550).

The address of Abijah. The appearance

4-12.

of Abijah,

who

K. 15^ " walked in all the sins of his father" and was
spared only for David's sake (i K. 15^), as a preacher and ardent
upholder of the Levitical worship of Yahweh is an interesting

according to

touch of the Chronicler, who in this speech especially magnifies

the importance of the Aaronic priesthood and the ceremonial service
according to the priestly law as the source of divine favour and

Zejnaraim] appears in Jos. 18" among the cities of

between Beth-arabah and Bethel. This
mentioned
Benjamin,
would not exclude its connection with a hill of the same name in
victory.

EpJiniiin,

4.

The place is generally

its southern boundary.
es-Snmra to the north of Jericho (SWP. III.

on

i.e.,

identified with

pp. 174, 212/., Buhl, GAP. p. 180 et al., see DB.). But (according
to Be.) the narrative is not favourable to a location so far east.

This exhortation from the mountain-top resembles, so far, Jotham's

from Mt. Gerizim (Ju. g''^-). 5. Covenant of salt] i.e., an indissol-

Cf. Nu. 18". The figure is derived from the sacredness of the bond created between parties who have partaken food
"
There is salt between us " (cf.
together, who say of one another,

uble covenant.

Dill,

on Lv.

Bn. Arch.

p. 91).

ferred to in

fellows]

(^y^^

(Dt. 13'*

<">

on Nu.

WRS.

Rel. Semites", p. 270,

GrayThe servant of Solomon].

Worthless men].
K. II".

2",

i8',

6.

7.

''12),

ERV.

Ju. 1922 20"

Young]

Jeroboam

is

Cf. Ju. g* ii^.

so re-

Base

sons of Belial, a frequent expression

10" I K. 2I"'- ") but only here in

S. 2'2

("Ipi) scarcely applicable to Rehoboam at

the age of forty-one (12'=), though this is defended from the use of
as equivalent to "an inexthe term in i Ch. 22^ 29' i K.
"
perienced young man (Ke., Ba.). Others read in 12", twenty-one
instesid oi forty-one (Zoe., Oe.).
Tender-hearted] either timid (cf

Chronicles.

Dt. 208) or weak in understanding. The whole picture of the revolt

in this verse is very different from that taken from Kings given in
lo'f , where

Rehoboam appears hard and

the rupture by his domineering manner.

tirely on the representatives of Israel,
worthless

and base fellows.

This view

defiant

and brings about

Here the

who
is

due

fault

is

laid en-

are characterised as
to the intensity

with

376
which the Chronicler or

dom
of

as apostate,

Yahweh.

CHRONICLES

his source (Bn.) regards the northern

king-

and the southern with

In this the Chronicler

its

King as the

may have

true people

reflected the feeling

Jewish contemporaries toward the Samaritans.

8. In the
hand of the sons of David] therefore the only legitimate kingdom.
Since ye are a great mrdtitiide, etc. ]. Abi jah thus states the ground
of their confidence, which is baseless because they have not a
of his

9. The priests of Yahweh the sons of

Aaron]. According to P, the priesthood was restricted to the sons of

proper priesthood

Aaron (Ex.

(v.

^).

28*^- 29^^ 40'-

"f-

etc.).

And the

Levites].

These sub-

ordinate officers are naturally mentioned in connection with the

priests,

(Nu.

because their position was equally fixed in the sacred law

ff-

35

i8 etc.).

After

the

manner of

the peoples of other

lands] who have no chosen or restricted holy priesthood like that of

the tribe of Levi and the house of Aaron.
A better contrast, how-

given in the Greek rendering (preferred by Bn.) from the

people of the land, i.e., from any one, as the remainder of the verse
shows. This also is more agreeable to the statements in i K. 12"
ever,

is

To consecrate himself] (lit. to fill his hand), a frequent expres1333.

sion (Ex. 28^' 29'- " 33. 35 Lv. 833 1632 Ju. 175- '2 I K. 1333 et al.).

With a young

and seven rams] agreeable to the law of Ex.

there only two rams are prescribed.
While the

bullock

29" except that

personnel of this northern priesthood is illegitimate {cf. also i K.

1333), its ritual is described in the main as according to the law.

No gods].
{cf.

Cf. Je. 2" 5^ The reference here is to the golden calves

Ho. 8^). 10. In contrast to the no gods Yahweh is empha-

sised as the

God of Abijah's host, and the

sons of Aaron as his min-

In their work]. The term

istering priests, with the Levites.
is
used
of
Levitical
and priestly duties. 11.
(ri3S'7D)
frequently

The

daily services appointed for the worship in the tabernacle are

here enumerated: the morning and evening sacrifices (Ex. 29 ^^^),

morning and evening incense of sweet spices (Ex. 30' '), the

the

perpetual offering of show-bread (Ex. 25'"), and the lighting each

evening of the lamps of the golden "candlestick" which burned
until the morning (Ex. 253iff- 30? ' 40^^ f- Lv. 248).*
12, The

it

*
Contrary to the notion of these passages that the lamps were lighted to burn over night,
has been held that some at least of them were kept burning also during the day, Josephus

REIGN OF ABIJAH

Xin. 1-23.]
contest

are

is

pictured as a holy war.

377

The trumpets of

made prominent because by

alarm].

their use, according to

These
Nu. 10%

remembered before Yahweh and delivered from

Cf. also Nu. 3i.

the people are

their enemies.

13-20, The success of Abijah's army. 13, Jeroboam not only

has an army double the size of Abijah's (v.^), but by his strategy
places
is

Judah

in additional peril,

On

enhanced.

the

form

and thus the divine deliverance

14.
cf. Jos. 8^ Ju. 20" .

of strategy

15.

On the blowing of the trumpets cf. v. '=>.

Gave a shotit] i.e.,
uttered a religious war-cry; cf. Jos. 6"'-" where the same Heb.
word is used. God smote]. Some supernatural help is in the mind

of the writer;

17.

Cf.y.K 18. They relied,

etc.]. Cf. 14'" (">.
Bethel] mod. Beitin, about ten miles north
of Jerusalem; the seat of worship for one of the golden calves
(i K.
If this narrative were historical a mention or hint of this
12").
c/.

14"' (').

19.

500,000].

capture and some fate of the golden calf would probably appear
elsewhere in OT. history and prophecy, but Bethel always seems to

have been a sanctuary of the N. kingdom, and to have retained the

K. 10^9 Am. 7'^ Ho. 10= Beth-aven=Bethel). Jeshana-f]

calf (2

Cheyne

also finds in

i S. 7'^

where Heb.

text

has Shen

(Grit. Bib.).

Josephus mentions a village of the same name in Samaria near the

border of Judah (Ant. xiv. 15, 12), probably the mod. 'Ain Sinja,
3J miles north of Bethel {SWP. II. pp. 291, 302). 'Ephron-\'\

same as Ephraim (Jn. 11") and

Qr.
S.
and
Ophrah (i
13'', Jos. 18")
Ephraim mentioned by Josephus
IV.
with
identified
with mod. et-Taiyibeh, four
{BJ.
9, 9)
Bethel,
Ephrain, probably the

miles north-east of Bethel {DB.

I.

p. 728).

The same language

And

Yahweh

him and he

died].

(i S. 25'8)

and implies some sudden and untimely end.

describes the fate of

smote

Nabal

This

is

view of the contrasted gathering of strength

with the chronology of Kings, which makes Jero-

scarcely consistent, in
of Abijah v. ",

boam the

survivor of Abijah at least a year.

(Cf. 1 K. 1420 151
).
the
statement
of
the
war
between
Beyond
Abijah and Rehof

said three of the seven {Anl.

HecatEeus

it

The Mishna

is

said that the

iii.

8, 3).

Temple

says that one of the seven

c. Apion. (i. 22), where in a passage from

never extinguished either by day or by night.

Cf. also

light is

burned by day (Tamid III. 9, VI. i). Philo, however,

speaks of their burning only at night and implies that they were extinguished by day {De Virtimis Of/erenlibiis, 7, init.). Cj. DD. l\. p. 664; Schurer, Gesch} II, p. 286 [HJP. II. i.
p. 281].

CHRONICLES

378

boam

(v.

and possibly the location

''),

pears nothing

war

difficult

is

Abijah in

of the battle (Bn.), there ap-

The real result of the

The unfavourable judgment of

historical in this narrative.

K.,

to determine.

and the hard pressure there recorded of Baasha

Asa had inherited an evil situation from his
cast doubt upon any victory (cf. s. v. ^^), yet Graf

Asa, as though

upon

father, certainly

accepted a success of Abijah as historical {GB. p. 137), so likewise

Pa. {EHSP. pp. 194/.) and McC. {HPM. 1. p. 255).
21-23. Conclusion of Abijah's reign. 21. This statement of

Abijah's might and the number of his wives and children is accepted as from an ancient tradition by Bn. and marked of historical
value by Ki. and thus quoted by Pa. {EHSP. p. 195). But this is

improbable.

It is better to

regard

it

as a fitting climax to his great

penned by the Chronicler, Equally with Abijah's appearance as a preacher and the narrative of his success, it is at vari-

victory,

ance with the account in Kings where, after the short reign of three
no son, he is succeeded in all likelihood

years, having apparently

by

his brother, since the statement that

Maacah was

the mother of

both Abijah and Asa, and that the latter removed her from court
">
overrides the assertion that the successor of Abijah
(i K. 15='3),

was

22. Commentary]
23

The prophet Iddo].

see

from K.
His brother should
Taken
In days land had
be substituted
K.

his son (i

Midrash,

(XIV.

1).

probably

15^)

Intro.,

(We. Prol.

p.

lit.

p. 210).

Cf. I2'5.

23.

in its first half

15*.

for his son.

(v. s.)

his

the

These words are by the Chronicler. This rest is

rest ten years].
clearly considered the result of Asa's removal of the high places,
pillars,

poles,

and "sun-images" mentioned

in 142-

^'^>.

Asa's

The basis of the calculation of ten

piety required such a reward.
the
clear.
not
period was reckoned in the
Perhaps
years is
with
the great victory of Abijah
as
vnriter
the
of
mind
beginning
In
over Jeroboam (Be., Ke., Zoe.).
reality the statement is contradicted

by the statement of

Asa and Baasha king of

to reign in the third year of

1. Dj?3n^]
I

K.

iSc.

K.

15^- that there

Asa

(i

K.

1528-

text.

err.

was war between

Baasha began

33).

oaj p. n^DM] Dr. TH.

K.

151 sq.

ni2N]

name, prob.

K.

Israel all their days since

D'3N,

K.

cf.

i2".

2.

15' noyn, also

127

()3),

Ges. iiift,
a man's

inio>D] elsewhere

ii^" q. v.,

so here (&^.

REIGN OF ABIJAH

XIII. 1-23.]

p SxniN na]

njjjj

nnj

nnnSo

K. and

(S''

diS-^ok na.

S^na] a case of apposition, Dr.

379

3.

noxii]

TH.^

K.

cf.

5.

20'''.

nyiS d^S]
Koe. iii. 397d, on inf. Ges. \\i\h and k. nSn n^nj] a second ace.
after pj, so Koe. iii. 3271, perh. better ace. of manner, Ges. ii8w
and q; the phrase occurs elsewhere only in P, Nu. 18" {cf. also Lv.
2").

7.

instead of

rSj)]

more usual rSx with

190.

yip,

SySa]

BDB.

cf.

Moore on

The derivaJu. 1922 for renderings in Vrss. and etymologies.

tion from ^"ra and Sy, "without profit," BDB., he regards as dubious. Cf.

oyami] a
prnnn] also
and
favour8 oncN] with force of purpose,
word of the Chronicler,
dhni]
followed by
a usage of the Chronicler. Cf. Ch. 21"
pnn] with the meaning of crowd,
causal circumstantial clause
Smith on

S. i' for references to later discussions.

cumstantial clause expressing time.

ite

cf. i' (1.

in v.

38).

'Ui

cir-

v.

2',

inf.

(1.

4)

'^x\

since, etc.

'2 's m
14' 20^
^2', frequent in Ez. and Dn. (see BDB.),
used
9. DiiSni]. Since in
only
exceptionally in early prose (1. 28).
w. =-'2 Abijah chides Jeroboam with having driven out the sons of

multitude

priests, and the Levites (v. S"), and with having appointed
from the people whoever were ready with offerings (v. ">)^ but no
mention is made of an appointment of persons to take the place of the
expelled Levites, and since the activities of the priests with Judah are

Aaron, the
priests

mentioned

in detail (v. "),

nection with the

and

since priests only are

mentioned

in con-

army and sounding

the trumpets (vv. '2. u)^ it has been

held (by Buchler, ZAW. 1899, p. 99) that the Levites did not originally
stand in v. ^ and that the present i and 2 Ch. are a revision, in the interest

an

form of the book. But there is really nothing

Chronicler wrote sometimes influenced by the
phraseology of Dt. and sometimes by that of P. Precision in the use of
language was not one of his traits (v. Intro, p. 19). mxnNn 'c>'3]

of the Levites, of

earlier

The

in this supposition.

an expression of the Chronicler

wrongly)

Trdcnjs.

^l

follows

(1.

^ n''

91);

(g eK roO \aov

nSc*?].

The

t^s

yrjs

(and

origin of this phrase,

Since it has a parallel in the

equivalent to consecrate, is uncertain.
"
"
Assyrian umalli kdti he filled the hand of one," i.e. he gave, appointed,
enfeoffed, or presented" (Now. Arch. II. p. 121, after Halevy), it is
probably the adaptation to the induction into the priests' office of a

term used

in

general with such force.

Thus Wellhausen's

derivation,

practically right when he derives it from the custom in early

times of filling the hand with money or the equivalent (Prol.
p. 152).
is

then,

DOlman

(on Lv. 7") and Baudissin (DB. IV. p. 71) derive "consecrafrom the notion of filling the priest's hand with his portion of the
sacrifice; and Selhn (Beitrdge, II. pp. 118/.) from the custom of filling
tion

the

"

hand

of the priest with arrows, used in primitive times in

giving

and von Hoonacker (Le Sacerdota Levitique, pp.

hand with something to place upon the
h2' hi\ an example of a subject
separated from its

oracular responses;

134/.) from
altar.

n>ni

filling
.

the priest's

CHRONICLES

380
verb by

38of,

34ig.

Koe.

1,

Ges.

iii.

41211,

Dr.

foot-note.

152a,

TH.

10.

niH'*^] dat. after D\-T\B'a, r/.

123(a).

a^'n'^x

Ges.

ijnjNi]

22^ 238, Koe.

iii.

Koe.

iii.

Koe.

iii.

nS*^]

143a,

HDNSna]
rnpVnc3.

327c.

suggestively iv toXs i(prjfj.eplaii avTwv, possibly read

11. onopci] Hiph. of verb used in P over thirty times of burning (lit.
making smoke) the sacrifices on the altar. aij73
"ip3o] cf. for

(&

these phrases Ex. 1621 30' Lv. 65 "=) i Ch. 92' 2330 Is. 28'9 50^ Ez. 4613 .
Only in this verse does the repetition of 213; occur. naij'D] only of the

rows of the show-bread, and only here

i^Dii 2^,

]nSs' 2

elsewhere with

Ch.

2918,

preceded by an'? i Ch. 9^2 2329 Ne. lo*", by

Ch. 28'^ pi. abs. Lv. 24^ f
,inan ]n^z<n Sj?]-

art.

and nunS^'

This phrase also occurs

Lv.

in

stands of the tabernacle Ex.

in

and

Ch. Je.

52'9,

and

in construct before cnS, but before

24^.

mi:D]

252' et al.

and

used only of the lamp-

of the

Temple

of that of the vision of Zc. 4= "

K. 7" et al.
and of that

provided for Elisha by the Shunemite 2 K. 4'". niece] used very fre12 nnxxm]
quently in P and also Ch. of priestly and Levitical duties.
cf.

Ch.

152^

(1.

There

in vv. "-'^

44).

XIV-XVI. The reign

treatment of Asa

is

of

Asa

(r.

9i7-876).~The Chronicler's

based upon the account given

Asa

is

commended

for his piety.

in

This

K. 15'
is

24.

greatly

enlarged upon by the Chronicler, and Asa's prosperity is corre""

A magnificent victory
15 '-'0spondingly magnified (14'-'
over an invading force of Cushites not mentioned in Kings is also

recorded

(i4-'^

The remainder

o-is)).

of the account in

K.

(w. 16-22), apart from the summary of the reign, concerns the relaThis material is incorporated
tions of Asa to the N. kingdom.
by the Chronicler into
rebuke of Asa for his

his narrative with the addition of a prophetic

alliance with Syria

(i6'->'').

also, are pictured in darker colours than in Kings,

in his feet is

mentioned.

and the King

is

This

in Chronicles is

said also not to have sought

His

last days,

where a disease

made

very great,

Yahweh, but phy-

sicians (i6'2).

According to Ki. after Bn., c. 14 and i6'-" are from M, while 15'-'* is
from M2. This double origin is assigned from the double accounts of
reform,

cf.

where the

1425 with 15'.

C. 15, however,

is

linked with

c.

14

(cf.

v. ",

from the spoil of victory). Historical incoherence in reforms both before and after a victory would not trouble a
writer like the Chronicler, and thus prove compilation from two sources.

The

sacrifices are

tale of the victory, however, was not unlikely derived by the

Chronicler from his Midrashic source, and the grouping there of events

AND MIGHT

ASA'S PIETY

XIV. 1-7]

38 1

influenced him in his narrative, but the chapters throughout

bear marks of his pecuHar style and may well be regarded as his own
composition. The following are marks of the Chronicler's style: In

may have

143 S

1DN with following

Ch.

i5

i8')

(1.

M-;z': ^hil {cf. 13I8);

in

22O;

14" nra a

JJ24.33-J- (i_

inf. (1. 4); in 14' is'^mn''

146 in>Sx>i

23); in
in

14"' isj?

(1.

late

word

2513

loV, the similar

155 mx-iNH {cf.

Ch. 13")

(c/.

92);
28'

7"

pn

b-^t (c/.

in 1412 n>nD onS

Ezr.

i"-

9'-

"s.

Ch. 1513213"
141" 16'*

in

1312 et al);

^nS (c/. i Ch.

Ne. 3^6 Dn.

is

phraseology in 152 end of verse and

(1.

6); in is'^S withobj.; in i5'4

in i6'8 the repeated use of S;

in i6'9 the relative

subordinated to the preposition {cf. i Ch.

(r/. I Ch. 14O (1. 127) (Graf, GB. p. 142).

i5''0(l-

12^'';

nnxxn

jn

(1.

44);

sentence without

TlI'n

120); in 16'^ nSynS

nj;

XIV. 1-7 (2-8). Asa's piety and might. This whole section
an expansion or illustration of v. ^'\ which is from i K. 15". In
1 K. 15'Mt is recorded that Asa put away the sacred prostitutes
out of the land and removed all the idols which his fathers had
'

is

made.

The

Chronicler, however, entirely omits this statement so

and religious zeal already ascribed

utterly at variance with the piety

to

Rehoboam and

Abijah; but he expands the reform of Asa into

one similar to those mentioned

in Kings as WTOught by Hezekiah

and Josiah i.e., the removal of the high places (2 K. 18^ ^ 23*).
2 (3.) Foreign altars] i.e., the altars of foreign gods, cf. Gn. 352-*
"
The high places]. In i K. 15'*
Jos. 242Ju. lo's I S. 7^ Je. 5'9.

it is

the

Asa did not destroy the high places. The pillars]

massehoth, the sacred stones set up at a place of worship,

stated that

originally a primitive expression of the later altar, temple, or idol,

and naturally retained as the proper accessories of a sanctuary {cf.

Gn. 28'^"). The Deuteronomic law forbade their use (Dt. 16^)
and commanded their destruction (Dt. 7^ 123). The asherim] fre-

quently mentioned with the foregoing and likewise forbidden (Dt.

162')

andcommandedtobedestroyed(Dt.

poles set

up

7512').

like the stone pillars at sanctuaries.

They were wooden

Their meaning

is

obscure, scarcely a phallic emblem, possibly a substitute for a tree

as a residence of deity, or possibly originally boundary posts, regarded later as sacred. It has also been thought that there was a

Canaanite goddess Asherah, equivalent to the great Semitic goddess Astarte, whose symbol or idol was the Asherah post.
{Cf.
But on this scholars are not agreed (Asherah, EBi. I. coll.
I5'.)

CHRONICLES

382
332/.; Dr. Dt. pp. 201/.

Lagrange, Etudes sur les Religions Semiargues for goddess). Asheroth (pi. of Asherah) are
mentioned in 19= 33', elsewhere as here A shenm 17' 24" 31' ;^y^
* '. 4.
^
Sun
Lv. 26= Is.
i

tiques, pp.

343-

i()ff-,

pillars] (only pi., 34^-

(5).

17^ 2j^-\)

(GFM. EBi. III. col. 2976),

probably a form of masseboth {cf. v.
regarded generally as pillars dedicated to the sun god (HDn) (Bn.).
^)

And

rethe kingdom had rest under him (lit. before him)]

peated with emphasis in following verse, cf. i3"''(i4i). 5 (6). This
story of the building of cities has probably some historical basis,
cf.

K. 15"; also Je. 41% where a pit built by Asa as a means of

is mentioned.
7 (8). Shield and spear]. Cf. i Ch. 12" '^*K

defence

and bows]. Cf 1 Ch. 8^". The shield (]:d) of

Bucklers
The total
these bowmen was smaller than that of the spearmen.
.

strength of Asa's
forth

an army

army

is

580,000, while Abijah, his father, led

of only 400,000 (13',

also 11' i7'0-

cf.

1
i K. adds vas ino.
3iBn] wanting in i K. 15" and so also vhSn.
icnm] with the force of command (1. 4), or an example, in the following words, of the indirect discourse, cf. i Ch. 13'. 6. }nsn imj?

1.

3.

irJoV] (&^ ivuiiriov TTjs 7^s KvpieOcroixev

T^s

yyjs.

posal,

imy]
Gn.

cf.

read

iiK'"iT

omit

mn

sufBx masc. because

139

BDB.

njo

II.

ej

precedes.

(^^

rest

ij':'

4i>

Kvpteijcro/xev

at our dis-

iJUfl':']

^^^^

(/).- -Instead of Mu'-n-,

when we sought Yahweh our God lie sought

and read uS n'Ss-'i. Hence Winckler {Alt.

proposes to read after Dt. 121"

given us

4.

it

(S-^

3^3Dn

n^'SsM ij''J''ND

^^h

us.

(B^^ also

Unter. p. 187)
And he has

nri

from our enemies round about and prospered

us.

8-14 (9-15). Asa's victory over Zerah. Not mentioned in

Kings, a good example of Midrash (see the numbers in v. <-^)).
The story is either without historical foundation (so Kuenen, Einl.
^

pp. 139/.; St. Gesch.

I. p.

355;We.

Prol. pp. 257/.), orwith greater

probability has a historical basis in an Egyptian or Arabian inroad

(Graf,

GB.

p.

138;

Erbt,

Die Hebrder,

p.

106;

v.

also

i.).

Zerah the Cnshite] (i) identified frequently with an

Egyptian king, either Osorkon. I or II., of the twenty-second (Bubasite) dynasty, and hence contemporary with Asa. In favour of
(9).

Osorkon

II. is

an alleged inscription which reads that

all countries

Syria and Palestine) have been

thrown under hisfeet (Naville's Bubastis p. 5 1 ) Ciishite or Ethiopian
of the upper

and lower Retennu

{i.e.,

VICTORY OVER ZERAH

ASA'S

XIV. 8-14.]

383

from the
applied to Osorkon or Zerah must then have arisen
knowledge of Egyptian affairs; he may have been
where Tirhakah is called King of Ethiopia

writer's confused

misled by 2

19'

HCM.

The place of battle, Mareshah (v. i.),

p. 363).
(Sayce,
with
favours an Eg}'ptian inroad.
(2) Cushite may be connected
the Cush of Arabia (i Ch. i'), and thus the inroad may have been
from Arabia

KAT.^

(so Winckler, Alt. Untersuch. pp. 161-166,

p.

Hommel, Ades

144;

EHSP.

Paton,

spoil of sheep

10th Cong. Interl. des Orientalisles, p. 112;

Agreeable to this are the tents and the
pp. 196/.).

and camels mentioned

in v.

'^

Zerah may also rep-

<'5)_

Sabean name Dhirrih, a title, meaning the magnificent,

A
of several of the oldest princes of Saba (Ba.) {v. s. Hommel).
from
a
thousand and three hundred chariots]
gross exaggeration
resent the

every point of view.

Mareshah].

Cf.Ji^i Ch.

2^2

(10),

In

the valley'] probably the valley at whose head stands Beit-Jibrin

HGHL.

(GAS.

pp.

230-233).

Robinson

Zephathah

compared doubt-

"if],

II.

to

(g'^^
p. 31).
Tell-es-Sdfiyeh {BR.^
fully by
reads northward (Kara /3oppdv), and it is questionable whether
that was not the original reading, in the valley to the north of

Mareshah

The
The

(n:S!if instead of

non-reliance of Asa
narrative

is

upon

his large

entirely artificial.

usually identified with

Gaza,

nns:;) (Bn.).11 (12). Cf.

12army

(v.

(13).

Umm Jerar

13'^-

'^.

is

noticeable.

Gerar]

And so

"s))

south of

(Baed.^ p. 121).

of the Ciishites fell that there was no recovery (Zoe., Oe., Ba.,
ARV.), or so that no life was left (Be., Ke., Kau., Ki., ARVm.).
The latter is better since the following clauses suggest annihilation.

many

His

host]

i.e.,

heavenly beings (the older commentators); better,

from the statement

(14).

And

of v.", Asa's

they smote

army

all the cities

(Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

13

in the neighbourhood of Gerar].

this district had been abettors

This implies that the inhabitants of

of the Cushites.
bians.)

(Instead of

terror from

D''"1"'J?

Yahweh ].

cities,

Bn. reads

A panic seized

D''a"IJ?

Ara-

the cities through

14 (15),
a supernatural terror caused by Yahweh (cf. lyi" 20").
Tents of cattle] a strange expression, possibly having arisen from
textual corruption.

ing

some unknown

text-note).

(^ has, in addition, a proper

tribe

The booty

or place

(toi)?

name

represent-

'A/Lta^oz/et?)

suggests an Arabian incursion.

(cf.

22'

CHRONICLES

384
10. n3

BDB.

Dj?

On

dSwarei irapa aol

of

313

an in

but that

itjjS,

aj?

is

Ch. 29'S V.
with S, cf. Koe.
(c/. I

1.

Iff

Gn.

c/.

TroWots Kal iv 6\lyoii

ynnS
>^o est

mniS ps.

nixj,'D

apud

20^ Ps.

7,^25

(g reads

oy/c

cf.

i^.

following the text

(gL adds here from ^

te

Kamp.

plurihus.

92). 12.

iii. 319c.
pleteness of the overthrow.

has TeSwp, cf. i Ch. 439, "i>' used

n^na DnS pxS] a clause denoting the com-

nj'? nj']

<g

In the earlier stage of the language S would

have been omitted with ps (Ew. 315

liar to the Chronicler, cf. 20-* 21" 36'^

XV.

beside or like,

ulla distantia utrum in paucis

preferred to read ixjjS instead of
not necessary. pcnn] cf. 138.
-ix;"i] na is understood

ots o{>K tffTiv tVxi^J.

auxilieris,

force of

lo with S following

crw^eiv iv

i4 a-;c2 in

S.

On

iDj; rn].

3 d.

c).

This construction pN

Ch.

22^ Ezr.

9"

(1.

is

pecu-

132).

1-19. The exhortation of Azariah, and Asa's religious

reforms.
Azariah the son of Oded'l

1.
V.

The

of God'\

spirit

of prophetic action

not mentioned elsewhere.

frequently

and speech

{cf.

Cf.

mentioned as the cause

Ch. i2'8

Ch.

20'^

242").

The
because you were with him].
prophet refers to the victory and makes it an occasion for advoOthers render
cating the continuance of Asa's reforms (Ke.).
2.

Yahweh was with you

Yahweh

with you if {when, while) you are with him (Zoe., Oe.,
Kau., Ki., ARV.). This rendering is not so good, ahhough a statement of the general lesson to be drawn. 3-6. Variously interis

preted: a description of the N. kingdom ();

future

{cf.

Ho.

') ((S,

U,

a prophecy of the

as the tenses show, Zoe.); a description

of the nature of a general truth with reference either to the past or

a reflection on the whole previous course of Israel's

history, parenthetical in Azariah's speech and from the Chronicler
(Ba.); a description with general reference (Bn.) yet strongly re-

future (Ke.);

This last
minding one of the period of the judges (Be., Oe., Ki.).
view is as definite as any which can be given. V.' reflects the lawtimes of the judges; v." the repeated distress, and deliverance
=
calling on Yahweh; v. the violence and oppression so often de-

less

on

scribed

{cf.

Ju. 5 62-);

V.

the intertribal

and interurban conten-

'*"

This whole speech of Azariah fits

9'-" i2'-).
in badly with the occasion of the victory and is an unskilful introduction to the reform of Asa, an ecclesiastical renovation so dear to
tions (Ju. 8^-9

the heart of the Chronicler.

3.

Without a teaching priest and

XV.

REFORMS OF ASA

1-19.]

The two

without la'w\

of legal instruction

5.

46

f.)

Ch.

385

The giving
expressions are synonymous.
of the priest (Dt. 2,2,^ Je. iS's Ho.

was a function

Lands] i.e., districts of the territory of Israel

6. Nation against nation] i.e., one part or
132).

(c/.

11"

tribe of

against another.

Israel

8. 'Oded the prophet] either

a gloss (Be., Ki.), or representing a

lacuna which should be supplied after ^, B, with the reading even

Detestable
the prophecy which Azariahthe son of' Oded had spoken.

objects connected with idolatry

things]

Since no mention

Cities, etc.].

reference

made

is

{cf.

K. ii^

of cities taken

generally supposed to be to those taken

is

K.

by Asa, the

by

232^).

his father

imAbijah (13"). And he renewed the altar]. This statement

the altar, or it may embody
plies some unrecorded desecration of

and
simply the historical fact of the renewal of the ancient Mosaic
purer imageless worship of Yahweh (cf. Erbt, Die Hebrder, p. 105).

9.

Within the territory of the

S.

kingdom

are represented to have

been members of the adjoining tribes of Ephraim, Manasseh, and

Simeon, who were either permanent residents from the first (cf

drawn thither by the feeling that through the piety of Asa

Yahweh was with the S. kingdom ((/. iV"- 3o")- This probwhen
ably reflects the condition at the time of the Chronicler,
ID' 7), or

doubtless

many Jews

tribes

Lk.

(cf.

Palestine.

traced their descent from families of the ten

residence in the land of

i^*), and the devout sought
tribe was probably
the
While
historically
Simeon].

absorbed either by the desert tribes south of Judah or into Judah

was reckoned as one of the ten tribes constitut(cf. I Ch. 424 ff), it
the
N.
ing
kingdom (i K. ii^')- 10- The third month]. In this

was the Feast

of

Weeks, Pentecost, which according

to the later

and
giving
Jewish
hence the entrance of Israel into a covenant relation with Yahweh;
tradition

and

thus,

this tradition

if

source, this

commemorated

was as

the

of

the law,

early as the Chronicler or his

for the cove-

would explain the month as appropriate

nant of

V. '^

reign of

Asa

The
is

lowing verse,

reason for the date in the fifteenth year of the

and

especially so in view of the fol-

made

of the offering of spoil, presu-

entirely obscure,

where mention

is

but since according to 13" (14')

mably
"
the land was quiet ten years" the contest with Zerah took place
of the contest with Zerah,

25

386
in the eleventh year of

some four years

CHRONICLES
is held to have lasted
But possibly the discrepancy

Asa; the war, then,

(Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

arises

because the Chronicler here

ferent

from that

On

entered into a covenant].

means
V.

(cf.

soul
cf.

that they
'")

{cf.

34"

(Dt.
old.

Yahweh

to seek

of expression

with

For the manner

and

heart

all their

Je. 34'.

cf.

It

obligation or oath
all their

an obligation
This resolution was according to the law

13.
Whether small

f-.

i3-'<i 172-7).

14.

chapter

bound themselves by a solemn

Dt. 4").

Je. 34'^

form

following a source dif12. They

{v. s.).

is

the previous

of

Shout of

jo y\

Cf.

of taking such

or great]

Ch.

1528.

whether

On the musicalyoung
i.e.,

or

instru-

ments, trumpets and cornets (nTlSty, TiTl^^n), cf.

16-19, from i K. 1513-15. 16. Ma'acah]. Cf

Ch. 152^

13=.

Asherah].

Whether there was ever a Canaanitish goddess Asherah (BDB.)

a disputed question (DB., EBi.) (cf. 14^), but the name
seems to have been so used or understood here. An horrible
is

thing]

K.

I5''t,

some kind

of

idol

or

idolatrous

simulacrum Priapi with reference to the phallus

interpretation,

as good
in

as

any,

is

symbol;
This

cult.

usually accepted.

And

he

K. 15", added by the Chronicler, bringing

crushed] wanting
the destruction of the horrible thing (miphlezeth) in accord with that
of the golden calf (Ex. 32") and the asherah (2 K. 23^ 2 Ch. 34^- ').

Valley of Kidron] on the east

of Jerusalem, where objects used

heathen worship were regularly destroyed (cf. 29'6 30" i K. 15"
2 K. 23*- '=), probably because the place as a burying-ground was
considered unclean (Kidron, DB.). 17. From Israel] i.e., Israel
in

in the sense of

terpretation

moved

is

Judah

(cf.

doubtful.

11') (Be., Zoe., Oe., Ba.),

Since in 14^

'^'

Asa

is

but this

in-

said to have re-

added here from

meaning of the N. kingdom (over which Asa had
<*'
historically no control) and thus harmonised this verse with 14^
18. These dedicated things were possibly spoils of war
(Ki., Bn.).
K. 1515 have been re(cf. I Ch. 18"), and since mentioned in i
the high places, the Chronicler probably

Israel in the

garded as aconfirmationfrom that source of the victories of Abijah

and Asa narrated in 131s 1495 (Be., Oe., Ba.); another explanais that
they were removed, through fear of Baasha (i K. 15"),
from some sanctuary and brought to Jerusalem for safe-keeping

tion

WAR WITH BAASHA

XVI. 1-6.]

387

19. And there was not war, etc.]. According to i K. i5'- ^^

(Bn.).
war was between Asa and Baasha all their days. This discrep-

ancy has been explained by regarding the Chronicler's statement

as referring to the absence of any serious occurrence or an open

war in spite of continued hostility (Ke., Zoe., Oe.,

In
Ba.).
reality the Chronicler, however, probably regarded this
continued warfare as inconsistent with Asa's piety, and hence
declaration of

wrote the history accordingly.

1,

iniiTi-i]

Ges.

The usage of
where

5.

(1.

143&.

3. D'-ai

thirty-fifth year] v.

133, Koe.

iii.

402

/3);

called

is

and

insertion, as the abs.

prophet,

read

in^-i?>-

H,

(&,

Pi.

peculiar

an example of

nisixn] districts of Israel's territory,

7.

i.

ace. of duration Ges. 118^.

D"'!:''i]

S with nS (three times)

6. inn^i] in eight MSS.

an

The

ii^^ i

cf.

idi^]

Ges.

nxnjn shows (Ges.

and not found

else-

with subject (Bn.).

Ch. 132 Gn. 263''.
^

145/).

8,

NOjn

-\^;'\

(&^ Azariah the

127/).

Azariah the son of 'Oded the prophet. Perhaps we should

n3T iti-x (Ki. BH.).
pinnn] cf. for construction 12%
for use I Ch. ii'". 9. ai'^] cf. i Ch. 433. 11. ixo.i] rel. om., cf. i Ch.
16. m^Dn
9"fc> (1.
120).
cn] i K. i5>3 moM icn.
pnM] wanting in
}3

17. SNTi>^c] wanting

.

K., V.

mr\>

D-;.

om.

s.

18.

D'nSxn]

K.

1515

in

mn\

K., v.

19.

s.

After

uh<y i

15'^

has

K.

i5'6

n"?.

XVI. 1-6. The war with Baasha. Derived from

1.

K.

npin nS nnnSci]

In

the thirty-sixth year of the reign of

and with the

K. 151'-"

Asa] wanting

in 2 K.,

year mentioned in 15" historically an im'

Baasha died in the
possible date, since according to i K. i68twenty-sixth year of Asa. Hence thirty-fifth (15'') and thirty-sixth
are

due

thirty-fifth

an improper reckoning by
Under the former supposition the original has been
have been the fifteenth and sixteenth (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.),
either to copyists' errors, or to

the Chronicler.

held to

a view which has been

felt to

harmonise with the previous

state-

ments that during the first ten years of Asa's reign there was peace
(13" (14')), and hence (it may be assumed) that in the eleventh
year the inroad of the Cushites took place (14'^), followed by the
cultus reform culminating in the celebration and the covenant in
the fifteenth year (15*-'^), and that then came the war with Baasha
in the following year.
But such a speedy war with Baasha is un-

thinkable from the Chronicler's point of view.

The covenant and
the loyalty could only have been followed by an era of peace, and

388

CHRONICLES

this is expressly stated in 15'^

where

it

"

Yahweh gave them

says,

The

Chronicler delayed then the war with

Baasha until the close of Asa's reign in order to place in this con-

rest

round about."

nection his sin

vv. '), late in his

{cj.

ment through the disease

and near

life

its

in his feet three years later (v.

punishfor the

^^).,

Chronicler undoubtedly thus regarded the disease, and, therefore,

lie placed the war with Baasha in the thirty-sixth year of Asa's
reign.

Other explanations of the thirty-fifth and thirty-sixth years

on the separation of the N. and S. kingdoms,

are a reckoning based

since the thirty-fifth year of the disruption corresponds to the

fif-

Asa (Mov., Ba.); or a derivation from the Midrash source

of the Clironicler, which had a chronology or scheme of synchronism with the N. kingdom quite different from that of i and 2 K.
Baasha king of Israel]. According to i K. 15'*
(Bn., Ki.).
Baasha came to the throne of Israel in the third year of Asa, and
the war between the two kingdoms was continuous (i K. i5'- 5^).
teenth of

And

he built]

i.e.,

as the connection shows, fortified, since

mod. er-Ram

five

miles north of Jerusalem,

earUer history

highway

{cf. Ju. 4* 19").

The town

leading to Jerusalem.

being a historian

is

How

is

Ramah,

mentioned

clearly

far the Chronicler

seen in the fact that no mention

in the

commanded
is

is

made

the

from
of the

implied loss of the cities mentioned in 15*. 2, Silver and gold].

"
I K. 15" has
all the silver and gold that were left" with reference
to the loss through the invasion of Shishak (12'

statement

prosperity of

hadad King

K. 14").

This

would have been quite inappropriate after the

Asa mentioned above. The line of descent of Ben-

pleted treasuries

omitted.

omitted, doubtless, because such a reference to de-

is

of

3.

Damascus

league

is

(c.

885-844

between

B.C.)

me and

(KAT.^ p. 134) is also

was between my

thee as

Whether this statement is merely rhetorical

father and thy father].
or refers to an actual alliance it is impossible to determine. This
successful

invocation of

Benhadad was

later paralleled

in

the

appeal of Ahaz to Tiglath-pileser, King of Assyria, for assistance

4. The places smitagainst Damascus and N. Israel (2 K. 16"').

ten are, naturally, on the northern frontier of Israel. 'Ijon] (i K.

1520 2 K. 15'' t) survives in the name Merj 'Ayun, a rich oval plain
at the foot of the mountains of Naphtali, near the bend of the river

ASA'S

XVI. 7-14.]

Litanv, and
this
I

K.

is

REBUKE AND DEATH

Dibhin near the northern end of

identified with Tell

BR^

2160; Rob.

II. col.

389

plain(5i.
152 Abel Beth Ma'acah and also

III.p.375).y46e/ Maww]
K. 15==' 2 S. 20'^ (fue reading)

MAbei^ mod. Abil el Kajuh, a small village on a hill 1,074

above the sea, almost directly opposite Banias, and on the

feet

main road thence

is

probably
"

and the coast (GAS.

to Sidon

r'ue to textual corruption.

All

in

Mayim

EBi).

the store-cities]

K.

the Chinneroth," i.e., the fertile district of Gennesaret west

"
of the sea of Galilee,
along with all the land." The rendering of
15="

all

the Chronicler seems suggested by this text (v.

caused the work to cease\ This statement also
parently,
I

K.

i.).

5.

is

And

he

derived, ap-

from a corruption or misunderstanding of the text {v. i.).

has "and he dwelt in" (or after (S "returned to")

15-'

"Tirzah."

6.

And

he built]

i.e.,

fortified.

Gebd]

mod. Jeba,

seven miles north of Jerusalem, the scene of Jonathan's exploit (i

and from the time of Asa apparently the northern limit

S. 14
),
of the S. kingdom (2 K. 23 ', cf. Zc. m'").
Mizpah] probably
'

miles north-west of Jerusalem. The place

mod. Nabi Samwil,

The fortiet al.).

mentioned
is frequently
(Ju. 20'' 21'^- i S.
the
S.
would
of
these
fication
kingdom from enprotect
places
five

']''

croachm.ents on the north.

7-10. The rebuke of Hanani.

Asa

is

severely

condemned

for

his invocation of the aid of Syria, especially after his great victory

Hanani] mentioned in 19^ 20'^ i K. 16''

The seer] (nS"in) also v.'",
Jehu.
used elsewhere by the Chronicler only of Samuel (i Ch. 9^2 26^8
over the Cushites.

7,

as the father of the prophet

29"); clearly an archaism;

cient tradition (v.

i.).

yet regarded as

Therefore

escaped out of thy hand].

is the

The prophet seems

upon Yahweh he would

but
also the Syrians who were
Baasha,
8. C/. 14'-'^
Lubim]. Cf. 12K The
had

an evidence

relied

of

host of the king of

to imply that

an an-

Aram
if

Asa

not only have conquered

in league with him (v. 3).

Chronicler plainly regarded

Zerah as an Egyptian host. 9. For the eyes of

Yahweh, etc.] an expression of divine omniscience and proviFor from henceforth thou shall
dential care (cj. Zc. 4'" Pr. 15^).
the Cushites of

have wars]. No additional wars are recorded during the reign of

Asa, but the policy of foreign alliances naturally provoked them.

CHRONICLES

390

Ahaz

C/. the similar situation in the case of

(Is. 7

K.

16).

10.

For similar treatment

of prophets cf. that of Micaiah, 18"; of

and, even worse, that of Zechariah, 24", and
of Uriah, Je. 26-"".
11-14. The conclusion of Asa's reign. An expansion of i K.

Jeremiah,

Je. 20=;

15"'. 11.

Judah and

kings of

book

and

First

Cf.

last].

Ch.

In

292".

{v. Intro, p. 22)

Israel]

of the chronicles of the kings of

Judah."

"

the book of the

K. 15" "in the

12. In

the thirty-

in the time of his old age."

ninth year] i K. 15-'
His disease,
of
to
the
end
in
And
also in his
etc.,
verse] wanting
Kings.
Even
as
in
the
war
with
Israel
he
disease, etc.].
sought human aid

through Syria, so here

The

physicians.

he seeks

in his last sickness

reference to physicians

is

although they are elsewhere mentioned (cf

in

unique

Gn.

through his

it

the

OT.,

connection

50^ in

with embalming, Jb. 13^ Je. 8-). The art of healing seems to
have been practised by the prophets. Cf. the application to Elisha
2 K. 4''''-, and the healing work of Isaiah 2 K. 20' Is. 38^.
Possibly this passage reflects the activity of physicians in the
icler's

own

wanting

etc.]

Cf. their praise in BS. 38' -'\

time.
in

Chron-

And

died,

15=* "and was buried with his

David his father." The burial of Asa is deexceeding magnificence or care. The laying

K.

fathers in the city of

14.

13.

K.

scribed as though of
of him ow a resting-place filed with spices and various perfumes
prepared after the perfumers^ art was after the custom of preparing
Jn. 19^" Mt.

the body thus for the burial

{cf.

The burning

34^)

{cf.

21"

Je.

was not

27" Mk. 15" Lk. 23").

of the body,

since cre-

mation was contrary to the customs of the Hebrews, but probably

of spices, possibly originally a form of sacrifice for the dead (Now.
Arch.

I.

p. 197;

EBi.

1. (SEA
i5>8 npM.
I

30th. N31 nsv] cf. Jos. 6=. 2. nxm] i K.

K. '2 onnijn 3nimr]D3n Sjhn {v. s.). After hSd
1 K. ndn ^SDn urh^^x
n':'!;"'!]
ptt-D-n] i K.

^^3 a:n''V

1520 iSpdj \-\h

inty.

^-2 Sj;

based either

K.

by ARVm.

Let there

he.

After

Sjn pni]

i K.
nnjo So nsi njyn no Sns pni. The text of the Chronon a corruption, illegibiHty, or from a ready sugges-

4. iom] <&,

tion of the letters, or possibly

owing

3. (gACL 5ti,eov Siae-qK-qv followed

K. is'^has

icler is

1337).

year, (gL

'0 2r\{^ pp^]

K. has v^2y

pZ"D-\.
n*?

38th

II. col.

it

is

15=" T'l.

another

to its fertility (Ba.), but (S-^bl

have

-hiMii

name

of the district given

irepix'^povs suggesting nn''JD.

REIGN OF JEHOSHAPHAT

XVn.-XX.]

5.

152')-

391

ipdnSd PS nas-M] a corruption or substitulion for nsnpa a'^'M (i K.

6. npS] I K. i^-ipcii'n.
After min^ K. has "p: VH and after ja'i

and

the king Asa,

after

Benjamin. 7 and

>'3J /;;

bestowed elsewhere only on Samuel,

Since therefore an ancient

an evidence at

title,

Jastrow finds

that the story of

Icaf-t

This

10. nNin].

S. g^- "

'^

'

title is

Ch. 9"

2628 2929.

in the use of the

term here

Hanani

is

ancient

if

not authentic

(JBL. XXVIII. 1900, p. 49). But the application of this term to Hanani
made with no reference to the ancient meaning assigned to nsi by Jastrow (v. I Ch. 2929), and the Chronicler may have been led to use the
archaic term here under the influence of i S. 9'.
12. x^n^i] v. 1. 40.
is

Ch. 142

fl-';nS -ly] cf. I

read either D'n^J

f.

(1.

87).

'

t:n-i] v.

U7tto the seers or

1.

23.

Jastrow would

D''N312].

D^'Nonj un/o

the

dead {op.

cit.

p.

49

n. 23).

XVII-XX. The reign of Jehoshaphat {c. 876-851 b.c.). The

made use of all of the narrative given in i K. con-

Chronicler has

cerning Jehoshaphat
this he has rewritten

mented with a

large

which the reign

activity

K.

(i

1524b 22'-'>

{cf. 18'

-^

amount

20=5-"),

of

new

^i-so).

slight portion of

and the whole he has supplematerial (lyit-'s

91-20^) in

Jehoshaphat appears one of unusual religious

of

and external splendour.

The King busies himself with

Yahweh (ly'-^ and in

instruction of his people in the law of

establishment of a system of courts (19^-").

He

military success.

greet
tines

buiJt

castles

and

His rule

is

store-cities

the

the

also one of

and had a

army (lyi^-'^). He received large tribute from the Philisand Arabians (ly'" ), and won a most signal victory over the

Moabites and Ammonites through the direct intervention of Yah-

weh

in response to prayer and

The King's only
praise (20'-").
shortcomings seem to have been his alliances, recorded in i K.,
with the N. kingdom (192 20"), which resulted in his
exposure to

peril at

Ramoth-gilead

While

new

this

18)

(c.

material

and the

is all

loss of his ships (20").

of the spirit

and

style of the Chronicler,

Bn. and Ki. find here several sources. Ki. after Bn. analyses as follows:
'-^ from
an old historical
17"' from I K. 1524b; vv.ib-o from M^; vv.
'"-'s

from M2; 18' -3 from the Chronicler; vv. ^t-si from

from the Chronicler; w. ^-n from the Chronicler's forerunner; 2oi-i8fromM; v. '^ from the Chronicler; vv. ^i -33a from i K.;
vv. 33b-37 from the Chronicler.
But all the e.xtra canonical material is of
the spirit and style of the Chronicler, v. i. and
cf. in 17' pinnn (1. 38);
source;
I

K.

vv.

22;

in 174 2o3

-3

91

^7

c'-M

(1.

23);

in 17' 192 2q'o

with ace.

(1.

128);

in

i;'"

CHRONICLES

392
20"" D'hSn, nini -ino
1.

29'",

in

6);

14")

{cf.

\y

and tt'Ti after Hiph. of jo

89), and n'j?i i^j: (1. 124);

193 aS
(1.

and 3S^nnS ^Dp fNi

Ch.,
n''Sxm

(c/. 1312);

in 20=5
i5'5;

PnS

{cf.

in

20"

c/.

1.

in

Sn nxm

20=-

'=

3T |icn

in

152);

'CPM

'i:*

very often in

nin'-

ti'^'N

Ch.

{cf.

{cf.

30'' Ezr. yi" t); in 19^

2o ij\-iaN

in

pixinh no'?cr!

in 192 vjb

(c/. i2'<

14'");

{cf.

in i;'"

87);

(1.

28);

(1.

in 20-0

om^'D

in 20^'
I4'2,

96);

(1.

20" nSycS

ly'^

(only in writings of Chronicler, 1. iii);

2o3 also should be compared with 14^-*

132);

-\sy {cf.

Ch. 29",

14' I

1.

92) (Graf,

GB.

p. 145).

XVII. 1-6. The piety and prosperity of Jehoshaphat.

And

1.

Jehoshaphat reigned in his stead] i.e., in the place of Asa, a

2. Fortified cities have an important
transcription of i K. 15"''.

Rehoboam

built them
them (i4-^) and likeWhich Asa his father had
213).
ways of David his father] i.e., the

place in the narrative of the Chronicler.

Abijah took

(ii''-'2);

wise Jehoshaphat
earlier years of

{cf.

w.

(13");
'=

'^

3. The first
David before he

Cf. 158.

taken].

cities

Asa

fell

built

into the sins of adultery (2 S.

and numbering the people (2 S. 24 i Ch. 21)

But David is wanting in (^-"^^ ((^^ has
Oe.).

II ff.)

Zoe.,

in all probability is

a gloss (Ba.).

The

(Be., Ke.,
it),

reference then

Jehoshaphat, whose first ways, according

were
Chronicler,
good (cc. 14, 15) and his latter evil (c.

the father of

hence

to Asa,

is

to the
16).

i.e., a false god or gods in contrast with Yahweh

Baal means primarily a "proprietor" or "pos(cf.
Ju. 2").
hence
sessor,"
"master," "lord," and was a common desig-

The Baalim]

nation of deity like our word "Lord."

of Yahweh, as clearly appears from

names

(cf.

18

(2

(16))

but

Ch.

8'*

14')

In early times
its

appearance

and the prohibition

of

its

it

was used

in proper

use by Hosea

later, since the gods of the Canaanites were generally

thus designated, it canie to signify a false god.

4. Of his father]
another reference to Asa (cf. v.^ (^ v. s.).
The doings of Israel].

iVK

Cf.

5.

Tribute]

i.e.,

free gifts, perhaps, at the King's ac-

cession, rather than royal exactions (Be.,

6.

in

a good sense, elsewhere

2^1. i.u Ps. 1311 Pr. i8'2,

etc.].

Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.).

And his heartwas lifted up]. Only here is this expression

This statement

is

it

has a bad meaning

used

(cf. 26'^ 32^5

Ez.

BDB.).

And furthermore he took away,

not in

harmony with

that of

K. 22",

quoted by the Chronicler in 20=3, where it is said "the high places

were not taken away" but they were frequented by the people.

JEHOSHAPHAT'S PROSPERITY

XVII. 1-19.]

Such discrepancies did not trouble the Hebrew

high places and the asheriin]. Cf. 14^ '".
7-9.

393
historian.

The

The commission for teaching the law. This narrative

is

a duplicate of the account of the establishment of the judiciary given

No record of such events is found in Kings,
in i9^-'> (Bn., Ki.).

and

it is

not impossible that Jehoshaphat, perhaps through the inN. kingdom {v. i.), introduced some

fluence of his alliance with the

new organisation for the administration of justice or law (Winckler,

KAT.^ p. 252; Erbt, Die Hebrder, p. 109), yet v. i. 19^". The appointment of laity in connection with Levites and priests has been
regarded as a mark of an ancient and reliable tradition (Bn., Ki.).
Otherwise, however, this section bears every evidence of being late

and written by the Chronicler. The book of the law of Yahweh is

a reflection of Deuteronomy, and the names of the commissioners
as a whole belong to a period later than the ninth century (Gray,
Already, also at the time of the Chronicler, must
p. 231).

HPN.

have begun the study, exposition, and teaching of the law by

members of the laity who were later reckoned among the Scribes.

7.

In

the third year].

This date

at the very outset of his reign

tion of his people in the law.

is

given to

show

that Jehoshaphat

concerned himself with the instruc-

Ben-hail f]

signifies

"son (man)

of

might," cf. Abi-hail ii'^; yet possibly it does not belong as a proper
name in the text, but as in (^, 21, is descriptive of the princes, eveji
sons of valour

ency

{v. i.).

of the Chronicler

8.
is

And

with them the Levites]. The tendand thus he assigns

to dignify the Levites,

35' Ne. 8'-" DB. IV.

The
in
priests were the
they taught
p. 93).
Jtidah].
ff'
i9'5- ZZ^'')^ ^.nd
guardians of the law (Ho. 4 Je. iS'^, cf. Dt. 17*
to

them the

9.

priestly

duty of teaching

(cf. v.

'

And

its teachers, and under Jehoshaphat an impulse may have

been given for instruction in the law through the priests and others,
although such a general measure as is here mentioned is probably

hence

not historical.
7.
I

Ch.

The book of

(g, 31, S'inijj'?

SinpS]
5'8 2 Ch.

the

law of Yahweh]

v. s.

sons {men) of strength qualifying mtt',

286 Ju. 21"' I S.

14" 18"

2 S.

2'

1710 2

K.

2^*.

8.

cf.
ait:

n^jnN f ] looks like a dittography arising from the two previous names.

10-19. The greatness of Jehoshaphat and his army. The

-s"
summary of Jehoshaphat's reign given in i K. 22" shows that it

CHRONICLES

394
was one

and peace with the N. kingdom. His might

and since he was a good king who "walked in
Asa his father," and "turned not aside from doing

of prosperity

there mentioned,

is
all

the

ways of
which was

that

Yahweh," i K. 22", the Chronhim much greatness, with possibly

reminiscence (z'. i.). 10. Then a terror from

right in the eyes of

naturally ascribes unto

icler

some

real historical

Yahweh,

etc.].

The

Chronicler represents a supernatural dread

Judah, caused by Yahweh, coming upon the neighbouring

peoples, presumably as a reward for Jehoshaphat's zeal for the law
(n) 2o29 Gn.
11. The Arabians].
The term ^rai
(r/. i4>3
355).

of

primarily means "people of the desert," and came

the Hebrews as indicating a particular people, i.e.
of northern Arabia, relatively late (first

nographical sense in Ne. 2^^ 6');

used in

and Arabians

into use

among

the inhabitants

this strictly eth-

in the writings of the

Chronicler probably reflects the powerful kingdom of the Nabateans already established in his day, south and south-east of Judah,

and he mentions them here and elsewhere (cf. 22' 26') to present inreaders an event (whether real or assumed) like

telligibly to his

Tlie Philistines

that of Jehoshaphat's glory.

would be under-

stood by his readers from their knowledge of the canonical books,

the Arabians from present conditions (Noeldeke, EBi. I. col. 274).
It is

yet possible, however, that

desert tribes

Zerah

was

(i4-'^ 0-15))

cerned, Winckler,

some

tribute

from the Philistines and

a real result of Asa's victory over

(so at least as far as the Arabians are con-

historical,

KA T.^ p.

252).

For a similar tribute

oi flocks or

product cf. 2 K. 3'. 12. Castles and cities of store]. Cf. v. ^.

13. And he had great property].
(BDB.) The context shows

their

this property the writer meant military supplies (so Ke.).

rendering "work for equipping and provisioning the fort14. The soldiers were enresses" (Be.) is certainly not so good.

that

by

The

rolled according to their families.

Manassite,

Yahweh].

Ch.

i22 "o)_

Cf. Ju. 5^

XQ.

It is

Adnah]

Who

is

also the

name

of a

willingly offered himself unto

unfortunate that the Chronicler has

not explained why this phrase of honour was applied to Amasiah.

17. Equipped with bow and shield] i.e., light-armed troops, for

which Benjamin was famous. Cf. i Ch. 12^ and (on shield) cf. 1 Ch.
1225 (24) 2 Ch. 14' <8>. 18. The total number of these warriors is,

XVin.
of

JEHOSHAPHAT'S ALLIANCE WITH AHAB

1-34.]

Benjamin 380,000, making a grand total of

anywhere to the S.
the gross exaggeration of such numbers cf. ly,
of

Judah 780,000,

Tiiis is the largest force assigned

1,160,000.

On

kingdom.

and

From Jehoshaphat's

for other lists ii".

N. kingdom and

connection with the

war

his assistance rendered in

c.

{cf.

Yahweh.

ins] a terror from

niH"'

ns-iNH]

a late usage, cf.

partitive use of is, cf. i Ch. 4^2

net] and

silver for tribute

better silver a burden,

(g Kal

86fj.aTa

(vSTOi).

(21I6 22') or D''''3"("n

ARV., Kau.,

Ch.

pi.'

of n'jio, a late

store cities, cf. 2

113W. n^;aS

neut. sing.,

8".

128^.

b (a)). hddi

3''X''3"i>'n]

"11N3

(26').

word

Ch.

p 3.

dvid'^d jm]

vectigal argenti, but

et

'k;'\-ii]

wanting

^S^] with co-ordinate adj. denotes continuance,

2 S. 3' et al., V. Ges.

11.

(BDB.

32=1

after

ii=3.

is

so far

a great quantity (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki.).

a late form, elsewhere either D''2i>'n

i.e.,

Subjective genitive, Ges.

Ch. 132
32
2 Ch.
930.

it

18)

and

probable that he maintained something of an army,

some historical truth underlies this section.
10.

395

{cf.

mo

14.

i>']c/. i

Ch.

Ch.

14=.

in 05^,

Ex.

cf.

ffi.

12.

19'' i S.

2'^^

nrj-1^3] fortresses,

291), also pi. 27^ t-

-"30n

>>';]

nSs] looking forward has the force of a

And this was their enrolment according

Judah captains of thousands : Adnah the

cf. 3^.

to the

houses of

captain, etc.
16. S^n inj] to be taken either collecDn>ni3!< n''2'^] pi. Ges. i2^r.
or must be read nuj. 17.
tively referring to the 200,000 of 'Amasiah,

their fathers of

PZ'p

ip-i'j]

cf

Ch.

122.

XVIII. 1-34. Jehoshaphat in alliance with Ahab.

from

which

K.

22'

-351

almost verbatim except in the case of

rewritten or replaced in 18' -2.

is

The

narrative in

Taken
K.
i

22'-',

K. be-

longs to the prophetic stories forming a part of the history of

Ahab, and is the only instance of an extensive excerpt from the
It was apparently introduced
history of N. Israel in Chronicles.

honourable part which Jehoshaphat performed in seeking

of Yahweh through Micaiah, and especially as a backof
the reproof given for the alliance with Ahab in the
ground

for the

the

word

following chapter.

are from
1-3. Jehoshaphat allies himself with Ahab. Vv.
1. And had wealth and honour in ahunthe pen of the Chronicler.

'

And he formed a marriage alliance

17^''.
dance]
with Ahab] through the marriage of Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat with Athaliah the daughter of Ahab (2 K. 8"). From
a duplicate of

the disruption at the death of

Solomon

until the reign

of

Je-

CHRONICLES

396

hoshaphat, the N. and S. kingdoms seem to have been openly hostile to each other.
How a reconciliation was effected between the
two, whether by

war or

negotiation,

is

unknown,

but, in view of the

military service rendered to Israel in the Syrian wars (i K. 22 2 K.

Moab

and against

8-' f)

(2

K.

),

Judah appears

to

have been

a dependency of Israel.

Yet, notwithstanding the denunciation

given in 19^, this alliance must have contributed much to the wel-

kingdom, and probably

fare of the S.

laid the foundation for

its

Possible influences of the alliance

prosperity under Jehoshaphat.
have already been noticed (v. s.). 2. At the end of years'\ an indefinite expression of time substituted by the Chronicler for "and

came

year" (i K. 22^), where the reference is

between
The
peace
Syria and Israel (i K. 22').
Chronicler probably referred to the marriage affinity, and means

it

to pass in the third

to the period of

that

some time

Ahab

Jehoshaphat visited Samaria.

after this

Ahab

And

as receiving

is

represented
Jehoshawith great honour, and inducing him to
join in the expedition against Ramoth-gilead, but the probability
is that Ahab first decided on the
expedition and then called upon
killed,

etc.].

phat on a friendly

visit

Jehoshaphat to join him, whereupon the latter comes to Samaria

(Klo., Bn. on i K. 22^).
Ramoth-gilead].
Cf. for location i Ch.

This frontier town was taken from Israel by the Syrians

either
the reign of Baasha (i K. 15") or more probably in
during
the reign of Omri (i K. 2o3''), and not restored according to the
665

(80

)_

made

treaty
tion of
I

Aphek (i K. 2o3''), hence the expedihere through the chapter the narrative of
followed almost verbatim.
While Jehoshaphat in the

after the battle of

Ahab.

K. 22^-"

is

3.

From

language of diplomacy in this verse expresses unanimity and full

co-operation with Ahab, the subsequent narrative seems to reveal

an underlying reluctance on the part of Jehoshaphat to enter

upon the undertaking from doubt in regard to its successful issue.
For changes

compared with

in the verse

K.

2. D'jtf yph] a substitute for niciSs'n nr^o

ni'Sj

and

^\2V^]

wanting

in

lS 1DN>1] I

HDnSna

K.

3.

Ch. omits

are wanting in i K. 22''.

K. SnIB'i -i':'D Sn tODU'lH'" -lDNi\

nTin> ^'?c

^]^sy^]

wanting

in

22" v.

in

'hm
i

K.

^nj.']

"'DJ?

22^.

i.

K.

aNns
nDnScS.

22^ (v.

s.).

Snii:'^ i^^v

K. tin +
lD}.'3l] I K. "l^iVD
i

K., which has instead T'Dids ididd.

"'Oi'3.

XVm.

JEHOSHAPHAT'S ALLIANCE WITH AHAB

1-34.]

4-27.

The prophecy

of Micaiah.

This

397

one of the most

is

Yahilluminating narratives in the OT. respecting the prophets of

weh. Micaiah vs. the four hundred shows that as sharp a line of
cleavage ran between prophets of Yahweh in the days of Elijah and
Elisha as in the days of Jeremiah and Ezekiel, when these latter de-

nounced

false

(Je. 23'ff- 28'

prophets of

who

prophets

Ez.

122'

Yahweh

ff.

name of Yahweh
The appearance of four hundred
court of Ahab reveals that this story

1^1

at the

clearly spoke in the

fi.),

K. 17-19, where,
under Ahab and Jezebel, the prophets of Yahweh are banished and

was written from a

different point of view

and only Elijah appears

slain

left.

from

Some prophets

of

Yahweh,

compromise with the worship

then, were
to
of Baal and
prophesy according to royal pleasure, while others
time-servers, ready to

stood, like Elijah, for the worship of the righteous Yahweh alone.
With these latter, Micaiah must be classed. These prophets were

the forerunners of

Amos, Hosea, and the other authors

of

OT.

Some OT. writers only recognised this second

written prophecy.
a broader view and enable us to trace more
others
took
while
class,

5.
accurately the actual events of history.
were prophets of Yahweh, since the King

word

of

Yahweh

(v.

^).

6.

The prophets]. These

was inquiring after the

Is there no prophet of

Yahweh

here

hundred who had spoken with

besides] i.e.,
such unanimity. Jehoshaphat evidently felt that Ahab had only
called the prophets who were subservient to his desire and rein addition to the four

sponded accordingly. 9. Clothed in garments] i.e., in royal attire.

In a threshing-floor]. A tlireshing-floor would be a large, flat,
open, and elevated place, and hence convenient for such a convoca-

tion;
{v. i.).

but probably the phrase should be struck from the text

all the prophets were prophesying before them] per-

And

haps by

lifting

up

their voices in unison, or

manifestations of ecstasy (cf

v. ")

lO*

by certain dervish-like
of iron] an em-

Horns

power (Dt. ;iy^ Am. 6'' Je. 48" Dn. 8^ ).

Such symbols were customary with the prophets. Cf. Je. 27^
where Jeremiah wears a bar as a symbol of captivity and
28"'
Hananiah, a prophet of the type of Zedekiah, breaks it from off his

blem

of

offensive

f-

neck.

12.

Behold the prophets have with one mouth spoken'^ good

14. The first reply of Micaiah is clearly
(z'. i.).

unto king] so (g

CHRONICLES

398
ironical,

Kmg's

although not without a touch of politeness in favouring the

16. This vision is usually (and correctly) taken to

desire.

indicate the

outcome

ple will return

of the

campaign

Ahab

will fall

and

the peo-

home.

He renders Yahweh hath

Ba. interprets differently.

These have

said,

a master who is no master, i.e., Ahab was-no shepherd but a spoiler of his
people, and Ba. thinks that the words in peace cannot fittingly apply to a
The vision means, then,
return of Israel home after a disaster in battle.
that the man who has misgoverned Israel wDl not be permitted to lead
to victory.

Ahab would remove

the depressing effect of the oracle upon

Jehoshaphat by insinuating that it proceeded from personal hos19. Micaiah indicates his words by a vision showing how
tility.

18.

Yahweh was
hood

in the

Ahab

leading

mouths

to destruction

through a

The

of his prophets.

scene

is

spirit of false-

of

Yahweh

as

a heavenly king holding a court or council. For Yahweh's method

of dealing with Ahab cf. Ps. iS"'' "6 b),
20. The Hebrew allows

either a spirit or the spirit.

rest of the angelic beings

If

who

we read
attend

the former, one out of the

Yahweh, then we

most elementary form the doctrine

in its

Christian Satan; but this interpretation

the personified spirit of prophecy

is

doubtful.

v.

{cf.

=2).

The

find here

Jewish and

of the later

The

spirit is

spirit,

which moved the four hundred prophets was the true

then,

spirit of

prophecy, though leading them into falsehood. The real deceiver

is Yahweh.
Such a conception, however repugnant to us, was
agreeable to the

Ex.

Hebrew mind.

4^"' 73 9'2 iQi-

20- 27

iiioj

Cf.

Yahweh's hardening

sending an

evil spirit

the heart,

between Abime-

men

of Shechem, Ju. 9==; inciting David to wrong,

Zedekiah insultingly challenges Micaiah to vindicate his prophecy.
24. Micaiah accepts the challenge and says

lech

and

2 S. 24'.

the

23.

that Zedekiah shall perceive

its

truth in the disaster which shall

overtake him, a fugitive hiding for his life.

On inner chamber, cf.
I K. 20'".
25. Joash the king's son] not elsewhere mentioned.

26.

Bread of

affliction

water in scant measure,

and water of

cf. Is. 30=".

affliction] i.e.,

27.

The

test of

bread and

prophecy ac-

And he
cording to Micaiah is its fulfilment. Cf. v.^* Dt.
from
taken
These
words
are
a
said hear ye, etc.].
marginal gloss
18=^' '.

XVin.
Mi.

JEHOSHAPHAT'S ALLIANCE WITH AHAB

1-34.]

and form no part

I',

of the original narrative of

399
K.

22.

They were inserted by some one who identified Micaiah with

Micah, the prophet of the days of Hezekiah.
4. DVD] first of all, first, cf. Gn.
12T pn] wanting (6ba. 5. jjn^a]
The latter, as the forms Snns and
D^n^N.n]

K.

Mss. (Ki.

The

'JIN.

BH.,

St.

n*^]?

22^ yaiNo.

K.

to

"'J^^

and

nini with false prophets.

i^i

^SJ^]
Sn]

show, is correct.
K. was ^^^\ found

The changes

SBOT.).

to avoid the association of

K.

original in

S. 5'" (Dr.) i

25^'

(Bur.).
K. i'^nh.

K.

hy.

in twenty-nine

DTiSN-n

were made

6. inNc] inND the

reading of some mss. and also preferred by Ki. (BH.) and St. (SBOT.);
in vv. ' '-.
7. ny-\h vdi ho 'a naioS iS;? N2jnD urx] i K. 228

ditto

;n DN

xinj

wanting in i K. nSd-'] i K. nSni

wanting in i K. 22"', evidently inserted to
make easier the reading pJ3 in a threshing-floor. (S of i K. has for
pj3 Dnj3 d-'^'^Sd only evonXoi. This Icjks as though pJ3 were a
'3

210 >Sy

ditto in V.

^.

Naj.-i>

nS.

Dom]

9.

dittography of Dnj3 (Bur.,

St. SBOT.) and thus had no place in the

K. Paul Haupt (SBOT.) thinks pj, from connection with Arabic
"
verb
to polish and Assyr. gurnu
coat," may mean polished
armour and that the word to be rejected is Dnja as a gloss. At any rate

text of

^f^

Dma

the various proposed emendations, such as

embroidered (Be. after
Th.), 01133 >-\)2 (Ki. BH. after Klo.), p^l nJ3 (Bn.), seem not commendable.
10. 1*^] used reflexively Ges. 135/.
~J>"J3] cf. i Ch. 7'".

11.

The

inji].

Bn,, Ki.

nai Bur.,
20/.

understood. 12. nai] read

BH.,

13.

after

iXdXrjaav

dageS forte conjunctive, Ges.

K. 22" 'Sn r\^n\ (g, U,
which was probably the original in Ch. 14. n3''a] shortened

inN3]

"^x Din'^N,

from

is

obj.

iniDiD.

K.

l^i^]

Ch., but nSxni

et

al.

22'3 -inN 1313.

K.

iro]

'n':'N] i

same, and also '^'nj instead of ''<-\r\n of

^abl in both K. and Ch. has all these verbs in the

r\h-;.

22'^ the

This probably was the original and the change to the plural has
been made by copyists to emphasise the presence of Jehoshaphat.
D3T'3 unji;] I K. i^DH T13 mni |nji.
15. icn] for use as conj. cf.
BDB. T^'N 8 a (/3). 16. ph] fem. to agree with |nx. Some mss. have
17. ynS] i K. 2 2'8 j;t which Ki. {BH. not
on^, agreeing with Snt^\
sing.

SBOT.) adopts. 18.

22'^

p"?] (5

has Oi^x

adopted by Th., Kau., Bn., Ki.

oiirws, I3 ah,

in

both here and

SBOT., Kom.

My

K.

The force would

be.
personal bias is not, as you charge, determining my words conu'Ctt" ] i K. sg.
cerning you, but your downfall is the purpose of Yahweh.
o^'Diyn N3X] host of heaven, i.e., the organised body of
angels or divine

beings with

Dn.

8' Jos.

whom Yahweh
5"f-.

associates,

iSndi:'! irD''

Ne.

cf.

Sp onDj;]

K.

g* Ps. 10321 1482 Is. 242'

i^sTtJ'ai

ij''D"in

vSj; idj?

19. Sn-i^'' i'^d] wanting in i K. 2220.

idn'] wanting in (Sabl and 1 K.
and to be struck out; a clear dittography from following IDX. At the

end of the verse

(&^ has the addition Kal eJirev oi/rws Oi) dvvi^a-ei, also in

400

CHRONICLES

20.
n33, hdd] i K. nsa. naa.
I K. with addition ko2 elirev 'Ev ffoi.
nnn] on art. with indefinite force cf. 20^^ and Ges. 126(7. St.
(SBOT.) reads pji'n (c/'. Jb. i^^) and regards nnn as a substitutionary
"
This is favoured by Paul Haupt, who says nnn is certainly not
gloss.

"
The strongest argument in favour of
the spirit of prophecy
{v. s.).
this view is the fact that nnn, a fern, noun, is here construed as masc,

but

use in

its

nn"-]

K.

v.

2222

23.

-'

seems

nn. 22.

fatal to the

thought of an original

al

After ^sa read So after

g,_

-jj^

]a".rn.

and

21.
i

K.

Tnn] wanting in i K. 22=% yet probably to be read there

(Klo., Kamp., Bn., Ki., Bur.) since nt w is never used of a verb.
l^i^]
"ins (Ki. BH.). 25. inp] i K. 22=6 sg. jisn] (g^ 'EfJ-vP, CS^^ ^efi/xvp,
also <JS of I K. (the 2 comes from preceding irpos), hence the name
probably was iss Immer {cf. i Ch. 9'2 24'^ Je. 20', et al. (Bur.)). 26.
2223.

omcNi]
Dr.

(S^^

TH.

V. s.

D''Dj?

K. 22"

sg.

vnS

examples of apposition
K. >Na. 27. aSa
y;-cz''\

D''21 yn*? on'^]

189 (i), Ges. 131c. '3v^'] i

used very seldom, if ever, of Israel

28-34. The defeat of the

allies.

29.

(v.

Bur.).

Ahab

disguised himself

probably to escape a central attack such as was made on Jehoshaphat, and also perhaps from the superstitious notion that by

changing his identity he could in some way escape the evil foretold
by Micaiah. 31. And Jehoshaphat cried out'\ probably to his
men, but the Chronicler understood it as a prayer and added the

remainder of the verse, which does not appear in i K. 22.^ 34.

Ahab's first impulse when wounded seems to have been to leave
the battle (v.

'''>),

but when he noted the fierceness of the fight he

had himself propped up in his chariot and kept his place against the
enemy. This is a splendid testimony to his prowess, even as one

command of the King of Syria to fight only with

omits the details given in i K. 22^8-39
Chronicler
(v. 5).
of Ahab's death and burial, because they would have been irrelealso

is

given in the

The

him

vant in his narrative.

29. Niai B'onnn] either

an example

of inf. abs. used for the cohorta-

speech Ges. ii3<^^, or to be changed after Vrss. The

allowed by Bur., Bn., et al., but rejected by St., Sw. in SBOT.

tive in excited

former

on

is

K., which gives the latter reading after 05, &, Ol, NiaNi CijnnNi, preferred by Ki. BH., but (S*b of Ch. has KaraKaXvxpdu fif.
^nJa] Q5 ?)
I

in3m] about
MSS.,
apparel.
Vnjn nx] read
K. 22" has
31. ncs*] K.
K. without

05, 13, i

thirty

DiJif 1 cir'Sa'.

art.

2232

former to be preferred (Klo., Ki., Bur.,

K.

223 sg.

after 05,

After

nir'N i

K. nm. Snjn, japn]

The
laDM] i K. no'-i.

UCD

-|n.

et al.

30.
.

nn^] wanting

JEHOSHAPHAT REPROVED

XIX. 1-3.]

401

is far
I K.
an^D'i] (^ airiffrpexpev aiiroiis probably reading on^D'i.
more expressive. 33. icn*?] in his integrity or his imiocency, i.e., without

in

guile or definite intention in view of the result, "at a venture," cf. 2 S.

]'<->Z'n
poi O'pain ]^2] between the tassets and the breastplate.
15".

The plural of this word meaning cleaving, joinsg. Is. 41" fmost appropriate for the tassets consisting of jointed pieces.
njncn] (g nnnSon, proba231'^] I K. 2234 i2D-('^.
ijnNSini] I K. "'jN^sini.
34. hn-\\vi iVm] i K. 2233 -^Scni.
n^DjJD] better
bly the true reading.
ti-ncn
At
titne of ike
K.
pdii.
the
after
i
K.
i
a-i]J3
nj?]
Hoph.
pai in the

ing

is

going down of the sun

XIX.

is

drawn from

K.

2235a.

1-3. Jehoshaphat reproved for his alliance with

by the prophet Jehu.

Ahab

from the Chronicler.

section clearly

The N. kingdom in the mind of the Chronicler was entirely apostate

from Yahweh, and hence the association of Jehoshaphat with
Ahab was completely sinful and worthy of rebuke. 1. In peace]

with possible allusion to the words of Micaiah,

18"^.

2.

Jehu

the

The
son of Hanani].
Cf. i K. 16' and, on Hanani, 2 Ch. 16'.
Chronicler consistently introduces here Jehu, since Hanani his
father appears in the reign of

Asa the

does not exactly agree with

this

K.

father of Jehoshaphat; but

where " Jehu son of Ha-

16',

"

appears prophesying against Baasha, some forty years earlier

than the death of Ahab. The seer]. This term may apply either
to Hanani (as assumed in note on 16") or to Jehu (Ke., Oe., Kau.,

nani

That hate

Yahweh]. Whether sg. or pi. {v. i.), the

Ahab. This historically is a total misconception of Ahab, who was a reverer of Yahweh, as is seen from his
summoning the prophets of Yahweh (iS^) and in the names of his
children Athaliah, Ahaziah, and Jehoram, which all are comKi. Kom.).

reference

is

Yahweh.

of

pounds

clearly to

Wrath]
and

vasion of the Moabites

Ba.).

pi.

3.

Good

1212.

j^/^g

20 (Be., Ke., Zoe.,

Asheroth] a feminine
c.

things].
Cf.
occurring twice elsewhere (Ju. 3' prob. a text, error, 2 Ch.

ZZ^ t)> equivalent to

by Jehoshaphat,

IT

with reference to the in-

spoken

the Ammonites,

Asherim

cf. i7.

{cf.

142 15'^).

And hast

set

For

this act of piety

thy heart to seek God].

Cf.

2.

^v;^] cf.

but the latter

Ges.

may

ii^k.

''Njc'?i]

<g has sg. in

be used collectively,

cf.

Ps.

agreement with W\^,

'''

9^-

ans'n] finite verb continuing inf. cstr., Ges. 114^.

26

<5.

i6>

lo^ Is. ii^ f.

3. ^dn]

cf.

iK

CHRONICLES

402

The appointment

of judges. This section has already

been referred to in connection with 17'-', with the suggestion that a

4-11.

Yet on the other

tradition of historic value might underlie both.

hand one cannot escape

the force of Wellhausen's view that the

story of Jehoshaphat's activity concerning the administration of

"
justice may be due to the meaning of his name, Yahweh is Judge"
{Prol. p. 191).

upon

The

Chronicler and those of his school

to idealise the kings of

felt

called

Judah, and most naturally idealised

Jehoshaphat after the meaning of his name. They ascribed to

the foundation of a system of courts corresponding perhaps

him

day (We. op. cit., Ki. Kom.) when in all probaa central sanhedrim existed at Jerusalem and local ones in

to those of their
bility

Yet the judiciary given as established by Jehoshaphat corresponds very closely with that mentioned in Dt. i6'8-2''
In Dt.
178 and might well have been derived from that source.
other

cities.

we read
appeal

and

of judges in all thy gates (16"),

likewise of a court of

at the central sanctuary, for if there arise a matter too

hard

in judgment
thou shalt come unto the priests the
Levites and unto the judge at the central sanctuary, i.e., Jerusalem
for thee

(Dt.

17").

All jurisdiction

among

the

Hebrews was

originally

invested in the family and administered by its head (Gn. 38^^^Then in more organised and settled life this
31'= cf. Dt. 2iisff).

family authority

was supplemented and

restricted

by a court com-

'
posed of the elders of the village or city (Dt. 19'^ 21=

Under the monarchy

(2 S. 8'5 14^-16 15'-

f.

the king also

6

K.

3'-

"

<

was an administrator

7' Je. 22^5

'^

22'^ ).

of justice

Is. 16^ Je. 235'').

An

appeal apparently might be taken to him from a lower court, or

one might go to him in the first instance. The priests also, since
they were the mediators of divine law (Dt. ;^y> Je. iS'^ Ho. 4^ '),

and thus of divine decisions, were always concerned somewhat

i S. 2^^:
with the administration of justice (cf. Ex. 2i 22''-
decisions at a sanctuary or from God would be delivered by a
f

priest, cf. also decisions of

Moses, Ex.

iS'^

f-

i'-^^).

When

then

a central sanctuary was established, the chief priest naturally became a supreme judge. An interesting feature of the description
of the judiciary, both here

and

in Dt., is the retirement of the

king

personally into the background in the exercise of the function

JEHOSHAPHAT'S JUDICIARY

3aX. 4-11.]

403

Dt. speaks of the judge and

properly belonging to the sovereign.
the Chronicler gives this position to the ruler of the house of Jiidah.
in Israel delegated the administration of justice,
Thus princes and
held
responsible for it, to others.
although
members of the royal house are frequently alluded to as exercising

Probably the king

still

3^ Mi. 3'

judicial functions (Is. i"

4.

And Jehoshaphat

no longer

Je. 21'"- 222^- Ez. 45').

dwelt in Jerusalem]

i.e.,

permanently.

He

N. kingdom, but for a time at

the sacred city and concerned himself

visited the court of the

least confined himself to

with the sacred business of justice. And he went out again]. The
first time had been in the third year of his reign, when the commis-

From

Beersheha] the
southern limit of his kingdom {cf. i Ch. 21=) to the hill country of
Ephraim] the northern limit of his kingdom, acquired by conquest
And brought them back unto Yahweh]. Possibly an
17=).
(c/.
with the alliance
apostasy from Yahweh is thought of in connection

sioners of the law were sent out (17^-')-

with northern Israel

Asa

(i5^-'0-

5.

18); yet

(c.

And

he

set

a similar activity

judges,

V.

etc.].

The

s.

is

ascribed also to

6.

For ye judge

not for man but for Yahweh].

judges were representatives of
2i
Dt.
7. Take heed and act] i.e.,
Yahweh {cf. Ex. iS'^fi").

take heed

to act in pious

with Yahweh our God

awe

Yahweh.

of

For

This insistence that the judge should be

unto

Yahweh

is

of notice.

worthy

as judge, Gn. 18=5 Dt.

there is

no iniquity

or respect of persons or taking of a bribe].

iC

'-.

8.

in these particulars like

Cf. the description of Yahweh

higher court is established at

Jerusalem with jurisdiction in both religious and civil cases {v. s.).
The former are expressed under the judgment of the Yahweh and
the latter under controversies.

Under

the

first

expression also the

may have meant those cases to be decided according to

the Pentateuch, which he believed already then to have been writThe
ten, and under the second, cases requiring arbitration simply.
Chronicler

latter

might well

Israel,

i.e.,

fall to

the lay

the S. kingdom, c/. 12^

of Jerusalem*].

the care of the heads of the fathers houses of

members

of the court.

And for

These

On

Israel representing

the controversies of the inhabitants

controversies are not to be considered re-

stricted to those of the inhabitants of Jerusalem, yet they presented

their causes directly to this higher court.

10.

The

cases which

CHRONICLES

404

might come from other places before the court are now somewhat
awkwardly enumerated. Between blood and blood] i.e., whether a

man might
2112-u).
i.e.,

be guilty of murder or only of manslaughter {cf. Ex.

Between law and commandment, statutes and judgments]

under what laws cases should be judged, covering thus also

questions of the interpretation of the law.

Amariah

priest].

mentioned

is

V.

8.

in

Jehoshaphat.
unkno\Mi.

the

a Levite

name.

The

ruler of the house of Jndah].

All

the king^s matters]

civil

i.e.,

under the king's jurisdiction; the controversies of

5.

^^']!^

'\-'-;h]

"

i3"3

2612

(1.

124).

and

shall

it

Yahweh as

cases coming
v. ^

6, tODCD

-\2-i3 C3C>*i].

in vos redutidahit.

be with you according to (your)

subject (Ke.,

n'^C'n' u;;"!].

ei a/.).

7. N-^'cf]

These newly appointed judges

"
to Jerusalem, hence Kimchi,
returning
referred the words to the statement in v. ^ Dj?a nxm; but

could not be described as

al.

Ch.

U ei qiwdciunque jiidicaveritis,

judgment." Better supply

cf. C'JD Ni;'^ in Dt. io'".^8.
Be., Ke., et

cf. I

for every city,

nai for "^3^a;

Oe. emended 1312 to

(B read

same

Chronicler thinks

head apart from the king

of the old tribal organisation with its

being preserved.

all

In 17^

the commissioners to teach the law has the

among

The

In

in all religious or ecclesiastical matters, cf.

Yahweh]
Zebadiah
son of Ishmael] otherwise
i.e.,

all

the chief

in appropriately in the reign of

matters of

Amariah

Ch. 5" (6") as the third chief

Temple (see corrected text), hence he

priest after the first in the

would come

11.

"

then this statement should precede v. S" and the pi. must be explained
on the rather doubtful assumption that Jehoshaphat and his retinue constitute the subject,

and read

Ott",

although the

and before

sg. is

it ^?"'"}'ri

tants of Jerusalem, so Kau., Bn., Ki.

Ges.

i43<f.

(S,

B, omit

1.

an Aram, loan-word; mostly

XX.

in

v.

Better follow

05,

H,

the controversks of the inhabi-

10.

2n

'?3i]

casus pendens,

cf.

cr-inim] perhaps
yz} cf. Gn. i^.
Ez. and Ec, and only here in Ch.
.

victory over the Moabites and the Amreligious tale of great marvel. The only history back

1-30.

monites.

'h

used in

and for

The

of this story probably

is

the fact that Jehoshaphat, associated with

Jehoram, was engaged in a campaign against the Moabites. This

campaign is described in one way in 2 K. 3^-", where it is embel-

wonders to the glorification of Elisha the prophet of

northern Israel; here the campaign wholly transformed is described
in another way, and all semblance to historical reality is lost; only
lished with

XX.

JEHOSHAPHAT'S VICTORY

1-30.]

the Moahites remain as the enemies of Israel.

405
Jehoshaphat

is

no

longer associated with Jehoram, nor yet is he the attacking party,

but is suffering invasion in his own land; his army also does not

but only prays (w.

fight,

admonitions

(w.

11.)^

of the

(vv.

which

22

^ff.

worship of

and a

hs.)^

at the

Edifying prayers and prophetic

'^-w).

same time

startling

wonder from Yahweh

show the importance

serves to

Yahweh through

the Levites with services of

The influence
song, are the principal features of the narrative.
of the prophetic tale of 2 K. may be seen in the feature of the
self-destruction of enemies

with

which appears

in

both

{cf.

K.

3^3

V. =3).

An attempt to

defend the historicity of this narrative has been

made by

assuming an invasion of three kindred tribes to settle in westenn Palestine,

coming by way of the southern end of the Dead Sea, harassed by the population of that district and ruptured {sic destroyed) by internal dissensions,

and leaving a very great spoil, because, coming to settle, they brought all
But in view of the
their property with them (Ba. Com. p. xxxi.).
thoroughly Midrashic character of the narrative such conjectures are
idle.

The invasion.

1-4.

1. After this]

i.e.,

after the events de-

scribed in the previous chapter, where Jehoshaphat

engaged

in

works

Amnion and

sons of

and peace.

of piety

The

the

Metmim^] (v. i.).

named from Ma' an, a city south of the Dead Sea,
Arabian people

{cf. i

Ch.

'"
of Mount Seir in vv.

Edom^]

(v.i.).

22.

4^'),

23^

2.

appear

This reading

The

D"iS).

Syria

sea]

Edom

the north of the

immediately to the south

represented
the

last people, so

or representing an

as/Zie children or inhabitants

i.e.,

the

Dead

Sea.

From

instead of Syria (^, RV.)

requires only the change of a single consonant

lies far to

is

Tlie sons of Moab and

Dead

and south-east

(DHS becoming

Sea, while

of the

sea,.

Edom

lies

Hazazon-

tamar] (Gn. 14' f) on the basis of this verse identified with

En-gedi (Jos. 15" i S. 23=' Ct. V* Ez. 47' f); mod. Ain Jidi,
overlooking the western shore of the Dead Sea, 680 feet below
the sea-level and 612 above that of the lake (EBi. II. col. 1293).
There is little doubt but that this identification is correct. The

name Hazazon seems

of

En-gedi.

preserved in the

Wady Husaseh

Tamar, meaning palm-tree,

is

very

north-west

appropriate.

4o6

known

Palm-trees are

CHRONICLES

to

have flourished there (mentioned by

Josephus, Ant. ix. i, 2, and Pliny, HN^. V. 15 (17)). The sugazazon-tamar with Tamar of Ez.
gestion of the identification of

'3
to the south-west of the Dead Sea (DB.) has little in its
47
A pass leads from En-gedi up into the hill-countrj' of
favour.
Judah. For a description of the route of this invading army, see

HGHL.

3. And proclaimed a fast\

This was
usual in view of any impending calamity (Jon.
) and involved
the assembling of the people (i K. 21'- '= Je. 36- ' Jo. 2'").

GAS.

p.

172.

1. B''jic>;nc].

Since the Ammonites are already mentioned in this verse,

of people are mentioned in vv. '"-^s 24, read

and since three groups

D''Ji>.=^n

with CS M[]ti'a/wv, so Be., Ke.,

et al., cf. 26',

used as the French on and the

German wa,

pen] other mss. psn, great number a

late usage, cj.

1N3^1]

{v.

s.).

his face,

4.

S*,

t"^"rLw 1.:a-5, seems to have read d-;n.

he determined, equivalent to v:3
.

i.e.,

t'p^'-'] to

ask, request,

a.

Ch.

4^'.

2.

Ges. 144/.

Ch.

29'^.

ci.v:]

Read dind with most commentators

also in OS, but improbable here.

set

v.

Via
.]r^^]he
cu'm in 2 K. 12'^

3.

^p2 only here with no

late use of

ace. of

the thing.

5-13. Jehoshaphat's prayer. This prayer contains the following elements: (i) an invocation of Yahweh as all-powerful

now

threatened had been given by him as a

perpetual possession (v.'); (3) a sanctuary has been built in this
land for him, with faith in his presence to deliver in every time of
(v. ^);

need

(2) the land

(\'v.

^'); (4) these enemies are requiting evil for

good upon

land (\^. '" '); (5) Israel is powerless before these enemies
and can only look unto him for help (v. '2).
this his

5. Before the new court] i.e., directly in front of the Temple,

toward which Jehoshaphat prayed, on the inner side of the outer
court where the people were assembled (cf. 4' Ez. 46' -2).
This

outer court was called neu' not because restored or extended under
Asa or Jehoshaphat (Ke., Zoe.), since it did not properly exist at
that time (cf. 4'), but probably because when the second Temple
was built it was recognised as new, and this name clung to it even
until the

time of the Chronicler.

pression of di\ine omnipotence

Abraham

thy friend].

Cf.

(cf.

Is. 41'.

6.

God

Dt.

9.

4"
If

in the heavens'] an ex7.

Jos. 2" Ps. 115').

evil

come upon

tts, etc.]

XX.

JEHOSHAPHAT'S VICTORY

1-30.]

407

a brief summary of the cases in Solomon's dedicatory prayer

which Yahweh would hear the people's cry, cj. 6^^^". 10. And
ynonnt Seir\.
With the Moabites and Ammonites were joined also

in

Edomites

{cf. v. ').

Whom thou

didst not allow Israel to invade,

2^' Nu. 20'^ -2', the children of Israel,

to Dt.

According
on the journey to Canaan, were forbidden to contend with the
Edomites or the Moabites or to take their land. 11. To cast us

etc.].

out of thy possession].

The

invading hosts are represented as pur-

posing to make a permanent settlement in Judah. 12. The attitude of complete helplessness assumed by Jehoshaphat in spite of
his great

Joshua

army

(i7>'-")

reminds one of the similar

after the defeat at Ai (Jos. 7').

13.

entire population has gathered to intercede with

2'6

wa-il

raised

by

In their distress the

Yahweh

(cf.

Jo.

Jon. 3O.

The
6. D>ijn ni3^eD J] cf. Is. i^^
5. aSi^n^i] nine MSS. and C5 'o.
usual expression of the Chronicler is niX"iNn mD^CD, i Ch. 29' 2 Ch.
128 17^0 2o29.
8. \^] omitted by (B^^, TS, probably because of the
following
I

Ch.

9.

^D^r'7.

22'8.

tinpn] used to designate

JO'iflU']

if

Temple and

correct, jtidgmettt, so (I.

precincts also in

gladius judicii

is

followed by Ki. Reading dub., only here and possibly in pi. diioidk' in
Ez 23', but also dub. there, v. Toy, Cor. niDj?j] cohortative in the

apodosis of a conditional sentence, v. Ges. 108/. 11. iPiin-'c] (^

Doubtless l| is original, since the Chronicler
KKijpovofxlas Tj/xuiv.
regards the kingdom as belonging to Yahweh, cf. i Ch. 17'^ (cp, 2 S.
7'") 28=' 2q"- 2Sj and (S could easily arise from the reading of ^, but not
vice

versa.

DH'tfj

and

13.

siders DDQ a gloss, but IB

nSinai iinj in Ez. 9^.

&

IS

after

D2!3.

supplies 1 before
Ki. Kom. con^i^^,

and with

possibly original, but

may have

used with DTiijai on^ja in

adds

Dn\-iij2i,

been added merely for completeness.

iwith

Bn. after

onijji on-'U': ODto dj].

strikes out Dn'>j3i as unsuitable

Hence

it

is

sufficient to

supply

(S.

14-19. The assuring promise of Jahaziel. Jehoshaphat's

prayer is answered by a promise of deliverance from Yahweh

through Jahaziel, a Levite of the sons of Asaph. 14. Jahaziel the

On the occurrence of the name Jahaziel, cf. 1 Ch. I6^
son, etc.].

The appearance

of a Levite singer as a prophet is noticeable, yet

accord with the entire description which gives such a large
place to worship, and especially to the use of praise, in gaining the
fully in

4o8
2'

victory (\^'.'"this

also

f/.

',

CHRONICLES

name appears among

v. =).

MaUaniaJi].

the sons of

currence elsewhere shows that

it

In

Heman, and

Ch.

25^

frequent ocrepresented persons or a person

its

Mattaniah

or family of importance in early post-exilic Judaism.

appears as a son of Asaph, with the connecting link Micah in the

pedigree of Uzzi, an overseer of the Levites at Jerusalem (Ne.
II"), and also with the further link Zaccur in the pedigi-ee of a

who took

Zechariah, a musician

lem Ne.

Mattaniah with

12".

and Zabdi instead

written Zichri

post-exilic inhabitants of

Asaph].
u'eh\
I S.

Cf.

Cf. 15'.

17".

part in the dedication of Jerusa-

this

16.

Ch.

15.

Jerusalem

(i

Ch.

9'=

Ne.

Upon him was

though

among

11'").

the

Sons of

the spirit of

YahCf.

the ascent of Ziz] not

By

also,

the battle is not yours but God's'].

618-32 (33-47).

For

same connection

of Zaccur, appears

mentioned elsewhere;

probably Ziz should be read Haziz {v. i.), and the locality is the
Wady Hasasa {v. i. and v. -). Wilderness of Jcruel] unidenti-

Tekoa

to the south-east of the wilderness of

probably
toward Wady Hasasa.

fied,

17.

the salvation of Yahifeh].

found

in

Ex.

shore of the

i4'3 in

Red

Moses' address to the children of

Sea.

18.

in

promise reverently prostrate them-

upon the ground. 19. And the

Yahweh] possibly while the rest

praise

'^),

Israel at the

Both Jehoshaphat and the people

thanksgiving for the glorious

selves

(v.

Take your place, stand still and see

These words, omitting stand still, are

Lci'ites

stood

of the people

up to
were pros-

The

trating themselves or remaining for the time being prostrate.

Levites are naturally mentioned in connection with praise to

Yah-

weh, since the assembly is in the court of the Temple (v. ^) and they
would be on hand for such a service. Sons of Kehath] one of

the three great clan divisions of the Levites

33. 61)

1^5 2

Ch. 20"

34>=,

without sons,

i.e.,

{cf. i

Ch.

63-

Kehathites

'

's- ^e

Ch.

63'

ds.

22.

(s^)).

are not elsewhere spoken of as singers and probably are

mentioned here because the sons of Korah (read even of the sons

They

of Korah) were
since

ites,

(i

Ch.

from
84,

properly a subordinate family of the Kehathin the genealogies is a grandson of Kehath

The sons of Korah, on the other hand,
37(.)).

Korah

6'- "f-

their

85, 87,

(22-

mention
88),

in

the

titles

of the

eleven

Pss.

(42-49,

were clearly a guild of singers, probably that

XX.

JEHOSHAPHAT'S VICTORY

1-30.]

which was represented by

Ch.

Heman

Ch.

(i

6'8

409
(y^ also

(33))

on

26').

14.
A

"-N-nn^i]

(gBA Kal

may

'EXeTjX

(gB 'Ao-ae, L

tQ

AfftcTtt,

other

be a corruption of

may

GAP.

Buhl,

'Of(e)i^X,

cf. i

indicate Sn^Sn, but are

MSS.

n, cf.

Acro-ts.

is

16

f''?!'

f]

probably a radical and

Wady Hasdsd and

plateau Hasdsd,

cf.

VQ (BDB.). Elsewhere
i2'3.SNn> t] fou7ided of God, (B /ept7;X = '7X'i;.

p. g-j.e]-\DX] end,

Jo. 220 Ec. 3" 72

Ch. 2319.Ss^y^] (ge 'EXea^X,

probably corrupt.

late synon. of

20-30. The victory and the spoil. On the day following the
assembly at the Temple the people marched forth into the wilderness of Tekoa,
at

singers

some fourteen miles south

their head,

and with

of Jerusalem,

approached the invading hosts.

When

the singers began to sing, unseen agencies caused the invaders to

turn one against the other until they were completely destroyed, so

and his people found only a slain host, from

which they secured immense and valuable booty requiring three
days for its gathering. On the fourth day, after assembling in a
valley, where they blessed Yahweh and thus called the place the
that Jehoshaphat

Valley of Blessing, they returned with music unto the

through the fear of

Temple; and

Yahweh from

the report of this victory among

the surrounding countries rest and quiet came to the
kingdom of

Jehoshaphat.

The wilderness of

20.

Ch.

{if. I

lished^.

dress to
{cf. I

2=^).

(Is. 7).

Ch. 16").

of the

Temple

refrain often

around Tekoa

shall ye be estab-

Isaiah used the

Ahaz

the

open country
Believe yeTekoa'\
in Yahweh your God so

same words applied negatively

21. In holy

attire] i.e., in priestly

The singers probably are to be thought of

service.

found

Give thanks unto

Yahweh,

in his ad-

garments
as Levites

etc.]

a direct

in the

Psalms, but always with the additional

words (after Yahweh) for he is good, which have been omitted
either by a copyist or more
likely because familiar, and hence

22. Liers-in-wait] not Judereadily supplied {rf. 1 Ch. 16^^).

ans by the suggestion of Yahweh (as in Jos. 8^) (Ba.), since
they
were not to fight (v. "), nor a portion of the invading host, the men
of Seir thus
conspiring against the

Moabites and Ammonites

{cf.

v.") (Ke., Zoe., H-J.), but supernatural divine agencies (Be., Oe.,

CHRONICLES

4IO

Bn.), which suddenly coming upon the advancing host or taking

possession of them, caused them to- be enraged against one ana means not unlike that of the lying
other in deadly combat (v. ")

spirit in the

smitten]

i.e.,

described in

Moab
2

K.

And they were

defeated and destroyed a summary of that which

the next verse. 23. For the children of Amnion and

mouth

of

Ahab's prophets

(r/. iS^' ').

is

stood

up against the inhabitants, etc.]. Cf. Ju. 7" i S.

Such internecine strife caused by Yahweh appears

3=3.

in the later prophets in the future destruction of the

Israel

(cf.

upon an

Ez. 38^' Hg. 2" Zc. i4'0-

24.

14^"

also

enemies of

And when Judah came

The

outlook point of the wilderness].

writer pictures

Jehoshaphat and his men advancing toward the invading host and
then from some elevation seeing the host all lying slain.- 25. They

found cattle^ in ahundance and goods

an invading host) and garments'^ and

ornaments, or any wrought

utensils,

from Zerah's host

(14'^ )

stuff of such
{i.e., the general
precious things (such as arms,

Cf. the spoil taken

article)].

and from the Midianites

26. In the valley of Berakah]

(Ju. 8"

in the valley of Blessing.

i.e.,

^
).

This

name appears

preserved in both Berekut, an abandoned village

west of Tekoa, containing ruins of great age (Buhl, GAP. p. 97),
and in a Wadi Bereikut near Tekoa (Be., Bn.). 27. Then .all

the

men

at their

of Judah and Jerusalem journeyed back with Jehoshaphat

head returning

caused them

to rejoice

6^2

Ne. 12".28.

his

God gave him

20.

'jiycr]

to

Jerusalem with joy since Yahweh had

Cf. on last clause Ezr.

over their enemies].

And

the fear of God,

rest

round about].

cf. I

Ch.

282.

liSNHi

Cf. 14"

Cf. 17'.29.

etc.].

'

And

15'^

weak

ijiCNn]

used with the

imperfect
express the design or purpose of a preceding act (Dr.
TH. 60); for imperative followed by imperfect, v. Koe. iii. 364I.
Niph. so used after Hiph. also in Is. 7. 21. VV''''"] with Ss also in 2 K.
to

68.
I

nny>i]

Ch. 16".

appoint
meaning
nm]
'-h

late,

cf.

thirteen mss., g>

Ch.

add

6'

3iB

(1.

13.

89).

22.

i:np

nj;a]

n-nnS] cf.
with retro-

nSnm nj-13] Bue. (ZAW. '99, p.

spective omitted, v. Ges. 155/.
100 n.) proposes the reading nSism nna (i K. 8-^ Je. 7's- 11'^) and
considers the phrase equivalent to ipyxM in 2 Ch. 13". Whilst the
word

is not elsewhere joined with nSnn, its use with n-iin in Ps. 425
is used parallel to ^^^n, cf. Ps. 100'.
supports the usage here,
24 noscn] outlook point, as a common noun also in Is. 2 1 ^ f. By a

mm

XX.

END OF JEHOSHAPHAT'S REIGN

31-37.]

4II

peculiar Heb. idiom the article is used to designate a thing, primarily

yet unknown but present in the writer's mind as a definite object, i.e.,
the Chronicler vividly pictured Jehoshaphat's march to its destination, a

which becomes the definite

K. 13'''. pnnn] cf. i Ch.

certain high vantage-point in the wilderness

point to him, cf. Ges. i26q.r, also Bur. on
29's.
1

25.

before

cf.

li'^D\]

also

tJ'i3T

very improbable

Ch. 27".

ana]

<Bkt-^vt}= nnna, which read since

anjo]
reading, so Kau., Bn., Ki.
hence read with seven mss., U, D>tJ3i, so

supports this

in this context,

nncn ^Sd] a phrase occurring only here, cf. :intD mien

Be., Kau., Ki., Bn.
Ezr. 8", also the similar phrase rrjcn iSd 2 Ch. 32" 361" Ho. i3'6 Na. 2'"
ncd j-n'^] (g omits, to not
HTicn only occurs in pi.
Je. 25'^ Dn. II*.

much

that they could not carry the booty away: an

lifting tip, i.e.,
idiom peculiar to the Chronicler, cf. 14'^ i Ch. 22''. 29. mxiNn pidSdd]

so

cf.

Ch.

293", also V.

31-34. The
22-45

s.

on

summary

v.

^.

of Jehoshaphat's reign.
From i K.
And
31.
{v. i.).
Jehoshaphat reigned

with some variations

This apparently superfluous statement is due to the

i K. 22"", a verse marking the beginning of the

over Jtid<ih\

Chronicler's source,

narrative of the reign of Jehoshaphat where it says {He) began to

reign over Judah in the fourth year of Ahab king of Israel, but the

Chronicler will not date the accession of a king of Judah by a year

ungodly king of the schismatic N. kingdom. The remainder

of the

of this verse is essentially identical with

name

also of a reputed wife of Caleb

K. 22".

(cf. i

Ch.

Azubah] the
Shilhi

daughter. 32.
33. How-

2^^^-).

Nothing further is known of this father and his

A 7id he walked in the way of A sa his father]. Cf. 1 7 '

{].

'

high places were not taken away]. This statement from i

K. 22" is not exactly consistent with 17* (q. v.) and the Chronicler's

beit the

entire description of

K. 22"

Jehoshaphat's piety.

The people

Neither as

yet, etc.]

and burnt incense in

the high
Chronicler found this positive statement too strong
the rest of
and modified it with a milder negative one. 34.
I

f-

still

sacrificed

The

places.

the acts of Jehoshaphat the first

usual

formula

{cf.

i2'5).

In

and

the

Now

the last]

acts

the Chronicler's

(words)]

not an

pendent work written by Jehu the son of Hanani {cf

section of the
Intro, pp.
31.

Book of the Kings of

192),

Israel containing his

inde-

but a

name

{v.

21/).
Bssa'in'i

^'?D>1]

K.

22<i

iSn ndn

]2

'hm.

usual, omits the synchronistic statement of

K.

The

32.

Chronicler,
1')'\2]

K.

as
22*'

412

XDN V2N]
both as masc. and

TIT Sd3.

22" .^1233 antapci

perf.

CHRONICLES

K. transposes.

fern.

33.

D-'narn Dj?n

njcc]

K. masc.

anipaN ihSmS aa^S

"iij?.

34.

ri^:jn]

if

ij''3n

^n occurs

1J^^c.

nS uyn

the text

is

K.

-\v;-\]

Hoph.
On form

correct,

used only here in sense he taken up into, or inserted

in.

Ju. 6^ Na. 2', Ges. 63/1. CI Kar^ypa^ev, TJ digesset,

.'^^Ks^.
The similar phrase in 32" omits this word, which probably arose here
cj.

from a dittography of following

'7y.

35-37. The destruction of Jehoshaphat's fleet. From i K.

2 2J9 f- (48 f.)^ quite rewritten.
This passage in i K. is not entirely
clear,

but

its

was before the Chronicler.

present text

This

relates

a particular kind) to
sail to Ophir for gold, but the vessels were wrecked.
Then Ahaziah
proposed to join with Jehoshaphat in this marine undertaking,
but Jehoshaphat declined the alliance. The Chronicler, on the
that Jehoshaphat built ships of Tarshish

(i.e.,

other hand, places Jehoshaphat in alliance with Ahaziah, a very

wicked king, and relates that they jointly built ships to go to Tar-

and

shish

that the ships were

allied himself

with Ahaziah.

king Jehoshaphat
to

then befalling the good

in the loss of his vessels is explained

sin of allying himself with

made

wrecked because Jehoshaphat had

The calamity
a king of

Israel.

through his
Attempts have been

harmonise the two narratives on the ground of

pleteness.

Thus Jehoshaphat accepted

their

the aid of the

Israel in building but not in navigating the ships (Ba.).

after this] i.e., after the

No time limit

incom-

King

35.

of

And

marvellous deliverance recorded in vv.

'-s'.

K., but the statement Jehoshaphat made

follows
the statement (i K. 22^^ <"> omitted by
ships immediately
the Chronicler) and there was no king in Edom : a deputy was king,
is

given in

Edom was still controlled by Judah, hence shipbuilding was

undertaken by Jehoshaphat on the Gulf of Akabah south of Edom.
The time in Jehoshaphat's reign is fixed by the mention of

i.e.,

of Ahab, who reigned only some

same did very wickedly] a statement of the

Ahaziah the immediate successor

two

The
years.

Chronicler to emphasise the sin of Jehoshaphat's alliance.

36.

To go to Tarshish] i K. 22^5
ships of Tarshish, i.e., a class of
ships used in the Tarshish trade, but the Chronicler misunderstood
the meaning of the phrase and assumed that they were to go to
(^s)

Tarshish

{cf. 921).

In

K.

22^'

<^)

the destination of the ships

is

REIGN OF JEHORAM

XXI. 1-20.]

413

Ophir, and their object to procure gold.

Tarshish].
Cf. i Ch.
I'.
In Kings tlie place where the ships
Cf. 8'^
Ezion-geber].
were built is not mentioned. 37. Eliezer the son of Dodavahu-\\

Nothing further
elsewhere.

known

is

Mareshah].

pieces thy works^

were wrecked

Ch. 2.

Cf.

the ships.

i.e.,

who

of this prophet,

is

not mentioned

Yahweh hath broken in

According to

22^' '"' they

K.

at Ezion-geber.

35. -lannx] only here as Hithp. perf. The prefix hn instead of vr} is
to the influence of Western Aram. (Ges.
54a n.), hence is late.
" Dn. 1 1^- 23 the last also in an Aram. form.
Hithp. is also used in v.

due

Nin]

read

Nini.

36.

K';j>i

n^jx
37.
read
(ba
nnn or innvi,
prophetic
nvjx]
22" nvjN maa'j
(read

nB-j; '1).

<S, 21,

a'vj-in t\2^^

sg.

ini-;-\3

]nfl]

K. 22"

iifj? taari.Ti

rniflis hd'^S r^trin niijN.

nXoid

(& to.

>d.

K.

vryi]
fi5(e)ta, AouSioy) probably read either
nvjx n^^M] i K.
perfect, Ges. io6n.

<S

tv be able to (late), cf. 2^ 14'

my iman^]

mt:'j;'?

a-ov,

so also ?C.

nxy]

plus

inf.

Ch. 29".

XXI. The reign

icler

of Jehoram (c 851-843 b.c.).The Chronintroduces his account of this reign with the verse in i K.

summary of the reign of Jehoshaphat (21').

other sons of Jehoshaphat (v. ^), their father's
generous treatment of them (v. '), and their destruction by Jehoram
after he came to the throne.
These particulars are not related in
(22^")

concluding the

He then mentions the

K.

Then

is given the account of Jehoram's accession and evil

from 2 K. S'^" (vv. 6-'), and the account of the
taken
character,
fhe remainder of
revolt of Edom, taken from 2 K. 820-22 (^yy. 8.io)_
I

the narrative,
(vv.

'2-15)^

which consists

an account

others (vv.
disease (vv.

'^

'),

from Elijah
the
Philistines
and
Jerusalem by

of a threatening letter

of a sack of

and an account

end through
This new material

of Jehoram's horrible
of

'8-20)^ jg

and

K.

independent
seems to be either embellished traditions or history simply imagined
in a

way

suitable, according to the Chronicler's theory, to the evil

character of Jehoram.
Ki. following Bn. assigns vv.
to
non-canonical) and vv.
the style of the Chronicler.
'2-20

2-4

M,

to the Chronicler's forerunner (Bn.

but these verses have

all

the

marks

of

Be. maintained, but without sufficient

reason, that Elijah's letter had marks of another writer, mentioning the
'^
and v." elsewhere not in Ch. (but the occurrence in
Hiph. of njr v.

CHRONICLES

41 4

v." certainly offsets the occurrence in the letter), the rare pi. D"Vn
i''^'
(v. ) and n'^ni? (v. '^ Pr. i8" f) and the expression nSnj hdjs ^JJ

Graf argued correctly, on the other hand, the

not elsewhere in Ch.
appearance of expressions used by the Chronicler elsewhere, 1ti3 -|'^n
vv. '2f.j cf. ii" 172 20^= 21^ 22' 28- 34'^ (the exjjression yet is too common
on which to lay weight), jnhk rf j v. ", cf. v. " v. ' 225- ^- ^, and cf. in v. '^
the parallelisms with v. " (in the former probably read D'j?"\ instead of
Marks of the Chronicler in other verses:
D^3T Ki. BH.).
prefixed
V.3; pinp'' v.* {cf. I'); nn PN nini ij;m v." {cf. 3322 i Ch. 526 Ezr.

</je

16);

1-7.

':'

Philistines

and Arabians

v.

>6,

17";

c/.

n<31D

Jehoram's accession and character.

parallels in

Vv.

132) v.'*.

(1.

are without

with his fathers, etc.]. Cf. g^K 2.

second of this name should be struck out (v. i.).

The

Azariah].
Israel]

Kings.

pxS

1. Slept

used for the

S.

kingdom, also

in v.

*,

cf.

12^

3.

And

somewhat similar treatment by

Rehoboam of his sons. Because he was the first born] mentioned
as though Jehoram had no other special qualification to be his

their father gave, etc.].

father's successor.

Cf. the

Slew

all

his brethren, etc.] because of their

non-concurrence with his and his wife's (Athaliah's) idolatry (cf.

V. ") (Ke., Zoe.), probably from tyrannical jealousy (Oe.); but all
explanations are mere conjectures.

6.

According

to that

to the doings of the

which the

5-7.

hoiise of

house of Ahab.

Parallel with 2

Ahab

did]

i.e.,

K. 8'^".

according

The daughter of Ahab].

Cf.

House of David]. 2 K. 8" has /(fa/?. The Chronicler

have
made the change because he felt on account of the
may
that
the Davidic promise was restricted to the Davidic
Captivity
house. ^l^ Jie promised to give a lamp to him a?id his children
18'.

7.

alway].

The

Chronicler uses the lamp as a figure of life (cf. Jb.

i.e., that the seed of David should never be de-

18" Pr. 133 242"),

stroyed (2 S.

7'2-")..

1. vn^K Oj?2] so also i K. 22", where probably a dittography; omitted

by (SB in both places, rightly in i K. (St. 550r.). "I'n n^'j] i K.
V3N which the Chronicler omitted because of the preceding dittog-|-

2.
tafl-'in^] (B + ^^
raphy.
with the Chronicler's habit,

original

list

=
cf.

^t"C'
1

may

Ch.

be original, since in accord

6
et al., but the
7" 25^

2^ 3^

probably contained only one Azariah, hence a

name has

numeral was originally in the text. 7Nit:"] about

forty MSS. and the Vrss. ml^^, which is followed by Ki., but Israel is used
for Judah in v.* 2%" and elsewhere, and the change to Judah is easier
disappeared

if

this

REIGN OF JEHORAM

XXI. 1-20.]

415

than the reverse. 3. nmjn] always pi., cj. 32^3 Ezr. i Gn. 24^3 \.
had fallen by
6. 'sSd] S" /3a(rt\ws may render a text from which
1

haplog., but ^'5'ii'AL have ^aaiXewv, which

nt'N] some mss. and 2 K. 8's ntrN^?. 7.

mo

TinS] 2 K.
is likely

njy in

8'*

an error

ijjdS

min> pn

for vjoS, cf.

K.

(i;.

ii's,

is

doubtless original

nt:'t<

5.).

nnan

rjaSi]

so Klo.,

jynS -im

K.

Kamp.,

(8.

P'-a

ns

vjaS,

which

c/.

The

e/

Chronicler sought to give a smoother reading to the corrupt text of 2 K.

by prefixing

8-10.

The

i.

revolt of

Edom.

With minor changes and

V. '^ (2 K.
omissions, from 2 K. 8-^-22.
his
Edom
In
8.
revolted].
days
ing.

Ch.

S^'^) is of

slight

doubtful mean-

Edom was subdued by

iS"-'', and, unless for a time

it regained its
K.
Noeldeke,
iV*^-,
(cf.
EBi. II. col. 1 184), it remained subject to the united kingdom and
Judah until the reign of Jehoram and the event here described.

David,

2 S. 8'=

'

independence during the reign of

of

During the reign

Solomon

Jehoshaphat

it

was

clearly subject to Judah, as

the account of his ship-building operations shows

Jehoram passed
due it. And he

over, etc.] entered

Edom

(cf.

20^'^). 9.

And

with his army to sub-

The sequel (v. 1) shows that

rose by night, etc.].
the expedition of Jehoram was a failure, and hence an account of a
defeat must have been contained in the primary source of v.^^
(2 K. S^"').
Possibly it read, "And Edom arose by night and encompassed him and smote him and the captains of the chariots"
(Stade, Gesch. I. p. 537 n. i, and ZAW. XXI. pp. 337/.). 10.

Unto this day] words of 2 K. 8=^, and simply quoted by the

Chronicler because in his source. Libnah] a town not far from

Lachish, on the south-western border of Judah near Philistia {cf. i

Ch. 6<= <">). Since it is said to have revolted, it has been regarded
as a Philistine city (Sk.), but

was reckoned

Sennacherib besieged

(Jos. 21").
9, v-^y

-mption

it

U';'[

it

(2

K.

as a priestly city

19^).

S^' m^yx elsewhere unknown and probably a corwhich the Chronicler misread v-\z\ so Be., Zoe., Oe.

K.

of n-j^^ir,

Ki. corrects from 2 K., but

it

is

difficult to see

Ch. could have come from m^i's. 3Dnn2]

10. '1JI n> nnnn] wanting in 2 K. 8".

how
K.

the present text of

vShnS D;n on.

11-15. The letter of Elijah. A pure product of the imagination, since Elijah had nothing to do with the S. kingdom, and

CHRONICLES

4l6
was not

clearly

living at this time (2 K.

inference might have been

drawn from

3""

),

although such an

V\

K.

correspondence with the rest of the chapter, the

written by the same author.
The motive of the

From
letter

its

literary

was probably

letter is to heighten
character
as
an
obstinate
and
Jehoram's
outrageous sinner, since
he had neglected to heed a divine warning of the calamities which

afterward befell him.

to his

11.

Moreover he made, etc.] i.e., in addition

v. % which may be taken as the sup-

wickedness described in

posed cause of the revolt of Edom, Jehoram directly

high places, or seats of idolatrous worship
deities other

to

harlot]
worship
were thought of as married
i.e.,

to their

(r/.

14^).

institutes

To play
The

than Yahv/eh.

the

people

God, and any foreign worship

was regarded as whoredom or harlotry. (Cf. i Ch. 5".) 12. In

the ways of Jehoshaphat thy father nor in the ways of Asa king of
Judah]. Both Jehoshaphat and Asa are regarded as especially good
<2)
13. Like as the house of Ahab caused
kings (cf 14'
173 2o52).
Ahab through the influence of his wife, Jezebel, was
harlotry].

potent in introducing the worship of foreign gods in Israel (cf. i K.

i63i a.)
jifjd qIsq iiQs slain thy brethren].
14. With a
Cf. v.".

The

great stroke].

reference

And thou shall have great

w. 1* '. Day by day] i.e.,

11.

11.

12.

14.

K.

22''

-ia>N

irarpds (Tov

calamity of

from Yahweh

that, cf.

5312

and so

may

''-.

15.

sickness, etc.] the disease described in

nnn] because
Ch. 34=5 Is.
' ^J3,

w.

a prolonged sickness.

thrust aside

n-i>"j

expression, hence

to the

read nya and so Kau., Bn., Ki.

(S, IS,

^-\ri2]

Ges. 75^^.

is

Nu. 25" Dt. 21"

Je. 29'9

50'.

13.

jtm]

on form

cf.

22=9

28"

i S.

26=1

T'ax n^3] (g i;toi>s

this is the stronger

(following (S);
14. r]jj]
cf. v. 2.

be original,

to idolatry, cf. Dt. 13^-

(^^ T^^

^ add

but a special punishment for the King himself is narrated in v.

nsja] stroke, used in the double sense of slaughter in battle (cf.

^r-s
's.

S.

and plague, since the King's people and family were to

suffer from the first (vv. '^f.) but the King himself from the second, a
loathsome disease. 15. 0"Sn] intensive pi., Ges. 124^. non] some
4'' 2 S. 179 18')

Mss., (&,

16

f.

B,

The

raid into

astrous consequences
historical

o>;?i.

is

Judah.No
given in

inkling of this raid with

Kings, and while

foundation in a raid of

nomads

it

may

its dis-

have some

into southern

Judah

REIGN OF JEHORAM

XXI. 1-20.]

417

it
probably
(Bn.), yet as described with its disastrous consequences
never took place (yet accepted throughout by Pa. EHSP. p. 214).
The narrative, however, does not necessarily imply a sack of Jerusalem, as has often been supposed (Be.), but quite otherwise {v. i.).

The

history of the city

presumed upon such a

was

too well

fiction.

16.

known

for the writer to

Cf.

Spirit].

Ch.

528.

have

The

Philistines and the Arabians].

Cf. 17", where these very people
Which are beside
are mentioned as giving tribute to Jehoshaphat.

the ancients of Ethiopia

The geographic knowledge of

i Ch. i'.
and southern Arabia was very indefinite.

Herodotus considered

the land east of the Nile Arabia (II.

the Cushites].

Cf. 14^

''>

all

8, 12,

And

which could thus be described as beside the Cushites. 17.

that is,
they came up into Jiidah and broke through into it]

they

made

15, 19),

a raid into the land.

And they took as plunder every

house and his

possession which was found belonging to the royal
taken
sons and his wives]. This language most naturally,
by itself,

but it
suggests that the royal palace at Jerusalem was plundered,
stuff
of
need not imply anything more than the taking
wliich,
royal
with children and wives, might have been in camp (so essentially
This also seems to have been the view taken by
Ke., Zoe., Ba.).
the Chronicler in 22'
not

left,

slew

all

if
(q. v.),

^ there is followed. And there was

This statement taken with y.% where Jehoram

his brothers, is difficult to reconcile with 2 K. lo'^'-,

etc.].

where brethren of Ahaziah (Jehoahaz) king ofJudah to the number

of forty-two are mentioned.

Whence came

these latter

if

the royal

house of David had been so thoroughly exterminated (We. Prol.

Jehoa210)? The two narratives are really irreconcilable.

p.

are compounds
haz] elsewhere Ahaziah (22')- The two names
Yahweh and the verb to seize, but written in the reverse order.

of

16.

nn] wanting in (&.

and Hiph.

ii'2 2 S. 23'6
cf. V.

'<.

inNin>]

one MS.,

17.
Is.

nippa^] break through or into, cf. i Ch.

(g Kal rds Ovyar^pas avroO, but

y^. v::'ji]

(S, S>, (5,

18-20. The end of Jehoram,

and

of the

18

f.

In

his bowels with

an

in-

writer probably thought of some vioetc.].

incurable chronic diarrhoea.
(For a detailed description

curable disease,
lent

innnx.

The

malady, see Ke., Zoe.). 19.

27

And it came

to

pass after a pro-

CHRONICLES

4i8

longed time and at the time when the end [of his life] came^ during
two days his bowels were going out by reason of his sickness and he
died] {v.

i.).

Made

no burning for him]

i.e.,

of spices,

cf.

i6'^

The King was treated with less respect than his fathers. 20.
The Chronicler is quoting here from 2 K. 8" and then
Cf. V. K
from

(v. i.).

Without being
without being lamented
K.
But not in sepulchre of the kings] an addition the
8=^

desired]

i.e.,

of

the

Chronicler to enhance the vileness of Jehoram.

18.

px'^]

longed time,

more

briefly

22<.
19. D'S^D D'O''?]
cumqiie diei
occurs only here and means after a prohy o^c v. '5, also ai3T cniS Dn. S^*, expressed

Ch.

i4'2

cf.

The phrase

succederet dies.

C'^Di

cf.

by D'S^D Ju.

ii 148 151.

'O -iNS^ D\rf

D''a'''?

\pr\

rxs ry^i]

implies a longer
preceding
time than two days. To remove this contradiction, B, &, and most
commentators have translated two years (so EVs.). (& rendered Kal wj

the

passage, since

difficult

D'S"'J5 o^C"'?

On Be.'s at (he end of two times

ijfj.epCji' 7]iJ.ipas dvo.
recently Bn. has suggested that (& may be right, and
The
that tradition told of a sudden death after two days' illness.

TjXdev Katpbs

see Ke.

tQp

More

Midrash made a long illness out of this, and the confusion arose from
a gloss, 2''^:^' cc'? vp^, by a better-informed reader. But <S doubtless
read M. It is better to consider X?^ r'<s r>'3i as a phrase describing the
approaching end of

as a consequence of the disease,

life

DT.i' C"""'

an

accusative of duration of time introduced by 7 as the sign of the ace;

and iv'<j>"', pointed ins.''., an impf. of continued action (Ges. loyi);
translating

and

at the

during two days.

time

Ke.'s

(before the issue of the

when

the

end came, his bowels were going out

"
about two days
is similar,

explanation

end of the disease) then the bowels went out."

time of Iiis sickness, but perhaps v'^ns should be read

(BDB. 2-; 1. g). 20, n-irn n'^j iSm] an addition by the Chronicler,
Luther, following
ambulavitque nan recte, rendered
cf. 2 K. 8"- ^^.
r'rn d;'] at the

war {i.e., he lived undesirably) and so Oe.

Others render and he departed, mourned by }ione or without being desired,
Ke., Zoe., Kau., Ki., EVs.

er wandelte das nicht fein

XXII. The reign of Ahaziah and the usurpation

(c.

843-836

marked by

B.C.).

The

brief

the continuance of

kingdoms, which involved Ahaziah

led to his untimely end.

The

of 2 K. concerning this reign

of Athaliah

Ahaziah (843-842) was

the alliance between the N. and S.
reign

of

in the revolution of

Chronicler has used

and the usurpation

all

Jehu and

the material

of Athaliah, with

XXn.

AHAZIAH AND ATHALIAH

1-12.]

419

the exception of the narratives of the death of Ahaziah and the

massacre of the princes of Judah. In giving the account of these

(w.

he has followed, without a clearly discernible motive,

^-)

another source
Ki.,

M's

are

{v. i.).

and holds that vv. 3-^*

the main, after Bn., assigns v. to
While the
recension of 2 K., and likewise vv. ' ^ are from M.
1

in

Chronicler doubtless drew the variant information of vv.'- ''-' {v. i.)
from a Midrashic source, the narrative yet bears the marks-of his composi"^ in the use of nini cit
n^^S |^ni (1. 129),
tion, especially in v.
(1. 23),

and

-\TJ

92).

(1.

1-6. Ahaziah's character

composite introductory verse,

and brief career.

from

K.

S^^--^

Taken,
1.

And

after

the inhab-

Jerusalem] decide, according to the Chronicler, who shall

be king, probably in view of the disasters which the Chronicler holds
to have befallen the royal house.
Cf. the enthronement of Jehoa-

itants of

haz the son of Josiah by the people after the disaster at Megiddo,
2 K. 233.
Such unusual action would imply that the succession

was disputed.
eldest,

the

Ahaziah the youngest son].

2V.

For

all the

to the

camp

slew].

Cf.

hand who came with the Arabians

This describes the fate of the royal princes who seemingly were

camp by a marauding band at the time

and Arabian invasion (21'" ). (^, however, read

slain while in the field in

of the Philistine
differently,

of the

This

making the word camp a

Arabians

latter

'

(v. i.).

number

is

tribal or geographical

2. Forty-two years]

much

K.

8^^

name

twenty-two.

nearer correct, since according to

21''''

Jehoram the father was only forty years old at the time
of his death. has here twenty.
The daughter of'Omri]. 'Omri
was the father of Ahab, the founder of the dynasty, i K. i6''-.
(2

K.

8'")

is here used with the meaning of granddaughter, since

Athaliah was unquestionably the daughter of Ahab {cf. 18' 211=). 3.
For his mother was his counsellor to do wickedly] an addition to the

Daughter

text of 2

K. 8".

f.

For they were

of his father to his destruction.

an addition

K.

his counsellors after the death

He walked also

after their counsel]

The

Chronicler thus emphasises

the evil influence of the association of the house of David with that
also

of

Ahab.

the

to 2

8"'-.

And he went with Jehoram,

N. and

S.

etc.

kingdoms thus continued

].

{cf.

The

alliance

18'),

and the war

between
also

CHRONICLES

420

with the Syrians, in which Israel seems to have gained a certain

advantage, since Ramoth-gilcad
of military operations,

K.

{cJ .2

9'*).

of Syria

was

Hazael]

{cf. i6=),

archers

is

Jehoram

{v.

i.).

i.).

if

And

6.

Thus

mod. Zcrin

Jezreel]

not also assassina-

the

S'-'^).

he returned

end

healed in Jezreel

which they had

2 K. d>-'>.

(lit.

be read after

this sentence is to

at the east

spelled in a shorter

to be

wounds with which he had been smitten

smitten him)].

the centre

And
Another
Wotmded Joram].Syrians].
The two names

K.

still

Een-hadad King

the former general of

and Joram are the same, simply

(v. ^)

or longer form (v.

oj^ the

aUhough

iS^),

and now by usurpation,

tion, his successor {cf.

reading

{cj.

at this time in the possession of Israel

of the plain of Esdraelon,

about midway between Megiddo and Bethshean. It is located

on an abrupt hill, terminating the range of Gilboa, some two

hundred
Jezre

gilead.

K.

a palace there

And Ahaziah*

down seems

commands

it

a fine view.

city of residence for the royal family of the

Ahab had

dom.

above the plain, of which

feet

was a

el

K.

(i

21').

Ramah]
The

went down].

i.e.,

N. kingRamoth-

expression went

was made from Jerusalem ((/.

although some think that he went down from Ramoth-

9'6),

to

imply that the

visit

gilead.

njnsS DOi;'^ a^n]

1.

'AXeifia^oveis gives

no

is

corrupt.

aid, except

avTOvi

iir

(&

by suggesting that

ol

'Apa^es oi
may have

aniS>"

from the text after san. 2. av-^^'i d>;'3-\n] (&^^ 20, <B\ S>, 2 K.
was probably original here {v. s.). nn;"] <&^ Axo-o-^ is
doubtless a correction, cf. 2 K. 3. iSn Nin bj] 2 K. 8=7 i'^m. 5. divt]
':'N-iri
in (& and 2 K., possibly a
2 K. 828 a-iv cf. 21'.
i*^::] wanting
2 K. cy.
Both
':'>]
'^xin] also written '^Nnrn, cf. v. ^.
gloss (Bn.).
forms occur in 2 K. m:;nn] (S^ 'Pa/ua, l 'Fafxad point to nc"^? as the
fallen

22 which

8=6

O'Din] a few mss.,

original vocalisation, see St. SBOT. on i K. 22^.
B, (3, and 2 K. D'-din, and so Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau., Ki. Koni., EVs.

K.

mv. ^d]

about twelve mss., 05,

g*, 2 K. ]2 which read with Be., Ke., Oe., Kau., et a/.^in;n] 2 K. inr^_
the former is more natural, but the latter allowable, cf. Dr. TH. 27 (7),
6.

2Z'-'\\

05

829

-|i^:;n

SBOT. 2 K. adds the subject a'ciN,

innryi] a copyist's error for inirnx;, which

also St.

'Iwpd/x, 2

Vrss.,

7-9.
given in

and

K.

The death
2

K.

which is supported by (S.

found in fifteen mss.,

is

of Ahaziah.

This

differs

in the following particulars.

from the account

There the death

of the

XXn.

AHAZIAH AND ATHALIAH

1-12.]

421

placed subsequent to Jehu's attack upon Ahaziah (2 K.

while the Chronicler or his source places their death apparently first. Ahaziah also, according to 2 K., rides forth with
is

princes
10' 3

'

),

Joram and meets Jehu, and witnessing the death of Joram flees and
pursued by Jehu and wounded in his chariot near Ibleam by one
of Jehu's men, but he reaches Megiddo and dies there.
Then his
servants carry him to Jerusalem (2 K. 9" ').
Here, on the other
is

hand, Ahaziah

is represented as caught while hiding in Samaria

having been brought forth to Jehu. This narrative is
irreconcilable with the other and probably comes from some nar-

and

slain,

who, thinking of the close association between Ahaziah and

the house of Ahab, and its evil consequences, imagined that he
rator

sought refuge in Samaria and was from thence dragged forth and

7.

he came

to

And from God was

the destruction of Ahaziah so that

was divinely purposed that Ahaziah should
go to Joram to his destruction. And when he came he went out
with Joram unto Jelui]. The two kings, according to 2 K. 9"',
slain.

Joram]

i.e., it

rode out together, each in his own chariot, to meet Jehu. Whom
Yahweh had anointed to cut off the house of Ahab]. According to
I K. 19", Yahweh commanded Elijah to anoint Jehu king over

This was carried out by one of the sons of the prophets

(2 K. 9'-^), and the act was done further-

Israel.

commissioned by Ehsha

more, according to the compiler of Kings, with the direct purpose

that the house of Ahab might be destroyed (2 K. 9^-'").
8. And

the sons of the brethren^

(^ omits sons

true reading

sons

little

on

(7;.

i.).

If

is

and preserves probably the

correct, then these victims

lads, since their grandfather

Joram was only

death in the previous year.

were

forty years old

The phrase

ministering also
officers
as
state
officials
or
of the army
means, properly, serving
his

(y. i.),

and

it

seems probable that these victims were so intended,

here a tradition of the death of brothers or kins-

we have

and

that

men

of Ahaziah quite different from that of 2 K. lo'^

f-,

where

forty-

command of Jehu, on their way to

The latter also, as already
visit their cousins of the house of Ahab.
two of them were

slain

by the

noted, met their death a day or two after the death of Ahaziah,
while these are slain apparently before that event. 9. And he

sought Ahaziah and they took him now he had hidden himself in

CHRONICLES

42 2

Samaria

and they brought him

to

Jehu and put him to death] a

Ahaziah from that

totally different representation of the death of

given in 2 K. 9" {v. s.).And they buried him] apparently in

contrast to leaving his body unburied, as was usual with a person
who met a violent death at a king's command. According to 2 Iv.
servants carried his body from Megiddo, where he died from
wound, in a chariot to Jerusalem, "and buried him

9=8 his

the effect of his

in his sepulchre

But the

with his fathers in the city of David."

Chronicler seemingly could not bring himself to record so honourable a fate for a king so reprobate and such an object of divine

judgment; and the burial granted him the Chronicler allowed

given only for the sake of his pious grandfather /or they said
he is the son of Jehoshaphat who sought Yahweh with his whole
:

heart.

And

dom] hence
7.

the house of
it

PDnn

f]

from

D13

pointing to positive

TH.

idiom, Dr.

8. OiJt'nD]

BDB.

Ahaziah had no

strength to hold the king-

passed into the control of Athaliah.

tread

doum, trample. Ni^S]

consequence, Koe. iii. 4060.

nv'' Sn]

'^3.

Niph.

p. 157 n.

some MSS.

more

V with infinitive
nsi 1x331] a late

clearly in 2

expresses

K.

reciprocal

'>

9='

HNipS.

action,

cf.

and 2 K. lo'^ where it

was the brethren of Ahaziah who were slain. This was likely original here
and a glossator inserted 'J3, since Ahaziah's brethren had already been
slain

royal
(&

ODt:'

Niph., Ges.

according
officers, cf.

laTpevbfievov

Oe.,

Ki.

TH.

202

'"^^

(I.),

to

178

51J. ^J3]

DTns'D] denotes
N3nra Nim]

the Chronicler's account,

v.

Ch.

BDB.

27' 281 Est. 1' Pr. 29'=,

N?"^np.

pxi]

Ges.

vi'anting in (&

inf.

114/.

read

in.nirii]

with
(1.

J'N,

9.

with

(S, U, ^, so
an unusual construction, Dr.

sg.

-inn

129).

10-12. The usurpation of Athaliah. Taken from 2 K. 11''

with slight variations. The usual formulas introducing and closing
a reign are omitted in the case of Athaliah, because she had unlaw-

government. 10. All the royal seed] i.e., all the

male seed, not necessarily limited to the children of Ahaziah. 11.

fully seized the

i.e., a daughter of King Jehoram, but probaDaughter

another
wife
than
Athaliah (so Jos. Ant. ix. 7, i). In the
bly by
bed chamber] presumably that of the royal palace, from which

of the king]

Joash was transferred to the Temple

The wife of Jehoiada

(v. '=).
surmise on the
a
mere
and
wanting
Kings
probably
the Chronicler due to the fact that the infant prince en-

the priest]

part of

in

REIGN OF JO ASH

XXm.-XXIV.]

423

joyed the protection of Jehoiada and was placed by him on the

Ew. held that the statethrone; yet a negative cannot be proved.

ment was

certainly genuinely historical {Hist. IV. p. 135).

haps also GAS. /.

10. npN-i]
2

K.

K.

(Per-

II. p. 100.)

II' nnxii.

Ch. preserves the original

text.

nsipi]

supported here by some MSS. and Vrss. and should be

-i3Nni is

followed, so Be., Oe., Kau., et al.

icler.
11. n>'3->;'in'>] 2 K. ii^ jraunn-

rnini n^a"^]

and so

added by the Chronand since

(S^l (lojaa^ee),

n could have crept in through the influence of the following rj, the
reading of 2 K.

Cheyne

(cp. the uncials

regarded as original by Ki., Gray,

is

EBi.

in

art.

Jehosheba.

6 and ) and

But

(S* luxya^ed

M,

supports

HPN.

may be

hence the

p.

255,

original (&

text,

though

uncertain,

had

which

text,

mnnx

mns",

innnN

rons'

however, is not likely original 05, cf. ^^, &. 2 K. adds Div
but Ch. has nti 13 ]nDn yTiin> nifN onini iScn na nj)3i:'ini
nnin later in the verse, hence it has been conjectured that

better be allowed to stand.

"j'^cn

na] wanting in (S",

the closer description of Jehoshabeath fell out (the words 'en n2 remaining), and was later added on the margin, whence it crept into the
text after the

second Jehoshabeath (Bn.).

The

possibility

remains that

the Chronicler himself in copying from 2 K. accidentally omitted the

words after l^D and subsequently inserted them where they now stand.

D'nmrn]

K. Kt. D'nniDcn, Ch. preserves the original reading, cf.

was added by the Chronicler apparently to make
The latter seems to be a gloss in 2 K., St.
inpj^D PNi inx clearer.
SBOT. im-'noni] 2 K. mx nno^i. Ch. again preserves the better
text, St. 5BOr. mnn'-nn] 2 K. nmn. 12. onx] 2 K. ii^ r\T\n.
D'hSkh ni3] 2 K. nini '3.
St.

SBOT.

inni]

XXIII-XXIV. The reign of Joash {c. 836-796 b.c.). In the

main a simple reproduction, with marked revision and amplification in places, of 2 K. 11^-122'. Nowhere else does the Chronicler's
method of interpreting history and introducing notions of his own
time as controlling factors in the earlier history more clearly appear.
(These chapters are allowed to be his composition by Ki., but only
23 by Bn., who holds c. 24 in the main from the Chronicler's

c.

source.)

The

outline of the narrative

is

who had been hidden

as follows:

six years, is

The

youthful

crowned and

prince Joash,
received as king, while the old queen-mother Athaliah is slain.
A
covenant is made by the people to serve Yahweh. The temple of

Baal

is

destroyed and his priest slain

(c.

23).

Then comes an

424

CHRONICLES

account of the activity of Joash,

serves

Yahweh during

I)laced

him upon

the

of

life

But

the throne.

who

repairs the

Jehoiada the

Temple and

priest,

after the priest's

who had

death he yields

Judah and cultivates the worship of Baal. For

denounced by the prophet Zechariah, who at the comthe King is stoned. The religious defection and murder

to the princes of
this

he

mand

is

of

of the prophet are not

mentioned

K. and may be a surmise of

some sin was thought

in 2

the Chronicler or one of his school, because

necessary to explain the disasters which, related next, befell Joash

through Hazael King of Syria. After these events his servants
conspired against him and slew him.
XXIII. 1-11. The coronation of Joash.

Based upon

K. 1 1'

'=,

but completely rewritten, with the following points of agreement

and

Both narratives agree

difference.

conspired, at

first,

with the centurions

in the fact that

(v.- 2

K.

11*).

Jehoiada

But accord-

ing to 2 K., these centurions were oflQcers of the Carites and runners, i.e., the royal foreign body-guard elsewhere called Cherethites
and Pelethites (2 S. S'^ 1518 20'), who took a prominent part in
the enthronement of

Solomon

K.

(i

i'^- 44)^

These captains are

Temple and there, with an oath, the youthful

to them, the compact is made.
shown
In Chronicles
prince being
the Carites and runners, or foreign troops, are not mentioned and
the centurions are clearly Levitical chiefs, whose names are given.
brought into the

They also act as the intermediaries for a much larger conspiracy.

Through them the Levites and the principal men of Israel are
gathered out of all the cities of Judah and all this congregation
enters into a covenant, and unto this multitude it is declared that
the King's son shall reign. According to 2 K., the youthful prince
is

crowned and hailed

troops,

first

as king in the midst of the foreign

who have been arranged

companies,

and stand guard

According to Chronicles, the

for his protection

within and without the Temple.

who have been arranged and

and companies

stand guard, are Levites

and only priests and Levites are

admitted within the Temple and special care is taken that
no others enter the sanctuary.
The narrative of 2 K. is probof the people,

ably an accurate account of the event.

young prince was a bold coup

d'etat

The

coronation of the

undertaken by the priest

XXm.

CORONATION OF JOASH

1-21.]

425

with the assistance of the foreign body-guard. Solomon was

made king in a somewhat similar manner. A conspiracy such
as

is

described in

Chronicles formed with leaders throughout

at
Jerusalem, could hardly have

Judah, who assemble

all

with no counter moveescaped the notice of Athaliah or met

both
to
but
on
her
ment
narratives, she was comaccording
part
reconstruction
of
the
Chronicler's
motive
The
pletely surprised.
;

In view of the stringency with which the

of the narrative is clear.

time was guarded from profanation by foreigners, he

Temple
could not conceive that the high priest could have called upon the
in his

in the Temple.
royal foreign body-guard for service
transformed the Carites and runners into Levites, and

whole movement an

ecclesiastical one.

Hence he

made

the

But we have the express

the sanctutestimony of Ezekiel that foreigners were admitted into

the early
that
to
doubt
is
reason
there
no
Hence
ary (Ez. 44^ ').

kings did guard the

Temple with

foreign troops,

and from

this

view the revision of the Chronicler was a mistaken one. A reconciliation of the two accounts has been sought
on the theory that both accounts mention merely the main points

historical point of

the author

of 2 K. emphasising the part taken

the Chronicler on the other
the
body-guard,
royal
by
the
taken
that
Levites; so that both acby
emphasising

of the proceedings
in the affair

hand

counts mutually supplement one another and only when taken

circumstances (Ke., Mov.,
together give a complete account of the
H-J.).

But

this is

not tenable.
of the Chronicler

1. Strengthened himself] a favourite

(ff. I').

K.

not in 2 K.

11^

has "sent."

The

'Azariahphraseson of Jeroham,
the

fact that these personal

names

etc.]

are given has

been regarded as an evidence of the writer's exact historical information (so Ke., Zoe.), but where history was a blank the Chronicler and his school were fond of reconstructing it in detail with such
elements as personal names. (Cf. the lists of names in i Ch. 23In 2 K. the centurions are over the Carites and runners
26.)
{v.

5.).2. This verse

is

lacking in 2 K.

(v.

5.). 3.

their representatives,

And

all

the

made a covenant

i.e., through
with the king in the house of God\ This formal state affair in
Chronicles takes the place of the private compact of Jehoiada with

congregation]

426

CHRONICLES

the captains of the guards mentioned in 2 K. ii<.

As Yahweh
hath spoken concerning the sons of David] wanting in 2 K., a
characteristic touch of the Chronicler to colour the whole transaction as far as possible with religious motives.

thing which you

shall do a third part of

you

that

f.

This

is the

come in on

the

Sabbath] taken verbatim from 2 K. ii^-', which continues, "shall

be keepers of the watch of the king's house; (6) and a third part

be at the gate Sur and a third part at the gate behind the
guard so shall ye keep the watch of the house and be a barrier (7)
shall

and two companies of you, even all

shall keep the watch of the house
This passage
sition of the

is

that go forth

on the Sabbath,

Yahweh about

the king."
not entirely clear, since the exact routine and dispoof

Temple and palace guards

also appears not without corruption.

are unkno\\Ti.

The

The

text

usual explanation of the

passage, regarding v. as an unintelligible gloss, is that on weekdays one-third of the guard was at the Temple and two-thirds at the

Jehoiada now arranges

companies should be concentrated together at the
the change of the guards at the Temple and that Athaliah

palace, but on the Sabbaths the reverse.

that the three

time of

should have no troops at her disposal at the palace (Ki., Bn., St.
Bur., Sk.).
According to another and older interpreta-

SBOT.,

tion, retaining v.

it

was the custom on the Sabbath for twoand one-third to be on duty at

thirds of the royal guards to be free

the palace.

This

Jehoiada orders to be subdivided into

last third

three companies, one to guard the king's house, i.e., the palace; one
the gate Sur, perhaps an entrance to the palace; and the third the

gate behind the guard, another entrance probably to the palace,

perhaps "the gate of the guards" (2 K. ii'^). Thus communication with the city

would be Cut

off

and Athaliah held

as in a trap by

her o\\Ti guards (a supposition not exactly in keeping with her

"
subsequent entrance into the Temple, v. 2 K. 1 1'^, 3^et v. i.). The

two divisions
assemble

How

of the

at the

guard

who

are off duty Jehoiada orders to

Temple and surroimd

the

King

(Be., Oe., Ba.).

understood the original arrangement is

was concerned in substituting the priests and the

far the Chronicler

uncertain.

He

Levites for the foreign guard,

and

as far as possible, consistency

is

since he retained the text of 2

K.

not to be sought in his account.

XXm.

CORONATION OF JOASH

1-21.]

427

Under those that come in on the Sabbath he understood the priestly

and Levitical courses of that day. Of these he made three divisions,

one gatemen

of the

Temple; one

at the thresholds,
at the

the foundation (TlD''),

the entrances presumably

i.e.,

house of the king; and one at the gate of

K.

at the gate

Sur

Probably the original

ings are unintelligible.

Both read-

("1ID).

Kings was

in

at the

horse gate (DID) {cf. v. '5). The reasons of the appointment at

these three stations are not clear, unless we interpret after the following verse, to protect the sanctity of the Temple, but why then

should one station be at the house of the king ? The probability is

that the Chronicler neither understood nor cared about the details
of the arrangements.

And

the house of Yahu'eh]

Chronicler's narrative

widespread

The

to cause a

Chronicler also

all the

in

wanting

people shall be in the courts of

2 K.
But according to the

(w. ="), the conspiracy was sufficiently

crowd of the adhering people to be present.

may have

thought of the usual gathering in

6. But let none
for

day
Temple on the Sabbath.
are
On the
they
holy] wanting in 2 K.
at the

his

last clause

35^ And

cf

people shall observe the injunction of Yahweh] i.e., shall not

In 2 K. 11' the words
enter the sacred precincts of the Temple.
all the

shall observe the injunction

appear with a different meaning

in the

command
Yahweh
the

that the guards shall keep the watch of the house of

about the king, i.e., shall be on guard at the Temple, where

King was.

In 2 K. 11^ this

7.

The

Levites]

command

is

an addition of the Chronicler.

given to the royal guards.

Into

the

house] 2 K. within the ranks. The representations are quite

different.
According to the Chronicler any one who should at-

tempt

to enter the sacred precincts of the

Temple

is

to be slain,

according to the narrator of 2 K. any one who should attempt

to pass the ranks of the guards who were encircling Joash should

be

slain.

The

object of the former

The

command

is

to preserve the

to protect the
And be ye with the king when
prince from any possible violence.
In 2 K.
he comes in and when he goes out] i.e., on all occasions.
"
the last clauses are reversed, when he goes out and when he
sanctity of the

comes

in,"

{cf v. ").

i.e.,

Temple.

when he

left

object of the latter

the

is

Temple and entered

the palace

428
8.

The

Levites

hundreds."

and

all

Jtidah] 2 K. ii, "the captains over

to come in on the Sabbath and those

Those that were

Thus

that were to go out].

was assembled

at the

not the courses]

i.e.,

Levites

CHRONICLES

the whole guard,

Temple. For Jehoiada

and not

two-thirds,

the priest dismissed

he retained in the Temple both the priests and

who were coming

their turn of service.

in to serve

and those who had

K. has "and they

[i.e.,

finished

the guards just

mentioned] came to Jehoiada the priest." 9. And Jehoiada the

This statement, while perfectly natural in
priest delivered, etc.].
Chronicles, since the priests

and Levites would not be thought

of

as ordinarily armed, yet appears out of place in 2 K. iii, since the

royal guards would naturally have their own weapons; so that it
is felt

be a gloss there, taken from Chronicles (Ki., Bn.,

to

St.

SBOT., Bur., Sk.). Ewald thought that the weapons were David's
own spear and shield which had been preserved in the Temple and
played some part at every coronation ceremony {Hist. IV. p. 136).
But this is an improbable fancy. 10. And he set all the people]
2

K.

From
II", "and the guard stood."

of the temple unto the

left

the right (south) corner

(north) corner of the temple by the altar

and by the temple round about the king]. The guards extended
from one comer of the Temple to the other, enclosing thus within a
The last phrase,
semicircle the altar and the front of the Temple.
round about the king, seems out of place, since the King had not
yet been brought out, unless

it is

have been regarded as placed

used by anticipation. The troops

a circle half facing east and half

in

King (Be.) (but v. i.). 11. The testimony]

the law-book which was laid upon him or

west, thus encircling the

(so also 2

given

K.

ii'=) i.e.,

him with

the symbolical

meaning that he should rule accordBut there is no evidence of

ing to its precepts (Be., Ba., H-J.).

such a custom and the context and the construction

emblem

demand some

royalty (Oe.), hence testimony (mij?) in 2 K.

a
corruption of bracelets (nnj?^), which were an
probably
of

signia of royalty {cf 2 S. i'") (Bn., Ki., Bur., Sk., St.

We. Comp.

p.

361).

The

corruption

probably

SBOT.

is

in-

after

antedates the

and testimony should be read in his text. And

Jehoiada and his sofis]. In 2 K. ii''^ the subject of anointed is
Chronicler,

indefinite.

The

Chronicler thought of this act as a priestly func-

CORONATION OF JOASH

YYTTT 1-21.]

And they said]

tion.

they clapped their hands and

"and

K.,

429

said."

The latter was inappropriate to the

1. prnrn] {v. i') 2 K. 11* rhz'.
Chronicler because the Levitical centurions (v. s.) would be closely
associated with Jehoiada the priest.

Dav. Synt.

S appositive,
I

cf.

Ch. 27".

olKov,

I-

kU,

^ai

(S^A

/SaffiX^ws,

a scribal

'1JI

D-'jns'?]

Ch. 9".

5.

4-

an

7,

'ui

avrois

from

addition

by

The

IS^

in 2

wanting

edei^ev

the

n>-\t>;'?]

iii.

nn^r;

original

addition

n''t:'''Sa'm].

Koe.

(supported by

the

is

lov8a;

iScn oy]
4.

conflates.

(&

^7\pry '?D]

^BA Zaxapia

'-131]

probably nn^i

but
3.

73 R.

K.

3^

K.

preserves original

^)

/cai

in

reading, yet

K. ii^
(^

wanting

289k. ani'J (6 Iwpan,

Zexpt.
nnja] <&^'^ eU

D^n'^xn]

exP'"""")
is

cf.

'^''

wanting

Chronicler.

a^sDn

(&,

K. 11^.
K. rin\
*''^''

'''

K.

ny*:''?]

cf.

in

new duty
company to the

Chronicler having assigned a

K. gives the duty of the first

second by this insertion. I'^cn r-^^] 2 K. iis I'^cn n^a mctJ'D '^r:^'^.
11DM nj-Lto] K a(i portani quce appellatiir Fundamenti. (5 jv ttJ iri^Xij
.tJ iU^o-Tj = ]i3"'n(n) 'r read a corruption of M. ] m n ^; J^ii^s
= Heb. Dinri? which in plural has the sense of body-guard
(coquorum)
to the first third of 2

and so also the Aram, word cf. Dn. 2"; hence the reading
merely a correction from 2 K. 2 K. ii iiD 'ti-a was probably
^^
'-iD
with 2 Ch. 23'^, so Oe., Ba.) of which iiD^n is a
{cf. v.
originally'
ax d] as
'ui Ssi] wanting in 2 K.
6. Wanting in 2 K.
corruption.
oi
adversative conjunction, only, Koe. iii. 3721.
a^jn^n] (g + /cai

(=

of

o^in)

is

dmSh
thennTi
K. iisanDpm addressed
n^^n Sn] 7.K. nmcn Sn. nine
H, vni. inxsai IN33]
AevetTat.

mss.,

rni]

order reversed in

v-ic' v. '.

to

idv^^i] 2

K. 8.

min^

(S, 21,

"^^i cm"-,-!]

K.

ii^

nvNcn ntr.

the place of Sn in^^i

id] an addition by the Chronicler taking
9. v^^>^n^<
]non j?Tiini of 2 K.
lac] set free from duty, c/. i Ch. 9^3 Qr.
niNDH nirS pjn] wanting in (S^a. ain^jnn] 2 K. n>jnn, but Vrss. d\'}

'iJi n"?

Ch. probably original, so Th., Klo., Bn., et al.r^wr:r^ hni] wanting

term armour (Ba. on i Ch. 18'
in 2 K.
D^ta'^trn] either a general
and Expos. T., Oct. 1898, p. 43/.), or shields (EVs.) as seems de-

manded by Ct. 4S see Bur. on 2 K. iii". 10, Bjjn ^12 rs idjm] 2 K. 11"
csin nc3;M. inStt*] a late word which the Chronicler has used instead
of 2 K. rSoi, cf 325 Ne. 4'i- " Jb. 33'8 361= Jo. 2^. noSi narc'-] EVs.

is a
a/oH^ by the altar and the house{ tetnple), but S in the sense along by
doubtful usage. Klo. (2 K.) interpreting the passage as it stands, thinks
cf two lines of men, one facing the altar and the other the house, and

each forming a semicircle, T20. Kau. renders bis zum altar und [wieder]
bis zum Tempel hin and considers the following words a gloss (in 2 K.),
does not appear until v. , so also St. SBOT. Bur.
since the

King

(2 K.) following

a hint in

&

reconstructs n^aSi natcS 3^30, round about

CHRONICLES

430
and

and regards n^cn Sj? a gloss inserted to explain

word had been wrongly placed. The Chronicler copied
11.
the phrase from 2 K. without regard to its exact meaning.
i:nM
nxim.
The latter seems to have
iN''Svi] QJ 2 K. ii'^ jn-'i
been original here, yet the Chronicler may have thought of Jehoiada and

the altar

the temple

2-30 after that

Either (S or

his sons as the actors.

and has been made

to agree in

following verbs, respectively.

C5

shows the

12-15.

sg.

has sulTered intentional alterations

number with

innK'CM

probably original, so

The death

of Athaliah.

St.

the preceding or with the

so also 2 K. where

id^'^sm]

SBOT.

Taken from

K. 11 '^-'s^ with

"^ '
12. Of the people
slight changes and additions in ^-x.
(v. i.).
In
2
K.
the
ii'^
word
running].
running (D'^i'lH) refers to the
"

2
K.
And praising
mentioned
in
v.
11^
(cf. 12'").
"guard"

the king]

wanting

in 2

K. 13.

By

his pillar at the entrance]

i.e.,

customary place, which the Chronicler probably

the entrance from the outer or people's court into the

at the King's

thought of at

inner or priests' court.

In

K.

according to his custom," and

one of the two great

side of

Boaz

{cf. 3'^).

"
expression is by the pillar
the writer may have meant by the
ii'< the

pillars of the

And the trumpets]

i.e.,

porch called Jachin and

the trumpeters.

And

the

singers with musical instruments also leading the singing of praise]

wanting in 2 K., a characteristic addition of the Chronicler. 14.

And Jehoiada the priest commanded, or possibly, And Jehoiada the
priest

went out unto the captains]

(v.

And

i.).15.

And

hands on her] (Kau., Ki., Sk.) better than,

for her, the rendering of ancient Vrss. (except B), Be.,

gate]

The

gate of horses, an entrance into the palace {cf. v. =).

connection of this gate, if any, with the horse gate of the city

wall,

Ne.

they laid

made way
RV. Horse

they

lit.

which seems to have been near the palace,

is

not clear

{cf.

3=' Je. 31').

12. n'Xin D>'n] 2 K. iiisdj.'.- t'snn, where |''X-in (on Aram, form, see
876), used in the sense of guard, is a gloss, so Bn., Ki., Bur., St.

Ges.

The

Chronicler understood

hence transposed.
irp6s

rectly

in

1^":^

rbv ^acrCKia.

it

rx

as a participle modifying

a^'^Snsni]

no]

wanting

ni22.

13.

K.

Oi'n,

so (8 of 2 K.,

Sn] (& incorN13C3 TnrjJ] 2 K. 11'*

in 2

oj?n

ditj'hi] a few MSS. Dnirni, and so (5 (<^5o2) in 2 K.

K. incorrectly Sn. SSnS DViici "c^'n -tSDa oi-\T.;'cni] wanting
K. 14. Nxn] read after 2 K. ii'^ ixm, so Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.,

t3D!:'D3
SJ72]

Ticyn.

XXm.

CORONATION OF JOASH

1-21.]

et al.

^'^'ipci]

read with

(&,

43 1

H, and the corrected text of

K.

nii^o, so

*
Kau., Ki. nma'.-i n''3D Sn] so also in 2 K. nma'n occurs also in 2 K. 1 1
with the meaning ranks, and as a technical term of building with unknown

meaning

in

K.

6',

see

BDB.

In 2 K. the word

p. 690.

may

be a

corruption for nnxnS and n^2a a consequent substitution for yinc, cf.
Haupt on 2 K. 11", SBOT. Kau. regards the phrase as a meaningless

K. which was

gloss in 2

into

his

15. i^ir

Nnn

interpolated

npin

ha.

either taken over

work.

by the Chronicler or later

K. ncn. niniDP n*^] 2 K.

nci'']

Sn] 2 K. ii'* i3d iii.

hiiT'Dm] 2

K. ncim.

16-21. The covenant, the destruction of the temple of Baal,

and the enthronement of the King. Taken from 2 K. ii'^-so
with a few minor changes, except w\ '^
which, with exception of

t-^

the

first

clause, are additions

by the Chronicler. This section shows

very clearly that the movement to supplant Athaliah by Joash was

religious as well as political, and like the revolution of Jehu, against

Baal-worship, probably Tyrian, and introduced through the influence of the northern alliance, by Joram, and continued under Atha-

worship of Yahweh. 16. And Jehoiada

made a covenant between himself and between all the people and between the king to be the people of Yahweh] i. e., Jehoiada, the people,
and the King obligated themselves to recognise Yahweh as their
God. 2 K. 1 1 "f read "between Yahweh" in place of between himself.
The Chronicler omitted the first as superfluous and introduced the
liah to the neglect of the

second to give Jehoiada greater prominence. 17. And all the

This violence against the house and priest of Baal
people, etc.].

shows that Jehoiada's movement was

(v. s.).

Mattofi]

is

religious as well as political

probably a contraction of Mattan Baal

(gift of

name common in Phoenician), appearing in Ahithnmballes,

name in Plautus (Poen. V. 2, 35) (COT. p. 88). 18. And

Baal, a

Jehoiada appointed overseers of the house of Yahweh] so

far,

implying the restoration of the worship of Yahweh in the

of
that of Baal; Under the authority of the priests and the
place
Levites] with the remainder of the verse an addition of the Chron-

K.

IT'S,

icler,

who

naturally could conceive of

no

officers of the

Temple

not subject to the priests and Levites, if indeed not from among
them. Whom David had distributed, etc.]. According to the

Chronicler,

the

Temple

David determined the personnel

{cf.

Ch.

of the servitors in

23, 24, 26), while the sacrificial ritual

was

CHRONICLES

432

according to the law of Moses, i. e., P or the entire Pentateuch (cf.

I Ch. 6"
<*'>), but both the personnel and the ritual of the singers he

regarded as established by David (i Ch. 6'' "" 25'='). The probability, however, is that the Chronicler wrote of the courses and not
the personnel according to the reading of (S (v.

i.).

19.

And he set

the gate-keepers, etc.] a continuation of the addition of the Chroni-

who thus held that Jehoiada re-established the complete

Davidic equipment of the Temple in reality the equipment of the
Chronicler's own time, i.e., priests with attendant Levites and

cler,

and gate-keepers (on the

Levitical singers

last cf.

Ch.

26'-'^).

That no one unclean in any respect should enter in'\ not simply
persons ceremonially unclean, but also aliens who might be so
designated {cf. Is. 35' 52'). 20. The nobles and the rulers of the
people] is a substitute for "the Carites and the guard" of 2 K.

II"

(cf. V. ').

And they brought the king,

a description of the

etc.]

removal of the newly cro\\-ned King from the Temple to the palace
and a continuation of the narrative of v. ". Through the upper
In 2 K. "by the way of the
gate] a gate of the Temple, cf. 27'.

gate of the guard," probably a gateway connecting the precincts of

the Temple with those of the palace
hence a gate of both Temple

and

The

palace.

Chronicler, writing

would naturally

to exist,

The

Temple.
The

when

the palace

had ceased

a locality by its connection with the

use of the term "guard" also he avoided {v. s.).
fix

episodes of the entrance and death of Athaliah, of the formation

and of the destruction of the temple of Baal (vv. '-"*

of the covenant,
2

K.

interrupting the direct narrative in

i'3's),

K. of the coronation and

enthronement of Joash, taken- with the double notice of the death of

Athaliah (v. '^ v. =' 2 K. ii'- ^o), suggest that extracts from two documents

have been placed together in 2 K. 11: vv. '-'^ isb-so representing one
document and vv. '^'S" the other (the view of Stade, ZAW. 1885, pp.
280 ff., SBOT. accepted by Bur., Sk., et al.).

16. iJ-J] 2 K. 11'" nini pa followed by Ki.

2 K. II7^ which
probably arose through dittography (Klc, St.), is wanting. 17. insm]
so also 2 K. ii's, but (S in both places sg., hence St. corrects in 2 K.,

but no weight can be attached to

yiN-n

aj;

Ss,

&

'V-ijja-.i?

nal here, though C5

original.

addition,

ii^'J-] 2

cf.

may be
K.

-|-

(S^ V, &,

).:>Qik

in

18.

such cases.
Te.xt of 2

corrected from

aa^n.
2

Ci>

oil;;^.

v. "K

yi^in^j^BA

K. only pan.

om'^h]

'ra

2>n

Sd] CS, 2

K. probably

K.

origi-

rxi] 2 K.'is hn; Ch.

-^ oitpei/s likely

two mss.

cited

a scribal

by Ken-

REIGN OF JOASH

XXIV. 1-27]
nicott, C6,

Iff,

&,

Kom. BH.

Ki.

aitSni,

read

433

where Vrss. also add copulative. Oe.,

i
may have been omitted by a

c/. 5^

with Vrss.

since the Leviks were not permitted to offer the burnt-offering,

that
although the Chronicler doubtless intended to convey the meaning
the priests should offer the burnt-offering while the Levites stood by
scribe,

with rejoicing and with

nini n''3 Sy

be a lacuna between ciSn and

ofl&cers (but

BDB.

it,

rdv

i<py]Heplas

since all priests

nif n,

mpa) were permitted

offices

Ch.

nininiampD].

pSn Qal

ip4wv Kal

rwv KevnCbv

This addition removes the

(i

(S inserts at this point

2).

D^Sni

D''jn3n

M, and

difficulty in

23".

yT-ini oi-'m

There seems to
and not special

to offer the burnt-offering.

not used elsewhere meaning distribute

p'?n also is

support

lit.

on

See

singing.

D'l^n (i)D''j."i3m>3

TnpSniB'N

Ch.

24^

do not

/cat avitTT-qcre

nipSna rs

rds

"iDP.'J.

has the marks of the

Chronicler (note the significance of ^ny''^, the word nipSnD, and the
co-ordinate genitives), hence was a part of the original text and fell
The whole passage may be rendered, Jehoiada
out by homoeoteleuton.
of the house of Yahweh in the hand of the priests and
and he appointed the courses of the priests and the Levites,
which David divided, over the house of Yahweh to offer, etc. nini3]
many MSS., (6, H, iin'''^. imt n'' *?;] at the hands of David, i.e., accordplaced the

offices

the Levites

Possibly "iSd has fallen

but Vrss. support M, cf. Ezr. 3'".

ing to the system of song inaugurated by David.

from

text, cf.

29" i^T

19

wanting

in 2

''S3

i-f Sy,

laT
20. aya a^Srirn nxi onnxn nxi]
Tina] K. ITi.
K.
is

tive, see

XXIV.

209

K.

I.,

aiTM.

K.

Koe.

Koe.

S of specification,

iv'^yn ly^:']

TH.

Dr.

^'?D^ r\n ijittTi]

-\-

Sd'^]

pi.

ii2o

K.

iii.

ii's D^s-^^ rsi "'i^n nssM.

on omission of

iii.

r\:hTi'C7\l

art.

334q-n^'^i'^]
K. doSdh.

328k.

tiviJU,

before substan2

21.

K. 'Sin.
anna] 2 K.

^'7D(^) n''2.

An

1-3.

Taken from

K.

introductory notice of the King's reign.

12'-^ (11^1-123), from which the synchronism

with the N. kingdom as usual is omitted (v. * ">), and also, as

incompatible with the new regime under Joash and Jehoiada, the
statement that the high places were not removed and were fre-

quented by the people

2.

The

(v." "').

All the days of Jehoiada].

limitation

is

found

in 2

K.

12=

It

(z;. i.).

Chronicler also adds

is

3.

v.

'.

doubtful whether this

And

Jehoiada' took for

him two unves] since he stood in loco parentis. And he begat sons
and daughters]. The Chronicler magnifies his favourites by giv 132').
ing them the honour of large families (cf. ii's

1.

2.

tt'N'']

p^n
28

K.

12' tt'Nin\

pTiini

"iDi

So]

is'^ca]

K.

2K.

-\- CNini ^^n NiniS 3J2B njC3.

yiMn^ imin icx vc Sd, "All his

(12=)

12' jn^n

434

CHRONICLES

days wherein Jehoiada the priest instructed him" (6, V, Ki., RV.;
"All his days forasmuch as Jehoiada instructed him" Th., Kamp.,
Kau., Bur., Sk. 3. Wanting in 2 K.

4-14. The repair of the Temple. Based upon 2 K. 12^ '2,

but completely rewritten. This passage in 2 K. describes the origin
of certain regulations for the repair of the Temple which probably

remained

in force to the

time of the exile

(cf. 2

K.

22).

Previous

Joash the Temple had been maintained at the expense

of the King; but then the attempt was made by Joash, doubtless
to the reign of

to the impoverished condition of the royal exchequer, to

owing

Temple self-supporting. He tried first to lay the responsibility upon the priests, and ordered the repairs to be made from
money which they received as dues or free-will offerings from the
But Jehoiada and the other priests failed to comply with
people.

make

the

this order.

Thereupon, having been rebuked, they were freed from

and also deprived of the privilege of collecting the

but
all
the money brought to the Temple the priests were
money,
allowed to retain, save that brought for guilt-offerings and sinofferings, which was ordered placed in a chest and from thence,

this obligation

under the super\'ision of the King's scribe and the high ( ?) priest,
applied for the repair of the Temple. While the plan provided

money

sufficient for the repair of the

for refurnishing the utensils of the

Kings, reflecting

little

credit

upon the

Temple, not enough accrued

Temple. This narrative in
priests, was

unthinkable from

It allowed that the King was

the point of view of the Chronicler.
the
real
the
and
to
guardian and master of the
superior
priests,

Temple. To demand also the dues of the priests, even for such a
worthy and ecclesiastical object, was an infringement of their sacred
rights

and

privileges.

No blame then

could attach to Jehoiada and

the others for their passive resistance of this illegal invasion. Hence
the narrative was re\\Titten.
The priests and the Levites were

summoned to go among the people and collect money for the repair
of the Temple.
They proceeded slowly. So the King, to hasten
matters, placed a collection-box at the

Temple and urged

the

contribution of the ancient tax levied by Closes in the wilderness; and to this the people and rulers responded most joyfully

and most

liberally.

A great

abundance

of

money was

collected,

REIGN OF JOASH

XXIV. 1-27]

more than enough

for the house,

and with

435
this

balance gold and

4. And it came to
silver utensils were made for the Temple.
of
transition.
5. The Levites].
a
mere
phrase
pass afterwards]
Go out
of 2 K.
in
the
narrative
mentioned
are
Only priests

In

into the cities of Judah].

K. nothing

is

said about collect-

for
ing money outside of Jerusalem, but the priests are to apply
the repairs all the money that came into the Temple treasury

both from regular assessments and free-will offerings (2 K. 12^).

Lei'ites hastened it not] 2 K. i2 "In the twenty-third

^The

breaches
year of king Jehoash the priests had not repaired the
of the house."
6. The tax of Moses] the half shekel required of

every male
38-'

'

for the support of the sanctuary according to Ex.

(v. also i.).

7. For'AtJialiah the wicked one

30"

and* her

'^

sons,

These statements are wanting in 2 K. Since according to

etc.].
the Chronicler Ahaziah's uncles and brothers had all been slain
(21^ 22'),

we have

either

an example

of the Chronicler's

complete

dedisregard of historical consistency, or sons is used figuratively

noting adherents (Ba.). The reading "her priests" has been proposed (Oe., Bn.) (v. i.). Broke into the house of God] probably
in the sense of

the house of

Baal,

cf.

plundered. And

Yahweh

Ho.

2'

also all the consecrated furniture of

they used for

<'.

And

8.

Ba alim]

set it

i.e.,

in the

worship of

at the gate of the house of

According to 2 K. i2 the chest was

placed by the altar, but from the Chronicler's point of view laymen
were not permitted within the court where the altar stood, hence

Yahweh on

the oiitside].

position in the narrative of the Chronicler to the

the change of

its

outside.

Then

10.

all

the princes rejoiced

and brought

[the tax]

had
was full ((g, B,
11. And it came to pass
Zoe., Oe., Ki.). The latter is preferable.
when they brought the chest for the oversight of the king by the hand
of the Levites] i.e., the chest was brought by the Levites for the in-

and

cast

[it]

into the chest unto the full]

given (Be., Kau., BDB. n^^

i.e.,

either until all

Pi. d) or until the chest

spection of the King, or more probably for royal inspection through

The
the Levites, who represented the King (Ke., Oe., Zoe., Ki.).

scribe of the king

officer is

priest

The latter
the inspector of the chief priest].
an invention of the Chronicler to place the high

and

apparently

on the same

level

with the King; "if the King sends his

CHRONICLES

436

scribe the high priest also does not appear personally but causes
himself to be represented by a delegate, cf. 2 K. 12" <'">" (We. Prol.
p. 200).

12.

Yahweh]

The

doers of the work of the service in the house of

those having charge of the Temple {cf. 1 Ch. 9'=).

i.e.,

14. Whereof were made vessels for the house of Yahweh] a direct
contradiction of 2 K. 12", where it is stated that utensils for the

Temple were not made

the contributions evidently not sufficing

Chronicler's representation forbade such a lack.

The

for this.

4. Wanting in 2 K.
p nn>s
was with the heart of Joash, i.e.,

simple pf. after

see Koe.

^r\'>^

"Hm]

iii.

18'.

c'sr

his intention,

370b.

Ch.

cf.

was

it

i?;

iiC]

a"? d;;

n>n]

'1

it

On

Ch. 22^

cf. i

out of the

abundance of hence as often as and in combination with ^r^'3 njc =

D^Sn nn?: n'^i] an
yearly, cf. i S. 71s Zc. i4' (see BDB. p. 191b).

explanation for the delay in making the repairs different from 2 K. 12^
6. I'^'on] 05 + 'Iwds which, although agreeing with 2 K. 12^ is proba-

bly a scribal expansion.

jnon

a''jnoSi.

here and

Ez.

20<<'.

v.

1^ as

noun

{ib.

K.
cf. v." 19" 31'" 2
hence burden, portion, only

the c/jiV/ [priest],

'wTN-in]
n'si'J

carry,

lift,

'of sacred contribution, tax (BDB.),

(& avdpibirov

deoxi, cf. v.

(toO)

rbv lap. leads Bn. to read

Hiph.

after nNsyD

nNtt-D] root

" nay]

i^eK\r]<Tla<re

our

(iii.

376b) and

The

28of).

Vnp,

SNnti'i'?

Yahweh

Sni-rni]

(g Sre

but (& doubtless read

Koe. regards Snpni as a second nomen rectum

pf.

'">

offering to

cf.
^.

SnTiT'''?

latter is

as in apposition with the preceding

gen., so

more simply explained as a

nyiincn f] wickedness, godlessness, i.e.,

Oe., Kau., EVs. 7.
Athaliah the (embodied) godlessness. n^ja] (6, 13, 3 + 1 considered
unnecessary by Be., Oe., but added by Kau., Bn., Ki. ^^\}p is a

Zoe.,

8. idnm] and he commanded, the command

suggestion of Oe. and Bn.
itself being omitted for conciseness as often after icn, cf. Jo. 2" Ps.
34
ins ins] as in 2 K. 12'" piN not in
10531.
jb. 97, Koe. iii. 369k.

cstr

Ew.

as

286

but a form like ilDn

d,

article (Ges. 350), so St.

9. Si-] proclamation,

elirev

cf. 31',

nj?

when,
d.

332

wanting

c.

I'^nn
in 2

cstr.

K.
i'

piN appears only with the

Koe. iii. 3iod.
lo' Ne. S'".
nxii'D] d KaOihs
12'", see

mpe

K.

'U1

'S

ps]

TH.

Dr.

Sn jnsn ns nij^

'i>i<-\n

nyi]

K. 13"-

Ew.

315

before a relative sentence,

NU"'] freq. impf.,

nj?3]

K. Snjn

Koe.

wanting

in 2

nyi] lay

nj7]
iii.

nj?2]

Ps. 4* Jb. 6",

cf.

30,

]r\2r>.

11.

c (3).

iii.

K.

157b.
12".
'^'pD]

bare,

with the imperfect for older

K. nini no nsdjh tiaon on udii nx>i.

ing contents, so empty.

343

36" Ezr.

earlier ny, cf. 2

Ew.

:i>^^n -10

nhjh
10. inDm] (gsA ^SuKav.
it'SD, cf i Ch. 1516.
be classed with other cases of inf. abs. after prep. Koe.

at the time

30^

1DN

to

225b.

cf.

SBOT. on

by removnj.'^i,

ora

Ew.
or^]

REIGN OF JOASH

XXIV. 1-27]

a modified form of av or, Koe.

n-jMj?]

before

read with 14 MSS.,

mny =

'yS (cp.

(6,

iii.

437

89. 12. yiMn^]

B, and as

in v.'^

with (6 in 352

ii?iy,

Ch.

ms., (S

so Bn., Ki.

2821)

?non.

(S els

n
suggests that

is

13. nanN]
original but belongs as the art. with pdnSc, cf. 2 K. 1212.
with nSj?.
also
of
Ne.
restoration
hence
walls,
4',
c/.
properly healing,

14.
'IJI

iN^an dhiSdoi] a late idiom,

inis'yi]

327W.

two objects

mc]

inf. cstr.

rf.

after verbs of

as gen. Ges.

vv. "b.

25^

Dr.

TH.

p. 157 n.

making, building, etc. Koe.

iii.

1146.

15-22. The apostasy of Joash. Wanting in 2 K., introduced

by the Chronicler, since some such apostasy was necessary from his

w.
point of view to explain the disasters of the Syrian invasion,
23-24_
15 f . yj hundred and thirty years old was he when he died and

him in the city of David with the kings]. This long life
Jehoiada and respect paid at his death are delightful touches

they buried
of

of the Chronicler to the

honour

of the priest.

How

fits
illy it

into

seen from the fact that his wife Jehoshabeath

sister of Ahaziah, cannot well
(221'), the daughter of Jehoram and
have been older than twenty-five or twenty-six years at the time
the narrative

is

by Athaliah, while Jehoiada

according to the age here given would have been then an old
man between ninety and one hundred. According to 2 K. 12'

of the massacre of the royal family

he was alive and active in the twenty-third year of the reign of

of
Joash, and presumably lived some years beyond the period
the
the
Came
the restoration of
princes of Judah].
Temple. 17.
The existence of a party at court favouring the worship of Baal

and desiring its restoration is historically extremely probable.

This movement may be regarded as a revolt of the nobility against
the hierarchy (Erbt, Die Hebrder, p. 121).
Certainly some ulterior motive besides the mere desire of Baal-worship must have

it.
18. The Asherim and the idols].
Cf. 14'.
Both terms are probably used here with about the same force
And wrath was upon Judah, etc.] manithat of the latter.

been behind

fested in the invasion of Hazael, w.'"-.

20.

And

the spirit of

2 Ch.
clothed] i.e., took possession of him, cf. i Ch. i2'8, also
not
mentioned
the
the
son
Jehoiada'
Zechariah
priest]
of
151.
elsewhere in the OT. And he stood above the people]. He ad-

God

dressed them from some elevation.

Cf. Je. 36'"

where Baruch

reads Jeremiah's

Ne.

CHRONICLES

438
roll

from the window

of an upper chamber, and

from a pulpit of wood (Ba.).
the inner, the priests' court, com-

Law

where Ezra reads the

S*

reference to the elevation of

pared with the outer, or people's court (Ke., Zoe.), does not
seem appropriate. Because ye have forsaken, etc.\ Cf. 15^ 21.

And
the

Perhaps the proceedings were

(i K. 21' '), i.e., a mock trial

they conspired against him].

in the case of Naboth

same as

and a formal execution

commandment

at the

of the king (Ba.).

This martyrdom of Zechariah is mentioned by Christ (Mt. 23'*

Lk. ii*") in a way that shows that the Jewish Scriptures were
practically the present

closing with

and

The

Heb. Canon beginning with Genesis and

In the court of the house of

Chronicles.

NT. times defined

Yahweh].
the
"between
the altar."
and
exactly
sanctuary
15.

Koe.
iv

B'S''
iii.

TTj

suf.

13S.

iifjiipq.

Dr.

tradition of the

TH.

ipi"'i]

18.

TavT-Q.

cf. I

S*.

20.

327

o.

23-24.

pn] double object

22.

iCN

17.

TN]

with

pf.

emphatic

result

iriC3i] V.

is

to

after
s.

19. ni,-ii Sn] (&^^ -\- Kal o6k

334y.
(g^A ^5^ 'Afop/ay
njiii". at>'M] impf.

iii.

n>-\3r]

consec. since the reference

23'.

more

rs] wanting in (S"'-^, S>'^. pxr anrrcso] ^"^

nxi without art. after subst. defined by a pronom.

209 Obs., Koe.

iJKOVcrav, so also

inDjn>i

Ch.

no

this

what
aj">,

is

past. Dr.

TH.

elsewhere pxa, Lv.

127 (7). 21.

20=,

Koe.

iii.

V. .

The Syrian invasion

Based upon

K.

12"

f-,

although the narrative has been entirely rewritten. According

to 2 K., Hazael, King of Syria, who had made an inroad into the
territor}' of Philistia

and taken the

city of

Gath, proposed to move

against Jerusalem and was bribed by the treasures of the Temple

and the palace to leave the city unmolested. According to the
Chronicler, the Syrians came against Judah and Jerusalem and

destroyed all the princes of the people and sent their spoil unto
Thus the Chronicler brings upon the
the King of Damascus.
princes a just retribution for their seduction of Joash into idolatry
The Syrians also with a small force gained a victory over
(v. ").
a very great host, because they had forsaken Yahweh the God of
their fathers

a good
the Chronicler's pragmatic con24. Aiui upon Jo' ash they executed
judgments]

struction of history.

illustration of

REIGN OF JOASH

XXIV. 1-27]

439

contact
fitting summary showing the Chronicler's view of this
between Judah and Syria, and his sole interest in the narrative.
25-27. The death of Joash. Based upon 2 K. 12'' -'.
25. And when they departed from him]. This immediate con-

nection between the departure of the Syrians

For they had

left

not mentioned

in 2

Chronicler,

felt

in the diseases

wounds

the blood of the son* of

nor any other

On

is

not found

many

buried

The

kings].

K.

also

retributive touch of the

Asa

Jehoiada the

recorded

and Joram (21" "f).

(161=)

in 2

Ke.

For

Neither this motive

priest].

K. for the assassination of Joash.

2 K. 12=, which says that he was

"at the house of Millo," an obscure reference.

him in

in 2

diseases)

received in battle with the Syrians.

also lacking in

his bed]

slain

is

in

that Joash should suffer to the uttermost for

the sicknesses of

Cf

his sins.

saw

who

him very sick] (lit.

K., and probably a

And they

the city of David, but not in the sepidchres of the

parallel (2

K.

reads,

i22>)

with his fathers in the city of David."

"And they buried him

The Chronicler's modito make the end of Joash

was doubtless due to his desire

and therefore he refused him a place in
"
the tombs of the kings.26. Zabad] 2 K. 12" >' "Jazacar {v. i.).
Shimrith the Moahitess] a
Shime ath the Ammonitess and
In 2K. 122^ <-" we have "Shimcurious change of the Chronicler.
eath" and "Shomer," the names of the fathers of the conspiraHere they have become their mothers and their descent is
tors.
made half heathen. Thus the fate of Joash is made still more

fication

as unfortunate as possible

opprobrious, and the Chronicler likewise expresses thus his avertheir offspring
sion to the marriage of Hebrews with foreigners

are murderers (Tor. Ezra Studies, pp. 212/.).

27. And

ness of the burden

upon him].

The burden

is

the great-

not the tribute

exacted from him by the Syrians (Kau.), an old opinion, since

that is not mentioned in Chronicles, nor the tribute collected for
the

Temple,

against

him

founding).

also

an old opinion, but the prophetic utterances

(Ke., Ki., Bn., Ba.,

Cf. vv.

'^f..

The

RVm.). And the rebuilding] (lit.

Midrash of the Book of Kings].

Cf. Intro, p. 23.

23.
year),

rflipn'^] at the
cf.

coming round,

Ex. 34^2 (JE)

i S.

i^",

circuit,

Ps. 19' f-

i.e.,

at the

'"<^'''

O"***

completion
^'^

^''^J'

(of the

nSyJonpf.

CHRONICLES

44
after 'HM V.

Koe.

pi. see
I

Ch.

i8'

'.

s. v.",
iii.

and on
346d.

24.

05 read oya, II,

&, omit.

lyxD] a small thing, equivalent to

following
pirmi]

ntt'iinn

same construction

.] cf.

read with

''J3]

C6,

H,

ja

cf.

in v. '^

v.^o,

o^SnD

f- 25.

f] cf.

so Be., Zoe., Oe., et

moo

i6^

cf.

Gn.

ijJtD, cf.

(J) (ofcity), Jb. 8'(of Job's fortunes), Is. 63's (of time)

and

collectives construed with sg.

nyc]

1920

=0

onsSai

d^nShp

21".

Present

al.

K. 1221 fNi^ ns is'i

vnas dj? ipn Ti3p''i.
26. ni^Ninn nnc!:' p lannii n^'jisyn nyDC p nar] 2 K. 1222 p idtvi
yc'Zf p ^2!1^"l1 nyDtr.
Ki. thinks i3t derived from following ^2nr\^ and
corrects to nor, but (g^ Za/3e\ (A for A) and (S^l Za/3e^, Za/3a0 read
n2T.
Many mss. of 2 K. read njtn, which the Chronicler may have
shortened intentionally because of the following nann\ 27. 3ii] Qr.
3i;. probably intended to give the sense, aud as regards his sons, may

text

may

be due to dittography.

nSd Tiin nSd n'3.

mji inijpii]

K.

Sj;

1222

injin^i] 2

T'ya

the oracle against

but text

et al.,

is

nt:'cn for N'i'cn.

XXV. The

him

Better read Kt. 3^1 with Kau., Oe.,

(& Kal irpocrijXdov read

snic] see on 13".

reign of

tion of the narrative of 2

tions

increase.

probably corrupt.

Amaziah
K.

and embeUishments

14' -'^

(c.

796-782 b.c).

mpi,

also

A reproduc-

with the characteristic modifica-

of the Chronicler.

The

statements of

"the high places were not taken away" and that

"the people still sacrificed and burnt incense in the high places,"
are omitted, doubtless because too derogatory to Amaziah in
2

K.

14^ that

the beginning of his reign,

Edomites.

K. 14'

is

The

when he won

the victory over the

story of this victory very briefly narrated in 2

enlarged by the Chronicler.

Amaziah is given (v. ^), and details of

(v. '2); and especially a new episode

The

size of the

army

of

the slaughter of the Edomites

is introduced in the account

command of a prophet, of troops hired at

a large expense of northern Israel (vv. -'"). This rejection furnishes (according to Bn.) a ground for the subsequent victory over
the Edomites as a reward of obedience and reliance upon Yahweh.
of the rejection, at the

Yet quite contrary to

cities of

Judah by

this notion of

reward

is

the plundering of the

these mercenaries mentioned in v.

".

Hence

plundering has been taken as an interpretation, found

the sources of the Chronicler, of the disaster which

in

this

one of

befell the

kingdom through Amaziah's unfortunate contest with the N.

kingdom (2 K. i4'-'0) this source having made the disaster very
S.

inconsiderable, while the Chronicler himself, on the other hand,

XXV.

REIGN OF AMAZIAH

1-28]

44 1

accepted the record of 2 K. and allowed the disaster to remain

to its full extent but supplied an adequate reason by introducing
the sin of the worship of the gods of

Edoni

(vv. '*') (Bn.).

^-la to
M, but they
Agreeable to the above view, Bn. and Ki. assign vv.
have the marks of the Chronicler's style: in v. nny Hiph. (1. 89), no
HDN (1. 14), S with ace. also in v. '"(l. i28),-\in3 (c/. 11' 133- '), njxincitnN

(c/.

ii'2 147);

Ezr. io4) and

and

in v.6 ^^n -inj

v." nra

in

(1.

10).

Graf

i7''); in v.

133

(cf.

"
84); in vv.

"nrjrS (1.

'^

nnj

(1.

ptn

ni:>j7

19'"

(cf.

17); in v." pinn^

(1.

38);

thought that some historical event not

recorded in K. was at the basis of the story of the hire of the Israelitish
This seems not
troops and their subsequent plundering {GB. p. 158).
unlikely,

and the narrative then may be the Chronicler's interpretation of

may have derived them.

these facts from whatever source he

1-4.

The beginning

Amaziah.

of the reign of

Taken

with

2. But not with a

slight omissions and variations from 2 K. i4'-.
In
with
the
described
in v. '^
reference
to
perfect heart]
apostasy
"
the place of this 2 K. 14' reads,
Yet not like David his father: he

did according to
V.

all

that Joash his father

Then comes

had done."

\ concerning the retention of the high places, which the Chron-

icler

has omitted

his father].

(v. s.).

Cf. 24^'= 2

K.

3.

His

12-' "0)_

servants

4,

who had

killed the

But he put not

king

their children

The sparing of the children of the guilty was evidently

new departure in jurisprudence, indicating an advance in the
moral sentiment of the community. When Naboth was condemned his children perished with him (2 K. 9"), and likewise the
children perished with the father in the story of Achan (Jos. 7^^ ").
to death].

But

did according to that which was written in the law in the

book of Moses].
The writer of 2 K. found in this mercy of Amaziah
an application of the command given in Dt. 24'^ This principle

was emphasised by the prophets Jeremiah and Ezekiel

Ez.

'

(Je. 31*'

i8=).
1. pp.iH'] (gL 2

K.

142 Kt. ]^iy\n^ f.

the longer statement in 2 K. 143b.

14511^2.

j-iriM] 2

4. on^ja] 2 K.

K.

146

dittography, so St.

T'l,

-f-

iv

v6/M<{>

a-'^nn

12.

SBOT. on

M.u(T7j.

2.
3.

oStf 3a'73 nS pi] instead of

(v. s.).

same change from

omits mina, (5 Kara rrjv

(8^

wanting

'3']

K.

146.

5iadi}Kr]v {tov)

U, &,

K.

HB'D

vSj!]

K.

ten mss.,

(6, g", 2

due

to

in 2 K., possibly

hb'd

K.

1221 in 24^5 (v. s.).

-idD3

mina

2inDD] QI

v6/j.ov

Kvplov Kaddis y^ypairrai,

mm

ncoa amja. iniD^] three

442

CHRONICLES

times, 2 K. inni'' twice (but Vrss. miD;); third time niD> Kt., so 01,
and Qr. hdv. Dt. 24' inav three times, but 05, &, H, nsv third

The

S>, (H,

time.

Chronicler either followed 2 K. (text of Vrss.) or simply quoted

2 K. os >d,
inaccurately.
'd^] with adversative force, Koe. iii. 372c.
wanting in Dt.

5-13. The campaign against Edom. This is tersely described in 2 K. 14' in a single verse, and there is no reason to suppose that the additions of the Chronicler rest upon any additional
information, but are wholly a product of Midrashic fancy. The

Edomites subjugated by David and made tributary to Judah had

revolted successfully during the reign of Jehoram (21"'). Whether
the conquest of Amaziah resulted in the permanent possession of

Edom

by Judah is uncertain. Perhaps no real conquest took

Indeed the whole campaign has been felt to be improbable,
place.
since Edom was then tributary to Assyria, and Judah possibly a
vassal of northern Israel (the view of Winck.

HC.

5.

KAT.^

p.

261, also

Three hundred thousand]. The army

14').
cf.
of Amaziah is thus much smaller than that ascribed to Asa, 14' <">,
and also to Jehoshaphat, 17'^^-. This diminution of troops (ac-

Bn.

K.

cording to Ke.) furnished a reason for hiring additional ones from

northern Israel.6. A hundred talents of silver] if hea\'y weight,

some 9,650 pounds

if
light weight, about half that
the
most
of God]
general OT. designation of
a prophet; used of Moses 30' i Ch. 23" Dt. ;^y Jos. 14^ Ezr. 3'';
also of David 8'^ Ne. i22- ^s; also of the angel who clearly in the

amount.

7.

of silver, or

A man

guise of a prophet appeared unto

cf.

for general use

I' et al.

S.

2"

9^

Manoah and
K. 12"

his wife, Ju. i3=

Let not the army of Israel go with

24

ly'^-

13'-

thee].

From

20=8 2

K.

the point

view of the Chronicler, an alliance with Israel was sinful and

could only be followed by evil consequences, cf. 19' 20". All
of

the children of

since Israel

8.

is

Ephraim] an explanation

of the preceding Israel,

often used as equivalent to the S.

But go thou,

i.e.,

by

kingdom

{cf.

12').

thyself, do valiantly, be strong for the

for God shall not* suffer thee to fall before thy enemy for God
has power to help and to cast down]. For other renderings of this
battle,

verse,

whose

text

is

corrupt, v.

with the N. kingdom

is

i.

The

sinfulness of

brought out very strongly.

alliance

9.anyYahweh

is

XXV.

REIGN OF AMAZIAH

1-28]

much more than

able to give thee

10.

Wherefore

anger was

their

443

this] a very beautiful teaching.

Judah and

greatly kindled against

home in fierce anger\

only for their hire,

Mercenary troops serve not

which these men are represented to have

received, but also for

renown and booty which, through

they returned

dismissal,

they would lose. This loss they are represented to have made
good in a way by plundering cities of Judah {cf. v. '). 11. The
valley of Salt] from 2 K. 14^, mentioned also as the place of

Joab's victory over the Edomites, cf. 1 Ch. iS'^. 12. And ten
thousand did the children of Judah carry away alive, etc.]. Of

and massacre

this capture

although the rock (Sela')

is

the record in 2 K.

mentioned as a place

identified with Petra, but this

13.

by no means

is

knows nothing,
(2

K.

certain

14') often

(cf.

Moore,

From Samaria

even unto Beth-horon]. Samaria

i^=).
was evidently the point from which the troops started on their
On the location of Bethraid and Beth-horon its limit southward.

Ju. on

horon

Ch.

cf.

The

724.

raid

Amaziah was

place while

may

be thought of as having taken

Edom.

in

mini px] d^ ^^ /I pij, (3 '1 r^N. fcjai] 05'^ Kal ^lepovcraX-^fj.

6. 'J22] 2
since only Judeans were gathered together, cf. 14' ly'^ ^.
!<
Ges.
Koe.
iii. 332 o.
8.
with
adversative
force,

iigp,
>j]
pretii,
5.

only, but,
iii.

a slightly strengthened

merely
ncnSc*?
prn

cf. 23^,

2721.

r\z'y

13,

BDB.

dn

>3

2 b,

7roX^/x(f),
putas in robore exercitus bella consistere,
nxtJ inNn (Oe. so also Bn., with slight changes).
reads dntj pin'? 2'unn nns, hut if thou thinkest to prevail in this

05^

if T<?

r\Ti7hrh

Koe.

nn.S Na] 05 inroXd^ris /carto-xCcrat iv toijtois,

pjn><

i.e.,

Ki.

way

with help from the N. kingdom) then will God cause thee to fall
enemy. It is simpler to retain M. and before ^S'ttO' to insert

(i.e.,

before the
n't!

(t'. 5.

soEw., Be.). Hitzig read

pm

nu'j;

r\m D3 dn

13

(1;.

Be.).

As the

followed by Jussive in apodosis, Dr. TH. 152 (2).

For ainSiS (& twice nin\ 9 mi:'j;S nn] similar to use of inf. with b after

text stands the imv.

is

substantive verb expressing the idea of destination, cf. 2 K. 4'' Is. 5\ see
Dr. TH. 203. niKnS] Kt., but read Qr. hndS, which is also in many

MSS. as Kt.
after

si''',

on'?

see Dr.

with pronom. suf.

noun, Ew.

2776.

to battle (late),
14'

''h

TU.

tt'i]

D-;^,

11.

cf. i

Yahweh

202

(i).

Koe.

iii.

Ch.

jnjii]

20'.

on use of

injn'?] ace. with

inf.

with h

h in apposition

289k, a construction emphasising the

^/ drive, conduct, hence lead out an army
nSon n^j] so in i Ch. i8'2 and Kt. of 2 K.

but Qr. and Vrss. nSn

is able to give,

10.

n^i.

iiyB' ija

pn] 2 K. 14'

ons

pn.

12.

CHRONICLES

444

probably to be taken as a proper name, cf. 2 K. 14' {v. 5.). 13.

with JD of separation Koe. iii. 406 o. i!3f 3m] predicate intron^Sc]
duced by 1 with subject prefixed, cf. Gn. 22^ 30', Dr. TH. 127 (a).
y'l'Dn]

inf.

14-16. Amaziah's idolatry. An introduction to the disaswar with the N. kingdom not given in 2 K. {y. s.). 14. The

trous

gods of the children ofSeir].

It is

a curious fact that of the ancient

reUgion of the Edomites, so closely associated with Israel, nothing

is known
beyond the names of certain deities derived from

definite

theophorous proper names.

people from thy hand]
test of deity

was

worshipping

'

Who

have not delivered their

and hence were no gods.

ability to deliver.

The fundamental

The

reason for

Yahweh was the deliverance from Egypt (Ex. 20'

Have we made thee a counsellor for the king?].

16.
37'^.

cf. Is.

With

(cf.

15.

vv. "

this question

corresponds the answer, / know that God hath

counselled to destroy thee.

iii.
ninp'^:'''] freq. impf., Dr. TH. 30 (2) (a), Koe.
NOj] 31 + Baneani. Ci> read D''N''3J (it po(l)TfiT as) from
which with a transposition of 3J may have come the Bancam of ?C.

14. Tjpi

157b.

16.

'1J1

Syn.
iii.

108

15.

T^v'^n].

126

207b.

5.

The

lunj] question

pi. for sg.

expresses strong repudiation, Dav.

as an expression for majesty, Koe.

indef. subj. expressed

113'']

by third

pers. pi.,

Dav. Syn.

(b).

17-24. The disastrous

war with

the N.

Kingdom.

Taken

" ^o to connect with the ini4'-'S with additions in vv.

17. Took
troduction (vv. '^-'), and also an addition in v. ^\
from

K.

counsel] or possibly

we should render was

counselled with the im-

The phrase (?^J?T1)

introduced by the Chronicler to connect the passage closely
with the foregoing verse. Otherwise the verse agrees essentially with
Let us look one another in the face] (cf. v. =')
the te.xt of 2 K. 14*.

plication that

it

was by divine agency

{cf. v.

').

is

a challenge to war

in sheer insolence (Be., Zoe., Sk.) or

assertion of independence (Bn.,

a vassal's

Winck. KAT.^) or a proposal

to

meet one another as equals, Amaziah seeking satisfaction for the

This last is a plausible
raid of the mercenaries (v. '') (Oe., Ba.).
suggestion if the account of the raid
not mention the raid. The proposal

is

historical;

but

may have been

for

K. does

a meeting

XXV.

REIGN OF AMAZIAH

1-28]

with the view of a marriage alliance (v.

minding one of Jotham's parable (Ju. 9'

').

445

18.

"
),

This

fable, re-

was a cutting

insult

Amaziah, implying that he was in no way on an equality with the

King of Israel. Whether the particulars of the fable were signifi20. For it was of God,
cant, reflecting actual events, is unknown.

to

an addition

etc.]

vv.

'<-'^

21.

of the Chronicler connecting the narrative with

Looked one another in the

battle) either a direct or

V. '^

If ironical, cf.

an

face']

joined

{i.e.,

ironical application of the

words

in

of

the similar double application of the phrase

up the head," Gn. 40'^- ^KBeth-shemesh]. Cf. i Ch. 6*'^''K

Which belongeth to Judah]. This statement in 2 K. 14" shows

"lift

22.
that the story of this contest is of northern Israelitish origin.
10'".
to
his
fled
And then fled every man to his tent] i.e.,
home, cf. 7'"

23. The son of Jehoahaz]

2V.
the son
Ahaziah,
And broke down the wall of Jerusalem from the Gate of Ephraim
of

i.e.,

cf.

unto the Gate of the Corner, four hundred cubits] i.e., a portion of
the oldest northern wall which was probably built in the time of

Solomon

(cf.

GAS.

/.

i.

p. 206,

Gate of Ephraim]

and on the location

of this wall,

the
i.e., the gate through which
pp. 241 ff.).
road to Ephraim passed, on the line of the street running to the
Corner gate*] (v. i.) probably the
present Damascus Gate.
north-west angle of the wall {cf. GAS. /. ii. p. 116). 24. With

'Obed-edom] an addition of the Chronicler to

family oi'Obed-edom, according to i

K.

The

14'^.

Ch. 26'^ had charge of the

storehouse of the Temple.

17.

to 2

sion

min'

iSd

irr'scx

Tyi^]

wanting

in

K.

148.

n'?t:'''i]

K.

Nu. 23'' Ju. 19" 2 K. hdS. Possibly pointed according

K. when i"? was intended, so Oe. n) d'? accompanying the expresof a wish, cf. Gn. 1932 3i and ref. above, Koe. iii. 355g.

D"'DxSd.

q'^] cf.

d>:d nNnnj] !et us look one another in ike face,

a shortened form
(twice)]

original

cf. v.

for dijd Sn D'jo hni.-ij, Ges.

21

(v. s.), is

156c,

n.

1.

probably
18. ninn

transliterated, ^x^ff'- "Xoi'X ^"xof, axovx, the last being

Tor. ATC. p. 65. 19. mcx] wanting in 2 K. i4' (but

($, cf.

supported by Vrss.), may be a later insertion by some one who read n''an
as first pers., so Bn., St. SBOT. on 2 K. 14', but the insertion may be
from the Chronicler. 05 read both as second pers. njn] is certainly a mis-

reading of

K. nrn, so Ki. Kom. BH., Bn.,

probably the original

in Ch., cf. (&.

g,

St.

SBOT. on

K., but

here as elsewhere, appears to be

CHRONICLES

446
corrected from 2 K.

should

n'^^?]

be

probably

cin'^n.

pointed

lOanS] Hiph. as intrans. dub. 2 K. i3:n imv. Niph.

(6

^aptia, "B in

ri

& |n/.|. The insertion of S has connected the word with

what precedes, contrary to 2 K. (8 probably read i^rn and H "i^rnS
# was doubtless corrected fr. 2 K. Read i^rn or i^rnV, so Oe., Ki,
superbiam,

nny] wanting
siders ncS
force.

in K.;

Bur.

20. original
'NHD
'ui

els

x^'pas

ncS]

thinks

a''T'3 inn,

addition

K., omits.

(Si^

into their hand.

<&i^,

so

reading,

Sni!;'^ I'^n,

21I'.

or

and

for njsn of Vrss.

^31] 2

(&^ inserts i\a.^ev

St.,

'"').

nuiynn

(v.

i.).

to give
D"];3 inn,

294f.

a''n':'Nn

Sk.

Bur.,

art.

21

et

as in familiar

transposes

p] wanting

in

(S^aj

al.

it

Ch. preserves the original

2 K. -\';z'2.
Ch. also

njion] doubtless a scribal error

Ke., Zoe.,
is
is

Oe.,

and most commen-

read by Oe., Kau., Ki., Bn.

considered its original posi-

SBOT.

The late form of the

was added to fill a lacuna, see Ges. ii2pp
mn> pia. dun 13 d>"] wanting in 2 K.
2 K.),

n^aa] 2
so also 2

ija] hostages,

St.

14"

f.

Taken

from

with a characteristic addition of the Chronicler

25.

him

-\j,td]

25-28. The end of Amaziah's reign.

1417-20^

Oe.

maniis hostium.

(&,

rnNin''

in2m.

K. i4, Sa PN n|->';'i,
before 2B'''i, which

verb in K. suggests that

(6

K.

2 K., so

K. by Bn. (on

tion in 2

Chronicler,

a variant spelling or scribal error

rnsin'' is

msoM]

Bn., Ki.,

24.

original in K., so Bn., Ki., St.,

tators.

con-

K. 14", innnN p. rnxinip has either been transposed from

a position after
VTrnx
cf.

for

by the

without the

expressions, Dav. Syn. 22

3, Koe. iii.
Nin D-jD iN-\ri^i and niin> i^d ih^xcni.
23.
six MSS.,

SBOT.

t^3 dp."] (&^^ tov irapadovvai

Iwas,

If text is correct ti is

St.

nc'?i.

original there with sarcastic

a characteristic

K.

Perhaps read, as suggested by

it's.

suggested

"'3]

K. 2t\

&, corrected from

cf. 10'* 22^.

avrbv

nac]

K.

in 2

This

in

K.

v."

K. 14'', is without point in

systematically ignores the N.
a note inserted by a scribe to mark the

verse, a

copy

the narrative of the Chronicler,

of 2

who

kingdom. In 2 K. it is
interval between the death

of Jehoash, just mentioned, and the

death of Amaziah immediately described. 26. Book of the kings
The Chronicler substitutes for "the book
of Judah and Israel].

of the chronicles of the kings of

Judah"

principal noncanonical source

Intro, p. 22).

the time that

(cf.

Amaziah turned away from

who

of

after

K.

i4'8 his

27.

own

Now from

Yahweh] a

char-

thus gives from his point

of view an adequate cause for the conspiracy.
It was probably a
insurrection
in
of
favour
the
popular
young Uzziah, a result of the
acteristic addition of the Chronicler,

REIGN OF

XXVI. 1-23]

447

UZZIAIx

misfortunes into which the state had been plunged by the folly of
Amaziah in provoking the war with northern Israel. Lachish].

Cf. II'.
of

fH

28.

In

clearly a scribal error

is

Asarhaddon

scriptions

Judah (GAS.
26

/.

i.

CJi-inxni

The

the city of David*].

reading

{v. i.),

Manasseh

called

Judah

city of

yet in the Assyrian

the

of

king

in-

city

of

K.

14'^

p. 268).

D''ji5'Nin]

a characteristic addition to the text of 2

Ch. 29". Dj.-i nSh] three MSS-jg*,!!, omit xSn. Seven MSS., 51, 2
K. 14'* DH for Djn. Since the Chronicler uses both forms, on nS.t 2 Ch. 9^'
SN-!r''i mini i^^c]
I2'5, and Djn 16" 20'^ 24", the original is uncertain.
cf. 929 I

K.

i4'9.

14''

mini

nyni]

duced by

28.

id'^dS
kclI

(&

diem nan.

iv

ry

27.

mm

KatpQ, so also

after time-determinations, Dr.

i.n

nan-i]

K.

142"

aScno

lap^'i

necessitating the insertion of the object.

2

K. nMi, and

so

?C.

TH.
f,

wanting

njJDi]

predicate,

ntt'pii]

127

in 2

(/3),

Koe.

iii.

K,

intro 366I.

the change to act. in Ch.

mim

\^-;2]

twelve mss., Vrss.,

most commentators.

reign of Uzziah (c. 782-737 b.c.). The book of

contains
Kings
only a very meagre account of the reign of Uzziah
K.
^^^
15'-'))
y^t his reign was one of the longest in Judah and,
(2
the
to
glimpses given in the prophetical books, one of
according

XXVI. The

2 /.).
This prosperity is
(cf. especially Is.
w.
account
in
in
the
Chronicler's
out
s-", which are enbrought
in
the Chronicler's
but
have
a
of
2
K.,
place
tirely independent

unusual prosperity

According to

reconstruction of that narrative.

was a

leper,

and the Chronicler, compelled by

K.

15^,

Uzziah

his theory of royal

history to find a cause for this affliction, does so in the presumptuous sin of unlawfully offering incense (vv.^'-^"); and this act of

pride

is

closely linked with the King's prosperity

(vv. =').

the

On

the source of vv.

'-'^

comments upon them.

1-5. Uzziah's accession to the throne.

script of 2

K.

'

14^'

152 '; v.^ is

and greatness

see the note introductory to

Vv.

'-^

from the Chronicler.

are a tran-

1.

And

all

and made him king]. This

Ordiaction was occasioned by the untimely death of Amaziah.

the people of

Judah

took Uzziah

narily the people are not

succession

(cf. 22').

Amaziah was

mentioned as determining the royal

was only sixteen years old and

Since Uzziah

fifty-four at his death,

probably older brothers and

CHRONICLES

448

thus a first-born, were set aside in favour of Uzziah.

Uzziah]
2 K. 14^' "Azariah," and so 2 K. generally, while the Chronicler has

'Uzziah

(v. i.).

entirely

clear.

rr^iy,

The connection between

are

They

and the

latter

similar

quite

may have

two names is not

Hebrew rT'^iy and

the
in

through a corruption of

arisen

{DB. IV. p. 843). The names are somewhat similar in

"
"
Yahmeaning; Azariah means Yahweh has helped," Uzziah,
weh is my strength." This fact may have led to their interchange.
the former

2. He

On

built Eloth, etc.].

Eloth or Elath

v.

Elath

i.

{cf.

8")

had apparently been captured by Amaziah in his war against

Edom (25" ') and then lost during the disastrous war with northern Israel, and its recovery was one of the first exploits of Uzziah.
This

is

the natural

here, but in 2

hence

K.

its first half.

this verse, especially in its connection

meaning of

a part of the narrative of the reign of Amaziah,

built Eloth and restored it to Judah, is held to refer

it is

14=2

He

Amaziah and to belong in the history of Amaziah with the account of

Then the second
the war against Edom (2 K. 14') {KAT.^ p. 261, Bn.).

to

half of the verse belongs with the preceding verse or

The

5.

Chronicler

now

omits

is

a gloss.

K. 15s which says that the high

places were not taken away and that the people still sacrificed and
burnt incense in them, and writes this verse to explain the prosperw. ^'s. Zechariah]. This prophet is not
ity of Uzziah described in

barely possible that the name is derived

in the book of Zechariah (i40-

mentioned elsewhere.

It is

from the mention

Uzziah

of

WJio gave instruction in the fear^ of Gocf]

3-

1. iHMjj] so also vv.

2

K.

15'^- 3*;-"iM?
7.

1421

17.

23.

Ho.
27

151.

I'

8.

ch.

u.

9.

Am.

1'

3'2;

14.

18.

18.

19.

21.

and

Zc. 14^
2

in''^-iTy

(v. i.).

K.

22.

23

K.

i5-

372 Is.
1513- ^o;

';

i> 6>

in Assy,

and

7'

nnrg

K.

inscrip.

{COT. 2 K. 15'), but now denied (A'^T.^p. 262, DB. IV. pp.
Thus Azariah appears only once outside of 2 K., and that in Ch.,
Uzziah is found four times in 2 K. Both forms of the name are used

Azriyd'H,
844/.).

while

and 621 <36), also for a

and 25'8. 2. mS^N] (g
M\6.e, H Ailath, 2 K. 1422 nS^N, and so Ki. SBOT., Kom., but n^'7>N
^
''"'"^
also in 2 Ch. S'' i K. g'^ 2 K. 166 f and n'r^N in Dt. 2' 2 K. ib^f-

for

a descendant of Kehath, cp.

son of

Heman

(with

'el

Ch. 69

for Yah), cp.

Ch

(2^)

25''

33^] temporal clause introduced

3.

T\'h^2^'\

Kt.

rT''7iD>,

Qr.

by

nj'^D^.

"'inN

cf.

with

K.

inf.,

152

see Koe.

in^^'^Di

f.

iii.

401a.

(" Xaata

XXVI.

REIGN OF TJZZIAH

1-23]

XaXta (A

for A),

of seeking, inf.

^i-

with

449

in the act
If^fA'a, i' Icchelia.^. vrh 'n'l] he -was
at a definite
of
the
idea
'? alter hm lo
aiming
express

purpose or turning toward an object, Ges. 114/1.?, Dr. TH. 204,

Koe. iii. 3997. oviSnh TNn? r^cn] who had understanding in the
vision of God, is strange, hence read rather rxn-:?, with many mss., <$,

&, , who gave instruction in the fear of God, so Ke., Oe., Kau., Ki.,
Bn. a''n'?Ntn) (three times)] (S 7[^7\\

6-15. Uzziah's military and industrial prosperity. This

is without parallel in
2 K. and yet seems to contain

section

historical reminiscences.

Bn. thinks the Chronicler's immediate forerunner {Die Vorlage) had

here reliable ancient traditions, and Ki. sees in it (save v. ^'^ and vv. "
and '5b) material taken from some ancient reliable source. The compothroughout that of the Chronicler, and there is no
may not have been entirely written by him,
though possibly they were taken from his chief source the Midrash

sition,

however,

reason

The

{v. p. 22).

in

vv."-":

(1.

87);

(].

128).

is

these verses

why

in

following are the marks of the Chronicler's composition

w.''-

V." inj

in

'^

-wy

(1.

17);

(1.

84);

in v.

'^

in v.

dt- Sy

N13S
(1.

^^;

86);

(1.

and

127)

in v.

" S in

n'?;'-'?

'J3nSi

Gaih]. Cf. I Ch. 7-'.

Jahzeh] mentioned in OT. only here,
unless after (^ in Jos. 15'^ and as Jabne'el Jos. 15", mod. Yebna,
6.

twelve miles south of Joppa and four miles from the sea.

Known

Greek name Jamnia, it figures considerably in Jewish history

by
from the time of the Maccabees and onward. After the fall of Jeruits

salem (70 A.D.) the great Sanhedrin removed thither, and for quite
a period it took the place of Jerusalem as the religious and national centre of the

Jews (JE.

vii.

p.

18).

Ashdod]

famous

the

about half-way between Joppa and Gaza, two or

'
i S.
three miles from the sea, the mod. Esdud (Jos. 11" 15*^
5'
Philistine city

'

et

al.).

And

'Arabians\
the reading

And

the

he

cities

the

among
Philistines^]
Gur-baal
Cf. 17".
|] an unidentified
Meunim]. Cf. Ch.
doubtful
bitilt

(y. i.).

7.

place,

is

{v. i.).

Ammonites gave

tribute].

(^ has

"the

and

8.

4*'.-

Meunim"

{v. i.),

adopted by Bn. as demanded by the context from

the connection with the Philistines and Arabians and the following

which reading

is

name spread abroad even to the entrance of

a
direction
Egypt,
quite opposite from that of the territory of
2Q
statement that Uzziah's

CHRONICLES

450
i.\mmon.

Ki.,

on the other hand,

retains 'Anvnonitcs.

n^reeable to the mention of table latid in

v.^" {v. /.)

and

This

is

their later

conquest by Jotham (27^). Probably they should be retained and

On the tribute,
the notice considered as of no historical value.
cf.

17" 27^

And his name spread abroad even

to the

entrance of

his fame, or better, his

power (Be., Ke., Zoe.). 9.

Egypt] i.e.,
I^he corner gate] the north-west corner of the wall {cf. 25").
The valley gate] formerly located at or near the Jaffa gate on
the west of the city (Rob. BR.^ i. p. 43; Schick, ZDPV. viii.

but more probably near the south-west corner of the wall

Ne. 2" 3'0 (so Guthe, MuNDPV. 1895, pp. 10 /., also

p. 272);
{cf.

JBL.

Mitchell,

1903, pp. 108/.,

"

cf.

GAS.

/.

i.

pp. 177 ff.).At

While there might be many of these

angles where the wall turned (Bn.), yet some particular one seems
10.
to have been meant, probably at north-east corner (BDB.).
Cf. Ne. 3"-

the angle].

".

Towers] for the protection of his herds {cf. i Ch. 27" Mi.
In the wilderness] the pasture land of Judah. Cisterns].

4*).

The

Heb. word may also mean wells, but artificial reservoirs were constructed in Palestine from the earliest times for the storage of
water for

The

The
9".

man and

beast.

lowland] the Shephelah;

cf.

Ch. 27" 2 Ch.

i.e.,
between the Arnon and Heshbon east of the Jordan, since mishmor
denotes this (Dt.

the elevated plateau

table land]

i'^

3' 4^^ Jos. 13'-

'' "

2'

20' Je. 48s- ") (Be., Ke.,

This agrees with the subjugation of the AmZoe., Oe., Ba.).

monites implied in v. ; but it is doubtful whether the restriction
of

meaning

Going

to the territory east of the

out to

war in detachments by

descriptive of

This
refers

is

the thorough organisation of the host (Ke., Zoe.).

than to think the word in detachments (Tl"^^)

marauding expeditions (Ba.). 12. The heads of the

better

to

Jordan is necessary. 11.

number of their muster]

the

fathers^ houses].

Cf.

Ch. 9^^

Even

The

troops were mustered by

mighty men of valour] i.e.,

landed proprietors and other well-to-do people {cf.-2 K. 15=).
Two thousand six hundred] a number agreeable to actual condihouseholds or families.

tions during Uzziah's reign.

commanders of the
and five hundred].

the

These are assumed

13.
troops.

to

have been the

Three hundred and seven thousand

Cf. the armies of

Amaziah, 300,000

(25^),

and

XXVI.

REIGN OF UZZIAH

1-23.]

Asa

the greater ones of

Cf. 14^
17"
mentioned with the shield

Shields].

fig. Is.

Ne.

59" f.

4'"

('>

and Jehoshaphat

(14^)

<'

Ch.

45 1

5'8.

Spears].

in Ez. 27'" 38^;

cf.

Cf.
also

14.
Helmets]

(17'* ).

ib.

S. 17^ Je. 46^

Cuirasses] mentioned also

K. 22" iS. 17^''
Bows and sling-stones] the weapons the
in iS^^ i

of

fig. Is. 591'.

<^'
i
light-armed troops assigned so frequently to Benjamin (14"
Ch. 12^ Ju. 2o'). 15. And he made contrivances the invention of
inventive men
to shoot arrows and great stones]. Such engines

of warfare are not

mentioned elsewhere

in the canonical

OT., but

were probably used by the Assyrians in the days of Uzziah, and he

may have introduced them as weapons of defence for Jerusalem (so
apparently Bn.), or their mention may merely reflect the methods
used in the period of the Chronicler (so EBi. IV^ col.

of defence

4510,

cf.

GAS.

/.

ii.

pp. 121/.).
of these verses are in substance historical

That the statements

appears from the following facts: (i) Hezekiah seems largely to

have had control of Philistia, and this is most reasonably explained
the ground of the strong military policy of Uzziah; (2)
Jerusalem made a strong defence during the reign of Hezekiah

upon

and

against the Assyrians

made by Uzziah;
in the

this

prophecies of Isaiah

also of Arabians

was probably due

to the preparations

days of Ahaz revealed

(DB. IV. p. 844). The mention

(3) the prosperity of the

in

the

(v. s.)

Assyrian

inscriptions

among

the de-

fenders of Jerusalem against Sennacherib has been thought to

sustain the statement that Uzziah subjugated them (this, however, is rather remote) (v.

DB.

6. m!:'X3 Dn>'] can only

then the additional

repetition

mean

Q1^:^'?^::1 is

and the

s.).

cities

strange.

in the territory of Ashdod, but

Probably ^n!r^2 is a copyist's

text should read Din!f'7fl2 Dnynjaii (Ba.).

Winckler

thinks that original text of source was nj^i PDin nxi nj noin rx T"'2''i, and
that the remainder of the verse has come from a marginal note which first

read nntrs'a
this

nv "a

city in the territory of

had been reconstructed

COiyn] Qr.

O-ianyn.

into

Sya nu^]

its

Ashdod "

present form

{i.e.

Jabneh), and that

(KAT.^

p.

262).

7.

(B iirl ttjs irirpas Kal itrl toi>s Meivalov^,

also the text of 11* in Turbaal adopted

by Ki. Kom.; (2) (g

adopted by Bn. after Winck., who sees in
in Guri a name of Edom in the Amarna Tablets (Gesch. i. 46).
i.e.: (i) -11X3

read Syi instead of

We

Sj?3

then read against the Arabians in

Gur and

against the

Mcimim.

CHRONICLES

452

The Greek

translator probably thought of Petra.

by Zoe., Ba.

a''ji;'::ni]

01

has

favoured

<"iJ3

five mss.,T5 DijiDj:ni, (B M()iyaioKS, cf.

2o'.

8.

which Bn. adopts after Winck.

though
(KATJ p. 262), but (5 may have been influenced by the preceding
'ui t; ictt' [^^^] according to Ki. an annotation of
M(e)ipaiovs, cf. 20'.
the Chronicler.
ansa] Winck. also sees in this the Arabian Musri.
0'ji::yn] ( 'M{e)ii'aToL as

10.

nii:'iS3i

D^jiyon

both in
n^Drji]
ansN] wanting

wanting in 05.
Carmel in southern Judah

the

lowland and

in (Sba_

in

the

1'

is

Smo] neither Mt. plain;

Carmel nor

(i S. 252- '), but garden land, fruitful fields fls.

29" Je. 2^). n-^-iN jnx] lover of husbandry, or possibly tillage, see BDB.
nniN i;cf. 's-n r^x Gn. 920 (J). 11. N3X insv] cf. i Ch. 518. -ibD33

wanting

the

noun made prominent by

309

PI. in

15.

Koe.

c,

in .':'Nir] Kt. 'iy% Qr.,

'ui]

iii.

340

o.

(i>,

referring to

''>?.

first

it

14.

through

a''ySp >ja.s] sling-stones,

nomen rectum occasioned by

pi. in

nomen

cf.

'^2^

its

y'^p

'ws

regens, Koe.

pron.

an"^]

Ew.

Jb. 412".

iii.

2676.

nuarn] contrivances, cf. Ec. 7^9 also pl. abs. f- xi"'''^] Qal inf.
cstr. from \/ m\ but following the analogy of verbs N'S, Ges. "JSrr.
the
-<T;jn'? N'lSijn 13] Hiph. expressing an action in a definite direction,
principal idea being contained in the inf., Ges. ii^n and n. 3.

16-23. Uzziah's leprosy and the conclusion of his reign.

2 K. 15^'.
The narrative of 2 K. simply records tliat

Based on

Uzziah was a leper; but the Chronicler (or his forerunner, Bn.)
adds the cause, which he finds in his presumptuous exercise of the
burning incense and in his anger against the
high priest and his associates when they rebuked him. This is
doubtless a mere legend to explain the King's leprosy, since that
disease was felt to be a token of special divine judgment {cf. the

priests' sacred right of

leprosy of

Miriam Nu.

12^

s-

and Gehazi

K. 5",

v. also

Bn. Arch.

A reflection of a real controversy between Uzziah and

pp. 481 /.).
the priesthood has been seen in this story (Bn., Ki.), and the possibility of such an historical kernel must be admitted, but no indica-

16. To offer incense upon the altar

given elsewhere.
of incense'] an especially sacred act, and, according to P, lawful
'^
Ex. 3o>-i Nu. 16^" 18'"). 17.
only for the seed of Aaron {cf. v.
tion of

it is

And

'Azariah the priest] not identified or mentioned apart from

this narrative {cf. v. ^o); a favourite name in priestly genealogies
19, ^fid while he was wroth with the priests
{cf. I Ch. 53610 (69-'^)).

the leprosy broke forth,

in

Gehazi,

K.

525 ".

etc.].

20.

Cf. the

sudden appearance

Yahweh had

of leprosy

smitten him] adapted

XXVI.

from

REIGN OF UZZIAH

1-23.]

K.

which

15*-',

The King

(v. i.).

functions.

found

here taken up.

is

21.

as a leper kept by himself

For he was

453
In a separate honse'\
retired from royal

and

cut off from the house of

Yahweh]

not

is

from the Chronicler, who laid

22. Did Isaiah the prophet tlie son of

in 2 K., a natural observation

on worship.

great stress

Amoz

The

write].

is either to an
independent work by
most unlikely, or a part of the Book of the

reference

Isaiah (Ke.), which

is

Israel and Judah (Be., Zoe.), or possibly the statement

derived from the fact that the present book of Isaiah mentions
Uzziah. 23. And they buried him with his fathers in the field of
the burial which belonged to the kings; for they said, he is a leper] i.e,

Kings of

is

he was not buried

defiled

in the

tombs

by a leprous body, but

tombs.

The Chronicler thus departed from the statement of 2 K.

"And they buried him with his fathers in the city of David."
16.

i.-i|iin3i]

haughty,

and

lit.,

in the

nS njj]

he

lifted up, cf. 322s Ps. 131' Pr. i8'2

Ez.

late idiom,

was

his heart

Dr.

same sense without jS

be

of the kings, lest they should

in the field adjoining these

TH.
Is. 3'^

p.

157 n.

15',

became
282-

Je. 1315 Ez. 165 Zp. 3".

s.

n^

'7j?D''i]

'5
I
Ch. 2^ 19. iprii) isyr^i] out of humour, dejected, but
here
enraged, a late sense like Aram, i^^'^ rage against.
only
'xni] 1 with the apodosis as an emphatic copulative after a temporal

cf.

V.

inf., Koe. iii. 4157.

nmi] rise, come out, usually of
20. innry] wanting in (&^^,
sun, only here of leprosy.
\j^q^.
imj] hasten (late), cf. Est. 612 and in Qal pass. pt. Est. 3'5 8" f-

conditional

nini irJJ 13]

2K.

and ten mss.

155-i'^cn

in 2 K.,

(g" a.(p(pov(TLwv, A

nx mni pri.

21.

^
a<f)(j>ov<rwd,

nia]

but Qr. and 2 K. nic

aircpovcriijd,

n^33.

f.

nitt'onn] so

Meaning

is

Kt.

obscure.

hence original (S doubtless

U (in domo) separata.
al., on 2 K. and Ki.

as in 2 K., cf. Tor. ATC. p. 65.

n^c'cn n-^j, apart in his palace (Klo., Ki., et

a<p(pov<ru}d

Ch., yet see St. SBOT. on 2 K.). Stade {ZA W. vi. pp.
156 ff.) emends to linn n>33 in the winter-house; Gratz nnsDcn in the
house of eruption, Haupt (note in SBOT. on K.) nic'jnn r^>2, either

SBOT., Kom. on

place of detention or place of bandaging.

But

05, a(f><l>ov(rw0,

seems

to

have read mcsn, a verb used only of leprosy (Lv. 13, 14), hence n'>22
nits'sn i)i the house of spreading, i.e., a house rendered unclean by the
spreading of the leprosy after an attempt had been

made

to cleanse

it

r\^7[-'
n^aa -\rjj o >'-i:;d]
(Lv. 14") was appropriated for the King's use.
not in 2 K. I'^nn n''^ Sy 1J3] <B 5 uWs avTov i-rrl rrjs paaiXeias avrov,

K.

T\>27\

wanting

^t;

iSon p.

in six mss.

22.

and

&

23. vpjn Dy2]

I'lCvX p] wanting in <&^^.
probably dropped as inconsistent with the

CHRONICLES

454

xm
The motive

following clause.
-in T'>'3.

used because nonien

XXVII.
c.

reigned

j,nixs i-i5n

'3

mnpn

a^D^':^ iti's

for the Chronicler's expansion

re gens is

compound, Koe.

iii.

is

r^^z<2]

evident.

K.
S

15'

t^'n]

28 2e.

The reign of Jotham (co-regcnt c. 751-737;

From 2 K. i5"-38^ ^yiih slight changes
B.C.).
of new material in vv. '-, which, like 26^-'*, con-

1-9.

737-735

and the addition

EHSP.

tain a tradition probably of historical

worth (Pa.

They show

the vigorous policy of his

' see
(For source-analyses of vv.

father.
2

Jotham continued

that

Zadok] possibly the high

15".
2. Only he did not

K.

1^38 (^612)

'.)

1.

copy of
i Ch.

in

enter into the temple of Yahiveh'\

(Be.).

naturally wanting in

The

fuller

statement of

"Only the high places were not removed; the people

3. He built
sacrificed and btirnt incense in the high places."

K.

still

mentioned

priest

a reference to Uzziah's sacrilege (26''

And the people did yet corruptly].
2 K.
2

w.

p. 232).

15'=

is,

the upper gate of the house of

mainder

gate

II. col.

2418,

cf.

and the following the

Jotham

K.

and vv.
are independent
was probably the one in the north wall

also /.

of the

David (so
Cf. on this
pp. 152/.).
of Uzziah (26" ), which
city of

i.

activity

in all probability continued.

(v. s.).

"the upper gate of BenNe. 3"J, a spur south of

Temple court mentioned

jamin" (Bn., Sk.). Ophel]. Cf 33'^
the Temple by some held identical with the
verse

the re-

15=5;

of 2

in Je. 20- as

GAS. EBi.

K.

"-

of the verse

The upper

Yahweh] from

5.

He fought also
Ki. as

king of the children of

with the
a trust-

'Amnion] accepted by
but rejected by Bn. on the ground that the
S. kingdom had nothing to do with the Ammonites, and hence
either a fiction or a misreading of Meunim the people of Ma on
worthy

(cf.

26^

tradition,

'-).

A hundred

talents of silver

and

ten thousand measures

United States value and measure some $187,500

of wheat] i.e.,
and 120,331 bushels. This statement is assigned by Ki. to the
in

'
Chronicler, while otherwise v. % from and on the wall, and v. are
assigned to some ancient reliable source {cf 26^-'=). 6. This verse

the Chronicler.
7. Corresponds with
an observation
and
K. 15=^ The Book of
the summary of
Kings of
is

of

clearly

Judah]

(v.

Intro, p. 22).

those days the

Lord began

Israel

the

The
to

Chronicler omits

K. 15", "In

send against Judah Rezin- the king

xxvn. i-xxvm.
of S}Tia

reigns of jotham and ahaz

27.]

and Pekah the son

455

Rcmaliah," a statement out

of

harmony with his view of the reign and character of Jotham

v.).

9.

8.
A

copy of

1. nu'n>] 2

superfluous
Dv-''nr?;

Xi';^

K.

K.

r\z'-;.

i5'',

adds

17'= f.

K.

ii^i]

3''an

5. I'^n]

due

r^vv] in

6'5,

see

BDB.

in

two

fU

mss.,

2,1.
jg

2.

bandnjo,

^^-^

K.

1528

h.

i.

A, by

and

copyist's
is

pvjio]
cf.

translator's

suggested

nj:;'^]

4.

nvji^J,

by

ani'^y,

^waurdv.

Kar'

Koe. iii. 333d.

T(fi wpdjTip an unnecessary addition
Ninn r\iZ'2 {v. s.).Q. Wanting in <&^, ^.
vnax ay "i^j^m. T^n] 2 K. +ti3n.

apposition,
iviavrbv iv

to the mistranslation of

9. ins nDpii] 2

probably original.

in

{cf.

28'.

cf.

followed by a

15'^ is

although i^d ma> be a gloss as

N^nn
has corrected to ^tt' avrbv.

Kar''

yet

{y. i.).

K.

>,

n3 nS pi] added by the Chronicler.

3. nj3 ... 3]
T^^Z21 an-jp::i a-nj?;; nyn -w;.

is'^

wanting

an:] nouns

|1Dj; ^J3']

2.

of v.

nini Va^n S>s

^v lepovffaXrjfi, cp. (gcomp..

correction,

which

with slight changes

15^3 x-'n^ f.

bu!ltal,cf.Ne.4^^ "')Zc.
(gL

from a copyist

repetition probably

of

Ges.

iT,id;

XXVIII. The reign of Ahaz (r. 735-715 ? b.c). In this

chapter we have one of the best examples of the reconstruction of
by the Chronicler
According to 2 K. 165 Is.
history

King

(or his
71

of Israel, together invade

their invasion as

Midrashic source (Bn.,

Rezin, King

of Syria,

Judah. But the Chronicler pictures

distinct events, both fraught

two separate and

with signal disasters far exceeding those mentioned

(vv. 5-8) and accompanied also with prophetic
influence (vv.

in 2

K. or

activity

Is.

and

K. 16' Ahaz sought successTiglath-pileser against the combined hostility

s-'^).

fully the help of

Ki.)).

and Pekah,

According to

and Israel, but according to Ch. (vv. is-'') the Assyrian

was
invoked against the Edomites and the Philistines, and
King

of Syria

his aid availed nothing, but resulted rather in the oppression of

Judah.

According

to 2

K. i6 Ahaz sent unto Tiglath-pileser,

to

secure his services, a present of the treasures of the Temple and

of the palace; but according to Ch. (v. 2') these treasures were

given to secure immunity from the oppression of the

Assyrian King. According to 2 K. i6"'-i Ahaz introduced into the
Temple a new altar, copied from one at Damascus, and modified
This in Ch. (v. ") becomes an
the ritual of sacrificial worship.
vainly

act of sacrifice to the gods of

Damascus.

According to

K. 16"

'

Ahaz
I

CHRONICLES

456

K.

cut
"

7='

up the bases or stands of the lavers of the Temple

i K.
and also the base of the great lavcr (4=
)

(r/. 4'

'

clearly to secure

money for

the tribute paid to the

and he made some structural changes, not

King

723

a)

of Assyria,

an entrance to

clear, in

he cuts in pieces generally the utensils

)
of the Temple and closes the building, erecting in the mean time
altars in every corner of Jerusalem and in every city of Judah
the Temj)le; in Ch. (vv.

-'^

'

high places to hum incense unto other gods. The motive for
this new treatment of the reign of Ahaz is clear.
It brings into

The disasters which befell

and Ahaz becomes more and more con-

greater relief punishment for sins.

are multiplied,

Judah

spicuous as a sinful and wicked ruler. His reliance upon Assyria

The Chronicler could not conceive of it
brings only trouble.

He

otherwise.

thus entirely reconstructs the history.

The

sources of this chapter, omitting vv. '-^^ (dji) 3b-4 from 2 K.,
^b-sa from the
Chronicler;
according to Ki. {Koin.) (after Bn.), are vv.
'5-^

M; and vv. ''-'*, separating v. '^ and v. '^ and of a different

are
from another source, one of historical value. These last
character,
5-'^-

vv.

however, parallel to 2 K. 16^ (so Ki. Kom.) and might even have been
introduced in a Midrashic reconstruction of 2 K. 16^--^. They are also

are,

closely

bound

in unity

to captives in v.
icler's style

T^^

list
(1.

16=-^

{cf.

appear

in vv. ^'^.

in

127);

with the remainder of the chapter by the reference

The following marks of the Chronvv. ^ n. i5)_

w.

of proper names; in

12M);

in v.

1-4.

n>' (1.

'^

in vv.

T'j:i I';?

19-

S331

lo- '3

(1.

" nra

v.

22S>-3

(1.

(1.

68);

omission of

'

in v.
nD-.:'N

in v.

10);

in v.

'^

after '\yt2

rel.

in v. ^

7);

(1.

i^pj

(1.

(1.

120),

12
115); in v.
75) and S in SoS

'ji>*r:u'

(1.

"b verb omitted

(1.

1176);

and

124).

The character

of the reign of Ahaz.

with a few characteristic additions. 2.

Taken from

And made

K.

also molten

images for the Baalim] an addition of the Chronicler, yet the

use of images in worship during the reign of Ahaz is abundantly
proved by Is. 2^-^^- 20. 3. Moreover he burnt incense in the valley

of the son of Hinnotn] wanting in 2 K.

cler as introductory to the
this valley

The

was the

And

Added by

the Chroni-

of the sacrifice of his son, since

human sacrificial worship {cf. Je. 7").

Hinnom lies to the south and south-west

seat of

valley of the son of

of Jerusalem, the

mention

mod. er-Rahdhi

he burnt his children] in

{cf.

K.

GAS.

16'

/.

i.

pp. 173

"And made

ff.).

his son pass

XXVm.

REIGN OF AHAZ

1-27.]

son

fire," i.e., sacrificed his

through the

457

The

{v. i.).

stories of

(Gn. 22) and of Jephthah's vow

' 5^
sacrifice was not unknown in the
) show that human
(Ju. 1 1'"
rare occurrence
early days of Israel, but it probably was of very

Abraham's

until the period of

Manasseh
of

Judah

Ahaz,

K.

{t,^ 2

2i),

And

and thus

(Dt. 122

so,

K. 14"

much

is

kingdom

feature of religious worship

Ez. i62<' ' Ps. 106"

f).^

19^

16')

a Deuteronomic and Jeremianic expression

K.

"

usual rendering

not so

years of the

in the later

not merely allowed the

Under
his
best
of
as the
predecessors had done.

every spreading tree]

tree

also
clearly fostered the rite, as did

became a not uncommon

it

people to do

is

who

K. 17" 21^ 23'" Mi. 6' Je. 7"

he sacrificed, etc.] (2 K.

((/.

4.

of Isaac

sacrifice

16^ (here copied) 17' Je. 2= 3"- ").

"

green

is

slightly

The

misleading.

and

to colour as to condition

size.

The

reference
large, fine

meant.

p] ms. 5^ (g^ss.^ ^ _^ + ^.-n% which makes a more suitable

and so Ew., Th., Be., Oe., and Ki. Kom., BH. (doubtfully);
and the variants may be due to the influence of 27'-
but ^BAL follow
1. ani:'>'

age,

29'.

cf. 29',

However, 27 may be a marginal gloss

to 28'

which crept into the

ii.
p. 20, COT.
wrong place.
on 2 K. 168) = THNin^, which is the full name. nin'] many mss. and
3. ajn p nu] so
2 K. 162 + rnSx probably a scribal addition, so St.
32
6
2 K. 23'" Qr. (Kt.
ig2.
3225; 'T\ o ^J 2 Ch. 2,i^ Jos. 158 18'6
Je. 731-

fnx] in Assy, inscrip. la-u-ha-zi

{KB.

'n

'n >ii M);

K.

nm Ne. 11'"; 'n >J Jos. 158 18'6 f -i;;3:i]oneMS.,05,g'-i3;'n,

and so Be., Kau., Bn., but others hold that -\i-; is euphe.

i63 -tpv"!,

mistic for the earlier nyj, hence Ch. retains the original form, Ba., Ki.
V. Geiger, Urschr. p. 305.
vjj] g-, 2 K. in and so Oe., Ba.,

SBOT.,

Bn., but

5-7.

The

probably, as elsewhere,

disasters

sions. Recorded
results of the
in 2 K.,

lem

war

and

corrected from 2 K.

through Syrian and

as punishments

allied

nini] 2

K.

Israelitish inva-

for the idolatry of

here given are very different

where the

(16^)

is

Ahaz.

The

from those mentioned

armies besieged but could not take Jerusa-

caused the loss of Elath (i6).

The

Chronicler's

account has been held to supplement the other (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.,
unBa.), and probably some historical events grossly exaggerated
derlie the stories of the captives taken

5.

The king

of Syria]

i.e.,

Rezin

and

{cf.

of the great slaughter.

K.

16^ Is. 7'-

8).

CHRONICLES

458

great multitude of captives].

Arid he was
2

K. and

the invasion of

Is.

Nothing like this is recorded in 2 K.

hand of the king of Israel]. In
the two kings is a joint one.
Here

also delivered into the

the representation is of two independent ones (v. s.).

6. For
Pekah slew in Judah one hu7idred and twenty thousand in one day]
of this

Nothing

is

mentioned

in

K.

Such a great number

a usual feature of the Midrash

the slain

is

Zichri].

On

the occurrence of the

the following names, v.

i.

name

13")-

(cf.

Ch.

cf.

8'^,

was a

Zichri probably

of

And

7.

for that of

real hero of

northern Israel in this war (Bn.).

The king^s son] if historical,
probably a brother or uncle of Ahaz. Ruler of the house] i.e., oi

the palace, probably the treasurer or steward

That was next

meant

is

22'^

(cf. Is.

king] scarcely the captain over the

host, but the grand vizier, sometimes called the recorder (1''5.TP)
(cf. Now. Arch. I. p. 308).
36').

p;:'3-n] cf.

to the

Ch.

18'.

ynj] 05

avrbv.

may

have dropped out

before the following in; thus Bn. reads Mn.

6. aor;"j] in their forsaking, i.e., because they had forsaken, causal clause, Koe. iii. 403a.

7. iidt] ($^ Zaxctptas.

This is interesting because "'"\d! is
viation of innot, S/. III. col. 3292.
i Ch. 6^).
inv^-'jir:] (cf.

an abbre-

Dpi-ir;']

cf.

Ch. 323. n^an] ($, B, in^3. njp'^N] cf. i Ch. 68. iScn njc-c] nj-c
governing another noun in cstr. st., Ew. 287 /.
I

8-15.
rash.

8.

men

are

The return of the captives. A good example of MidTwo hundred thousand, w'omen, sons, and daughters] the

assumed

prophet of

prophets

cf.

to

have been

Yahweh was
12^ 15' 20".

slain (cf. v.

there].

Oded].

Nu.

31'-

^).

9.

But

For similar intervention

Since the

name means

of

"re-

storer" it may have been suggested by the incident, yet the same
name appears of a prophet or a prophet's father in 15'- f. On
account of the wrath of Yahweh the God of your fathers against

Judah he hath delivered them into your hand]. Therefore this

victory was not due to Israel's prowess or an evidence of the
righteousness of their cause, and hence also Judah should have
been treated with restraint instead of with rage which hath reached

up

to

heaven,

i.e.,

to

God, and thus commanded

rendered Israel liable to punishment. 10.

his attention

The purpose

and

also of

XXVm.

REIGN OF AHAZ

1-27.]

459

enslaving the people of Judah is most severely condemned.

Are there not surely with you, you even, trespassers against Yahweh
of the
your God?]. The writer had probably in mind the guilt

N. kingdom, especially in worship (r/. 13^ ),

hence they should not incur additional guilt by enslaving their
brethren.
One Hebrew might hold another in bondage for a

defection of the

Ex. 212 Lv. 25=9-" Dt. iS'^'O, but such

wholesale slavery of fellow-countrymen by reprisal in war was never
contemplated. 15. The city of palm trees] an alternative name
limited period

(cf.

of Jericho
it is

Dt. 34^ Ju.

(cf.

i'= 3'').

Beside

their brethren].

assumed, belonged to the N. kingdom but was

Jericho,

in close prox-

imity to the territory of the southern.

8. D^-iNc] (S^A TpicLKocrlas.
1.

120, also

Koe.

cf.

Dav. Syn.

before the

inf.,

36"

(?)

iii.

9. jjun w^wh t;
relative omitted,
ny] unto, as far as for
10.
min>
obj.

361b.

v.

fij;i2]

earlier

to,

n>',

d'^iimt'I
sra^S
R. i (b).
^ja]
a pure Aram, usage found occasionally in Heb., cf. 31'

loi

Lv. 199

Dt. 2856 2 S. ii'9

21='

Is. 49,

DDcyonN] anx

Ges. 142/ n.

2.

tt-asS]

strengthens the pronom. suf. 03,

Koe. iii. 19, the position of the pron. in front rare, cf. Ec. 2'5 Gn. 49',
Ew. 311 a. 13. njn](S+ 7r/36s ^/xas.^tiN] three MSS., + nin^; (g'^'^ also
cf Je. 34"-

Ne.

'^

5^.

+ Kvi}iov
cf.

Ch.

1232.

denom. from

^sa]

15. npj] always followed by niDCO, designated by name,

aiSyjM] a
2n'2V^
BDB.
nakedness,
t]

QeoO.

tfi<^^'>'

in proximity

writings,

c/".

Dn.

8'

to,

cf.

-\r;

II.

Ez. 161 (Qal) f- ''Ji'i^^'^s^ Ew. 310 a.

beside, used after a verb of motion only in late

sandal,

Spj,

cf.

'^

16-21. The intervention of the

King

of Assyria.

Accord-

ing to 2 K. 16' Ahaz sought the assistance of Tiglath-pileser III

against the combined attack of the Kings of Syria and Israel, and
this

corresponds to the actual historical situation, but the Chronireturn of captives destroys the need for such

cler's narrative of the

at least against Israel, hence the Chronicler

introduces as the cause of this application for help the Edomite

an intervention or aid

and

Philistine invasions.

The Edomite

invasion, however,

and such an order

of events are

K. i6
suggested by the mention of the Edomite capture of Elath (2
according to the true reading RVm.) in the verse immediately preceding
the statement that

Ahaz invoked

the aid of Tiglath-pileser.

CHRONICLES

46o

16. At that time] i.e., the time of the disasters from Syria and
The king* of Assyria].
Israel, a chronology derived from 2 K.
17. For again] either with reference to the
Tiglath-pileser III.

former attacks of the Edomites

"besides," "moreover,"

i.e.,

21 ) or with the meaning of

addition to the attacks of the
^

(cf.

in

That Judah suffered at

Syrians and the N. kingdom (Ke., Zoe.).
this time a loss of territory through the encroachments of Philistines
as well as Edomites

appears

in 2

Aijalon].

K. or

Cf.

Ch.

not unlikely, yet no mention of such a fact

18. Beth-sh ernes h]. Cf. i Ch. 6" '^g),

is

in Is.

6^^ (").

Gederofh]

(Jos. 15^' f) mod. Katra,

11".
Timnah] mod. Tibne,

south-west from Jabneh. Soco]. Cf.

near Beth-shemesh. Gimzo] mod. Jimzu, three miles southeast of Lydda.
19. King of Israel] equivalent to King of

Judah,

cf.

iv

126 198 2V- \

The same usage

He acted without restraint] i.e., in

unto him] in a hostile sense (Be., Ke.), yet this

implied by the Heb.

And

distressed

appears in v. ".
20. Came

irreligion or idolatry.
is

not necessarily

him and did

not strengthen
him]. Tiglath-pileser is thus represented as having come to Judah, not as a deliverer, but as an oppressor and exacter of tribute,

taking even the treasures of the

narrative of 2 K.

and the Assy.

Judah, and it

Temple and palace (v. ^i). The

ins. know of no such advent of

is not at all
probable that either
he (Ke.) or a detachment of his army (Oe.) entered Judah. 21.
For Ahaz plundered the house of Yahweh, etc.] an adaptation

Tiglath-pileser in

and wrong setting of 2 K. i6^ An adjustment has been sought by

a pluperfect rendering For Ahaz had plundered, etc.
(Ke., Zoe.,
He conOe.), but the Chronicler's meaning is clearly different.

nects this plundering the Temple with an oppression of the

Assyrian and not with a gift to secure his help (Bn.).
But it helped him

The gift, accordTiglath-pileser continued his oppression.

ing to 2 K. 169, did help Ahaz in securing the intervention of the
not].

who attacked the kingdoms of Damascus and northern

and removed Judah's danger from that quarter, but the
Chronicler recognised nothing of this.
Ke. and Oe. reconcile this
Assyrians,
Israel,

statement with 2 K. by the interpretation that "

It

did not really

help him," since thereby Tiglath-pileser only strengthened himself

and made use of his power to oppress Ahaz.

XXVm.

REIGN OF AHAZ

1-27.]

461

and so Be., Oe., Ki. SBOT.,

17. iii'i] either
expresses doubt.
and again or afid besides. 18. mriija tni njcn nx] wanting in (8",
19. Snib'''] (S, U, g> mini and so Bn.,
doubtless by homoeoteleuton.
but
is supported by the use of Ss'-ia" elsewhere, for Judah {v. s.).
16.

^d'-'i:]

one

Bn., but from

MS., Vrss.,

and

pi. in

32^ Ki. in

acted without

restraint.

K.

16' sg.

Kom.

ynon]

The

verb has

force only here.

this

Wanting in (&. "^U'^i] inf. abs. continuing a finite verb, Ges. 1 132, Koe.
2i8b. 20. mSn] twenty mss., 05*1-, S>, nSjn, cf. i Ch. 56- 26. >dn:'?d]

iii.

one

MS., ^BL^

ipws'i^B, f/. I

point Pi. ipin, so Oe., Ki.

Ch.

-^

5^

BH., Koe.

plundered, only here in this sense,

cf.

iprn] not

iii.

2ioe.

elsewhere trans.

21.

Better

pVn] divided,

i.e.,

Be.

22-25. The idolatry of Ahaz. Based upon

with entire reconstruction of narrative (v.s.). 22.

K.

And

16'-",

but

in the time

i.e., when Tiglath-pileser distressed him (v. ="), but

Ki. follows (|
suggests the distress of the Syrian invasion.
connects with preceding verse (v. i.). 23. For he sacrificed

of his distress]
V.

"

and

The

unto the gods of Damascus].

basis of this statement

erection of an altar patterned after one in

{v. s.).

The gods of

Damascus

the kings of Syria helped them].

(2

K.

is

the

16'"'=)

Historically,

Damascus

fell before Tiglath-pileser in 732 B.C., the reference

be
to
can only
Syria's short-lived successes against Judah {cf. v. ^),
but the reference fits in badly. Ba. reads "the gods of the kings
of Assyria," which would fit the historical conditions better, but

since

those gods were not the gods of Damascus. It is simpler to think

24. And Ahaz
of confusion on the part of the Chronicler.

These statements

upon 2 K. 16" ',

gathered together, etc.].
which the Chronicler has interpreted in his own way {v. s.). He
saves the sanctity of the Temple by having Ahaz' idolatries outrest

though he had abandoned altogether the

side of its precincts, as

In reality Ahaz introduced innovations in

worship
the Temple worship, which he seems to have assiduously cultiThere is no reason, then, to think that the Temple was
vated.
of

Yahweh.

closed during his reign.

22.

iS -ixn

ny3i] (S dXX' ^

This Ki. follows and renders

also

Dr.

HWB.^', BDB.

TH. 127

(^),

pronoun prefixed

f\oi^:]

Koe.
to the

iii.

iS

tQ dXi^^vai airdv and joined to v. 2'.

dn 'D {SBOT., Kom., but not BH.),
r\-yi^

impf. consec. after a determination of time

?nN iSnn xin] a late usage of the

366I.

proper

name

for

emphasis (BDB.

p.

215 e):

CHRONICLES

462
"

the suhj. of '\DV'\.

"that king Ahaz
(& /cat
23 naiM] (S^a cKi^rjrrjffo} {<6^
ing icN for inx

Ch. pa'Dit]

common

in

Here the

cf.

B omits. D'^m^a]

D''n'?Nn] (g ai}rd,

90.

a._25.

B""^.

is testified

iii.

iS^.

by
rr^x

BDB. 24.

dittography, Ges. 530,

<6

Ch.

certainly in place.

is

pi.

i^jji

^aaiXevs, read-

D''-.ti;c]

D^nSN-n'] (6 Kvpiov.

wanting

n^y '^oa]

a verb

lyi-tN

MS. and (& i^v, cf. v. '6.

read Qal wy^n, D due to

j'^n] i

but

in (S^,

>S3 pn^

.-1^3

presence in

2" 4^ 8"-

11'= Est.

r/.

its

Koe.

's-

1',

<8 pi.

D;2^<^]

of Ahaz' reign. Taken with vari26. Book of the kings of Jiidah and
And was buried in
even in

The conclusion

26. 27.

ations from 2 K.

18"-=.

Cf. Intro, p. 22.

Israel].

e'lirtv

fijT-^o-w)

tlie

city

Jerusalem ; and they brought him not into the sepulchres of the

Thus, according to the Chronicler, Ahaz was

kings of Israel].
dishonoured for his wickedness by not being buried in the royal
tombs. This is an intentional departure from the text of 2 K.

which says " [Ahaz] was buried with his fathers in the
David." For other similar departures cf. 2r-'> 24" 26-^

city

i6-,

of

27. in-jnpM]
2

K. in
2

4''i

Ho.

K.

35

Mi.

i'

Is.

361

31

K.

29-33

>

36-39) Je.

t.

261s.

Pr. 25'.

is

nSa'n^a nv^]

usual in Ch.,

K. 201" Je. 15^ Is.

be text, error for

also 2

19 I

K.

1620 18'

Ch.

313 2

34

Ch.

(S,

Ch.

(and

1'

may

K. and elsewhere,

(Is.

T'P3n D}\

The former

in^ptn.

Ch.

32", (and nipTn) 2 K. i8'

COT. on 2K.

and

(but in last three

in 2

t.

-\3-i-j

K.
2

t.

i'

more common

18-21)

1620

in^ptn^] 2

Ch. 28"

n^iin'')

latter

-\^-;2.

(5, 2

the

i);
t.

29'8

(2

"

K.

302^

Assy, inscrip. Hazaki{i)au

i8i-ff-.

XXIX-XXXII. The

Hezekiah, according to

reign of Hezekiah
2 K., was a reformer

(r.

715-686

in religious

b.c).

worship,

removing the high places and the brazen serpent which had been
worshipped (2 K. 18^), and likewise he was marked for his devotion
to

Yahweh and adherence

to the

commandments

of

Moses

(2

K.

thus became a fruitful subject for the Chronicler, who

describes at length his reopening of the Temple (c. 29), his celebra185 ').

He

tion of the Passover

of the

Temple

(c.

(c.

31).

30),

and

his

appointment of the servitors

from the point

All of these acts are treated

of view of the Chronicler's

own time and without

the use of historical records.

XXIX. The reopening

of the

Temple.

the evidence of

XXIX.

HEZEKIAH'S REOPENING OF TEMPLE

1-36.]

463
3-24

M;
Sources: According to Ki. (after Bn.), vv. ' are from 2 K., vv.
^'-'^
M; vv. ^s-" are assigned to the Chronicler
because they emphasise the activity of the Levites in the service of music

vv. -"' the Chronicler; vv.

and song. Bn. calls attention to the divine command for the service (v. ^)
and also the command (v. ^s) and instruments of David (v. -^), the words of
David and of Asaph the seer (v. ^o) (r/. i Ch. 15" 255, where Heman is
called a seer, 2 Ch. 35'^, where Jeduthun is also so called). While the introduction of the Levitical singers is emphasised, yet there is no such
the remainder
abruptness as implies an author ditTerent from that of
of the chapter.
Considering the chapter as a whole, the connection
between v. ^ and 28-^ shows that both chapters 29 and 28 are in all

in
probability by the same author
marks of the Chronicler in the vv. 3-2^

In

V.

the
(1.

^ji;--;-

list

67), '^;3

3-1'?

1. 2.

(1.

(1.

(1.

105),

115); in v.

of Levites;

>

in vv.

2'

68); in v.

mn>-

Syn

->!:^f

31.36

(1.

" Sap

likelihood the Chronicler.

all

in v. 'b

68);

(1.

(1.

(assigned to

103); in v.

4);

in v.

='

(i.

117

'^

n':-n

T' i^^-a

The

are as follows:

M)

h);

in vv. '^-u

(1.

30), ma'^o

65);

(1.

in v.

^s

81).

(1.

Hezekiah's accession. Taken from

K.

18'=, with the

omission of the synchronism with Hoshea King of Israel (2 K. 18').

3-11. The command to open the Temple. With the rest of

The whole narrative is largely,

the chapter, from the Chronicler.
if not entirely, imaginary, since in reality the Temple was not closed
during the reign of Ahaz {y. comment on 28=^). Yet this cleansing
of the Temple has been taken as historical, meaning a rebuilding
of the

3.

In

Temple (Winckler, KAT.^

the first

month]

i.e.,

p. 272) {cf.

note on Millo

32^.

Nisan

30- ').

of the sacred year, viz.,

(cf.

have come to the throne shortly before this

of that which was
the
v.
doors,
etc.] a summary
1').
Opened
(cf.
Into
the broad place on
month.
4.
the
first
accomplished during

Hezekiah

is

the east].

assumed

This

to

locality

must be sought

period of the Chronicler.

in the

The assembly of the

the Temple (so Be.,

topography of the
priests

and Levites

Bn.), but the term

is used for an open space outside the precincts of the Temple
extending to the water-gate, where the people were wont to assem-

suggests the inner court of

ble

(cf.

Ezr. 10' Ne. 3"

8'-

'

's),

and

since the

Temple was regarded

may well have placed the

Cf v. i Ch. i5'-- ".
yourselves].

as closed and neglected the Chronicler

assembly there.
its

5.

'^

Sanctify
sanctify the house of Yahweh] as was accomplished by
cleansing and through the offerings and services described in this

And

CHRONICLES

464

The filtkiness] (mjn) often used of menstruation and

chapter.
hence a very strung term for impurity {v. BDB.); scarcely here the
abominations of idolatry, i.e., utensils connected with idolatrous
was
worship (the view of Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.), since the Temple
supposedly closed, but the accumulated filth from its neglect.
Cf. uncleanness (nN!2tDn) v. ^\From the holy place] (t^-tpD)

from the

Temple area {cf. holy place (t^lp)

Ahaz and his contemporaries, since v.

in v.

entire

fathers],

').

6.

Our

suits these only.

'

And they have turned

their faces from the dwelling place of Yahweh and have given him the back]. These words are figurative,
meaning they have ceased to worship Yahweh in his Temple (cf.
7. Also they have shut up the doors of the porch, etc.].
Je. 2" 32'^).
and naturally all
to
28-", Ahaz had closed the Temple
According
the Temple worship of Yahweh ceased also. This is quite contrary
to the facts narrated in 2 K. i6>''-'% where Ahaz is represented as
a
modifying the ancient ritual, but where are no indications of

Yahweh, but quite the reverse. On the

the wrath of
burnt-offerings, cf 13". 8. And
Yahweh was against Judah and Jerusalem]. Cf. 241' 32^5. This
vtrath was seen in the disaster which befell Judah during the reign

cessation of the worship of

lamps, incense

of

and

Ahaz, recorded

24'

34" and

In the last
hissing,

28

in c.

word

spectacle; the

is

used

(cf.

28").^

terror]

in Dt. 28^5 Ez.

i.e.,

a terrifying

23" and also in

Je. 15'

exile of Judah.
29'8 with reference to the impending
and
astonishment
with
here
as
it is
joined
passage

which also occur

in Je. 25'.

As you

see

with your

eyes].

according to c. 28, the peothe Syrians, Ephraimitcs,

with
wars
the
under
Ahaz,
through
ple

The

disasters are

Philistines.

10.

Now it
15'-

to pledge oneself to

i.e.,

23' 34^'

K.

Cf. Dt. 10 , also

etc.].

befell,

Edomites, and the oppression of the Assyrians.

To make a covenant
is in my heart].
Cf. i Ch. 22'.

with Yahweh]
(cf

meant which

I. ^7\>pm>] 2

K.

18'

11.

23').

Nu.

n^rn

v.

tt'-ipn]

lit.

For Yahweh hath chosen you,

Sk

28". 3.

Kal iydvero wj {^ i^vlKa) eartj (^

5.

idSc'? njni'xin

'Efe/c(as)

iirl

njco xin] O^ba

ttjs ^affiXelas

avrov.

and not infrequently applied to

BDB. cnp 2. d.6. ir;i] pf. with

the sacredness, here

Temple and its precincts, v.

weak waw. iJ'n':'N] wanting in S"*.
the

keep the law of Yahweh

niy

ljn>i]

iv

only here with

XXIX.

jpj;

HEZEKIAH'S REOPENING OF TEMPLE

1-36.]

with njD in

27S

d.

7.

(^ rod vaov.

through this chapter. 8.

variation appears in Je.

Ez. 23"

t-

Kt.

cf.

omission of

in

05'^.

Ew.

art.,

and so generally
Qr. mjn. The same

collectively,

Is.

28'';

243 2918 34'% but

is-"

wanting

^-^''^]

nSy] used

n;;i!]

On

2" 32".

of apostasy Je.

fig.

D':'i>sn]

465

9. ijinnx]

Kt.

njiv

Dt.

in

ms., (6^^

o?;.

28^5

and

This alteration is intentional, since

so ^B* throughout the verse.
Hezekiah's father did not die by the sword, nor could his sons, daughVerb is
ters, or wives be said to have been carried into captivity.
omitted

(1.

117

b).

^xcz]

6 Kal vvv icTTiv).

22'.

T.rn]

weak

60, Ges. 165a.

1/

be

n-'Z'

wanting

-pxi

with

11.

<&

it>

yy ovk avrGiv
with

juss. to express

in

wanting

'J3]

hence be

quiet,

<& joins

'7j;]

(not)

v.

'".

10.

anS nS i^ino ((S^^

laaS

Djj]

cf.

Ch.

design or purpose. Dr.

TH.

d.

juss.

negligent,

Niph. impf.
Niph. only here.

iSc-n]

r\y7\>'\

in (&^.

12-19. The cleansing of the Temple. In response to the

King's exhortation, fourteen Levites at once come forward, two
each representing the three great Levitical famihes Kehath, Merari,
and Gershon {cf. 1 Ch. 6' <"=>), two the family of Elizaphan (cf. i Ch.
i5, where the family is also co-ordinated with Kehath, Merari,

and Gershon), and two each the three divisions of singers Asaph,
Heman, and J editthiin (cf. i Ch. 25'), and under their direction
the Temple is cleansed.
12. Mahath the son of \4masai] also
in the genealogy of the Kehathite Samuel (i Ch. 6^ <"> q. v., cf.

where Mahath again appears). Jo'elthe son of'Azariah]

mentioned (i Ch. 6^' (36))_ Kish the

also 31",

likewise in the genealogy just

son of'Abdi] also in the genealogy of the Merarite Ethan (i Ch.

6" (44' written Kishi).'^zana/z]. Cf. 31'^ where he would seem

have been appointed ruler of the Temple. JehalleVel'] not

elsewhere among the lists of Levites, but the name of a man of
to

Judah

(i

Ch.

4'**).

Jo\-ih the son of

genealogy of a descendant of

Zimmah]

in the

fragmentary
(i Ch.

Gershon probably Asaph

(20 f.)
Cf i Ch.
Cf. 31'^ f. 13. Shimri].
q_ v.). Eden].
a Levite, 4" the name of a Simeonite, 11" a father of one
Jeu'el or Je'i'el] a frequent Levitical name
of David's heroes +.

6^

f.

26'

but not elsewhere connected with Elizaphan. Zechariah and

Mattaniah]. Both of these names occur elsewhere among Asaphites.

For the former,

Ne. II"

Ch. 20".

30

cf.

14.

Ch.

2o'''

Jchu'el f ].

Ne.

12^5.

4i^

for the

latter

Shim'ei] a frequent Levitical

CHRONICLES

466

name but

not elsewhere connected with

Heman.

Shema'iah]

very frequent name; also that of a descendant of Jeduthun in

I Ch. 9'.
'Uzzi'el] a Levitical clan name (cf. i Ch. 15'"), also

not infrequent of individuals, a Hemanite musician in i Ch. 25^

15. And sanctified themselves]. Cf.v.^i Ch. i5'2- ".
By the words

of

Yahweh]

i.e.,

according to divine appointment either because

agreeable to the law (Be., Ke., Zoe. ) or

command was

the King's

given at the instigation of a prophet (a suggestion of Ba. and unlikely), or

an example of h3'postatisation, the

pi.

being used where

the sing, might be expected {cf. 30'=).

16. And the priests went
in unto the inner part of the house of Yahweh] i.e., into the Temple

proper, the holy place

and the most holy place without

where only the

were allowed to enter.

And

priests

All

distinction,

the uncleanness].

the Levites took it\

Thus the work of cleansing the
was
To the
divided
the
between
Temple
priests and the Levites.
brook Kidron] on the east of the city.
The place was regarded as

Cf. V. K

unclean,

Nisan

cf.

17.
To

On

15".

(cf. v.

^).

the first of the first month]

sanctify]

i.e.,

to cleanse.

i.e.,

the

first

of

And on the eighth

Yahweh]. Eight days were consumed

in cleansing the Temple courts, and then eight more in cleansing the
Temple building, hence On the sixteenth day of the first month they
day came they

to

the porch of

work. 18. And then

they came within unto Hezekiah

within
the
And the table of show bread].
i.e.,
palace.
and i Ch. 28'^ tables are mentioned {cf. also 4' ). 19. All

finished their

the king]

In

4"

'

which king Ahaz in his reign had rejected in his trespass

have we prepared and sanctified]. The reference is to the vessels

the vessels

described in

28=^ {q. v.) as

"cut in pieces."

Ke. and Zoe. refer

", and think of the brazen altar of burntthe

brazen
sea
and the lavers. Be. and Oe. refer likewise
offering,
to 2 K. 16" ".
It is not impossible that the author had these in

directly to 2

K.

mind; then we

i6'^-

may render set up and sanctified

(Ba.).

And behold

they are before the altar of Yahweh] the altar of burnt-offering in

the court.
This favours the reference to lavers which with the
altar

were

On

in the court.

the other

hand

it

must be remembered that the writer was drawing

largely upon his imagination, and evidently cared little about accuracy
of detail, or making his account especially consistent either with his own

previous narrative or,

much

less,

with that of 2 K.

XXIX.

HEZEKIAH'S REOPENING OF TEMPLE

1-36.]

12.

tQv

in'-\7>*

14.
16.

''};m_

(S^.

(bis)]

vICjv TeSffuvel.

17.

'?N-in\]

(B^^ Zaxap'oii(as)

ps] 05^^ qItoi

Kt.;

Qr.,

M,

(B,

viol.

in^ijiT.

'jr-ijn |ri]

467
Kal dwo

(^

13. Sni;m] Kt. but Qr., B,

15. no nnaV] wanting
05,

in

nin'>

QI '''n\

towards the inside, lii.faceward, cf. v. '* 2 K. 7" Ez. 41'.

av3i] cardinal used instead of ordinal and Dr given; this

ns'Jij]

njr'i'

latter a late usage,

Ges.

134/'.

S indicating length of time,

Koe.

d'^in'^]

iii.

05 rbv vabv, cf.

v.

'.

'"i"

a^D^S]

33 if.

20-36. The renewal of worship in the Temple. On the

day after the completion of the Temple, the King and the princes

morning presented a sevenfold sacrifice of bullocks,

rams, lambs, and he-goats as a burnt-offering and a sin-offering for
early in the

the royal house, the sanctuary {i.e., the priests and Levites), and
the people generally (vv. 20-2^). This service was accompanied with

one of song rendered by the Levites

of free-will offerings (vv.

si-ss).

20.

(vv.

25-30).

And

Then

followed gifts

he assembled the

officials

was customary on state occasions. 21. The seven

bullocks, rams, and lambs were for a burnt-offering (cf. v. -^), while
the seven he-goats were for a sin-offering (cf. v. 23); combined toof the city] as

gether they were an offering completing the purification of the

Temple and its rededication. The burnt-offering was a petition for

acceptance and reconciliation or atonement with Yahweh (Lv.

j3 f. J420 1624).
It was not necessarily connected with any particular form of transgression, but served to express worship in

The
general and to atone, give a covering, for general sinfulness.
sin-offering, on the other hand, was expressly for this latter purpose and for specific sins. In Ezekiel it is prescribed for the dedi

the annual cleansing of the sanctuary

),
(45""'0> the consecration of a prince and the people on festive
occasions (4522 (), and for the return of a priest to duty after

cation of the altar (43'^

In

purification (44").

minor offences

(cf.

Lv.

P
4^-

it
^^-

was prescribed
"
"
1265'

).

for the

covering of

Seven victims were

was a sacred number (cf. for other sacrifices

Nu. 28"
Ez. 45"). For the kingdom and for the
sanctuary and for Judah] i.e., for the royal house, for the priests,
and for the people generally. 22. And the priests received the
blood and threw it (from a bowl) against the altar] according to
offered because seven
of sevens

the ritual of the burnt-offering (cf. Ex. 29' Lv. i^- ")
23. And
and
the
of
the
laid
their
they (the King
representatives
assembly)

468

CHRONICLES

hands upon them] according to the ritual of the

sin-offering
This ceremony is also prescribed in the case of the
(r/. Lv. 4<- ').
burnt-offering (Lv.
offering.

24.

sin-offering
It

offering.

offering
lit.

i'),

With

but

is

mentioned here to emphasise the

their blood

upon

the altar].

The blood

sin-

of the

was manipulated differently from that of the burntwas placed upon the horns of the altar of burnt-

and poured

at its base (Lv. 4"-

34).

to cover over, a technical expression.

To

make atonement]

Through

the sacrifice

a covering was secured so that guilt was no longer seen, but blotted
out; and thus was hidden the sin of the neglect of the sanctuary

and the
the

failure

members

worship Yahweh. For all Israel] not only

kingdom, but of all the twelve tribes (c/.

to

of the S.

whose remnants were

25. With cymbals,

commandment
etc.].
Cf.
i5i.
of David].
And of Gad the king's seer and Nathan the prophet]. Cf.
Cf. 8'^
I Ch. 29".
Neither Gad nor Nathan is mentioned elsewhere in
connection with the music or songs of the Temple.For by the hand
of Yahweh was the command by the hand of Ins prophets] i.e., Yahweh had commanded David through his prophets, presumably Gad
and Nathan, to arrange the praise services of the Temple. 26.
With the instruments of David]. Cf. i Ch. 23^. The instruments
30*)

still

in Palestine.

According

Ch.

to

the

of V.

The

25

are evidently meant.

Arid the priests with the trumpet.?].
blowing of the trumpets fell to the priests (cf. 5'= i Ch. 15"

27.

28. During the offering of the burnt-offering until it

was ended the whole congregation stood worshipping, and the song
i6).

of the Levites

accompanied with the music of the stringed instruments and the trumpet-blowing of the priests continued (Ke.).

30.

not meant, but the writer calls

attention to the fact that the songs of the Levites were the words

supplementary service

of David and

Asaph

the seer,

as were being collected in his

and he wishes
meanour of the

is

meaning without doubt psalms such

own

time into the

Hebrew

Psalter;

and worshipful deAnd they bowed down and worsliipped]

also to emphasise the joyful

Levites.

probably only a concluding ceremony (so Ke.).

31. Then Hezekiah answered] responded to the services of
and song.
ye have consecrated yourselves unto

sacrifice

Now

Yahweh] addressed

to the priests

and Levites who through the

XXIX.

HEZEKI.'VH'S

1-36.]

REOPENING OF TEMPLE

469

ceremonies just performed had been reconsecrated to the

ser-

vice of
Sacrifices and thank-qferings] (nmm DTI^T
is
the T
epexegetical) i.e., sacrifices which were thank-offerings.
The first term is generic. The thank-offering was a sacrifice

Yahweh.

some special benefit received; here an expression of joy

over the renewal of the worship of Yahweh in the Temple (for
These sacrifices, with the exception of the
ritual cf. Lv. 7'= ^ ).
fat which was burnt on the altar and the breast and right thigh,
offered for

which

to the priests,

fell

were eaten by the offerer and thus were an

occasion of a festive meal.

In the case of the burnt-offering and

sin-offering the offerer received nothing for his own use (the former
was burnt entire and the unburnt portions of the latter belonged
to the priests).

Hence

the burnt-offerings

from the assembly are

mentioned as given by everyone of willing heart. They were a

33.
greater evidence of unselfish piety than the thank-offerings.

And

the consecrated things]

(D*'tnp)

offerings

(y.

i.).

Six

i-e.,

the sacrifices, the thank-

hundred oxen and three hundred sheep].

Since these were thank-offerings, they were eaten by the people.

34. But the priests were too few, so that they could not flay all the

burnt-offerings, wherefore their brethren the Levites did help them].

This latter statement

is

strange in view of Lv.

i'^

'-,

where the

killing

and

flaying the burnt-offering is the duty of the offerer, i.e., one

The writer here, however, regards the flaying as the
of the laity.

duty of the priests in which the Levites might assist, either because
these were public offerings presented in the name of community
(Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.), or because this marks an intermediate stage
in the

development

of the cultus.

(The Talmudic literature assigns

For the Levites were more up-

the slaughter to the priests.) (Bn.)

right in heart to sanctify themselves than the priests].

ment

is

This judg-

either a reflexion of the Chronicler's personal bias for the

Levites at the expense of the priests (hence Bn. assigns vv. '^
the Chronicler in distinction from his Midrash source), or

'to
was

inferred from the record of the subserviency of the priest Urijah to

Ahaz

(2

K.

idolatrous

16'^),

as though the priests

movement

of

Ahaz than

had been more

the Levites (Ki.).

in the

This

is

accepted as the fact, as it may have been, by Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.
35. And also the burnt-offerings were in abundance, with the fat

47

CHRONICLES

of the peace-offerings, and with the drink-offerings for the burnt-offerAnother reason why the Levites helped the priests in the flay-

ings].

ing of the victims was because the priests besides attending to the
proper altar service (the sprinkling of the blood and burning of the
sacrilices

offerings

upon the altar) were obliged to bum the fat of the peaceand manipulate the drink-offerings. The peace-offerings

were the thank-offerings

(v.

The

s').

drink-offerings were of wine

and probably poured like the blood at the base of the altar (cf.
Nu. 15'-'^ V. Gray in loco; WRS. Rln. of the Semites, p. 230). And
the service of the house of Yahweh was established].
Everything

necessary for the cleansing and rededication of the

accomplished (Be.); better the regular cultus of the
re-established (Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba.).

had

established for the people]

worship, which

i.e.,

Temple was
Temple was
36. Because of that which God

the restoration of the

Temple

regarded as a divine benefaction. For the thing

happened suddenly]. This change from apostasy to loyalty to
Yahweh took place almost immediately on Hezekiah's accession to
is

It was a common impulse of both King and

without
people, apparently
any preparation. This, too, then was a

the throne

ground

{cf.

v.

').

of great joy.

21. anjj

iT'flS] -T-flS

with Dvyn Dn.

8^-

he-goat

(fig.

is

a late Heb. word abs. Dn.

of Alex.), pi.

(lit.)

S^-

here and Ezr.

n3'?cDn] Bn. regarding

=1.

cstr. sg.

8^5

(n^sx

kingdom as synonymous with Judah

reads iSdh. Ki. translates
konigliche Regerung."
n-nni] (^ luparik
possibly with the thought that Judah had been expressed under r^j
-''
PaffiKelas, i.e. na'^cn.
', 1. 4).
-\nx''i] and he commanded {cf. vv.
23. Tiyi'] the usual word for the he-goat of the sin-offering (cf. Ez. 43^5
Lv. 9'5 4- 9 t. Lv. Nu. V. BDB.). 24. inohm] and they made a sin
HNtan) f.

"

+ iScn. nrn] (gs

9"5. 25. nMi] (6,
Tov Trpo<priTov.
27. hnn nj?3] retrospective
"l^sn] wanting in (S", H.
word suppressed, cf. 20- 24", Ges. 155/. ''"'^ H"'] (& Trpos. 1 with

offering,

Ex.

cf.

293*

epexegetical force,

Lv.

6^^

Dav. Synt.

136 R.

(c),

Koe.

iii.

375c.

28.

Ch. 1$^, I. 44. 30. 'V SSnS] only inf. and pt. of SSn
'-nrin in'3m] collective with
are followed by *?, Koe. iii. p. 274 n. 2.
pi., a
33. a^'inpn] cf 35'' Ne. lO'"
frequent construction, Koe. iii. 346 e /3.
D'^n-ii-nn]

cf.

Nu. iS" Ez. 3638.-36.

Ges. 138?, Koe.

XXX. The
event

is

iii.

]'2nn] the art. as rel., see

52c,

1.

celebration of the Passover.

mentioned

in

Dav. Synt.

22 R. 4,

119.

Nothing

K., and as here described

it

is

of this

probably

XXX.

CELEBRATION OF PASSOVER

1-27.]

47 1

a purely imaginary occurrence, suggested by the Passover under

Since Hezekiah was held to have been a
Josiah (2 K. 23=')-

reformer equally with Josiah, it was felt he too must have celebrated in a similar manner the Passover.

The chapter is assigned by Ki. Kom. (after Bn.) to M^ except w. 21b. 22

{and the Levites, etc.), which, from the reference to the musical service
M- is given as a source
of the Levites, are assigned to the Chronicler.
instead of

because to the

M,

latter is

assigned the description of the

celebration of the Passover under Josiah

(c.

35),

which

in v.

'*

(cf. 2

K.

seemingly forbids a similar celebration under Hezekiah. This

description here appears also an imitation of the other, with an endeavour
23-"

In both the Levites have prominence (cf. vv. '^ ^- with

King and officials provide the animals for the Passover (of.

to surpass

it.

35^ ^); the

21
with 35^ ^); with the Passover other offerings are brought (cf.
* with
35'-); and the celebrations surpass also any since Solomon
V. -^ with 35").
The celebration under Hezekiah also surpasses
(cf.

V.
V.

that under Josiah, since this latter was for the Judeans only, but the
former for all Israel and strangers (vv. ^); the latter lasted only a week
Thus while both descriptions
(35"), but the former two weeks (v. 23).
'

may have been in the same Midrashic source, it is argued that they
were not from the same author (Bn.). Yet it is doubtful, however,
whether both narratives in 2 Ch. may not have been written by the
Chronicler under the influence of the current views of both of these cele-

The

brations.
ting vv.
h-;T2

in

w.

in v.

'

nnjN

'

in v.

2);

(1.

'

'

Hiph. (1. 90); in v.

omission of the verb (1.

ic;;

i^b

in vv.
(1. 78);
" 5?JD
in v.
(1. 56);
63); in v.

pi

omitted

(to Levites)

The

ti

J>'^ (1.

'8b. 19 rel.

2'^

1-12.

in vv.

in v.

in V.

b);

following are the marks of the Chronicler's style, omit-

22;

68);

(1.

117

21 b-

nss

(1.

(1.

120);

in v.

69) av3 av

(1.

>9

pon

48); in v.

invitation to the Passover.

'

54)

(1.

1.

isy

nny

(1.

91);

trm'?

(1.

23);

Sj;

and

'i nnr:-^ (1.

109).

All Israel] the

N. kingdom. And also letters he wrote to Ephraim

and Manasseh] is added to avoid misunderstanding the meaning
of Israel.
Ephraim and Manasseh are mentioned not as tribes,
people of the

but as representatives of Israel.

This invitation presupposes

if not
very
impossible, also to
conceive of Hezekiah as having historically sent such an invitation to the inhabitants of the semi-hostile N. kingdom at the com-

the Dtic.

law.

nencement

It

is

difficult,

of his reign before the fall of

Samaria

{v.

verse). 2. To keep the passover in the second month].

following

The law

(of
first

CHRONICLES

472

P) provided that persons unable to keep the Passover in the

month should celebrate it in the second month (c/.Nu. q'-'^).

The whole connection shows that the writer designed this month to be
month of the first year of Hezekiah's reign (so Be., Zoe., Oe.,

the second

Cf. the use of i consec. in nSirii v. '; the contrast between the
"
"
the first month
in 293- "; and the statement of v. '
second month and
Ba.).

respecting the priests, which is to be connected with the account of cleansing the Temple, which was not finished until the i6th of the first month
Ke., on the other hand, feeling the historical improbability
(29'') {v. i.).
of the invitation being given while the

N. kingdom was standing, and

especially in view of the implication of the captivity of Israel given in

V. ' and the destruction of the high places in
Ephraim and Manasseh

mentioned

Samaria

in 31', held that this

in the sixth year of

Chronicler

is

Passover took place after the

But

Hezekiah.

fall

of

here, as elsewhere, the

not troubled by historical inconsistencies.

For they had not been

it at that time
{i.e., on the
month) because the priests had not sanctified
themselves in a sufficient number and the people had not assembled

3.

able to keep

14th of Nisan, the first

together in Jerusalem].

The

regular time for the celebration of the

Passover was on the 14th of Nisan, the first month, but at that
time (according to 29") the cleansing of the Temple had not been
finished,

and hence

it

remained unsanctified
to

be slack

(cf. V.

also 29'^).

(v.

in entering into the

'5

29=^).

conditions

might rightly be assumed that many

The

was not

The

priests

are held

priests also

renewal of the worship of

Yahweh

celebration then of the Passover under those

and

until the Temple was ready for

would not have been summoned to
This apparently was the view of the writer, and the
feasible,

worship, the people naturally

Jerusalem.
occasion of the statements of this verse.
that of Jerusalem
limits of the

The

{cf.

v.

2).

5.

From

4.

All the assefnbly]

Dan] the

Be^er-sheba' unto

undivided kingdom of David and Solomon

{cf. i

Ch.

N. kingdom was either ignored or more

21'').
the
writer
assumed
that it had already fallen {cf. v. ^).-^
probably
For they had not done in great numbers according to that which had
existence of the

been written].
Only a few hitherto had observed the Passover
to
the
law
6. And according to the commandment
according
{v. i.).

The "and" should be omitted {v. i.). Ye children

of the king].
of Israel turn unto Yahweh the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel]

XXX.

CELEBRATION OF PASSOVER

1-27.]

473

addressed to the people of the N. kingdom with the assumption

from Yahweh, the view of the Chronicler

that they were apostate

{cf.

'O-

13'*

That he may return unto

the escaped

remnant which

hand of the kings of Assyria]. This stateleft of you from

ment naturally presupposes the fall of the N. kingdom through
Shalmaneser and Sargon (b.c. 722-721) {cf. 2 K. i7), although
ten years earlier ravages
it
possibly may be satisfied by the some
and deportations of the north and north-east frontiers of N. Israel
the

are

It is not probable,
{cf. 2 K. 15" i Ch. s^^).
however, that the Chronicler drew at all this distinction, and it is
to adjust his statements to the chronology of the
profitless to attempt

through Tiglath-pileser

events of the reign of Hezekiah

was not

clearly understood

of Isaiah,

and

still

Cf. v.

Yahweh].

As ye now
10.
most

remains obscure.)

So

see].

that he

The

(Indeed this chronology

of 2 K. and the book

{v. s. v. ").

by the compilers

Who

7.

gave them

trespassed against

to desolation].

Cf. 29*.

disasters of the Assyrian invasion

were

Even unto Zebidun] thus not to the extreme

recent.
northern border, unto Dan, as might have been expected {cf v.^).
Those more northerly sections had been ravaged and the inhabdeported by Tiglath-pileser {cf. v. ) (Zoe., Oe.), a fact the
And they
writer may possibly have borne in mind (yet cf. v. ^).
and
were
to
scorn
were laughing them
mocking them]. Cf. for
itants

similar action in the S.

kingdom, 36'^

weh] understood as by the words of

12.

the

By

Yahweh

word of Yah-

(29'^

(Be.,

v.)

q.

of the
Ke., Zoe.); but probably an example of the hypostatisation
a meas
almost
of
as
an
conceived
was
the
word
entity,
word, i.e.,

diating spirit between

2035

God and man

Smend,

S. 3-') {cf.

{cf 29'^

K.

1.

pnjN]

letters,

cf. V.

according

to

Ne.

"

'* ^^

NT.

doctrine of

sg. n-i.JK
27-

^-

This con-

ception may be regarded as a forerunner of the

the Logos.

(BDB.),

^-

^-

13'-

Alt. Rlgngesch. pp. 87, 464).

'

6=-

late,

"

i'

probably a loan-word, Assy, egirtu

Est.

"
g"-'-

^3.

'ic'^]

n::

-1,

numbers (Be., Zoe.,

sufficient, i.e., in sufficient
Ke. ad sufficientiam qualitatively with reference to

what was

Oe., V. BDB. nn i. e,
"
the priesthood,
many at that time not having renounced idolatry ").
5 n3T iioyi] late usage of ^CJ; v. 1. 89.
Sip] proclamation, cf. 24'.

31'^] in great

numbers

(Be., Ke., Zoe., Ba., Kau., Ki., Bn., RV.); for a

longtime (AV., RVm.); Meistens (Oe.).

The former

is

preferable.

CHRONICLES

474
6.

the runners,

2'^-\-f]

"

royal messengers, a late usage

i.e.,

This usage

(cf.

Je. 51"

quite different from that of 12'

'.
7^^\3i<] cf. V.
mxoDi] many mss. '31, two 'ca, and one 'C3,
(9. v.).
Sn 21:'^] (^ tn 3'J"i.
so also <6, "B, followed correctly by Ki. Kom., BH.
Est.

3"

that he

with

sg.

to, i.e.,

with

lies

is

the escaped remnant.

8.

dddij; is'pn Sc<] nu'p

K.

17'* Je. 72*

submit

to, cf.

nnn

'>oSc] <&,

cf.

use with

]r:

B, &,

freq. thus used in the Hiph.

is

17M 1915^/ al. v. BDB.). "7n> un] lit. ^/t/e

T" jnj i Ch. 29**
9. 0"'Cn-iS] an intensive
.

a verb un-

either predicate with 03"'J31 as'nx or the obj. of

^7

derstood;
cstr.

{cf. 2

f\-\-;

hand

'<).

{Yahweh) may bring back

have the

pi.

S'o-

K. S^oNe.

Dn. I'Ps.

11'

146^^.

avi'Si]

inf.

attached by \ depending upon or a continuation of the verb which

in o^rmS, Ges. 114P, Dr. TH. 206. 10. 0>">3p
n'n>i] the
.

here and in following clauses with ^^r^ used to express the idea of
duration more distinctly or to render action more vivid, a usage more
common in late style, Dav. Synt. 100 R. 2., Ges. ii6r. yiNa
\)t.

o^-\dn] (5

^i*

Hiph. used only here.

Jb. 21' Ps. 22'; with S, see Koe. iii.

6pei 'Eflipdiytt.a'n'Titt'r)]

T<J5

Hiph. late, cf. Ne. 2^^

11 lyj^J] humbled themselves Niph. of
.

Ch.,

cf.

MSS.,

&,

126-

'

'

>2

32=6 SS^--

13-

23.

3?J3

in reflex, sense
27

23

3427.

^(,n

12.

dij^Sdi]

2i2f.

common in
1313] mEHy

'^^.

13-27. The celebration of the Passover.

13.

The

feast of

unleavened bread] properly a feast following the celebration of

the Passover (cf. Ex. i2'-'3 with "-=", both passages belong to P)
The Passover originally was a spring festival
(Jos. Ant. iii. 5).

nomadic life with offerings from herds, which later was given
a historical origin in connection with the E.xodus and joined with
the Feast of Unleavened Bread, originally an agricultural festival
of

of the opening of the harvest, but later, like the Passover, connected
with the Exodus (cf. Ex. i3-'). The two feasts here are practically
identified, as in the

14.

NT. Mk.

14"-

'^

Lk.

22'.

In the second mo72th].

And

they arose and removed the altars which were

the
unlawful ones erected by Ahaz (cf. 28^*).
Jerusalem]
The people cleansed the city as the priests had cleansed the Tem-

Cf. V.

2.

in

ple.

Even

the places for incense they

gloss defining the altars

mention

of the

more

burning of incense in

the brook Kidron].

Cf. 291^.

took

particularly to

15.

28^- ^^

And

away] probably a
conform with the

And

the priests

cast

and

them into

the Levites

=
Again, as in v. 29", a certain reproach is placed
upon the priests and here the Levites, as though they were not
forward in the renewal of the worship of Yahweh, but were only

were ashamed].

XXX.

CELEBRATION OF PASSOVER

1-27.1

475

it
by a feeling of shame {cf. 29=') under the influence of
which they sanctified themselves. And they brought offerings into
the house of Yahweh] as an atonement for themselves (Ba.),

driven to

better a reference to the paschal

functions connected with

them

lambs
(v.

"5)

(cf. 35'=)

and the

sacrificial

And

they stood

16.
(Ke.).

in their place according to their prescribed duty according to the

No

law

law

here meant, but the general law

specific
of Moses].
and Levites with their respecthe
orders
of
the
priests
constituting
tive functions.

The

hand of the

is

priests sprinkling the blood

(upon the

altar)

According to Ex. i2\ all the congregation slay the paschal lamb (i.e., each householder his lamb), but
on this occasion the lambs were evidently slain by the Levites,
"
).
owing to the unsanctified condition of the congregation (vv.
Had the lambs been slain and their blood caught by persons

from

(he

Levites].

'

Levitically unclean, the expiatory sacrificial blood

The same

defiled.

ritual

was observed

would have been

at the great Passover

celebrated under Josiah (35")) ^.nd for a similar reason at the

Passover celebrated after the Return, mentioned in Ezr. 6" '. 18.

Ephraim and Manasseh, Issachar and Zebulun].

differs

from that

in v. ",

This

list

of tribes

but in both cases the writer mentions the

merely as an equivalent for the men of the N. kingdom.

The causes of Levitical defilement
not cleansed themselves].

tribes

Had

were very numerous and members of the N. kingdom, who were not
in regular connection with the priesthood and sanctuary, might
naturally be thought of as in a state of Levitical uncleanness

thus unable lawfully to eat the Passover

{cf.

Nu.

9^).

19.

and

Yet not

to the purification of the sanctuary] i.e., without having

complied with the laws of purification. 20. And healed the people]
Ho. 14^ Je. 3"). This ceremonial
i.e., forgave them (cf. Ps. 41=

according

'*'>

transgression, like other sins,

is

conceived of as a disease, in the

be removed by a healing remedy. Physical

or
even
sickness,
death, may have been in the mind of the writer
Lv.
{cf.
15", Be., Oe., Ba.; Ke., Zoe., reject this and think only of
thought of its effects, to

21.

The feast of unleavened bread]. Cf. v. ".

of strength to Yahweh] instruments with
which they ascribed strength or power to Yahweh (Ke.); loud
spiritual results).

With

instruments

instruments (AV., RV., Zoe.), better, with

all {their)

might

{v. i.)

CHRONICLES

476

This last involves the omission of

(Be., Kau., Oe., Bn., Ki.).
one Yahweh of the verse (v. i.). 22. And Hezekiak addressed

kindly

all

the Levites

The King complimented

for Yahweh].

on

their playing.

skill in

their

music

or encouraged the Levites

And they (the people) did

eat the offerings of the

the best of the proposed renderings
harmonising completely with the remainder of the verse,

This

feast seven days].

{v. i.),

who had shown good

since peace-offerings

thanks unto

were

Yahweh,

is

in reaUty festive

Whether

etc.].

meals of

flesh.

Giving

praise included an

this

expression of penitence (so Be., Oe., EVs. making confession) or

was rather only praise and thanksgiving (Ke., Zoe.), cannot be

determined, although the former is favoured by the usage of

23. The feast was prolonged
D"'ninD, giving thanks (v. i.).

seven other days, making a two-weeks festival. This was done

by reason of the gifts of sheep and cattle from the King and the

similar fourteen-days festival was

(v. ^i).
held at the completion of Solomon's Temple {cf. y), although then
the extra seven days preceded the regular feast.
24. And a

princes or officials

great

number of

the priests sanctified themselves]

and

therefore the

mentioned offerings of cattle and sheep were properly handled

'
25. The participants in the feast were (i) the people
(cf. V.
293^).

of

Judah, including the priests and Levites (the latter may be a

BH.); (2) the people from the N. kingdom; and (3)

gloss, so Ki.

from both kingdoms. On these

Ch. 22^ where they are gathered for service, but here
they have a share with native Israelites in the feast according to the
command of Ex. i2i'- *^ '-. 26. From the days of Solomon]. The
the sojourners (Cli), proselytes

last cf. 2i <"> I

fourteen-days festival at the dedication of the

it had since occurred.

Temple had been

similar, but nothing like

14. nntapDH

(]

05 iv

oh

idvfiiCxrav to?s xj/evdiffiv,

adolebatur incensiim, merely attempt to

V. s.
15. ie'-ipn>i idSjj dmShi oijnjni]

Ki.

BH.

make

suggests the reading

'pr\r\

'jni.

this

omits

/;/

quibus idolis

reference

icSdj

and

(3

clearer,
D'i':'ni.

Since Levites could not offer

the burnt-offering, Bue. {ZAW. '99, p. 114) omits 1 before D>i'?n, thus
reading as in v. 27^ considering this i an insertion by the Chronicler.
This is doubtful, since there is no motive for adding the Levites here
(so Bn.).

The

Levites certainly

assisted

at

the

burnt-offering,

cf.

XXXI.

DESTRUCTION OF IDOLATROUS SHRINES

1.]

V.

Bn. considers

'.

'ui M2'^Di a later addition.

noun ncy

of D.inp, the only use of

818. 17

(S,

'ni.

17.

n3"i]

lective sense ib.

a later equiv.

Dici' Sj?]

Ne.

3510

255d.

cf.

nu'na' f] act of slaying cstr. sg. of

nominal form with the function and construction of the

13" Dn.

8' 9'

Ch. 617 (32)._i6. o-jnon] many MSS.,

possibly abs. Koe. ii. 267b; fern, form with col-

(BDB.). o-dDw'DD]

10")

3431

{cf.

477

na''ntt',

Koe.

inf.,

iii.

number, cf. 9 i Ch. i23 i S. 2^3 Lv. 253" f.

may have crept in from v. ", or a ditlography from ni^ncnnan] Hithp. pf. 3 p. pi., n assimilated before t:,
Ges. 54c. n with games in pause, hence t3 with s^ghol {cf. ^'\\!''}^ Ezr.
-18.

233d. wanting

n^a-ic] great

in Vrss.,

.13^]

620)

12'^

as in

Nu.

8',

The

1>3].

Ges.

279,

Koe.

verse-division

i.

271.

nV3]

late usage, cf.

making

is difficult,

it

Ch.

necessary to supply

n^N after i>3, with Aben Ezra, and to make the following j^dh refer to
Neither is probable, hence strike out (:) with (&, H, and most
commentators. i>'3 governs So, which is followed by tj'N understood,

Hezekiah.

and thus

cstr. before the following clause, Ges. 139^ n. 3, Koe. iii.

RVm. reads irs' i;*^ liim that setteth his whole heart. Ba.
337y.
adopts the same construction, but transposes 3Vjn and governs with i>'3.
.The adj. occurs nowhere else with nin\ He translates The Lord

pardons the good even he that

setteth, etc.

j66.

in (&,

11.

19. DinSxn] wanting

21.
read

375f.

Bn.;

Tj?

i>'-Sd3

'Sd3]

H,

as in

also strike out, with Kau., Ki.

On

S.

Ch.

ny3 after nDD,

nhS\

BH.,

Lv. 9'

cf.

disjunctive, Koe.

13^, so Be.,

iii.

Oe., Kau., Ki.,

the preceding mn^S,

since

was occasioned by the present reading. 22. aS '?y

"i2T'i]
spake unto the heart, i.e. kindly, cf. Gn. 34^ 502' Ju. 19^ 2 S. 19" Is. 40= Ho.
3VJ ^yt^ D^'^^'Drcn] in the present context can only mean
2'^ Ru. 2'' f.
For
those who showed good skill in the art of music (Be., Ke., Bn.).
-lyicn nx iSdnm] is difficult.
phrase aia Saa' cf. Pr. 3^ i3'5 Ps. iii'".
this

EVs; render they did

eat throughout the feast, but Be., Ke., Oe., SS.. they

ate the offerings of the sacred season

pleted, instead of iSdnm,

confess in Ezr. lo'

Ne.

possibly give thanks

24. D^in]
1520, etc.

to lift

U,

miH''] (S^a

'^1,

9=

a^^n

BDB.

up or give

25.
27.

after dmShi.
(^'^,

f,

i'

for

Dn.
v.

s.

20

g^-

23.

The

Lv.

20 mss.,
^-

omit, but add, Kal Trdaa

D''jnDn]

a phrase of D,

so Ba., Ki., but this

is

and

com-

26" Nu.

5^ 16-1

nnc::']

sacrifice, cf. 35'

cf.

<B,

here

5',

't:'3.

i}

Nu.

^ also Ex. 352^

iKKXrja-ia 'Ioi;5a,

23'".

Many

probably a correction from

MSS.,
v.

26.

XXXI.
1.

05 read iSoM

amnc] Hithp. of m^ they

has force

{v. s.).

adopted by Ki.

(Assigned by Bn. and Ki. direcdy to the Chronicler.)

destruction of idolatrous shrines. The fourteen days of

the feast culminated in an iconoclastic

destruction of the high places with
poles (aslierim), and altars

movement which

all their

led to the

equipment of pillars,
throughout both the N. and S. king-

478
doms.

In 2 K.

to the S.

18',

CHRONICLES

action similar to this, though confined

evidently
is ascribed to Hezekiah.
1. And brake in

kingdom,

and hewed down

pieces the pillars

the Asherifu].

Out
Cf. 14'.
Judah and Benjamin} the S. kingdom {cf. iv-). And
Ephraim and Manasseh] representing the N. kingdom.
all

of
in

2-10. The organisation of the priests andof theLevites,and

their bountiful support. 2. Hezekiah appears here as the restorer
of the priestly organisation for the service of the
Temple, even as

David was
in the

its

Temple

already

founder.
(cf.

established,

The

Ch.

courses] the

24').

After

renewal

of

the

offerings

service

during the reign of Ahaz. Of the priests and of

The former were appointed for the service of burnt-

and of

peace-offerings; the latter to give thanks

and praise,

render the service of music, and (following the order of (

i.e.,

V. i.) to minister
I

for

order which had

old

fallen into disuse

the Levites].

divisions

their courses] after those

Ch.

26').

in the gates,

etc., i.e.,

The camp of Yahweh] a

to serve as gate-keepers (cf

figurative expression for the

Temple, derived from the story of the tabernacle in the wilderness

Nu. 2"). 3. And the portion of the king from his
{cf I Ch. 918

f-

property he appointed for burnt-offerings

according to the
law of Yahweh]. The reference is to the daily,
weekly, monthly,
and yearly public offerings {cf i Ch. 2330 f), commanded in Nu.
28. 29.
These were, with prescribed amounts of wine, oil, and
.

meal, a daily sacrifice of two lambs, one in the morning and one in
the evening, and then the additional sacrifices, on each Sabbath

day two lambs, on the first day of each month seven lambs, one
ram, two bullocks, and one he-goat; on each day of the Feast of
Unleavened Bread the same; on the day of first fruits (Pentecost)
the same;
lock,

on the

on the tenth

same as on
mentioned

in

the

first

first

month the same, less one bulmonth (the day of Atonement) the

of the seventh

of the seventh

(irrespective of the

Lv. 16); on the

first

day

two goats and bullock

of the Feast of Tabernacles,

fourteen Iambs, two rams, thirteen bullocks,

on each succeeding day of the

bullock, until the eighth day,
{cf

Gray, Com. on Nu.).

such public sacrifices

feast the

and one he-goat; and

same less each day one

when only one bullock was

offered

According to Ez. the duty of providing

devolved upon "the prince," i.e., the civil

XXXI.

PROVISION FOR PRIESTS AND LEVITES

2-21.]

ruler of Israel

(r/.

Ez.

45'' 46-),

and thus the Chronicler naturally

4. The portion of

thought of

such provision made by Hezekiah.

the priests

and

and

the Levites] first fruits

portions of sacrifices

(cf. v.

^).

479

tithes,

and reserved

That they might hold firmly

to

the

law of Yahweh] i.e., devote themselves to the law of Yahweh, or

more clearly to the services of worship required l)y the law.
Perhaps the reading of
should hold firmly

The

object was

to

(B

(v.

i.)

should be adopted, that they

that the Levites

and

pelled to labour for their subsistence

when

word

the

Yahweh.

the ministration of the house of

(the royal

priests might not be com{cf.

command) was

Ne.

13' ^).

5.

And

spread abroad the children

This and the following verses

of Israel gave in abundance, etc.].
describe the fulfilment of the command of v. ^ to give the portion of the priests

and

the Levites.

according to Nu.

iS'^

'-,

and Nu.

priests,
(cf.

18-',

Ne. 12").

also

commanded

This portion was understood

due of the

the first fruits are the

where the

tithe is the

First fruits of grain,

due

in

{cf.

Ne.

oil,

are

13'^);

the

mentioned only here, although inferentially

Lv. 2" '-. (On grain, new wine and oil, cf. 32".)

honey

commanded

Levites

of the

new wine and

directly for the priests in Dt. i8^

of

first fruit

where

is

The

children of Israel] either the inhabitants of Jerusalem

{cf.

v.

(Be., Zoe., Oe.) or the

the

")

Judeans

in general (Bn.).

And

brought they in abundani'ly]. They were not niggardly

6. And
in making their tithes, as is further illustrated in vv. i^'".
the children of Israel] the inhabitants of the N. kingdom (Be.);

tithe of all

better the inhabitants of the

Judah,

i.e.,

those

who had

N. kingdom wJio dwelt in

the cities of

migrated into Judah and there settled

(Ke., Zoe., Oe., Bn., Ba.)

{cf.

iC

ii'^ 30").

And

of Judah].

These words appear superfluous and may be omitted

If retained,

(Kau., Bn.).
of Israel of v.

then the contrast

{v. s.), restricted to

is

as a gloss

with the children

the inhabitants of Jerusalem,

Judah here would be the other Judeans.

and sheep] not mentioned elsewhere except

while the children of

The
Lv.

tithe of cattle

27'"-".

And

of cattle

is

the tithe of the dedicated things]

possible,

(Bn.).

(A royal

tithe

phrase hence

The

tithe

may

alluded to in

an obscure,

i
if

in

S. 8".)

not im-

be omitted as a dittography

dedicated or holy things, then, include

all

the gifts

480

CHRONICLES

which the people brought.

and

first fruits

The

was a holy thing (Lv.

tithe

might be equally so regarded

{cf. first

27"'),

loaves of

new

harvest, Lv. 23", fruit of trees of 4th year, Lv. 192').

If tithe is
retained, it may be taken as the equivalent of "the heave offerings," "the contributions," the terumoth (Nu. iS^- n- 19
"which was a remnant of that which was consecrated to

as the tithe

was a remnant

of all the cattle

and

field

cf. v.'"),

Yahweh,
produce"

(Ke., Zoe., Oe.).

On

Ex.

first fruits cf.

23I6 34=2 (JE.)

Dt. 18^

26'-'i

(D) Ez. 443" Lv. 23

on tithes c/.Gn. 28=2Am. 4^Dt. 126- 'i- n 14=26. 28 f.

26'2
Lv. 2730 a Nu. i82'-32. A sharp line of distinction was not
originally drawn between tithes and first fruits.
They might be identi10-14. 17.

:oNu.

i8i3 (P);

ff-

The

cal.

legislation

concerning them preserved in the OT., while pro{v. Dr. Conim. Dt. pp.

neither uniform nor entirely consistent

is

gressive,

166/. 290 jf.; Gray, Comm. Nu. pp. 225/.; Harper, Comm. Am. andHos.
Moore, EBi. IV. col. 5102). The Chronicler also has
an

p. 95;

given

ideal picture of these contributions for the

support of the priests
Levites as an object-lesson for his own times.

7. In the third month they began

they finished].

The

third

month,

in

and in

and

month
was the

the seventh

which Pentecost

fell,

time of the finished grain harvest, and the seventh

month, in which
the Feast of the Tabernacles fell,was the time of the finished harvest
'

and vineyards. 10. And Azariah] the name likea priest the son of Zadok, of the time of Solomon
(i K. 4=),

of orchards

wise of

and a

chief priest of the time of Uzziah

(26'7-"),

(6.-H)._n;g

cf.

also

Ch.

p^r^) cf i Ch. 27^

Of the house of Zadok] distinguished from the house of Ithamar,
to which Eli was felt to have
belonged, and which, according to
I K. 2"when Zadok received
36, lost the priesthood of the
535-40

priest],

jii^jj^

(tr^snn

Temple

the office in the place of Abiathar.

According to Ezekiel, the priesthood was of the house of Zadok (Ez. 44'5). In P Aaron is the
primal father of the priests. r^e offerings] (the t'nlmah heaveoffering) the portions of all sacrifices, especially of meal-offerings,
sin- offerings,

priests

and

Temple
little

and

trespass-offerings,

their families

Nu.

which were reserved

for the

Since the opening of the

these had been so abundant that the
priests needed but

of the

first fruits

{cf.

and

iS^-").

tithes for their support.

XXXI.

PROVISION FOR PRIESTS AND LEVITES

2-21.]

1. nSoS] inf. abs. Pi. after prep., a late usage, Koe.

iii.

481

225b,

Ew.

315 c (3), but cp. n. i; cj. 24'". 2. a^i'^'^i] Buchler (ZAW 1899, p. in)
omits here and inserts after D^nVrSi, since it was the duty of the priests
.

to officiate at the sacrifices,

etc.,

but the Chronicler

well

known.

and

SSnSi nnnSi

gates."
I

Ch.

9>8

.-luno]

f-.

3.

in

wanting

(g reverses the order, better suited

n-i::'S].

rj"?]

T\

in constr. cf.

"

was not

likely

in the

but both probably read jH,

Ges. 95;?. ni'?];^] wanting in

(5 oIkov,

to minister,"

the division of labour to be

to the conte.xt, since the giving of thanks, etc.,

"

belonged to the Levites

it

may have assumed

cf.

<S,

&, probably due to dittography. vj'Ui] cf. i Ch. 27''. niSym] governed by S in ni'^>'S. 4. -iaN''i] late use with force command, see BDB.
T\'sr\>
1CN, Qal. 4.
mtna] (g iv t^ \eiTovpylq. oI'kov Kvplov = n^s n")U'3
nin\

minii

n-nn^] seems
on

5. inaoi] ( Kai ws Trpoa-^ra^ev.

joined with

is

Bn.

so Kau.,
is

v.

'orrn]

s.

(S 'tii.

Bn. strikes out

dub.

'ci,

6. ^i2^] (&
to

H +

dj] (S,

so also

Ki.

''J3

BH.

which

be a gloss,

wan.

Sn"\B

K.

cf. 1

12'^,

O'-a'np -i-^ym]

doubtfully.

7.

iiDiS]

according to Ben Naphtali, Ges. 6gn, 71. ' retained

orthographically, but is assimilated to the following consonant like
verbs I'd. The peculiar order object, infinitive is due to Aramaic
point

i^Bi'7

infiuence,

Dav. Synt. 111 R.

n. 2.

NoS]

10.

2,

Dr.

TH.

208

for N'^anS as in Je. 39^- or for

Ges. 142/

(3) Obs.,

Koe.

iii.
215b.
In the latter case translate, since the offering began to come to the house
If n^S
Non*^, on order object, infinitive, v. s. v. '.
of Yahweh.

S'la*?,

an"?

Koe.

-ip

-irom

iii.

yn^n

Instead of

217b.

Sidn] inf. abs. for finite verb in

lated, there is eating,

read after (& Kai

and

first

satiety

KareXeiTrofjiev,

pers. pi.,

asyndetic clause,
the clause may be trans-

and abundance remaining.

i.niji,

n-ium]

Oe., Kau., Ki., Bn.

11-21. The care and distribution of the provision made for

the priests and Levites.The contributions of first fruits, tithes,
and offerings enumerated in vv. s'" were stored, under tlie care of

Conaniah and Shimei and

w.

the Temple,

portions

was

who were

',

in the

their subordinates, in the chambers of

while the distribution of these and all
priestly-

charge of Kore and his subordinates (vv.

in the priestly cities,

and gave

to the priests

>>

f),

and the

Levites according to their order of service, and

according to the
enrolment of their families. 11. The chambers of the house

Around

of

and most holy places of the Temple,

in three stories, were series of chambers
(cf. i K. 6) adapted for
store-rooms.
12. Conaniah f] "Yahweh has established," EBi.
Yahweh].

IIL

col.

the holy

3282. Shime'i] very common name,

31

cf.

Ch.

j'^ ei al.

CHRONICLES

482

13. Jehrel].
Cf. i Ch. is'^.'Azaziah].
Cf. i Ch. 15''.
Ahihalh]. Cf. I Ch. i" 6"("'. 'Asah'el] name of Levites 17^ Ezr.
10", elsewhere only of Joab's brother 2 S. 2" et al. i Ch. 2'^

Cf. i Ch. 7' 12^

Jozabad]. Cf. 1 Ch.
277.
Jerimoth].
the
of
the
Levites mentioned
here
the
same
as
chief
i2\
perhaps

JIJ6

in 35.

EWel\ Cf. Ch.

Afahalh]. Cf
'Azariah] the

Ch.

436

Is^nachiah] "Yahweh
Benaiah]. Cf.

mentioned
14. Kore]. Cf. Ch.

<=*>
".
i5''5=^ 6''

sustains."

29'=

Ch.

6^

^^'K

chief priest

1513.

in v.

'".

i
Ruler of the house of God]. Cf. i Ch. 9".
is a chief gate-keeper, and
the
son
of
Kore
where
Shallum
9'",
Ch. 26', where Meshelemiah the son of Kore is a gate-keeper.

(son of Asher

Imnah]
(i

Ch.

"Heman"

should read
6'8 <">)

Was

Ch.

73")

(IDTI

and Kore

(i

Ch.

only here a Levite, perhaps

26')

we

Hernan

since

instead of H^D''),

both belonged to the family of

over the freewill offerings of God] not the first

fruits (the view of Oe.), which along with the tithes were com-

Korah.

manded by

the law, but all offerings voluntarily brought to God,

those not in the ritual, but pure thank-offerings {cf Lv. 23'' Dt.
12"), in order to distribute of these the reserved portion of Yahweh,
the share of the priests (cf Lv. 7'"- =- 10" Nu. 5') and also
i.e., the portions of the sin-offerings and
were to be eaten by the priests in the
which
trespass-offerings

i.e.,

the most holy things,

sanctuary
Ke.).

gold,

{cf.

Lv.

22 (so
2^- '" 6' "s)
^6

The freewill

iq'-

"

14^'

Nu.

silver, utensils

(so here

BDB.,

cf.

in

name Ne.

12''-

12"- ")

12^

priestly

name

"

Ezr.

usually
lo^s

-j-)

Mijamin
five

{cf.

{cf. i

(Be.,

i*
i.)

8"), but
this

form

Ch. 24' Ne. lo^ '"

Jeshua']
persons.

of frequent occurrence

=>)

Temple

connection with the

tabernacle Ex. 35" 36^ and the second Temple Ezr.

better as above.
15. 'Eden f ] {v. i.). Miniamin] {v.
of

i8^-

offerings might also include gifts for the

Levitical

Ch. 24").

and

Shema'iah,

Amariah, Shecaniah are three names occurring very frequently in

lists of Levites.
These subordinate Levites were in the cities of the
priests {cf. Jos. 2o'-") to distribute to their brethren by courses

{i.e.,

according to the divisions of the Levites for service) as well to the

All Levites
great {i.e., the old) as to the small {i.e., the young).
who on account of their age or youth or the term of their appoint-

ment

{cf. V. "=)

were

in the priestly cities

were to receive their portion

XXXI.

2-21.]

PROVISION FOR PRIESTS AND LEVITES

483

This portion, the understood object of to give,

included not only shares of the contributions and the most holy
Practithings of V. '^, but also shares of the first fruits and tithes.
of the offerings.

shares of the most holy things in a literal sense could not be

given to residents of the priestly cities, since, as already mentioned,
16. With the
they were required to be eaten at the sanctuary.
call}^

exception of those registered oj males

In the priestly

limitation of v. ^\

those residents

from three years, etc.] a

no portions were given to

cities

who were in service at Jerusalem, nor to the chilwho seem to have accompanied their parents
From three years old and upward]. Priests and

dren of their families,

to Jerusalem.
Levites began to receive public support evidently at the age of
three years.
Children under three years were reckoned naturally

For the thing of each day] i.e., as the duty of

as nursing babes.
each day required (RV., Kau.), better /or his daily portion (RVm.,
17. And in regard to the
Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.) (r/. Ne. ii==).

was according to their families (lit. the

the Levites from twenty years old and

registration of the priests

fathers'

houses)

it

now

upward were registered by

service)

].

The

their divisions in their courses

was

registration of the priests

strictly

(for

genealog-

while that of the Levites was, according to the classes, based

upon the time and manner of their service. From twenty years old
ical,

and upward].

Cf.

Ch. 23"- ".

18.

And

to register {i.e.,

the purpose of registering) their children, their wives,

and

their daughters, of the entire congregation

according to

priesthood)]
(v. 1^) after the parenthesis (vv.

were

also

'

')

to register their children,

"The men
etc.''''

of the entire

(i.e.,

Be. a continuation of

with

and their sons,

to

give (nn^)

in the priests' cities

So likewise Ke. (whom

Zoe., Oe. follow), but he renders to give to their brethren (v. "^)
and to the registered of all their children, their wives and their
.

sons and their daughters,

sons,

Ki.

to the

{i.e.,

of the wives,

Kom.

But it is better with

(so also Be., for '^T\p).
to regard v. '^ as a continuation of the description of the

registration of v. '^

It

served as an enrolment of every member

For they in their faithfulness were

of the families of the priests.

wont

whole multitude

and daughters)

to

consecrate themselves in holiness].

complete that every

member

The enrolment was

so

of the priests' families received his

CHRONICLES

484

share (as a reward), because the priests so faithfully, especially in

the matter of purifications, performed the duties of their
holy
office, or the passage may simply mean they sanctified or busied

themselves in a holy manner with the distribution of the sacred

Kau. considers the meaning
portions (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ki.).
so doubtful that he leaves the

words untranslated.

19.

Also for

the sons of Aaron the priests, in the suburbs of their cities, in each city,

were men appointed by name to distribute to every male among the

This conpriests, and to every one registered among the Levites].
cludes the description of the enrolment and the distribution men'5

Others regard this as supplementary

(so Ki.).
a
distinction
between the priests residing in the
'5, drawing
cities and those in the suburbs (Be., Ke., Zoe.,
But that
Oe.).
tioned in vv.

f.

to v.

such a distinction was really drawn between priests residing

in the

towns and those dwelling in the outlying fields,

were such dwellers, is extremely improbable (v. i., Bn.).
vv. '"-'5 are probably a late addition (so Ki. Kom.).

These

cities or

12.

oity-iiini]

(probably
Mss. in Kennic.

must

in 05.

wanting

CS"-

and

-i'"";:;^],

et

Azarias.

Kt.

'jd cf. i

Qr.

13.

innryi]

from

vtj3i] (&

'ji:',

Kt.

Ch.

1522 ".

some Heb.

(&^^ 'Ofet'os but ^ O^a^as,

so g>.

either be a correction

latter.

^n^<::^D]

Xuvevlas favours

05)

there

if

or original 05,
Kal ol viol avrov

more
is

which

likely

the

based on an

ancient dittography or conflated.

s.
v.
15. p;*] cf.
'2.
ih^jjid] v.
29>2.
pD^jDi] 3 Heb. MSS. in Kennic. and Vrss. (except (T) '2\ so Ki.
Kom. The more difficult reading of
should be retained.
n;'3]

Bn. corrects
misread

no

Bn. thinks

ni

to

S;',

for n>'3.

may

16.

a'n\-in

na*^::] (g

^Kaaros

rrjs iiriyovijs

which

^^ eKros
represent 0331 r'N, but
(= i^'^c), possibly
iDva av \2ib] cf. 8'^, i Ch. 16".
on^nii-'SnDj] other

the origin of =.
'03.
17. DNi] an

MSS.

but 05 more likely

according to <B Sia x^'P^s,

example
usage where dn or hni
used to give greater definiteness at the mention of a new subject
and hence may be rendered as regards (Be., Ew. 277 d, BDB.
PN 3). 05 read hnt adopted by Ki. Kom., BH. dmShi] ^ transof

late

is

poses, placing the

word

after aijnjn.

Neither change improves the

omits aninnDtroa {v. i.). 18.

cstr.

as subst., Koe.

iii.

text.
iB'-ipn^]

233a.

20.

In (S

Dn''m|-i'^n::2

follows

Bn. follows the order of

3 mss. 'nn.

naNm].

19.

The

a^i'^ni.

(I

!rn\in b:h^\

and
inf.

use of the noun nnx

with the preceding adjectives corresponds to its frequent use with the
an adj. {cf. as pred. Dt. 222 i K. lo'^ Dn. lo', in apposition Je.

force of

XXXn.

THE INVASION OF SENNACHERIB

1-23.]

485

21, tf-n*?] either inf. of purpose (so rendered by Oe.,

lo'o Pr. 222"' ?).
Kau., Ki.) or of circumstance Ges. 1140.
Bn. adopting substantially the readings of <B (v. s.), gives the following
to a distribution outside of
explanation of vv. 's-'': There is no reference

Jerusalem until

v.

The

'9.

distribution

(v. 's)

takes place under

the

"
is
in the cities of the priests"; and v.
oversight of the priests instead of
defines more exactly the distribution: it is made to each one with his
three years, etc.
offspring, to the males from the age of

(a'>:'n\-in {(

an'nipnr)

is

The registrations (v. "), upon

regarded by Bn., and rightly, as a gloss).
which the distribution was based, were by the priests according to families,
"
by the Levites according to their courses or divisions for service. V.
then came from the hand of a reader who observed that v. " did not
harmonise with v. ", since v. "= presupposed that the children were registered, therefore
Dtt'nvin

text:

he wrote on the margin, that which

later

corrupted

to ii'RTin'?,

verse v^n\T' later corrupted into a'^p

with

all tfieir offspring, their

and

1tt'^|ln\

also

later entered the

at the

end of the

Their registration was

wives, and their sons, and their daughters, of

whole congregation, for they were conscientiously (mit Treue) enrolled.

Their wives is wanting in (&. It is uncertain also whether Snp congrega-

the

tion

can designate the priests and the Levites. Since the conclusion of the
is corrupt, the present words might be understood of sanctifying, i.e.,

verse

bringing (Hiph. instead of Hithp.) the holy dues, and one may have sought
in the verse the notion [hence Snp So] that exact lists of the congregation
were kept through which could be determined whether all contributed

With

their dues.

this

's-

explanation of vv.

'6

agrees the thought of

v. ",

that the product of the land of the priests was distributed only to the
male members of the families and those who had been registered.

XXXII. 1-23. The invasion

of Sennacherib.

Based upon

the narrative of 2 K. i8'*-i9", but freely composed by the Chronicler with great abridgment and the possible use of other sources
{cf.

vv.* ').
Bn.

and Ki. assign these verses

narrative

is

to

M.

The former

neither in style nor diction (nicht literarish

Wortlaut) dependent
tion of Lachish.

upon

D''n'j3

Cf.

K." Yet cf. in v. ' and

orx no S>' (v. ">) with

says:

und

"The
nicht in

K. 18" the men-

itrs ntn

pna^n na

(both utterances of Sennacherib); cf. n^Dn (v. ") withn'Di

" with 2 K.
18"'', the latter contains the thought of the
(2 K. 18"); cf. v.
'=
2 K. 1822; vv. '^ ' with 2 K. 1833-35; v. 's with 2 K. iS^';
v.
with
former;
n fv. " with 2 K. 1828; y. '9 with
V. " with 2 K. i835
{v. also v.
nn-jn

(2K.

i8'9)

i9'8;

v. 20

ig"-

K.

further

i.)

narrative

with

These

K.

'^);

ig'^- 20;

y.

21

with

K. 1935-37. (On vv. '3-i5 v

show the dependence of one
also an immediate continua-

parallels are all sufficient to

upon the

other.

This chapter

is

CHRONICLES

486
tion of

c.

31, as appears

PDN faithfulness
style also
in V.

'

{cf.

In

appear:

pen

(1.

These marks,

from After

v.

in v.

28);

1.

led

him

these

After

>

these things in v.

following

pinri'i

(1.

itj."

84);

(1.

marks

n'?i' (1.

38),
in

w.

'3-

',

and the use of

of the Chronicler's

114) and
" msiNn

ai"?
(1.

(1.

105);

6 and 91).

must be acknowledged, are not very numerous, but yet

it

sufficient to suggest the

may have

The

31^).

composition of the Chronicler. The subject

awkward than usual.

to write a style less

things

Hezekiah described

and

this faithfulness]

in cc. 29-31.

The

the

writer has

no

reforms of
interest in

exact chronology. The invasion of Sennacherib, according to 2

K. 18", was in the fourteenth year of Hezekiah's reign {v. commentaries in loco). The date as fixed by the Assy. ins. was 70T

The

question of the second invasion of Sennacherib in

691 (Winckler's view) does not affect the interpretation cf the
And encamped against the fortified cities
Chronicler's narrative.

B.C.

them unto himself].

and according
iS'^,
According
to the Assyrian account they were forty-six in number (COT. pp.
294 _^.). 4. And they stopped all the springs and the brook which
flowed through the midst of the land]. There are no living springs
and he thought
to 2

break into them and so bring

to

K.

Sennacherib took these

cities,

immediate neighbourhood of Jerusalem, except the single

Gihon, the present Virgin's Spring, at the foot of the hill on which

in the

the

Temple

stands.

The

writer then

is

either describing the closing

which now no longer exist or of artificial reservoirs; or,

the more probable view, we have a mere legendary extension of
This Gihon or Virgin's
the diverting of the waters of the Gihon.
of springs

Spring is in a cave on the east side of the city without the wall, and
its waters appear originally to have flowed into the Kidron valley

and thus would have been a source

of supply to besiegers; but

was diverted through a tunnel cut in the rock south-west

and west for a distance of some 1,700 feet through the south head
of the east hill, on which the Temple stood, into the pool of Siloam
In this tunnel was discovered, in
in the south-east part of the city.

later

it

Hebrew recording the making of the

no date is given, there is no doubt that this
="
(2 K. 20=)
engineering work of Hezekiah referred to in v.

1880, an inscription in pure

tunnel;
is

the

and

and, while

also here.

He

stopped the brook which flowed through the

XXXn.

THE INVASION OF SENNACHERIB

1-23.]

487

midst of the land by diverting the course of its waters so that they
no longer flowed down the Kidron valley, but to the pool inside

5. And he built up all the wall that was broken

and upon it towers'^ (v. i.) and another^ (v. i.) wall without].
Hezekiah not only repaired the city wall and built towers upon it,
but also, as a further means of defence, an outside wall. This

the city wall.

statement has been thought to be confirmed by the discovery

remains of an outer wall "which may date back as far as

last

of the

Hezekiah," enclosing the pool of Siloam on the south-east. (Ba.

with reference to Bliss's Excavations at Jerusalem, 1894-97, pp.
96^. 325/.) The Millo in the city of David]. Cf. 1 Ch. 11' '.

Winckler regards, without

to the

Temple (KA

sufficient reason, the

T.^ p. 27 2).

missiles (n^Sl' used collectively) properly

6.

from the

wall.-

though no
half

20''^

support,

'

The broad

particular gate

to the broad place

on the east mentioned

Dt. 31^ Jos. i^

cf. Je. 17 Is.

may

place of the gate of the city].

8.

An arm

21^ Ps. 56^

in 29' q. v.

is

'").

9.

K.

He

'-') is

of tribute recorded in 2

10.

Before Lachish].

Upon what

addressed.
in grosser

weh,

ment

etc.].

'

is

are ye trusting?]

To

made of
The

here.

and the confidence

K.

i8'<-i

i.).

The

Hezekiah

and continues the

embassy from Sennacherib.

In this he draws from both of the narratives of 2 K.,

siege in Jerusalem] {v.

in

the Chronicler's addition to the narrative

narrative with the account of the

i9i"'-35.

human

"God

also passes over in silence the submission of

and payment

is

first

with us," of
Chronicler maps the

description of Hezekiah's measure for defence

of the people (vv.

Al-

repeated "with us"

be compared with the "Immanuel,"

(Is. 7'* S^-

Cf. on

of flesh] a merely

The

<'>.

7.

the invasion of Sennacherib corresponding with v.

and

that

mentioned, the reference probably

is

The
After this].
order of events after 2 K. 18, where in v. " mention
Isaiah

of 2

The word

means anything

hence weapons of defence, darts, or even stones to be hurled

cast:

w.

Millo as equivalent

And he made missiles].

K. 18".
Cf. 2

i.e.,

i8''-i99

on Lachish 25".
K. i8'^
Fe* dwellers in
Cf.

besieged people of Jerusalem are

die by famine and thirst].

Cf. 2 K. 18"'', where
language the same thought is presented. Saying YahThe Chronicler now omits the arguCf. 2 K. 18^.

of the Assyrian

based upon Hezekiah's lack of troops and

CHRONICLES

488
reliance
syrian's

on Egypt, given
contempt

in 2

K. iS^'", possibly because the Asmight seem not in accord

of Hezekiah's forces

with the military preparations already ascribed to the monarch

5
(vv. f); and because the reference to Egypt might imply the seeking of foreign aid, which, from the Chronicler's point of view,
would have been unthinkable in the case of the good Hezekiah.
13-15. These w. continue the argument of 2 K. 18^2. 33^ which

also appears in 2 K. ig'i-i'.

The Assyrian urges that Yahweh
cannot be expected to save Jerusalem, because the gods of no other
people have saved them from the Assyrians. 16. And his servants

spake yet more, etc.]. The writer either thus refers to his abridgment of the material of 2 K. or this is a rhetorical statement. 17.

He

nmote also

(Is.

37")-

letters].

To reproach

mentioned

in 2

Cf. V.

Since

tween

'5.

V.

'

and

K.

V.

Cf. the letter mentioned

the

'6. s-.

God
23

ig^'^

v.

'8, it

may
is

cried with a loud voice,

i^- =3.

(is_ 27*-

in

K.

ig'<

This motive or act

of Israel].

2^).

As

the gods,

is

etc.].

be said to come as an interruption be18. And they

gloss.

regarded by Bn. as a
etc.].

Cf. 2

K.

The

18=8.

conversation

between Rabshakeh, the Assyrian messenger, and the Judean

officials (2 K. 1826) has been omitted.
19. In 2 K. ip" the gods of

the nations conquered by the Assyrians are called "no

gods but
the work of men's hands."
20. The prayer of Hezekiah is

given

1915-19 and a message (not a prayer) of "Isaiah the son of

Amoz" in 2 K. ig^"-". This is the only direct reference by the

in 2

K.

Chronicler to these passages.

facts are given

form

more

of expression

in detail.

21.

Cf. 2 K.

1935-37^

where these

And Yahweh sent an angel].

compared with

that of 2 K.

"The

1935,

This

angel of

Yahweh went forth," is agreeable to the later conception of Yahweh working through agents rather than directly. The angel of
Yahweh might be understood as a direct manifestation of deity,
but not so an angel sent by Yahweh. The narrative implies the
destruction of the Assyrians through pestilence,
is
(ii.

confirmed
141)

Nusku

and

this

main

fact

by an Egyptian legend recorded by Herodotus

(Sk.).

His

god] Nisroch,

probably

identical

with

the Assyrian god of fire (2 K. 193' Is. 3738).

They that
came forth from his own loins] his sons Adrammelech and
Sharezer (2 K. 1937 Qr. Is. 3735). The statement of the Chronicler

XXXn.

THE INVASION OF SENNACHERIB

1-23.]

more poignant than that of

on every side\

K.

is

22.

And

489

he gave them rest*

usually rendered faithfulness, but since this

'i-b'v']

meaning

is

un-

suitable in the present context, Perles explains by connecting with the

Babylonian amdtu "word"; and by pointing as pi., n'DX, he removes

the syntactical difficulty arising through the necessity of construing n'^xn

Then O'liain is a gloss explaining this

sg. and a pi. {v. /.).
nbNn {OLZ. 8, 1905, col. 125). rhn7\'\ belongs to both onain and
rcNH, Koe. iii. 334 li. v'^n oyp^'^] a pregnant construction with Sn;
Koe. iii. 213a. vSs wanting in (S, U. 2 K. 18" Du^fln^1. 4. mj'-j.'Dn Sr]
^07D 1X13'
(^ TO, v8aTa twv TrrjyQv as in v. ^.
inxn] (5 ttjs 7r6Xews.
with both a

cf 28'6 3o. 5. pTnnii] cf. iK niSnjcn hy Sri] with

Sp'i as Qal, And he went up on the towers, can scarcely be the true
reading; nor yet with '^>'''1 as Hiph., though defended by Ba., who
INXD1] CS, g>, sg.,

And he brought up (restoration) upon the towers, i.e., "He rerenders et exstruxit turres
"^yi.
paired the towers." ( omits
Hence read either (i) n1S^JD^ n^Sj; Sjjn, And he raised up
desuper.
renders

'^'J?

towers thereon (Ew., Ke., Zoe., Ki. Kom., BH.), or (2) omit ^V as a
dittography, And he raised up the towers (Kau. note), or (3) n>V>M

And he

^1S^J:D,

nsin'^]

Koe.

if

iii.

^,11, omit

(=

riVjj

nowhere

is

last is to

be pre-

a''j:i?:i]

probably

Is. 36')

being irnSx

else

Yet instead of

3301.

another wall.

1822

This

built towers thereon (Be., Oe.).

used of the erection of buildings.

correct towards the outside; possibly n is a dittography, so

ferred, since

v.-ca

ni.T',

correctly.

nx

mnN nmnn

12.

in^pin T'Dh

while here Nin

tion qualifying n'^pm^ that

read

mns

rnic2 pn n^Dn

nrx wn

nnin (Ki. BH.)

10. aOw"'!]

a gloss (Bn.).

in (S, possibly

wanting

irT'iirm

Nin nSh] 2 K.

NiSn, the antecedent of Nin

used in a late and rare construc-

is

Hezekiah (BDB.

Nin 1 e).

Thus

the Chron-

thought a slightly different turn. According to the author

of K., Sennacherib jays that the God who had suffered his high places
and altars to be overturned could not be trusted to render aid to his
icler giv^es the

people.

According

to the Chronicler,

nainn. iTiopn

distrust of Hezekiah.
(Is.) ( nrn

irx'^]

wanting

vSjn]

wanting

These verses are clearly dependent on

sents 2 K. 19" rewritten as follows:
V.
2

'^*

nisixn

K. 19"

The

nixiNH

inj;

SoS ipuni
hjh

Sennacherib attempts to arouse

K. (and Is.). inN narc] 2 K.

in 2

ijn

iiu'N i:>Ss

K.

in

K. (and

i832b.

irT'cy

wy

33. 35

nn
la's

lynn

ns

13-15.
y. "* repre-

Is.).

j^u,

nSh
n;jca'

nnx

njn.

Chronicler has changed the exclamatory sentence of 2 K. into

an equally strong ironic question. The phrase the kings of Assyria

the more definite I and my fathers, and peoples is
is changed into
The remainder of v. '^ is taken from 2 K. 18",
inserted before lands.
thus:

CHRONICLES

490

pn it'n DMjn ipSn V?'>xn Ssnn.

niii'N
ixnx
2 K. i833
l^c niD
Here the verse in 2 K. is strengthened by the addition of the verb "ro'
and the Chronicler in characteristic fashion expands the gods of the nations
into the gods of the nations of the lands, and, as he changed the kings of
Assyria into the more definite / and my fathers {v. s.), so he also changed
the hand of the king of Assyria into from my hand. This dependence upon two separated passages of 2 K. explains the inconsistence
between the two parts of the verse. It is otherwise peculiar that Sen-

from

nacherib and his fathers should figure in the first part and in the second Sennacherib should refer only to himself. The following verse
14 is taken from 2 K. iS'^ with the following changes: Pisisn
becomes nSxn dmjd, to which is added the phrase 'max innnn irs;
S3' strengthens Sxj where 2 K. uses only the latter verb (as in the
nini S^'X'' ^2
preceding verse); isy is substituted for ixis; and for ns
niD oSiyn' of 2 K. the Chronicler gives us "'T'O dopn S''snS DJin'^x Sjr ^3.
In writing the first part of v. 's, the Chronicler probably had 2 K.

iS^b before him, while the remainder of this verse

to the question of v. '^

tography.

iS-'i"']

15.

many

in (S,

wanting

'rj']

mss., Vrss. Siv,

cf. v. '".

tive proposition serves to intensify the negative,

much
is

less,

Ew.

354

c (2), cf.

Koe.

BDB.

often used for royal missives, v.

sg.,

probably due

Ni?' adj. t-

to sg. in v.",

Perhaps originally

who came forth from

The addition
Bn.

his loins.
is

iii.

cf.

'3

simply the ansv/er

is possibly a dit']i<]

after a nega-

with the force

21.

ix^S'Ci]

Qr. 'n

S3]

natural but not

indispensable.

a-'nri]

2o3o

H et

not impossible. (& Kal Kariiravcev ai^Toi>s and

hence read onS nri (v. s.) a frequent phrase,
Ch. 22'8, so Be., Oe., Kau., Bn., Ki.

awkward

if

from

BH.), And some of those

some MSS. add va^.N, and so

(Ki.

guided them (AV., RV.), followed by aoDa from round about,

eis Quietem;

how

17. DnsDi] ($ sg.

icD
353a.
18. iNipii] three mss., ^^a^ ;|jj

v.^K

"'t<X''C-i

22.

is

H,

cf.

is

And
most

prcestitit

14^ i5'5

24-26. Hezekiah's sickness and pride. An epitome and interWithout the details are menpretation of 2 K. 2o'-' (Is. 38. 39).
tioned (i) Hezekiah's serious sickness, (2) his prayer for recovery,
of his recovery, (5)
(3) the acceptance of his prayer, (4) the sign
Hezekiah's subsequent pride, (6) the anger of Yahweh, (7)

Hezekiah's humiliation, and (8) the stoppage of the divine wrath

during his days.

On

account of this abridgment Bn. assigns these verses to M, since the

Chronicler, he thinks, would have reproduced so edifying a narrative as
Ki. (Kom.), on the other hand, rightly assigns
2 K. 20'-" quite fully.

them

to the Chronicler.

XXXn.
24.

/;/

WEALTH

HEZEKIAH'S SICKNESS AND

24-33.]

those

quotation of 2

491

days Hezekiah was sick unto death] a direct

Those days here can only mean
20''' (Is. 38'").

K.

the days of the Assyrian invasion and the deliverance from Sen(This likewise is the meaning in 2 K. 20'. Hezekiah's

nacherib.
reign

was twenty-nine years and

illness fifteen years;

his days were prolonged after his

hence the date of his illness was placed in his

fourteenth year, which coincided with the date of Sennacherib's

And he prayed unto Yahweh]. The prayer is given
invasion.)

in

K. 20=

f-

382 f).

(Is.

And

he spake unto him] through

Isaiah with the promise that his days should be prolonged fifteen
^And gave him a sign] the sign of
Is. 38^ ^).
years (2 K. 20^
the shadow moving backward on the sundial (2 K. 20^-" Is. 38^ '),

omitted by the Chronicler.

according
statement

25.

him for

to the henefit to

And Hezekiah
his heart

was

did not render

lifted up].

This

based upon Hezekiah's apparent pride in displaying

his treasures unto the messengers of Merodach-baladan (v. ")
fHe should have taken pride not in his
Is. 39'
).
(2 K. 20'is

wealth but in

Yahweh

his

God and

deliverer.

Therefore wrath

was upon him and Judah and Jerusalem] an

interpretation of

Babylonian captivity (2 K. 20" Is. 39^).

26. Ayid Hezekiah humbled himself over the pride of his heart,
he and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and the wrath of Yahweh
Isaiah's prediction of the

came

not, etc.] a

the

in

word

of

proper inference from Hezekiah's acquiescence

Yahweh

(2

K.

20' ^

Is.

39^)

and the

fact that

the captivity took place a century later.

27-33. Hezekiah's wealth and the conclusion of his reign.

Bn. is inclined to give these verses also to

(with the exception,
^- '
Ki. (Kom.) to the Chronicler with trustworthy
);
probably, of vv.
historical information from an old extra-canonical source in vv. ^- ^3
(v. i.).

27.
ly].

And Hezekiah had

wealth and honor exceedingly abundantthe

similar
statement
twice repeated of the good King
Cf.

Jehoshaphat (17^ 18') and the wealth of Solomon (i'^) and of

The King's wealth is recorded as an ex(i Ch. 29").
pression of the worth of his character. Silver and gold and spices

David

are mentioned in

K.

2o'3 (Is. 39")

among

the treasures which

492

CHRONICLES

Hezekiah displayed to the ambassadors of Merodach-baladan.

Shields] the small, round shield (r/. comment on i Ch. i2"<2<)),
either representing

weapons

in general (Ke.), costly gilded

(Zoe.), treasures, shields like those of

different text {v.

i.)

(g'^)

The

precious things (Ba.).

an inference from "the house

20'3 (Is. ^g-).

Solomon

armor"
28. Grain, new wine, and oil].
of his

weapons

(Ba.), or with

may

be

(T^3 D''2) of 2

K.

shields also

These are repeat-

edly thus mentioned together as the products of the land of Israel

'^
(31^ Nu. i8'= Dt. 7'3 ii^i 12" 1423 i8^ 28^' Ne. 5" io^'"> 135je.
31'=

2^("'

Ho. 2XX5'

flocks *] thus (after

"
ijf

rendering,

Jo. i'
(g,

2'='

Hg. I") {BI)'B.).--And

1) AV. "cotes

And flocks in folds."

for flocks";

29.

the

stalls

RV.

Cities] in this

for

follows

connection

and focks and possessions of sheep and cattle appear out

of place, hence the interpretation of "watch towers " has been given
after a usage in 2 K. 17^ (Be., Ke., Zoe., Oe.).
This is rightly
with

stalls

by Kau., Bn. The text is probably corshould

either place cities at the beginning of
rupt (v. i.).
V. -8 (reading the verb of v. " he
provided (lit. he made) with that
And
he
made
for himself store cities, etc., and acquired
verse),
rejected as inadmissible

We

and cattle in abundance, or with a similar conword cities entirely. And he made store houses,
etc.
Ki. retains and translates cities.
The originality of this is
Ba.
possible with such an awkward writer as the Chronicler.
thinks the cities were meant chiefly as places for refuge for the
flocks and herds in time of war.
30. And this same Hezekiah,
possessions of sheep
struction omit the

etc.].

The

reference

The upper Gihon]

probably
tunnel.

is

to the engineering

the Virgin's Spring (see v.

in contrast to the

And

work described
^).

in v.

".

Called upper

lower flow of water at the end of the

he led them straight

down westward

to the city

of

David] RV. "on the west side of the city of David." The
Heb. allows either rendering, and our knowledge of the location
of the city of
correct.

Davids)
clause of

David

is

The former
{cf. v.

v.

3.

too indefinite for us to determine which

And Hezekiah prospered in

).

God abandoned him

is

favoured by Oe., Ki. (nach der Stadt

31. This verse is joined closely with the last
is

(i.e., left

him

to his

own

of the ambassadors of the princes of Babylon

all his

works and so

free will) in the case

who had

been sent to

XXXn.

WEALTH

HEZEKIAH'S SICKNESS AND

24-33.]

493

him to inquire concerning the -wonder which had been in the land,
Because Hezekiah
in order to know all that was in his heart].
enjoyed such unbroken prosperity God left him to liis own will,
not to bring misfortune upon him, but to reveal to him his pride
and thus, as the sequel showed, to bring, him in humility unto God
(cf. V.

The

") (Be., Ke., Zoe.).

trast to the foregoing

words

verse has also been taken in con-

of v.

=",

the introductory particle

rendered "Howbeit" (AV., RV., 1^ attamen, Oe., Ba.).

(]31) being
It is doubtful, however, whether the Hebrew particle admits such

Who had been sent]

{(B, H, , Kau., Ki.) is a better

a
reading, involving merely
change in the Hebrew vowel points
"
"who
had
sent (AV., RY.). The wonder].
than
that
of
M,
{v. i.),

a rendering.

Cf. v.

This was appropriately an object of inquiry by those

24.

from Babylon, the seat

of the study of the

heavenly bodies.

K.

to 2

20'=

movements

of the

however, the King of

According
Babylon sent the embassy to condole with Hezekiah in his
ness.
32 f. The conclusion of Hezekiah's reign expressed
<^-,

sickin

formula nearer that of the author of Kings than the usual one of the
Chronicler (cf. 2 K. 20"). His pious deeds] either in respect to

or man or both; thus mentioned only of Hezekiah and

The vision of Isa iah the
Josiah (35^0 and Nehemiah (Ne. i3'0son of Amoz]. The reference probably is to the Book of Isaiah,

God

which contains the account

of the invasion of Sennacherib

and

Hezekiah's sickness, since these are the opening words of that

book

(cf.

Is.

I').

And^ in

Israel] v. Intro, pp.

the book of the kings of

22/. (on

p. 23 join (0) as

Judah and

an exception,

re-

quired by the insertion of and, with (w)). And they buried him in
the ascent of the sepulchres of the sons of David]. Bn. regards this
burial-place, onlv
kings,

and

mentioned here, as outside

of the graves of the

since this befell otherwise, according to the Chronicler,

only impious kings (Jehoram 21=", Joash 24", Uzziah 2623, Ahaz
28"), he thinks this statement cannot be an invention either of the

Chronicler or of a like-minded source, but must rest upon an old

marks it thus in his translation)

reliable tradition (Ki. accordingly

{Kom.).

The

statement doubtless

is

historic,

but

it

does not

necessarily imply a burial-place outside of the royal sepulchres.

The word

ascent (r!7yD) might

mean upper

locality,

hence they

494

him in

buried
as

the higher part of the graves of sons of David, or even

They buried him above

renders:

David.

CHRONICLES

Be., Ke., Zoe., after Thenius,

the burial in the ascent

was due

the sepulchres of the sons of

on

K.

to the lack of

20^1,

room

conjecture that

in the hereditary

"The chiefest of the sepulchres"

burying-place of the kings.
And all Judah and the inis
not
an
allowable
(AV.)
rendering.

habitants of Jerusalem did him honor at his death] perhaps in

the burning of spices ((/. ib'"" 2i').
24. iy] wanting in
Ki.

BH.

27.

suggests

ionm] Kal
26. n^ja]
toO

K.

"ir^i'^v

20'.

iir-fiKovaev,

(B

(iir6

Hi^povs,

B
but

exaudivilque,
cf.

Vieoquod,

DMJnSi] ($ Kxl oirXod-^Kas. Ba. suggests mj-ijo*?! aJid precious

mnn ^hs] desirable vessels, cf. 36' Ho. 13'^ Na.
things as in v. 23.
2' Je. 25'^ Dn. 118.
28. nuaODi] elsewhere always with >", cf. 8^

&.

(B Kat ttoXm.
(=
919)
1712 (on i6^ see notes), Ex. in f.
" is in the wrong place by scribal error and we
Possibly a-'iyi in v.
should read 'd t^>n, atid store-cities (yet see v. "). ncn^i n-na Sd'^]
I

K.

all

for

8^

kinds of

Dm;''7, so Ki.,

cattle

Bn.

Ges.
g

123/.

nnixS Dm>'i] read with

omits the clause.

The

05,13, niniNi

r-nw Bn.

vocalisation

describes as an unnecessary attempt to differentiate the word from the

29. onyi] either out of place (see v.-^) or a dittography
previous mnN.

amy

of

of v.

and

^s

(Bn.).

ni*7 in the

(v.

28)

ai'^

ipai JNX.

30.

01F"]> Qr. either

The

object of n-cy in the latter case

meaning

of acquire

is

was

nij;Dni

understood with njpci

3"i-'^m] Kt.
iv^^n] modifies nxid, Koe. iii. 334 7^
assimilated or D")E"j Pi. with '
Hiph. with

D'l.B'li

nanjT] g-^ nmrs. 31. p^] Oe. reads pN

syncopated, Ges. 6gu.
with adversative force, Gleichwohl. 3~n^ran] (& rots aTroffTaXetcnu,
so also JF, is preferable (v. s.).
T^"^]
qui missi fuerant
0''Ji^VTpr\,

Gn. 42^, intermediator between God and man Jb. ^^-^

32 S'] read "^r with Q>,
43", hence here properly ambassador f.

interpreter

21.

'2^

33.

super.
^nD^] (S Kal d6^av Kal tl^t^v
nSyc] (g dpa^dcrei,
nini may be due to a misread dittography of iMn.

Is.

If,

XXXIII. 1-20. The reign of Manasseh (686(?)-64i b. c.).

When Manasseh, at the early age of twelve, came to the throne
and anti-prophetic party in Judah seems to have
affairs, and the young King became thoroughly
Under his patronage not
identified with it during his long reign.
was
the
the
at
revived, but varieties of
high places
only
worship

the idolatrous

obtained control of

heathen (Assyrian) worship were introduced. Altars to the host

of heaven were placed in the courts of the Temple and an Asherah,

XXXm.
later

REIGN OF MANASSEH

1-20.]

understood as a graven image,

also sacrificed his son

much

in the

and practised

495

Temple

innocent blood, probably of those

Manasseh

itself.

He

shed also

who adhered

strictly to

divination.

the worship of Yahweh.

Thus his reign, through its wickedness,
was long regarded as having sealed the doom of Judah. In the
narrative of Kings, which is entirely written by the Deuteronomic
compilers, nothing relieves the blackness and foulness of Manas-

In the Chronicler's narrative, however, the King

and humbles himself and is restored to his kingdom, and, acknowledging Yahweh to be God, he built an outer
wall to the city and removed the foreign gods and heathenish altars
seh's reign.

suffers captivity

from

its

midst.

Neither Bn. nor Ki. assigns this narrative to other than the Chronicler
his canonical source.

and

1-9. Manasseh's idolatry.

sions

and

variations, of 2

his mother,

K.

A copy, with only very

omis 1. K. adds the name
slight

21'-""'.

"Hephzi-bah." 2. And he did

21'

that

of

which was

evil in

Yahweh] the usual expression in i and 2 K. for sins

of Manasseh are given in the following verses and
are here condemned as a repetition of the abominations of the
28^ 2 K. 16' 17'- ")
3. The high
aboriginal Canaanites (r/. v.

the eyes of
of cultus.

These

places which Hezekiah his father had broken down]. Cf.

he reared up altars for the Ba alim and made Asheroth].

31'.
2

And

K.

21

has in each case the singular "for Baal" and "an Asherah," with
the additional clause "As did Ahab king of Israel," and the writer

Kings evidently has in mind the worship of some one Ba'al, like
the Tyrian one of Ahab (cf 17 2), and the erection of some one
symbolic post (cf. 14'), possibly representing the goddess Astarte.
of

The

Chronicler thinks, on the other hand, of separate Baals or

Canaanitish gods at each high place, with also, correspondingly,
the sacred poles.
All the host of heaven] the heavenly bodies

(sun,

moon, and

stars).

This worship, introduced under Assyrian

it
clearly had not been unknown in

influence, or encouraged (since

earlier times in Israel)

once prevalent, as

is

(GFM. EBi.

shown by

its

III. col. 3355),

frequent mention

of this period, the century before the exile

(cf.

became

at

in the literature

Dt.

4'' 17^

Zp.

CHRONICLES

496
i Je. 8^ 19'')-

4. And he

built altars in the

for foreign deities or Baals.

house Yahweh]

i.e.,

Whereof Yahweh said in Jerusalem

K. S'^ 9^. The promise or

Yahweh in Jerusalem found
5. All
expression in the sole worship of Yahweh in the Temple.
In the two courts]. The Temple of
the host of heaven]. Cf. v. ^
shall be

my name forever].

command

Cf.

7'^

centralising the worship of

Solomon had only one

(Bn.,

post-exilic

St.).

have been guilty of

He

them unto Yahweh

Mi. 5"
to

is

(12)

'^

i8'-

the

is

(cf.

28=).

And

K. 21% alluded
(Dr. Dt.).

(215) is

said

to

forbidden in Dt. 18'"

'.

i.e.,

he sacrificed

he practised

soothsaying]

pass through the fire]

to

Is. 57=

Je. 273

imcertain

K.

Manasseh

In this verse

six things expressly

caused his sons

besides Dt.

court, hence this verse in 2

6.

to also in

The kind

Lv. 19" Ju. 9"

Is. 2

of divination referred

word has been connected with

the root

mean-

ing cloud, hence divination by observing the clouds or sky, or the

word " eye," " to smite with evil eye." Both of these, however, are

now

generally rejected, but nothing satisfactory has taken their

The word is held to be derived from a root meaning "to
place.
utter a hoarse nasal

sound" {EBi.

II. col.

1119).

enchantments] as Joseph did with his cup (Gn.

And he used

445-

^^),

probably

or watching the play of light or rings of liquid in a

by hydromancy,
The term includes

cup.

And

di\'ination

he practised sorcery].

by observing omens

The meaning

of

this

in general.

verb has

been variously explained: to cut, and hence the derived meaning

here to use "herbs or drugs shredded into a magic brew" {cf.
"->), or to obscure, to be gloomy, distressed, and
be a suppliant, to seek something from the deity {EBi.
And he instituted ghosts and familiar spirits] i.e.,
2900).

witchcraft Mi. 5"

finally to
III. col.

persons professing to deal with them. For a full discussion of

the terms v. Dr. Dt. pp. 225/. The character of these persons
is seen in "the witch of Endor," i S. 28" , who was described
as a woman possessing
who was possessed with

a ghost,

and

in the

maiden

spirit of divination.

7.
description.

of Acts i6'6 ^,

Manasseh

fostered

which
Tfie graven image
people of this
Asherah."
he had made] in 2 K. 21 ^ "the graven image of the
of the idol

Chronicler brings out clearly his conception of the Asherah

Whether he thought of the fethere mentioned: it is an idol.

The

XXXm.

REIGN OF MANASSEH

1-20.]

male deity Astarte

in

name from

Yahweh was

1.

that of

K.

21'

fnj]
poses.

connection

this

n3 'ssn ion

di;'i.

497

not clear, but another

is

localised in the

3.

ninarD

Temple.
pican pn]

trans-

K. sg. nnrs] 2
K. 21' ^3^^ niT.;'N
O'lS^'a'^] 2
K. + SsTi" iSd 2NnN n-yy t.;',xd omitted by the Chronicler, since he
does not record the doings of Ahab. 4. The first part of this verse is
seemingly inconsistent with the second, since the house of Yahweh and
2

Jerusalem are not

Klo. (on 2 K.

identical.

Ch.

ni.T n>33 (c/. 2

{SBOT. on

St.

28-^);

21^)

for

Tijja

suggests

K.) regards the verse as a

5
(based on v. ''), logically belonging after v. ^. Possibly
gloss to V.
the writer used Jerusalem, since it included the Temple area.
nj3i]

K. 21^. ninarn] Ki. reads 'rn,

the altars, identifying them with those mentioned in v. ^, but those seem
to have been built at the high places.
oSiyS Dii' n-in^] 2 K. hn cu-n
6. -\-'2-;r\ Nini] 2 K. 21^ T'^ym.
IDS'.
vja] , 2 K., ij3, but 05 of 2 K.

weak

with the

from

taken

pf.,

The

pi.

o:n]

18'";

sg. in

wanting

wanting

'jyT'i]

t-

'J3

itr'Di]

sg., sorceress,

K.

This word

D'ljyT'i.

S. 283

is

Is. 819 193 2

always used with the preceding

K. 216 23M Lv. 1931 206- 2? Dt.

H. P. Smith regards both 3in and "iJiM^ as some sort of idols

/.).
njin] in 2 K. Bn. connects after (B with nr;i.

(Sam. pp. 239

doubtless a correction from 2 K., cf. 28'.

and likely added by the Chronicler, cf. 2?,^.

elsewhere only pt., as subst., meaning sorcerer, Dt.

Ex. 22"; masc. pi. Ex. 7" Dn. 2- Mai. 3^ f.

in 2 K.,

fem.

is

in 2 K.,

31N (sg. or pi.)

18"

iDipn'^] 2

K.

K. point to the readK. 21' n-ni-Nn.

^ ^x oif/c<^ Ki/pW and H z temple
Ch. certainly points to rnni in 2 K.

Dv^n'^, but 38 Mss. (5,

7.
ing of 2 Ch. as the original.
Din^NH non] 2 K. n''23 alone, but

Domini,

nin^ rrija.

D'hSn] 2 K. nin\

ovnSxn in
aiS^j'S]

, , of

':'::d.-i]

instead of 2

scribal error for a'^^yS as in 2 K., so most;

aSiy z;. note of Hpt. in Ki.,

yet may be dissimulation for DiSij;
8. T'D.-i^] 2 K. 21^ T'jn'^.
( (TaXeOcrat in both places, and

and commoveri point

to the reading of 2

K. as

original, so

SBOT.

moveri

Bn.

Oe.

suggests that the Chronicler substituted a word more common in his

Chronicler.
time.
11J is not used in the writings of the
Sj7d] 2 K.
jr.
\-nDj!n] read with 2 K., (5, U, >, ^^^J, so Kau., Ki., Bn.

D3\ni3N'']

read with 2 K. and Vrss.

dp

so Be,

Oe.,

Ki.

^2

Pis']

K. SoSi. a^afltt'cni D'pnm] an addition by the Chronnrn n'3] 2 K. n-i-n nay dpn nis iii'n, so too &, which may
icler.
have been influenced by 2 K. 9. 2 K. 21' is introduced by ijJCB' nVi.
o'^ifn^ >3'i'n mini pn] is expressed in 2 K. by the pron. sf. of the third
2 K. jJin pn.
;-\]
pers. pi., D?pii.
2

K.

Sa3.

Sj'^]

10-13. Manasseh's captivity, repentance, and restoration.

This paragraph,
32

with the exception of the opening words.

And

Yahweh
tion

CHRONICLES

498
spake,

either

of

The passage

restoration.

vention,

is
entirely wanting in 2 K., which gives no indicaManasseh's captivity or of his repentance and

an allegory

of

then has been regarded as a pure inin exile, and received by the

Israel

Chronicler with the motive of accounting for Manasseh's una reign of that length being
usually long reign
fifty-five years

unthinkable in the case of a king wholly bad (St. Gesch. I. p.

640), or simply invented by the Chronicler through this motive

(We. Prol. pp. 206/.). Besides the silence of 2 K., against

Manasseh's repentance is Je. 15^, which, since there the captivity
is grounded upon the sin of Manasseh,
clearly shows that his
must
be
as
a
The case, however,
fiction.
repentance
regarded
is

different with the story of his captivity.

occurs in the Assy. ins.

the

among

Manasseh's name

of the kings, tributary to

list

Esarhaddon and Asurbanipal, of the Chatti country, embracing

Phoenicia and Philistia. These same lands also were engaged
during the reign of Asurbanipal in a rebellion (648-647 B. c.)
in support of the King's brother Shamash-shumukin, viceroy at

Babylon, and there is no reason why Manasseh might not have

been involved in this rebellion or have incurred such suspicion.
In that case he may well have been taken captive either to Nineveh
or to Babylon, since the inscriptions show that the King received
embassies there. Later also Manasseh might have been released

and restored

Such treatment Necho I, King of

Hence this captivity and

to his throne.

Egypt, received from Asurbanipal.

release may be received as historical.

reached by Sch.
also Sayce,

COT.

HCM.

II.

pp. 458

(This result was especially

KAT.- pp. 367 /.) Cf.

Dr. in Hogarth, Authority and

pp. 53 /.;
Jf.;

Archeology, pp. 114 ff., who, admitting in abstract the possibility of

the narrative, finds diflaculty in the circumstances in which the

TKC. EBi. III. coll. 2926/.; McC. HPM.

377 ff. Winckler, who formerly held this view, AT.
Untersuch. p. 122, now places Manasseh's visit to Babylon under

statement occurs;
II.

pp.

Esarhaddon earlv

in his reign.

Esarhaddon, before
acquitted.

Babylon

it

whom

"

ISIanasseh

was summoned before

he defended his conduct and was

WTiether the investigation was held in Assyria or at

11. The
to determine" (KAT.^ p. 274).^

is difficult

XXXm.
king

REIGN OF MANASSEH

1-20.]

of Assyria]

hooks],

Esarhaddon or Asurbanipal

(i) Figurative of

(Ke.), (2) with the

499
(v.

s.).

With

Alanasseh's treatment like a wild beast

of fetters (^, TJ, , Be., Oe.), (3)

Assyrian kings sometimes thrust a hook into the nostrils
of their captives and so led them about, a practice illustrated

meaning

literal:

on many Assyrian reliefs in the British Museum

name of a place, an unknown Hohim (Th. in
corruption of

IIT'T',

Jericho,

TKC.

{v.

s.

op.

scribe or copyist for

cit.)

(D^mn a
The literal

v. s. op. cit.).

view was probably intended by the writer.

McCurdy

(Ba.), (4) the

Be.)

To Babylon]

thinks this a substitution

an original

to

by a

v. s.

later

Nineveh.

14-17. Manasseh's enlargement of the city wall and reform

of the cultus. 14. This can only mean that outside the exist-

ing rampart of the citadel, on the ridge above the present Virgin's
Spring, Manasseh constructed another line of fortification, which

he carried northward past the Temple Alount and round its

northern slope. 15. And he removed, etc.]. Cf. vv. ' -^ This

statement of the removal of the foreign gods and idols from the
Temple and Jerusalem by Manasseh is not exactly consistent with

knowing nothing of Manasseh's cona

such
cleansing of the Temple and of the city to
version, assigns

the account of 2 K., which,

17. Nevertheless the people, etc.]. The

Josiah (2 K. 23^-^).
Chronicler felt the necessity of this statement in view of the
permanence of the idolatry nourished during the reign of

Manasseh.

18-20. The conclusion of Manasseh's reign. 18.

This formula is derived from

but the remainder of this verse

shows a source

On

distinct

from

is

And

the

K. 21 '',

from the Chronicler and

clearly

rest of the acts of Manasseh].

2 K., since

it

contained his prayer.

was composed the Prayer of Manasa

Hellenistic
of
seh,
composition
early date found in the Apocrypha
not
in
all
III.
In the Enghsh ediMss.) {DB.
(though
pp. 232/.).
the basis of this statement

tions of the

Apocrypha

it

occurs just before

of the seers] probably refer to prophetic

to

Mac.

The words

admonitions addressed

Manasseh, which, with the prayer, were recorded

(or history) of the kings of Israel (v. Intro, p. 21).

seems to have come from a

later

hand than

19.

in the

Acts

This verse

the preceding,

and

to

be

CHRONICLES

500
merely a

statement of the same facts.

fuller

hisiory) of the seers *]

The words (or the

can scarcely refer to anything

than the

else

The Acts
words
i',
probably
is poswork
Israel
an
the
independent
kings of
(v. s.)
although
of
Intro,
not
sible, though
High places]. Cf. 11".
probable (v.
p. 23).
the

of the seers of v.

Asherim].

Cf.

of a section of

title

14^ Graven images].

Cf. 34^.

20.

And

they

"

him in the garden"^ of his house]. The reading of M, They

buried him in his house," is a mistake to be rectified by the true
2 K. adds also "in the garden of
reading of (g and 2 K. 2i^K
buried

Uzza," probably meaning of King Uzziah. The reference may

have been then to one laid out by that King in the court of the

and since it is called the garden of his own house, Manasseh

have
built a house there within the grounds of which was his
may
and
also that of Amon (2 K. 2125), and possibly Josiah,
sepulchre
palace,

who was

buried in his o\mi sepulchre (2 K.

11. D^nini] nin usually

means

23').

Here and

brier, bramble.

^26
in Jb. 40'

hook or ring in jaw; perhaps point D^nn from nn, hook, ring, cf. Is. 37 29
2 K. 19".
Pointing also doubtful in Job. 13. h -inyi] wanting in <&}-,

but the following

for the omission.

16.

(8, |d;i,

Koe.

so Ki.

iii.

17.
18.

NTj?

pa

K.).

1,-1^3.

pcN]

p^] Qr., most

"^aN]

372b.

with one MS.,

Of

same word
&, S,

MSS.,

as adversative, also

19.

Sxi'i" T'r'c]

i<

in

CS^-'^,

accounts

About 25 MSS.,
Ezr. lo'' Dn. lo't15M.

2'

19^

wanting

in 05.

19.

^Tin]

read

20. imap^i] 2 K. 2i>s pa -\3?^m

(&, anin, so Kau., Bn.
Here, then, add p3 with (S, so Bn., Ki. (St., SBOT. on

(&^^ 'A/xws, so too in following verses.

21-25. The reign of

2119-24.

translated by the

;2Z'^^,

this

Amon

(641-639

b.

King's brief reign nothing

c).
is

Taken from

K.

recorded except that

Manasseh clearly
and probably the policy of his son was
the same, hence his death may have been caused by an Egyptian
party (GAS. /. II. p. 198), possibly representing the Patricians and

he followed in the

was subservient

evil footsteps of his father.

to Assyria,

Others
Priesthood of Jerusalem (Erbt, Die Heb. pp. 162 /.).
regard the motive as religious, an act of the adherents of the cause of
pure religion (Ki. Gesch. p. 320). The cause is really unknown,

and

it is

idle to conjecture.

with

V. ">>

rect,

then

rewTitten.

21.

Amon was

The

section

is

taken from

Twenty-tivo years].

If this

K.

age

21''-'*
is

cor-

only sixteen years old at the birth of Josiah.

XXXm.

holds that

McCurdy
was

father

REIGN OF AMON

21-25.]

accession

Amon was

in captivity,

(HPM.

The name

of

Haruz

is

omitted.

22. And Amon

K.

"And

23=',

and served the

The

them."
because

it

is

of

all

which

his

Amon's mother, "Me-

of Jotbah," given in 2 K. 2i',

sacrificed to all the

he walked in
idols

probably acting king when his

and hence older than twenty-two on

p. 389).

shuUemeth the daughter

50I

the

graven images,

way which

his father

etc.]

walked

and worshipped

his father served

Chronicler has abridged and changed this statement

inconsistent with Manasseh's repentance, which his

own statement

allows.

25.

The people

people in opposition to the courtiers

Amon. This vengeance may

of the land] the

common

who had

conspired against
indicate that the people were favoured

by the conditions which prevailed during the reign of Manasseh,

as though the entire period had been one of quiet and contented
vassalage under Assyria; or it may only be an expression of the
loyalty so often felt by the common people for a sovereign.

21. 2 K. 2119

naoi in Ti">n 03 nnVj'D lax

ds*i.
22. v2!<>] 2 K. 21"
which the Chronicler omits, for reason
'ui O'-SiDDn-SoSi] 2 K. innirii vaN lay la's DiSiSjn-nN lajjM
given above.
23. The Chronicler omits 2 K. 21^2 and adds this verse, an obvionS.

vas ^S^I'j'N Tnn-SD3

^S<1,

ous reference to his addition to the account of Manasseh.

|1cn Nin 13]

^ 8ri
Afiwv 6 vibs,

hence original (6
= IiSN 1J3 13. If omits ]iaN. Probably p^x Nin as w^ell as pcN M2
are glosses w^hich crept into different texts.
24. maj;] 2 K. 21"
(gB Sti

i/ios

jicN nay.

(^

avTov)

inniD'>i] 2

'A/Ucbs;

K. ^SDn ns

XXXIV- XXXV. The

inin''i.

25.

13^1]

K.

212* i>i.

reign of Josiah (639-608 b. c.). The

K. cc. 22. 23, apart from the men-

history of Josiah contained in 2

tion of his accession

and

of the discovery of the

The

his death, consists entirely of

book

of the

an account

law and the subsequent reform.

Chronicler abridges this narrative in certain points and

and expands it in others. 2 K. knows of no

on
the part of Josiah until his eighteenth year,
reformatory activity
when the book of the law was discovered; the Chronicler, on the
modifies, embeUishes,

other hand,

makes

the

earlier, in his eighth

gins

to

young King exhibit special piety ten years

year (34'), and in his twelfth year he be-

purge the land of idolatry so that his reformation in

502

CHRONICLES

cultus precedes the discovery of the book of the law instead of, as
in 2 K., following the discovery. The reason of this change is plain.

Such a pious king as Josiah must be represented as pious from his

youth and needed not the special cause of the discovery of the
book of the law to influence him to remove idolatries. The
Chronicler has also omitted

Temple

all

in detail (recorded in 2

single statement that

reference to the purging of the

23^-^), confining himself to the

K.

he purged the house

(v.

).

simply due to brevity, or because in

may have been

idolatrous objects

which are removed are

This omission
2

K.

the

23^

clearly those associated

with Manasseh, but according to 2 Ch. ^^^^ Manasseh himself

had purged the Temple of these. The narrative of the discovery

In 2 K. 22'-' the only
of the book of the law is also rewritten.
mentioned

in connection with the repair of the

Temple
and Hilkiah the high priest; but in
Shaphan
Chronicles, Maaseiah the governor of the city and Joah the
recorder appear (v. *). The keepers of the door also have become

ofl&cers

the scribe

are

Levites

(v.

',

cf.

K.

22^),

and the money has been gathered not

simply from "the people," i.e., those of the S. kingdom, but also
from those of Manasseh and Ephraim and all the remnant of
Israel.
Also in 2 K. 22^ the implication is that the money was
derived from contributions

made

at

the

Temple according

to

the arrangements made by Jehoash, who placed a chest beside

the altar to receive dues or offerings in money brought into the
^

Temple (2 K. 12^ ).
had been collected by

The

Chronicler assumes that the

money

peripatetic Levites.

The
as

is

the

breaches of the house also are not those of natural decay,

implied in 2 K. 22^, but specifically those of violence done to

Temple by
work

of all the

by name

'-

(vv.

Judah (v. "). The overseers

number of whom are mentioned
These are entirely absent in 2 K. The account

the idolatrous kings of

also are Le\ites, a
'

).

of the finding of the

book and the inquiry

of the prophetess

and

the entering into the covenant are given essentially alike in both
narratives.

But the account

already been assigned

of the reformation, since that has

to the earlier years of Josiah, is entirely

omitted, with the exception of the celebration of the Passover,

which was a feature of Josiah's reform (2 K. 23='='). This is

XXXIV.

REFORMATION OF JOSIAH

1-7.]

503

elaborated by the Chronicler in a description of nineteen verses.

The Chronicler also gives a somewhat full account of the death of

Josiah (35"-"), which

very briefly narrated in

is

K. 23"".

Ki. (after Bn.) (omitting the vv. taken from 2 K.) assigns
' to the
Chronicler; 35'-8 (as far as people) to
vv. S"^-' to the Chronicler; vv. 'o" to M; vv. '^-^o (as far as temple) to

Sources:

M;

34'-' to

M;

vv. '-'^and

''-

the Chronicler; vv. s""^ m to

M;

="

v.

to the Chronicler.

It is

doubtful,

however, whether a Midrash source should be introduced. The passages

contain nothing necessarily foreign to the Chronicler. The
assigned to

following marks of his style appear in them:

c. 35 in V. 2 -icj? Hiph. (1. 89); in vv. = m ma;;
(1.

42); in vv.

of 3 in niSj-na

XXXIV.

5-

(1.

12

ni2vxn

69);

no

in v.

21

(1.

in v.

14);

idn

'

c.
(1.

Nsr:

34 in v.'
81);

(1.

69);

ti'iT

w.

in

^-

f.

in v. the use

did that which was right,

Asa

142,

and Jotham

the praise:
1
2.

And

a''j!r]

is-i-ia] 2

272

f
,

with

And

he

Cf. similar statements concerning

etc.].

Hezekiah

he did not turn

29^,

but only to Josiah

to the right

K. 22' r\iv. oVt^nia]

K. 222 Tn Soa.

23);

npSno

4).

(1.

Josiah's accession.Taken from 2 K. 221

the usual omission of the name of the King's mother.
2.
1

(1.

">

K+

hand

or to the

npsan nnj; na

mni

3-7. Josiah's piety exemplified in his reformation.

is

given

left.

idn at^v

3.

For

The narrative of 2 K. knows

nothing of this movement for reform when Josiah was so young and
in the eighth year of his reign,

etc.].

before the discovery of the book of the law.

For the reason of the
Chronicler's modification v. s.
reconciliation between the two

narratives has been sought on the ground that 2 K. described

the consummation of a reform begun at an earlier period, while
the Chronicler described the entire reform without reference to

The high
The
Cf. iVK
The graven
molten
images- and

chronology (Be., Zoe., Oe.).

Asherim].
images].

Cf. vv.

Cf.

w.

^-

'.

'

14'.

The former

places].

the

are mentioned in

t^t^^K

The

two may be coupled here together to denote every kind of idol (so
in Na. i'^ Hab. 2'8 Is. 488 Je. 10'^ 511^ Dt. 27'^).
The graven
(carved) image was either of wood (Is. 402" 44'5 4520) qj- of stone
But the word (^D2, TDS) is used for idols in general,
(Is. 21').
even for molten ones of metal (Je.

10'^

Si'O-

^'

This verse

CHRONICLES

504

more

describes

Baalim].

conduct of

fully the

Cf. ly' 33'.

The sun

v.',

pillars].

repeating
Cf.

14''

terms.

its

In

<".

K.

The hammanim, sunmazzeboth, pillars, are mentioned.

pillars, a later term, the Chronicler used, perhaps more readily in
connection with idolatry. And lie made dust of them]. Cf. v. '.
23'* the

In

K.

'5

this

23-

"the high places."

Asherah" and

was

the golden calf destroyed (Ex.

according to the Chronicler the idolatrous image of

and

322"),

said of the destruction of "the

is

^hus

also

Maacah i5'6. And he scattered [the dust] upon the graves of those
who sacrificed to them] (v. i.). In 2 K. 23* the dust of the Asherah
was scattered "upon the graves of the common people." The
Chronicler's representation is more intense, a sort of retributive
5. And
pollution even of the resting-place of the impious dead.

the bones of the priests he burned jipon their altars].

from which

this

Cf. 2

statement of defilement and abhorrence

6. And in

K. 23"-

is

-"

probably

ofManasseh and Ephraim and Simeon

even unto Naphtali he laid waste their houses * round about]. The
reform of Josiah (after 2 K. 23'5- 19) extended over northern Israel.
derived.

the cities

This had already happened in the case of Hezekiah (r/. 30'- s- "> ' ').
The mention of Simeon, whose territory was south of Judah (i Ch.
"
4-*
), with the northern tribes is due to the fact that it was reckoned

as one of the ten tribes forming the N. kingdom {cf. 15').

Their
idolatrous
"the
houses
of
the
houses]
temples {cf.
high places,"
2

K.

23'9).

{}

7.

Cf. V.

*.

All

the land of Israel] the

N. kingdom.

3. \-iSn^] (& Ki/ptoj' rbv debv.

4. r:oS ixnn] 05^'' Kal Kariffiraffev
^ shows
(TKa\}'e) TO. Kara. ivpbffUTrov aiiTOv (L
uv), but avrov in

must have stood in pi. in original (6, as is found in *

Some scribe of (^^^ changed the
Karearpe^av, which supports M.
number to agree with the preceding and following passages. The
necessary change from avrov to aiiruiv was made only in ^. D''j?3n] cf.
that the verb

14^ Din^tn Dn2|in] read with Vrss.

Qr. dp

'rS.

5.

a-'i-iinatD]

either '?n na,-? (Ki.

6. an\-i3 nna] Kt.

BH.)

Dn''n3 -\n3,

or 'pn

he chose

is hardly possible.
Qr. Dnvnainaj with tJieir
only a guess, as are the renderings of the Vrss. (& Kal (iv)
T. Tbirois aiiT&v; HI, cuncta subvertit.
Most moderns (Be., Ke., Zoe.,
Oe., Kau., Ki., Bn., et al.) read oninbnna in their ruins, but no account

(searched) their houses,

swords,

is

is

taken of

K.

23'='

upon which

described as destroying

"

this verse is based.

There Josiah is
the houses of the high places " (nman ipa)

THE REPAIR OF THE TEMPLE

XXXIV. 8-13]

in the cities of Samaria," the latter becoming in 2 Ch. the

Manasseh and Ephraim and Simeon even unto Naphtali.

which were
cities

505

"

of

"
"
houses
probable that the account in Ch. referred to these
is
in
far
the
an^nn
must
be
so
Kt.
correct.
in3,
then,
originally,
he destroyed
either a corruption of ^''^nn, i.e., and in the cities of

Hence

it is

and

their houses, or of

K. 23". 7. ona'sn nxi mnaTcn hn] transnot likely an isolated and abnormal inf. Hiph. with

con,

cf. 2

posed in (B. P"'.^'?]

the vowels of the pf. (Ew.
for pi.ni

{of. V. ^)

238 d, Be., Ke., Zoe.), but is either an error

(Kau., Bn.) or should be pointed pin^ (Oe.).

8-13. The repair of the Temple. Based upon

main variations v. s.). 8. The clause rendered

When

he had purged the land

the text of 2 K. 22^

and

conformity with vv.

into

make

(y. i.)

.nd the house,

translation

this

in
^-^

The

other

K. 22''

in

AV.,

(for

RV.,

an addition

is

brings that

to

verse

proposed renderings

the clause either an expression of the object of the

Temple or an implication that Josiah spent several

The fact that
years in removing all idolatries from the lands.
only here is the purging of the Temple by Josiah mentioned by
repair of the

the Chronicler favours the notion that the clause

is

Shaphan].

a gloss

{v. i.).

This name also appears in v. ^o^ as the father

of Ahikam, also of an Elasah Je. 29^ (perhaps the same Sha-

"

'^

as the
Shaphan appears also in Je. 36"'father of Gemariah and in Ezk. S'' as the father of Jaazaniah.
These latter two may have been identical with the Shaphan
The name means Coney or Rock-badger, and
here mentioned.
has been taken with other animal names as an evidence of

phan

is

meant).

HPN.

totemism in Israel (but see Gray,

pp. 103 /.; Jacobs,
Studies in Bib. Arch. pp. 84 ff.).
Azaliah] (2 K. 22^ -j-). The
Chronicler omits his father Meshullam, and Shaphan's title
"
"
of scribe
both mentioned in 2 K. 223. Maaseiah the governor of
the city and Jo^ah the son of Jo^ahaz the recorder] not mentioned

in 2

The names

K.

ently in 2

he should "sum,"
the

Temple

chest in

are

common.

9.

The matter

There Shaphan took a message

K. 22^

i.e.,

reckon the

total of the

or, to follow a better reading,

which

it

had been

collected

Temple; here Shaphan and

his

is

stated differ-

to Hilkiah that

money

"pour

it

received in

out" from the

from contributors entering the

companion came

to Hilkiah atid

CHRONICLES

5o6

gave the money which had been collected throughout the country
presumably by Levites {v. s. and cf. 24^ , where the Chronicler

made

a similar departure from the narrative in 2 K. 12, introas collectors 24^).

Levites
10 f. And they gave '] a
ducing

has

and they gave (AV., RV., delivered)

repetition of

of v.

',

i.e.,

Shaphan and his companions with Hilkiah gave the money into
the hand of the workmen who had the oversight of the house of

Yahweh and

these in turn gave

Yahweh

in the house of

by

And they gave it to

hewn

it

to the

mend and

This

Kau., AV., RVm.).

V."

to

latter

to

workmen who were working

repair the house (Ke., Zoe.,

statement

is

and

the carpenters

made more

definite

to the builders to

pur-

Another interpretation regards the workmen

who were working (D'^tl^y ^w'S il^S^iSn ''tJ'lV) ^^ identical with or
belonging to the workmen who had the oversight (n^S^CH "^tTJ^

chase

stone, etc.

ClpSDn), and renders: And the workmen who were working in the
it to mend and repair the house
(v. 'i) and they gave it to
the carpenters, etc. (RV., Ki. Kom.).
The former of these two inhouse gave

The

stone

in
((/.

favoured by the parallel in 2 K. 22^ Carpenters].

Heb. word (Ctl'in) means not only workers in wood but also

terpretations

is

and metal.

The

houses] the chambers of the

Temple
Whether the

Ch. 28") which the kings of Jtidah had ruined].

writer thought only of ruin

more
tain.

positive, as

12. And

faithfulness

is

And

is

the

by neglect (Ke., Zoe.) or something

ascribed to the sons of Athaliah (24'), is uncer-

men worked faithfully at

mentioned

the work].

in connection with the

In 2 K. 22^

payment

of the

were appointed overseers Jahath and

Obadiah, Levites of the sons of Merari, and Zechariah and Meshxdlam of the sons of the Kehathites to direct the work.] This is a

money.

over them

characteristic addition of the Chronicler.

Levites
I

Ch.

And

r/.

for

Jahath

27'9, 3=' 7'

8"

Ch.

et al.;

'")
42 6^

28

(43)

and on the

On
f-

2310

families

the

cf.

the Levites, all skilled in instruments of song

the burden bearers

of work:

and were

and from

directors of the

names of the
Obadiah

24"; for

i Ch. 5" (6').

13 * were over

workmen doing every sort

and officers and gate-

the Levites were the scribes

Not only were the four principal overseers, those menkeepers].

tioned by name, Levites, but from the Levitical musicians were
taken the subordinate directors of the work, and from the Levites

XXXIV.

THE REPAIR OF THE TEMPLE

8-13.]

also the clerical employees

and other subordinate

507

and the

officers

The Chronicler is anxious to express how entirely

gate-keepers.
the work in every detail was under the supervision of the Levites.

When Herod

rebuilt the

Temple

this notion of

committing every-

was

thing connected with the sacred edifice to ecclesiastics

carried

even further, since, according to Josephus (Ant. xv. 11, 2.), Herod
caused priests to be trained as carpenters and masons for labour

The words all skilled in instruments of song, giving

thus
to the Levitical musicians, and also the last clause
prominence
of v. '^, may be glosses (so Ki. Kom., after Bn.).
on the Temple.

8. ^.'2n^ ^-ixn ns ina'^] (i) has been variously rendered, wheyi he

had purged, etc. (U, E Vs., Luther, De Wette, et al.). But such a construction of the inf. with V is unexampled elsewhere.
(2) In order to purge
he sent, etc. (Be.). This connection with the following words is
.

against the context, since the verbal object of rhzf is pin'?.

also renders thus, and after Bn. regards the words as a gloss.

Ki.

Kom.

This

latter

While purifying, etc. (Ke., Zoe., Oe., Kau.). This is

to be preferred (cf. Ew. 280 (i).
rbz'] 2 K. 22^ -|- -[Sen.
ih^Ssn] 2 K. -|nsDn oStyD p. prn'?
inic'pn nxi] wanting in 2 K.
vhSn] want9. in3m] for the imv. r\'^y, 2 K. 22^.
ing in 2 K., which adds idnS.
uhm] dhm of 2 K. was either misread or intentionally changed by the
is

plausible.

(3)

Chronicler.

Kal

D^n'^N]

'ui i^n] a fuller

K. nin\

inserted by

-DiiSn]

statement than 2 K.

Djin

dnd, v.

tQv apx^vTuv scarcely arose through error

on:'! be

original.

earlier pyniyi, cf.

Jerusalem also
lac'M

and they

v.

CH,

s.

the

on

v.

Chronicler.

(g

onsNi]

Greek nor could

in the

Possibly the latter represents a corruption of an

'
i$\ '^ ''2>:^>^] Kt. '1 'T'?') and the inhabitants of

ffi,

The

&, adopted by Ke., Oe., Kau., Bn.

(the Levites)

returned, implies

that

Levites

the

Qr.,

went

money {v. s.). Ki. (SBOT. and BH.) prefers Qr.,

since the inhabitants of Jerusalem are included in all Jiidah, but these

forth to collect this

are differentiated

elsewhere,

(Qr.) injnM, hence

(& Kal

n^-;] possibly

"t'j;

with

is

20i5-

20

's.

246-

= ms

iduKav avrb

K., so Ki., but

cf. i

10.

Ch. 2^^.

un''i]

UHm may be

'yv;]

K.

22'

original.

05, S>, 2

K.

probably original, so Be., Ke., Kau., Bn., Ki. BH. D-'ti^y]

wanting in 2 K., was introduced by the Chronicler to emphasise the coniJryS

trast

K.

from

is

p^2.

11.

un-'i]

K.

p-'iT}

denom.

PN

r^'^p

prnS.
to

wanting

3xnD
nnans]

r^^ip'^] <&, 2 K., ''^v

with the workmen that had the oversight, D^ipBcn. prnSi pna*^]
nN ptnS. pna*? f] Qal inf. cstr. of denom. verb p-\J formed

p-1.5

3''Xj?i

cf.

in

K.

'j^n]
i

Ch.

furnish with beams.

226.

a''J3':'i]

transposed
22'.

12.

in

nnpSi]

K.

K.

-t-

Pi. inf.

om^Si.

nnanDS
cstr. from

'ui

h^nSd^] an addition to the

CHRONICLES

5o8
phrase in

K.

cnsjc]
BII.).

22"'.

13.

wanting

Sjn]

in (6

omit

(Be., Oe., Kau., Bn., Ki.

Kom.,

and therefore struck out by Bn.

14-19. The discovery of the law-book. Based upon and following quite closely 2 K. 22^". 14. This introductory verse is
from the Chronicler. Its purpose is to renew the narrative taken

from

out the

K. after the interruption of vv. '^ f-. And when they brought
money which was brought into the house of Yahweh, Hilkiah

The

natural inference would be that the

the priest found,

etc.].

book was found

in the place w'here the

connection
etc.

found,

money was

kept, yet the

may only be temporal: at the time w^hen, then Hilkiah

The book of the law of Yahweh by the hand of Moses].

The Chronicler has in mind the Torah or Pentateuch {y. v. ').

The words by the hand of Moses are wanting in 2 K. The book
actually found

was Deuteronomy, or more exactly the

original

Deuteronomy, Dt. 5-26. 28 (Dr. Dt. p. Ixv., Ryle, DB. p. 598,

GFM. EBi. I. coll. 1080/.; others restrict the original
more

16. AndShaphan
nearly tocc. 12-26, thus Comill, Intro, p. 60).
book
to
and
the
the
moreover
Jie
brought
king
brought the king word
The
awkward
introduction
of
the book at this point,
saying, etc.].
anticipating the narrative of
the text of 2 K. 22' {v.

the scribe

came

i.).

to the king

v.

'*,

The

has arisen from a misreading of

K. reads, "And Shaphan

text of 2

and brought the king word and

said,

servants have emptied the money, etc." (In the unpointed

Hebrew text the words " he came " and " he brought " are the same,

Thy

(Sa^l) and also "the scribe"

and "the book" (lDn)). 17. And

The phraseology
they poured out the money that was found, etc.\
from 2 K. 22' implies collection in the chest instituted by Jehoash
{v. s.).

18.

And Shaphan

read therein].

noticeable departure

which has "And Shaphan read it," implying that he read the entire book before the King, but the Chronicler, assuming the book to be the Pentateuch, recognised at once

from the

text of 2

K.

22',

the incongruity of such a statement and thus changed it.

The
reading was confined to portions of the book. In like manner also
he omitted from v. '^ the words of the corresponding verse in 2 K.
(22*),

"And he

pecuHar horror

read

it."

19.

The law

for neglect of the

the message of Dt. 28.

contained some message of

covenant of Yahweh, probably

XXXIV.

15.

wanting in

j}."i]

K.

DISCOVERY OF THE LAW

14-33.]

inwS-\|iM.

16.

misread

Chronicler

-iflDri

K.
nx

228.
ids'

509

2 K. + Snjn jn^n.
K. 22' nson fflsr N3M.

in>|i'?ni]

n3m]

(Bn. thinks copyist misread noon.)

"^DV:;}.

wanting in 2 K. idnS is a substitute for idnm of

2 K. ina;? wnn.
i"'
nin-'] wanting in 2 K.
HDN'San lany] 2 K. '> n^3 oiipoan hdnVdh irj? ti Sjr.
'ui]

io\T'i]

differentiates

noxSon

it:';;

and

a^ipflDn, the latter

hence the transposition and the insertion of

221 inN-ipM.
19. >ia-i] 2 K. 2211 + -lijD.

T'

K.

The

18.

On

t^ Sj;

Chronicler
(v.

'=),

iNnpM] 2 K.

13

Yahweh through Huldah

20-28. The inquiry of

229b.

being Levites

*?>'.

The

icnS
17.

anpDDn

Syi

]s-Z'-]

the proph-

hearing the terrific denunciations of the law-book

Josiah at once resolves to consult Yahweh clearly with a view
of averting impending calamity, and he sends a commission to

etess.

a prophetess, Huldah the wife of one of the courtiers, and from

her he receives a message of doom for the city and yet of

himself. 20.

respite for

Ahikam] mentioned elsewhere

who defended Jeremiah on

and who was also the father

well-minded courtier
casion

(Je.

26=^)

the governor of the cities of

(Je.

40^).

39'^

'Abdoti]
is

in

Judah
2

The former is an
The prophet Micah was also
"Micaiah."

Je.
I

Ch.

'Asaiah].
Kt.).

435

where.

6'^ ""'

The

"
158-

is

the

of
of

fall

"'Achbor."

as a

critical oc-

Gedaliah

Jerusalem
This latter

correct, since in Je. 26=^ 36'^

mentioned.

Micah]

abbreviated form of the

called

Micaiah

(cf.

Mi.

K. 22
latter.
i'

and

(For occurrences of the name cf.

This one is not mentioned else9^)

title of a particular ofhce,

function
precise
(Bn. Arch. p. 258).
used elsewhere with reference to a king (i) of royal

although we

servant of the king] the

are ignorant of

Servant

is

officials,

Gn. 40"

8'.

22'=

more probably

(meaning mouse)
Elnathan the son of 'Achbor

26' 8

K.

after

21.

2 S. lo^-

And for them

its

and

(2) of

common

soldiers, 2 S. 2'^

that are left in Israel]

in 2

".

K.

wanting
which has "for the people and all Judah." The Chronicler
characteristically introduces the remnant of the N. kingdom ((/.
3-2

22",

Which has been poured out]. (^, followed by Bn., Ki. BH.,
9).
has the reading of 2 K., "which has been kindled," which, since the
V.

reading

lowing

is

(B,

the

more unusual,

^, with Bn. and

is

Ki.

probably correct.

BH., we should

because our fathers did not hear * the word,

etc.,

Likewise,
after 2

fol-

K. read

instead of because

CHRONICLES

5IO

our fathers did not keep the word,

whom

the king

etc.

22.

Then Hilkiah and those

Again a reading

commanded*].

of ( supplying the

word commanded is to be adopted. Hiildah] 2 K. 22'* f (meanThe prophetess]. This title is also given to Miriam
ing weasel).
(Ex. 15''"), Deborah (Ju. 4^, the wife of Isaiah (Is. 8^), and to the

Noadiah (Ne. 6'0- Women, thus, as well as men,

gave in Israel communications from Yahweh; yet prophetesses
appear not to have been numerous. Shallum] (a common name,
false prophetess

2< <

Ch.

'

4" s''
(6" ') 9" et al.) possibly identical with
Shallum the uncle of Jeremiah (Je. 32^). Tokhath] better the
reading of 2 K. 22'% Tikvah (a name meaning hope, also in Ezr.
io'5 t).
Hasrah f] 2 K. 22'^ Harhas f, the former probably is
cf.

correct.

Keeper

of the wardrobe]

king's wardrobe or more

WRS.

at religious functions,
i'".

Cf. Zp.

quarter].

likel}-

Cf. 2 K. lo-

festive occasions.

24.

the garments) either the

(lit.

the garments kept at the palace for

and on the use

of special

Sem. pp. 452/.

Rel.

All the curses].

In

Cf. Dt.

garments

the second

2?,'^-^\

For

and the following cf. i K.

Poured out] better after (g

phraseology similar to that of this verse

ff.

Q6

f.

149

Je.

ig3 ^2".

720

26

25.

The words which thou hast Jieard

some
].
way faulty. Perhaps the reading
was: Because thou hast hearkened unto my words {-') and thy heart
was softened, etc. (v. i.). 28. And thou shall be gathered to thy
kindled
.

(cf. v. ") (v. i.).

The

text

f.

in

is

grave in peace]. Since Josiah was slain at the battle of Megiddo,

it looks as
though these words were written before his death, and

hence are a testimony to the genuineness of the prophecy of

Huldah.
20.

K.

in^p'^n]

-1

-,

-I

21,
supported by
so Bn., Ki. BH. ncc]
K.
may be
and adopted by Bn., Ki. BH.
K. nji,
mn^] K. noDn.
out before

22.
add icn with
oh
(iK

K. 22"

n-nn>3i] 2

(^ iKKiKavrai,

K.

292

Sj

M(e)txa^a supports 2 K.
-lyai

K.

nip.T.

n^-j]

K.

Sniit-o iN-j-jn

nnsj,

-\3-']

"

fell

nin>.

iji':';-).

n.

I,

Be.,

n->Dn] 2

nin

Kau.,

v. =

et

given in

K. Dmn, the former

is

al.

to

The

K. 22".

lycu',

(g

isjon Sy

<&

-^^'^1]

Oe.,

avoids repeating the names of

2

D;n.

original,

vSj?

<S>

n-iini

supported by (S, >,

Tuv Xiywv, 51 verba,

nn]
Ew.

jn^n.
pi^;] 2 K. iod;, cf. Je. 26^2 36'=;
doubtless a correction from 2 K. (&, U, support

2212

^'y ^ S = ; ^. N is
iH. no'::] 2 K. n>o>a.

eiwev,

Chronicler

so

thus

nnn\i] Qr. Pn|-in,

be read Ki. BH. pnto]

XXXIV.

\6yovs

Ch.

24.

22"'nDp_''i.

^y nninon niS^n] 2 K. 22I6

a'-na^n agreeing so far

more exact

is

2K.

K.

in 2

wanting
.

DISCOVERY OF THE LAW

14-33.]

's

in the light of v.

inni]

K.

K.

makes a

nnsji

K.

with

511
>-\3n.

niS^n]

iJoS iN-ip] 2

2210.

25.

($ rois

K.

n">|1.

iT'apM] Qr.,

better contrast to nasn,

is

supported by (S, and adopted by Oe. Ki., Bn. On 1 with the impf. see
Dr. TH. 125. 26. nycB' irs anain] taiien from 2 K. 22I8, a
harsh construction, but in (&^, #, S. In 2 K. 05*- 'AvS' uv -rJKova-as

Tovs X670US

Kal TjTraXtjvdT]

/uou,

Kapdia

tj

voluminis

in Ch.] audistl verba

et

ffov,

Pro eo quod [quoniam

pertcrritum [atque emollitum in Ch.]

Tim nai nx njjca' -\vn ])}\ St. (SBOT.) anain

Hpt. regards the words m3T icn a gloss to lyniyj of
Kom.,BH. ho\d a. lacuua. 27. D^nSx 'Jd'^c] 2 K. 22i9nini ijdc.

est cor tuiim, i.e., l^a*?

nnSf

Ti^'r;::'

V.

2'.

K'\.

-ib'n.

m3T nx]

Tna-i
K, 28.

ii;'N.

XSyovs fwv
2

ra-^"]

V3'i"'

Toi>s

K.

wanting

"^jJi]

nai-PN

n^'^pSi nDtt'S

in

K.

is

nvnS.

probably

original;

"'JsS ;?jDni]

wanting

K.
in

22-.

29-33. The assembly, the reading of the law, and the

A reproduction of 2 K. 23' -5, with interesting va-

covenant.

and a new conclusion in v. ^s. 29. All the

and Jerusalem'] the heads of clans and fami-

30-32

riations in vv.

elders of Jiidah

30.

The Leviles]. The Chronicler substitutes these for "the

prophets" of 2 K. 232. Both great and small] both old and
young (cf. 15'^). The assembly was a popular one, embracing
men of all ages and conditions. The book of the covenant] i.e., a
lies.

book which expressed the 'basis of a covenant

In his place] 2 K. 23^ "by the pillar," cf.
covenant]

cut

lit.

ting of sacrificial

(Gn. 15"

that

to

this

sufficient

with

Yahweh] with invocation

etc.]

Dtic.

inhabitants, etc.]

i.e.,

(/.

f);

31,

made a

To

lo'^

but there

essential

An

sacrificial

of his deity.

Dt. 13^
kept the law.

expressions,

occasion.

without

or

34'

Je.

was an

suppose
covenant or took place on this

was

231^.

And

a covenant, a phrase derived from the cutvictims into pieces between which the parties

to the covenant passed

reason

(cf Ex. 24').

part

is

no

each

oath probably
meal. Before

walk

after

32.

' 6'' 26'.-

33.

of

Yahweli,

And

the

The Chronicler having

his own kingdom early in

already introduced Josiah's reform of

his reign (v. '), puts here similar measures in the districts which

had belonged

to the

N. kingdom.

of Josiah in the reign of

former

evil

ways

(36=).

All his days].

After the death

Jehoiakim the people lapsed into

their

CHRONICLES

512
29.
r'^N.

ID?*^.!]

30.

K.

''2B'm]

The former

23' 1BDNM.
2

K.

^2v> Sdi.

232

is

the original.

aSi^ni]

K.

pn]

ipn.

K.

D^i'^ni]

substituted by the Chronicler for DiNi3jni of 2 K.

jBp ij?i SnjD] transrbv ariXov
2 K. 23' iicjn, cf. 2t,^'K
posed in 2 K. 31. nnj;]

vpn]

K. vnpn.

K. D'pnS.

nnaa oyn

htdj

nnan]

The

idj"^] (6,

K.

nNrn.

32.

K. without
nxdjh

'?d

suffixes.

riN idvim]

na-yV]

K.

23'

phrase iw the covenant may have fallen

from text of Ch. (Oe., Bn.), since the reading without it is harsh, or
while every one who was found in Jerusalem takes the place of " all the
So

ibjJ.M.

last

people," jn''j3i and Benjamin may be a misreading by copyist for

(Kau., Ki. Kom., BH., doubtfully).

XXXV.
to

K.

1-19. The celebration of the Passover.

-23

2321

over "as

was

it

commanded

Josiah

According

the celebration of the Pass-

book

written in the

nnaa

and the

of the covenant,"

people responded and celebrated the feast as it had never

before been observed. This brief statement gave the Chronicler
occasion to describe the celebration of the feast in detail, especially in reference to the part therein of the priests

1.

This was the

In Jerusalem].

and

Levites.

significant thing historically

observance of the Passover: according to the Dtic. law

was held at the central sanctuary in Jerusalem. Previously

in Josiah's
it

the celebrations

sanctuaries

derived
first

v.

had been

throughout
'

from

K.

month] according

The month was Nisan.

to

people's

the

or

the fourteenth

day of the

Ex.

16^).

128

Lv.

23^

Nu. 9^

Cf. the similar

Encouraged them].
3. That taught

(295-1' 30--).

at local

Chronicler

On(Dt.
law

homes

The

land

2321*.

2.

exhortation of Hezekiah

the

at

the

all Israel.]

From

the beginning in Israel the priests were the guardians and the
teachers of the law, and the Chronicler, in dignifying the office of

the Levites, assigns this duty also to them {cf. 17^ ' Ne. 8'- ).
That were holy unto Yahweh] another expression dignifying the
Levites {cf. 23).
In P only the priests are called holy {DB. IV.

Put

the holy ark in the house, etc.].

This command to the
Levites to place the ark in the Temple, and, since they no longer
have the burden of carrying it, to serve now Yahweh and the

p. 93).

people in making preparation for the Passover (vv.

variously interpreted,

(i)

On

been removed from the Temple

'),

has been

the assumption that the ark had

by Manasseh or by Josiah during

XXSV.

CELEBRATION OF THE PASSOVER

1-19.]

513

repair, the command was to replace it in the Temple and to

attend to other duties (so the older commentators, also Be., Oe.; Be.
held also that the Levites bore the newly reconsecrated ark upon
its

Passover under the idea

do so by the law, but Josiah taught them
by Solomon had caused an alteration in that

their shoulders at the celebration of the

bound

that they were

that the

Temple

respect).

(2)

built

to

The language

is

figurative,

meaning "Think not on

that which formerly before the building of the Temple belonged to

your service, but serve the Lord and his people now in the manner

described in vv.

"

f"

(Ke., Zoe.).
read: Behold the ark is

(3)

With emendation

of the

now

in the temple, etc. (iin.).

(7;. i.),
The meaning, then, is essentially that of (2). Since the ark is in its
place and is no longer to be borne, the Levites should attend to their
text

This appeared

regular duties.

given

and a reader emended as

trivial

M 4. After your fathers^ houses]

By your courses]
family
According,
of David].

in

i.e.,

divisions.

great

i.e.,

to the liriting

service.

the Levitical divisions for service in the

David (cf

The

Ch.

2;^'^). And

The

formation of

Temple was ascribed

to the

according

after the clan or

the divisions for

to

writing of Solomon].

appointment and arrangement was made necessarily by

Solomon {cf. 8'^). There is no reason then why this statement may
final

not have come from the Chronicler {contra Bn.). 5. According to

the divisions of the fathers^ houses of your brethren the children of
the people, and (for every division) a part of a Levitical family].

"Each

great division of the laity

division of the Levites"

30I6

where the Levites

cleanness, but here

though

kill

was

6.

to

be served by a sm.all

And

kill the passover].

Cf.
the Passover owing to the laity's un-

{cf. v. 12).

no such reason

is

alleged.

This looks as

and
lamb had passed from the laymen, heads of
12'^ ^), to the Levites.
If this was the case,

at the time of the Chronicler the right of slaying

roasting the paschal

the households (Ex.

Jewish laymen later regained

slay the lambs.

this privilege, yet Levites

And sanctify

might also

After the slaying of

animals the Levites should wash themselves in view of their further
yourselves].

And prepare, etc.]. Prepare the Passover for your brethren (the laymen), according to the law of Moses {cf. v. i^).
7. And
Josiah gave, etc.]. Cf. the similar action of Hezekiah and his
duties.

33

CHRONICLES

514
princes (30=').
sacrificial

various

Three

meals

thousand bullocks^ for peace-offerings or

oxen vv.

(r/.

'

'2).

For a free-will

officials.

8.

And

his princes]

i.e.,

offering] corresponding

passover offerings (Ke., Zoe., RV.);

the

to the

better willingly (H, Be., Oe.,

Kau., Ki., Ba., AV., RVm.). Hilkiah and Zechariah and JehVcl,
the riders of the house of God\
Of these three riders Hilkiah was
the high priest

{cf.

31'^; Zechariah

is

usually conjectured to have

been the priest next to him, the second priest mentioned in 2 K. 25'*
Je. 52-' {cf. Pashhur a ruler in the house of Yahweh Je. 26'); Jehiel
conjectured by Be., Ke., Zoe., the chief of the line of Ithamar,
which according to Ezr. 8- continued to exist after the exile {cf.
I Ch. 240But it is better to think of him simply as the priest

is

third in

On

rank (Oe.).

Conaniah, Shema

under Hezekiah

iah,

occurrence of the

name

On

in 3112-15.

31".

cf.

and Jozabad appear as names

9.

of Levites

Nethan'el, for occurrence of

name

Ch. e"""' 9" et

Hashabiah,
11. And
al., very common; Jet'el also common, cf. i Ch. 5' 9".
were
Now
the
Levites
the priests sprinkled].
flaying].
Cf. 30'^
cf. I

Ch.

2'^ 1524

24" 26^ 17' et ah;

cf. i

As

in the case of the killing, this

been a layman's part

The

(v. "),

P would seem to have

And they removed the burnt-

according to

29'^).

12.

and flaying the paschal

removed from the lambs portions which were burnt

offerings, etc.].

lambs

{cf. v.

Levites, after killing

upon the altar {'rh'^T\ the burnt-offerings), giving these portions to

the representatives of families that they in turn might present them
No ritual like this is
to the priest for an offering unto Yahweh.
mentioned

in Ex. 12, but

were treated

like the

it

must be assumed that the paschal lambs

of the peace-offerings, of which certain

lambs

upon the altar {cf. Lv. 3-'5) (Be., Ke.,

was done to the oxen]. They were
The fat was burned on the altar (Lv. 3'-^)

portions of fat were burned

Zoe., Oe., Bn.).

And

so

it

same way.
but the rest eaten {cf v. i^). 13.
according to the ordinance of Ex.

treated in the

The
i2'-9.

paschal lambs were roasted

The holy offerings, to wit

the oxen, were cooked otherwise and were either eaten as a part of
the paschal meal (Be.) or during the later days of the feast (Ke.,
14.
Zoe., Oe.). The former seems demanded by the connection.

The people were served first. Then the Levites prepared

own lambs and those of the priests who were engaged until
in

burning the

fat portions of the

lambs.

their

night

XXXV.

CELEBRATION OF THE PASSOVER

1-19.]

r^^v;n (collective) burnt-offerings is to

and

515

be interpreted as in v. '2.
The connective and

the fat, defines the burnt-offering.

plicative

(Ke., Zoe.,

ex-

Be. draws a distinction between the two

Oe.).

nouns and interprets the

aoSnni
(i) is

latter as the fat of the

oxen which was burnt.

15. Cf. I Ch. 251 -. According to Jewish traditions the Levites

sang the "Hallel" while the paschal lambs were being killed in
the court of the Temple (JE. IX. p. 553).
In spite of all the labour

and

of the priests

Levites, neither the singers nor the gate-keepers

were drawn from their posts of duty either to

assist

them or

to

paschal supper. 16. And all the service of

on that day in preparing the passover and in offering the

own

prepare their

Yahweh

upon the altar of Yahweh was arranged

burnt-offerings

command

{i.e.,

was exe-

This

is a
cuted) according
as
the
of
the
narrative.
All
was
performed
preceding
summary
or
the
be
the
had
commanded,
King's
King
emphasis may
upon

to the

command,

i.e.,

14th of Nisan.

of the king Josiah].

On that day] i.e., the

hold
that
the
Ke., Zoe., Oe.,
expression covers the
was ordered by Josiah.

seven days of the feast agreeable to their interpretation of

The burnt-offerings are to be interpreted as in vv. '^ '^
(g.v.).

v.

''

17.

18.

A copy

K.

The

feast of unleavened bread].

2322

with these principal changes: from the days of Samuel the

prophet instead of

"

from the days

(Samuel was regarded as the

specific

mention of the

who were

Israel

Also from 2 K.

3. Dijnnn]

Cf

priests

present

and

30'2-

='.

judged Israel"
judges); and with the

of the judges that

last of the

and

the Levites

and

all

Oe.,

ark

the Kt., which must be regarded as a substantive, the

mss. Dir^pn, those that taught,

cf.

Ne.

8'-

hence read with

,

so Be., Ke.,

|nx pk un] certainly implies some movement of the

It may be inferred from i Ch. 23^6 that the Chronicler conservice of the Levites ended with the completion of the

'1JI

{v. s.).

sidered this

Temple.

19.

(2323).

many

et al.

Judah and

the inhabitants of Jerusalem.

teachers, does not occur elsewhere in this construction,

Qr. and

of 2

Bn. reads

read for ns

'1JI

Ch.

jnx

n:-i;

BH.

Ki.

suggests

that

rmjp be

Better follow (& (as preserved in i Esdr.)

nna and render, After that the ark was placed in the house

ij."i,

cf. 1

28^.

iv ry diaei =
which Solomon

the son of David king of Israel built, there has not been a
On this use of 2 with the
burden upon your shoulders, now serve, etc.
inf. cf. BDB. 3, V. 1. 4. uiDm] read Kt. ijisni with (& (Ch.), H, so

Be., Kau., Ki.

BH.,

et al.

3nDD3i

anaa] Ki. reads

'31

CHRONICLES

5l6

with a few MSS. and Vrss.

in (S (Ch.)

and since the

icipnni] Bn. strikes out, since

it is

wanting

sanctification should precede the slaying of the

paschal lamb, so also Ki. BH. doubtfully. But (S (i Esdr.) /cai rds dvaiai
read D'>a'-\pm {cf. v. '3).
Since the Levites did prepare the holy offerings
for their brethren, the people (v. ^^), this is the
original, hence omit i
before iron, also with CH
offerings,
nin'7X

j-]

etc.

7.

Ch.

2731.

9.

in^jjoi]

a word not infrequent in Arab, and Aram.

MSS. and Vrss.

'nn.

19.

This passage was added

transliteration Kapacreifi

The

Esdr.) and render and prepare the holy

(i
cf.

ti'ioi]

older (6 version

(i

3112.

cf.

15.

13.

nun] a few

(Ch.) inserts after this verse 2 K.

2321-2'.

underlying Hebrew, as is shown by the

KaS-qaeifx = D^ir'tp, not found in 2 K. 232^.

in the

Esdr.) has another addition at this point which

probably represents in mutilated form the Chronicler's original

cf. Tor. ATC. pp. 83 /., Ezra Studies, pp. 87 ff.

20-26. The death of Josiah.

Much

fuller

text,

than the account

given in 2 K. 23=^ ', showing that either fuller reminiscences of this

sad event had been preserved or that a legend concerning it had
already developed. The Chronicler gives the following details,

which are

entirely wanting in 2 K.: (i) Necho's message to dissuade Josiah from war, (2) Josiah's disguising himself and coming
to fight in the valley of

Megiddo,

archers, (4) the transfer of the

(3) the

wounding

wounded man

of Josiah

by

to the second chariot

(Ba.).

Bn. ascribes the narrative

to the Chronicler's forerunner {die Vorlage).

followed by Ki. The evidence is seen in the connecting

The
clause, After all this -when Josiah had prepared the temple, v. -'>.
remainder of the section is ascribed by Bn. to the forerunner and

In this he

by Ki.

to

is

M.

20. Neco the king of Egypt] Necho II, son of Psammetichus,

second King of the twenty-si.xth dynasty. He reigned from 609 to

To fight against Carchemish].

The writer here gives

the geographical goal, while 2 K. 2323 has the personal object,
"The king of Assyria." Necho, taking advantage of the tottering
B. c.

594

condition of the Assyrian Empire, was intent upon restoring the

ancient Egyptian sovereignty over the Syrian provinces.
Carche-

mish] the objective point of Necho's march, the mod. Jerahis

(or Jerabus) on the west bank of the Euphrates, directly east
of

the

north-east

corner

of

the

Mediterranean,

the

ancient

XXXV.

THE DEATH OF JOSIAH

20-26.]

capital of the Hittite empire

Two

Mesopotamia.

517

and the gateway from Syria into

Necho was defeated at this point

years later

by the Babylonian army of Nabopolassar under Nebuchadrezzar,

that fact the writer introduced it here.
And he went

and from

possibly at the

out to meet

him]
through loyalty to them;

command

of the Assyrians or

but since the Assyrian. Empire had

was
near
weak
and
its end, it is far more
grown very
probable
that Judah had for some time ceased to be tributary to Assyria

and

went out to preserve the independence of

that Josiah

kingdom. 21.

Whether

this

embassy with

its

his

message was

in

historic, or

merely a fiction to assign a cause for the

any way
death of the good King, it is impossible to determine. Probably the
latter.
The writer saw in the message of Necho a divine warning

which Josiah did not heed (v. 2-). He assumed that a real revelation from God, whom he would have identified with Yahweh, had
been made to Necho. The older commentators thought of the
command having come to Necho through a dream or a prophet
(on the text

He

v. i.).

22.

persisted in hostility.

But Josiah did not turn

his

from
But he disguised himself].faceThe
story of
Iiim].

the death of Josiah appears to have been modelled after that of

Both kings received a divine warning, both entered the

evidently to avoid the threatened danger and
both were wounded by bowmen and later died (cf. iS'"- 2'- ^3 ).
Ahab.

battle in disguise

Yet

(g

read and he strengthened himself {v.

had been made to Necho

real revelation

Cf.

Ch.

7'-".

The

battle

was so

far north

i.).

Month of God].
Megiddo].

{cf. v. 2').

not because Necho ad-

vanced to northern Palestine by the sea (a view suggested by

Cheyne, Life and Times of Jeremiah, p. 96, based on Herodotus's
reference to Necho's naval activity,

with northern

H.

158), but

probably because

ancient battle-ground afforded the best

23. For I am sore wounded].
place for resisting the Egyptian.
Thus also said Ahab (18''). 24. The second chariot] probably a
allies this

and more comfortable one than the war chariot. And they
In 2 K. 23" the King is
brought him to Jerusalem and he died].

greater

said to have been slain at

The

Megiddo and brought dead from

there.

narrative in 2 K. has also been interpreted to imply that

Josiah sought an interview with Necho and was assassinated by him

at

CHRONICLES

5l8

Megiddo

This

(Ba.).

is

posed an elegy over Josiah].

the other hand, Jeremiah
to

which mourning

is

unlikely.

25.

And

Jeremiah com-

This has not been preserved. On

said to have deprecated the extremes

for Josiah

was carried

Je. 22').

(cf.

Unto

this

day] either of the Chronicler or his source; most likely the latter.
And they made them an ordinance in Israel] i.e., a custom.

They were probably repeated

An

death.

yearly on the anniversary of Josiah 's

found in Zc. 12", but that

allusion to this has been

In

the lamentations] not the canonical book of Lamentations, but a lost one. 26. A combina-

interpretation

23=8),

and

The book of
21

very doubtful.

form found

tion of the

Josiah (2 K.
acts first

is

and

last {cf. g^^ 12").

i.e.,

n*^]

Kau.

heute.

And

Be.

and Judah]

retained

inserts

\'^!<3

the rest of the acts of

to the Chronicler,

And his good

the kings of Israel

du

K.,

and that peculiar

Dvn nnx y^-;

dick set

in i

iH

deeds].

v. Intro,

and

his

Cf. 32'^

pp. 22 /.

and rendered nicht wider

after nriN, the latter being used to

emphasise the preceding pron. sf. More likely we should repoint nrs,
I will not come against you this day.
Ki. BH. reads nrs ijn.
'ncnSn n''3-SN]. The rendering of EVs. against the house wherewith I

have war,

awkward.

the house of my war, was defended by Ke., but is

Better read with i Esdr. mfl Sn, favoured by Be., Zoe., Kau.,

i.e.,

since this brings out the contrast, viz., it is not against you, but
22. u'Dnnn] is not supported
against your enemy, that I am marching.
by the Vrss. C& (Ch.) iKparai^Oi} read ptnnn and (& (i Esdr.) iwex^ipet
read 2'i'n. The following verse seems to imply that the King was not

In
disguised, since the archers made him the object of their attack.
should
the Ahab incident, the King was shot by chance, cf. 18".

We

probably read pmnn, so Be., Zoe., Oe., Bn. 13:] ( (i Esdr.) 'lepefilov
Read M. Winckler holds that an original of vv. 21 f- has
irpo(j)-fiTov.
been much corrupted and reconstructs as follows: According to v. ^,

clearly the

Josiah

is

Hence

after n^3

one who has received a command from God.

The original was somemissing.

some words are

thing like this: "What have I to do with thee, King of Judah?

against thee but against the house [of Assyria, i.e., thy vassalship]
I

come.

but

Then

said Josiah:

It is

not

my

wish that I

Not

am

fight ('ncnSj),

commanded me to make haste. Halt [O Pharaoh]

command of God who has sent me, that he does not destroy
And Josiah would not turn back from him because he had been

God

has

before the
thee.

made

to fight with

him [u^nnn

in

place of

tt'ijnnn]

hearken to Necho on account of the word of

had received]" K.AT.'

p. 277.

God

and he did not

[which he, Josiah,

XXXVI.

REIGN OF JEHOAHAZ

1-4.]

XXXVI. From

The

519

the death of Josiah to the fall of Jerusalem.

2 K. 23^"'' 24", from which,

Chronicler had before him

much abridgment and some

with

striking modifications, he took

'2" he
vv.
but
'",
freely composed, giving his own version
of the fall of Jerusalem with its cause and the duration of the

vv.

and the decree

exile

which led

of Cyrus,

to the return.

Ki. assigns all this chapter either to the Chronicler or from

however, an interrogation against vv. "-i".

The reign

1-4.

of

Jehoahaz

(three months,

For a similar enthronement by the people,

1. 2.

608
cf.

2 K., with,

b.

26'

c).
T,y*.

^and therefore
'^),
Jeho'ahaz] a younger son of Josiah (cf. w.
not the natural heir to the throne. His election was probably due

sympathy with the anti-Egyptian policy

to his

who

control by those

of his father or his

22" he

In Je.

it.

represented

is

called

Shallum, which was probably his birth name, while Jehoahaz

was the name taken as king. His mother's name, given in 2 K.
23^', is

was

omitted and also the statement,

evil in the sight of

had done."

3.

And

The

"And he

according to

all

did that which

that his fathers

Egypt removed him from reignmentions that " Necho bound him

the king of

ing'^ in Jerusalem].
at Riblah."

Yahweh

K.

23^3

shows confusion

text

The words bound

(v. i.).

and remove are very similar in Hebrew. A hundred talents of

A talent of gold]
silver] about two hundred thousand dollars.
about thirty thousand dollars. This tribute was lighter than
that imposed by Sennacherib {cf. 2 K. 18'^).
4. Eliakim means

"God
the

establishes,"

two names were practically

respect for

him

and Jehoiakim "Yahweh

to

Yahweh

in giving

Egypt] where he died

him the

{cf.

K.

latter
23^''

establishes," thus

Necho showed

identical.

name.

his

And carried

Je. 22'^).

ipn inu'DM, but the plus is wantand 2 K. 23'"

Chronicler probably omitted the phrase, since he
regarded this as a sacred function, which the people of the land were not
entitled to perform, cf. 22', also 23" compared with 2 K. 11'-.
aSiJ'Tiia]
1.

in"'!:'^'']

ing in

(g (Ch.)

The

Esdr.

Esdr. and 2 K., probably crept into the text from the
^^
yin t;'j?ii nja'^o in^ri'' na Sai;:n icn
lowing verse. 2. 2 K. 23'"'

wanting

rn2N

wy

in

-uj-N

hjD

mm

>y'j2,

is

folDZ'^

supplied after this verse by <& (Ch.).

CHRONICLES

520

Since the Chronicler habitually omitted the

name

of the king's

mother

is doubtless original.
The
wanting in i Esdr.,
Chronicler probably omitted the statement concerning the King's evil

and the passage

is

doing, since the opposition of the Egyptian ruler indicates that the young
King followed the policy of his father, the good Josiah. 3. T'O im-D-i

D^riT'a onxD]

which

K.

a'^mo

i^""* r:;n in^^

nyia imosM,
adding Kal fj-errj-yayev avrbv 6 /3a(Tt\ei>s eis
This appears to be a conflation of Ch. and K. 1 Esdr.
2

23^'

n'?a-ia n^j

(8 (Ch.) follows,

AtyviTTov.

Alexandrian MS.) supports

This
reading of 2 K., but read 'n'7SD after a''iX2.
is doubtless what the Chronicler wrote, and the king of Egypt removed him from reigning in Jerusalem, so Be., Zoe., Oe., Kau., Ki.
(the original Gr. being preserved in the

the

against

Kom., BH., Bn. .-IN l^'J>M] 2 K. S;' Viy jn^, (& (Ch.) follows 2 K. 4.
D'^tt'n'i mini Sy vnx a'piSx nx o'-isa iSo 1*^2^] 2 K. 23^' n^j 7\-;-\q ^'^:;11
V3N ini^'Ni nnn iniii's-i p oipiSs pn. 05 (Ch.) has combined the two
In the ^ text the conflation is complete,
i Esdr. has s^p-ini
readings.
instead of aip'Ss and no notice concerning the change of name, but
instead

Koi

eST^cre

words preserved

toi)s

in CS^)

/jLeyiffrdvas

(following the order of

idsm, which is certainly an
in.s'aM noj np'^ rns rnNP pni

IwaKeifM

a'p^n"' a^ia' n.s

^i^-y pn aOM.
nnnxD] 2 K. as' pdm anso n3m npS rnsini pxi. ^ (Ch.) conflates, also
adds 2 K. 23'^ with but slight variations, omitting a^pMni and reading
In i Esdr. slight changes
tS'jjjn'? y-ynn nSnn in for insn nx y->-;n in.

early misreading of a-pMni

are

introduced

in

preceding clause

5-8.
usual,

order to harmonise

(v. s.),

but otherwise

with the misreading of the

it

supports

M.

The reign of Jehoiakim (608-597 b. c). 5.

the name of the queen-mother is omitted (2 K.

Nebuchadnezzar]

corrupt

form

of

spelhng

Again, as
23 5^).

6.

Nebuchadrezzar

King of Babylon, 604-561 b. c. This corrupt form is found in

1 and 2 Ch., Ezr., Ne., Est., and a few times in 2 K. and Je., v.
BDB. Nebuchadrezzar's father, Nabopolassar, was King of
Babylon 625-605 B. c, and on the fall of Nineveh (between 608
and 606) immediately began to extend his empire westward,
but the conquest
perial

army

at

fell

largely to his son,

who commanded

the battle of Carchemish

the Egyptians were defeated.

Exactly

how

the im-

35") 605, where

soon after that event
(r/.

Nebuchadrezzar came up against Jerusalem and compelled the

submission of Jehoiakim,
2

K.

24'

it

(McCurdy

is

was apparently

not easy to determine. According to

in 601 or 600 b. c, the usual view.

prefers to place

it

immediately after the battle of

XXXVI.

JEHOIAKIM AND JEHOIACHIN

5-10.]

Carchemish,

HPM.

p. 167, likewise

But

Oe.)

521

after three years

Jehoiakim rebelled, and before the Babylonians had subdued his

and his son Jehoiachin came to the throne, and

months' reign, the city having been besieged and taken,
he was carried captive with many others and much treasure to

rebellion, died

after a three

Babylon (2 K. 24'-"). In view of these facts the statement he

bound him [Jehoiakim] in fetters to carry him to Babylon is strange.
has been taken as expressing an intention which was not realised
(g, B, render and he carried him to Babylon,
(Be., Ke., Zoe.).

It

as though Jehoiakim were held there awhile and then released and
permitted to reign again in Jerusalem. 7. The statement of this

not supported by anything in 2 K. With the preceding it is

without doubt an expression of a tradition, later given in Dn. i', of
an attack upon Jerusalem and the carrying away of a part of the
verse

is

sacred vessels of the Temple during Jehoiakim 's reign.

The
motive for the formation of this tradition, putting the attack in the
third year of Jehoiakim (Dn. i'), was because thereby a captivity
of seventy years

lem

is

ments

25'-',

Nebuchadrezzar

of

kings of Israel

But

might be obtained.

forbidden by Je.

K.

2335

-I-

this early fall of Jerusa-

that

all

DB.

(y.

and Jiidah].

5. aStt'n^a] 2

and

I.

p.

is

known

553).

8.

of the

move-

Book of

the

See Intro, pp. 22 /.

r^^2^\

r\^-\!:

JD

nj miat icn

oa*!,

so (6 (Ch.), but

wanting in i Esdr., cf. v. 2. rn'?^] wanting in i Esdr. 2 K. 23'' omits,

but adds r.i3N W]} ns'N hjD, with which QJ (Ch.) agrees. The latter also
adds at this point a section which varies only slightly from 2 K. 24''', in
spite of the fact that v.
flation.
its

6.

vh-;]

insertion (v.

s.).

K.

is

24'

Sjm] palace (rather seldom

7.

\6y(av
ISD] 05 (Ch.)
doubtless from 2 K. 24^,

ing Hebrew.

Sn-i::"']

dependent on 2 K. 24', another case of conhas v?2>2. (6 (Ch.) omits necessarily after

rdv

rifievGiv

and as

wanting

V7\2H
(Ch.) and 2 K. 24^
additional clause Kal irdcpr) iv

in

tois

2;

see Tor.

ATC.

ajj D>p>^r^^

p. 84.

was

8.

inserted

other cases probably in the underly-

K. minii] (^*
and the former has the
rwv irar^pwv avrov, which

in 05 (Ch.) as also in 2

jdc'm,

Tav Ofa fiera

must have as the underlying Hebrew vnus
2ii8-

in this sense).

S 0''B>n >"131

DJ? ntj?

pa

lip'i, cf. 2

K.

I'dmh^] (g (Ch.) 'lexovlai, so also v. \

9. 10. The reign of Jehoiachin (three months, 597 b. c).

9. Eight] eighteen (2 K. 24^ (g^L^ ^, Ke., Zoe., Oe., Ba., Ki.).
This latter is also favoured by the elegy of Ezekiel over

CHRONICLES

522
Jehoiachin

Yet the repeated allusions by Jeremiah to

(ig^-').

the queen-mother suggest that the

13.8

22=

and

292),

King was quite a youth

to

difficult

is

it

think

of

motive

(Je.

for

shortening the age, hence Be. regards eight as original; and also
Bn. as coming from the Chronicler's forerunner
(die Vorlage),

and he holds the same

also in reference to the ten

days

not appear in 2 K.; yet eighteen

at the return of the
year]
I

K.

and then

after,

i.e.,

Jehoiakim rebelled probably

20=6),

in the following spring

Nebuchadnezzar

In

sent].

which do

probably correct. 10. And

in the spring (r/. i Ch. 20> 2 S. 11'
is

K.

24'"

in the fall

and died soon

Jehoiachin was deposed.

the city

is

said to have been

besieged by the Chaldeans, and Jehoiachin to have surrendered

and been taken, with his treasures, and the vessels of the

Temple,
There Jehoiachin
remained some thirty-seven years in prison, where he married and
begat children (i Ch. 3'^ ); but at the accession of Evil-Merodach
(561 B. c.) he was released from prison and given a place of honour

and the

best people of the land, to Babylon.

the captive kings of Babylon (2 K. 25"

His
Je, 52=' ).
brother], but according to 2 K. 24" Zedekiah was his uncle {cf.

among
1

Ch.

3'^').

9
2

K.

iU.

a>ja' njiDtr] 2

K, 248

njty

msf

njoc, but d>d> ma-jn is wanting in

i Esdr.
probably agreed with

j?

The original Greek of both Ch. and

The addition of the ten days leads

to the suspicion that an mtt'j;

was accidentally omitted after njinr and later inserted between the
lines or on the margin, whence it made its
way into the wrong place in
the text.
D'D' was then added to make the text
For further
intelligible.

discussion v.

K.

from

s.

K. 249

nin^] 2

241'

1-n;

a'^^'n'3] 2

K.

oS::'nia

jnj'^.x

na

ttr^cni

inx

qi:m.

V2H

n-jv tj-n '-33. 10. vnx] (g (Ch.), B, B, V2x >nN;

wanting in i Esdr. The Vrss. seem to be corrections

K.

11-21. Reign of Zedekiah (597-586 b. c.) and the destruction of Jerusalem.

11. This verse is a copy of 2 K. 24' with the
usual omission of the name of the King's mother, "Hamutal the

daughter of Jeremiah of Libnah." Zedekiah was a full brother of

Jehoahaz (cf. 2 K. 233') but only a half-brother of Jehoiachin (cf.
2

K.

24).

12.

And

Yahweh] taken from

he did that which was evil in the sight of

K. 2^^^^. And he humbled not himself

XXXVI.

before

REIGN OF ZEDEKIAH

11-21.]

523

Jeremiah] a statement based upon Zedekiah's attitude to the

counsel of Jeremiah respecting the Chaldeans. Jeremiah advised

submission. Zedekiah through the opposition of the nobles and
vain hopes could not bring himself to this (Je. 21'-^ 34'"" 37'''

38"-").
iff-

Yet Zedekiah was not really ill-disposed toward Jeremiah

Jc- 37"-

"

38'- ")

Out of

Neither did Jeremiah speak harshly of him

mouth of Yahweh]. Thus, according to

Jeremiah, came true prophecy (Je. 23'^). 13. And also, etc.] as
though rebellion were a sin additional to the refusal to listen to
{cf.

Je. 34^

').

the

Jeremiah; but the former involved the latter. Who had made him
swear by God]. Zedekiah was placed under an oath of allegiance in
the

name

of

Yahweh.

On

the violation of this oath,

He hardened]. The subject

Against returning unto Yahweh
of his oath

and

is

God

not

God

the

cf.

Ez. 17 '3-21.

but Zedekiah (Be.).

of Israel].

His violation

resistance to the advice of Jeremiah are regarded

by the writer as apostasy from Yahweh.

14.

In this and the

fol-

lowing verses the retrospect has been held to extend backward to

the reign of Manasseh (Be.), but the conditions were fulfilled during the reign of Zedekiah.

A most graphic description of the pollu-

15. Sent to them by his messenTemple

and
a
form of expression frequent
gers rising up early
sending]
in the Book of Jeremiah (Je. 29'9- 35'*
16. But they
26^).
tion of the

is

given in Ez. 8.

'

mocked,

etc.]

accomplished

in

the treatment of Jeremiah,

who

bitterly persecuted, and Uriah, who was put to death (Je.

Other unknown prophets doubtless suffered in the same
2620-").

was

way, since the reference need not be limited to the reign of Zedekiah.
The king of the Chaldeans] Nebuchadrezzar. The origi-

17.

home of the Chaldeans was south-east of Babylonia proper,

on the sea-coast, and from thence they pressed into Babylonia, and
since Nabopolassar, the father of Nebuchadrezzar and founder of
nal

new Babylonian dynasty, was of that stock, Chaldea from his

time meant Babylonia. And he slew]. The subject is ambiguous
but it is better to make the Chaldean King the subject (Ke., Oe.,
the

Ki.,

EVs.) than

The judgment

God
is

(Be., Zoe.).

because they profaned the sanctuary

slain in the

the house of their sanctuary].

brought into definite relation with the crime;

sanctuary (Ke.).

(v.

'<)

they themselves were

Cf. the vision of Ezekiel (q'-")-

The

CHRONICLES

524

also was the last refuge or stronghold of the city.20.

Attd his sons] Nebuchadrezzar's successors. These were EvilMcrodach, Neriglissar, and Nabonidus. The last two were usurpers

Temple

of a different family

was
dom

I.

col. 452).

Until the reign of

the king-

of Persia] until the conquest of Babylonia

21.
Je.

from Nebuchadrezzar, although Neriglissar

his son-in-law (EBi.

To

25"

King
land.

fulfil the

where

29',

word by

by Cyrus in 538.
mouth of Jeremiah the prophet]

the

after seventy years the

is

promise

punish the

to

Babylon and to restore the people of Israel to

Until the land had enjoyed its Sabbaths] i.e.,

their owti

of

the

until

seventy years of the captivity allow the land to enjoy the Sabbaths
(the Sabbatical years of rest or non-cultivation), of which the land

had been deprived during the previous history of Israel (cf. Lv.
26'^
Hence the Chronicler thought of a period of four hundred
).
and ninety years during which the Sabbatical law (Lv. 25'-') had
'

not been observed (from the period of the Judges onward) (Be.),
or in view of the God-fearing kings David, Solomon, Jehosha-

who doubtless observed the law, the four hundred and ninety
years must be taken loosely (Zoe., Oe., Ba.). The Chronicler
undoubtedlv had the notion that "the land obtained rest which
phat,

had deprived it of by their neglect of the

observance"
It must be remembered, however,
Sabbath
(Ke.).
that the law and notion of the Sabbatical years are in reality of
the sinful people

late origin,

belonging to P.

Seventy
was

of the

The

years].

less

than

actual period
since the

this,
Babylonian captivity
submission of Judah to the Chaldeans was in 601 or 600

24')

and the

first

was

proper captivity

first

(2

K.

in the first year of Jehoiachin

The number seventy in the

was
doubtless
meant in the first instance
Jeremiah

or Zedekiah, 598 or 597 (2 K. 248-1^).

of

prophecy
to have been taken symbolically.

The

literalising of

it

to the story of the earlier captivity in the third year of

gave

rise

Jehoiakim

(Dn. v){v.s.).
11. n'^irmo] 2 K. 24'^

-I-

wanting in 2 K. 24", the

14.
not. from 2 K. v. s.

but
hyji^.

Esdr, Kal

16.

ol

njaSs

latter

irT>cii

adding

(g

(Ch.)
ijyovfievoi o^ toO \aov

?\s'?

v]

'ir]

cf.

i4'2

and on

pa Saicn icx
ntp;?

a^->''ini
-|-

/cai

jsx^

n-iin>

ruv
i

d-*i.

irs
and
22-'.

vns.s]

Ki.

BH.,

so

17.

iepiuiv.

Ch.

12.

Sod.

'iji

':'i>";^]

nS]

Qr.

O'^t^j]

XXXVI.
Qr.

THE DECREE OF CYRUS.

22-23.]
ail

n'^vai nina

t'V^<^ jpt

Sjj]

Q5

(Ch.)

525

rod

iroLpdlvovi aiiTdf ovk Tj\^T]ffav Kal toi)s irpeff^vT^povs

B'C'^

I,edeKlov

aiirQv

Kal

rds

dTrrjyayov.

occurs only here.

The decree

22. 23.

of Cyrus.

These

verses are also in Ezr.

are not the proper close of a history, but the introduchence their true place is in Ezr. i'-3. i and 2 Chronicles

They

it-3a

tion;

formed with Ezra one work, and in the separation this

paragraph was allowed to remain in each either by chance, or
as an evidence that the two writings were originally one, or,
originally

with

less probability,

may have been appended

it

more hopeful

to give a

close to the

to 2 Chronicles

book (even as

Kings closes

with a notice of the release of Jehoiachin).

22. Firsi year] 538 B.C.; the date is taken from his rule in

Babylon (Noeldeke, Aufsdtze zur pers. Gesch. 22 a. i). Word of

Yahweh by the mouth of Jeremiah'] his prophecy of the seventy
years of captivity followed by a restoration (Je. 291"
stirred

45'

0-

up

).

Yahweh

Cf. the promises. Is. 41^5 4428

the Chronicler's version of the decree, since

the spirit of Cyrus].

13. 23.

This

is

Cyrus King of Persia

(Dr. L0r.i2 pp. 545/

not the

is

official

designation of Cyrus

Weissbach, ZDMG. 51, pp. 662/.), nor is

there any likelihood that he would thus have acknowledged
Yahweh. The historicity indeed of any decree on the part of

Cyrus

for the return

and rebuilding

of the

Temple has been

Sm. OT.

Hist. pp. 344 ff.).

questioned (see
(Torrey in
Ezra Studies rejects entirely the historicity of the decree.)
22.

'33]
I

Ezr.

Esdr.

^DO. DJi]

I'

DTSTi]
with I Esdr., Ezr.

wanting

K^pios toO 'laparjX,

i'

''n;,

in

(B

Kvpios 6

(Ch.).

23.

Ci/'iorex.

so Be., Zee., Oe., Kau., Ki.

his

>rhii nini

nini]

read

ADDENDA.

is

In the Introduction, pp. 23/.,

expressly mentioned as in the

This

it is

said that the Vision of Isaiah

Book

of the

Kings

of

Judah and

Ch.

M,
32^2; but the text there
should probably be emended (v. pp. 493 /.), in which case the
Vision of Isaiah, in all likelihood, means the canonical Book of
Israel.

true according to

is

Isaiah.

This

The

section

latter

view

is

given on p. 493.

Ch. 1-9 requires a few further words of introgenealogical tables serve to bridge the period of
Israel's history from the creation of man to the time of David
a period which the Chronicler doubtless thought had been suffi-

duction.

The

ciently treated

This method

from

his

own

of bridging

point of view in the canonical books.

lists of names or lines of descent

with

was derived from the

priestly portion of the

appears in Gn. 5 and

1 1

Pentateuch where

it

connecting Adam and

These tables also served to explain

in the genealogies

Shem, and Shem and Abram.

and relations of peoples, communities, and families.
This was largely the purpose of the original record of those derived
the origins

from Genesis.

They

arose under the conception that historical

beginnings were in the form of family

commingled geographical,

and they embodied

and chronological rela-

life,

racial, political,

tionships.

But these are by no means the only reasons for these tables. A
leading motive for their composition must be found in the stress
during the period of the Chronicler upon purity of descent.
sharp line was then drawn between the Jews and the other

laid

peoples of Palestine, with whom union by marriage had become a

Certain families, we are also
grievous trespass (cf. Ezr. 9. 10).
told, were debarred from the office of the priesthood because they
could not furnish genealogical registers (Ezr. 2'*'-" Ne. 763-66).
Hence a genealogy must have been a most valued asset for an
,

527

ADDENDA

528
individual, family, or even

or a basis for

mind

them

community; and

to provide genealogies

for his contemporaries

of the Chronicler

when he compiled

was probably

in

these tables.

claiming descent from any particular tribe or clan, especially

Levi, Jerahmeel,
full,

and men

of

the

Jews
from

and Caleb, of whom the genealogies are quite

Ono and Lod and of other towns which are

mentioned, and the families of Jerusalem, doubtless received his

information with eagerness and favour. These tables, we may
believe,

were choice literature to them, even as

ords of colonial families are to

many

at present the rec-

persons in

New

England.

INDEXES.
ENGLISH.

I.

Aaron, sons

of,

Atarah, 93.
Athaliah, 11/., 163, 435; death of,
430; usurpation of, 418, 422/.
Azariah, 480; exhortation of, 384.

127, 269.

Abiathar, 213, 270, 294/.

Abel-mayim, 389.
10, 369; address of, 375/.;
reign of, 373/.
Abram, Abraham, 70/.; descendants
of, 71/., 77.

Abijah,

Adam,

Azmaveth,

Baal, Baalim,

119,

164, 392,

Baal-perazim, 208/.
Baasha, 378, 387/.

Bashan, \2i

of,

455/

ff.

Bealiah, 196.

Ahaziah, 11; reign

Ahithophel, 204/.

of,

418^.

Becher, 146, 157/.

Beersheba, 114, 247, 403, 472.
Benaiah, i?i() f., 216, 236, 290,

Aijalon, 161, 366, 460.

A'.amoth, 216.

482.

Alemeth, 138, 146, 159.

Benjamin, genealogy

of, 147, i$tff.\

171; recruits from, 198.
Beriah, 154/., 161, 264.
Bethel, 377.
Beth-horon, 141, 154, 353, 443.
Bethlehem, 97, 106, 188, 366.

sons

Aigum-trees, 321, 357.

Altar of Temple, 330, 336.

Amalek, 74, 234.

Amaziah, 12; reign of, 440^.
Ammon, campaigns against, 237

jf.

Amorite, 64.
Arabians, 15, 383, 394, 417, 419, 449.

Arpachshad, 66,

Baasha,

387

of,

380/.;

war with

victory

ff.\

Book

over

Zerah, 382/.
Asahel, 88, 191, 290, 482.
Asaph, 130, 134 /., 220, 339, 408;
sons of, 275^.
of,

the Kings of Israel and

22, 446, 454, 493, 518, 521.

Caleb, sons
108/.

of,

89 /., 95 /., 104,

Calves, golden, 368.

Candlesticks, 299, 332, 336.

155/.

Asherah, 386.
Asherim, 381, 401, 437, 478, 495/-.

Caphtorim, 64.
Carchemish, battle

503/

of, 516, 520.

Caterpillar, 344.
Chaldea, 523.

Ashhur, 90,92/., 106.

Ashkenaz, 61.

Chaldeans, 522/.

Ashtaroth, 142.
Asshur, 66.

34

of

Judah,

Ashdod, 449.
Asher, genealogy

of,

Beth-shean, 1 54 jf.
Beth-shemesh, 138, 445, 460.
Beth-zur, 96, 366.
Bilhah, 114.
Binders, 256.

70.

Asa, 10, 378, 416; reign

reforms of, 384 ff.;

500.

116,

431. 435Baalah, 205.

58.

Adoniram, 364.
Adullam, 188, 366.
Ahab, 395/., 414, 416.
Ahaz, 12; idolatry of, 461; reign

i66, 196, 293.

Chariots, 233/., 318.

Cherubim, 299, 327.

529

INDEX

:)o^

Chronicles, date of, 5/.; diction of,

Hebrew text, 36/.; higher
2"] ff.\
criticism of, 44

literature of,
ff.;
44^.; name of, if.; order of i/.;
plan, purpose, and historical value
relation to Ezra and
of, 6 ff.;
,

Enosh, 58.
Ephod, 218.
Ephraim, genealogy

of,

153/.

Esau, 74.

Eshtcmoa, in, 138.

Etam, 105, 115, 366.

Nehemiah,
religious value
of, 16/.; sources of, iT ff.; versions

Ezion-geber, 355, 359, 413.

of^37/

Feast of Dedication, The, 348/.

2 ff.;

Cush, 62/.

Gaash, brooks of, 191.

Gad, sons of, 121 ff.

Cushites, 371, 383, 417.

Covenant, 511.
Cymbals, 215, 276.
Cyrus, decree

Dagon,

of,

Gad

525.

182.

Dan,

247, 472; genealogy of, 150.

David, 324, 345, 414, 441, 468; administrative officers of, 236/., 292;
appeal for offerings, 301; ancestry
of, 87 /.;
army of, 290; buys
Oman's floor, 252/.; capture of

Jerusalem by, 185

against
245 jf.;

Ammon,

charge
descendants of,

wars
ff.;

2 jf.

campaigns

jf.;

237^.; censusof,
to

Solomon, 257;
99 ff.; foreign
260

last acts of,

of, 23
last assembly of,
;

295/.;

made

mighty men of, 186

Nathan's message to, 226 jf.;
plans of Temple given to Solomon
king, 184^.;

ff.;

by, 298; prayer of thanksgiving,

229; preparation for the Temple
by, 255 /.; sons of, 13, 99, 208,
victories over
Philistines,
2^7;

208/.
Deuteronomy found,

(prophet), commission of, 250.

5,
173 /., 215; appointments of, 284/.; genealogies
of, 282/.
Gath, 232, 366, 449.

Gate-keepers,

Gedor, 105, 106, in, 196.

Ge-harashim, 109.
Genealogies, primeval, 55.
Gerar, 116, 383.
Gershon, 127/., 263/.

Geshur, 91.
Gezer, 140, 210.
Gibeon, 163, 210, 225, 315/.
Gihon, 486, 492.
Gilead, 91, 120, 122/., 288/., 292.
Girgashites, 64.
Goliath, 13, 243.

Gomer,
Gozan,

60.

126.

Habiri, 155.
Habor, 126.

Hadad, 72, 77, 78.

Hadramaut, 68/.
Hagrites, 15, 120, 123.

508.

Hakkoz, 271.

Eber,

Ham,

68, 70, 122.

74/., 405, 412; campaign against, 442^.; conquest of,

234/.; revolt of, 415; kings of,

Edom,

71,

77/.;

tribal chiefs of, 78/.

Egypt, 62/., 519; brook

Ehud, 146; descendants

Elam,

of,
of,

349.

158^.

66, 283.

Elath, Eloth,

no, 355, 448,

457, 459.

59,

116;

descendants

Hamath,

65, 205, 233, 234, 353.

142.

Hamuel, 114.
Hamul, 84.
Hanani, 277, 389, 411.
Hanoch, 58/., 73.
Haran, 96, 264.
102.

Hashubah,

Eliehoenai, 283.

Havilah, 62, 69.

Hazael, 420.
Hazar-susim, 115.
Hazazon-tamar, 405 /.
Heber, 1 11, 155.

Elishama, pedigree
Elizaphan, 213.
Elkanah, 216.
Elpaal, 160, 163.
Enchantments, 496.

of,

94/., 99.

62

Hammon,

Eihanan, 191, 243.

Elijah, letter of, 415/.

of,

/., 69.

Hebron,
of,

70, 137/., 213, 366; family

128; hosts at, 2oo_/.; sons of, 95.

INDEX
Hebronites, 288.
He-goats, 368.
Helah, 106.
Heman, 84/., 134/-, 220, 276, 278,
281/., 339; pedigree of, 130/.,
134-

Heth, 64.
Hezekiah, 12, 117;
Passover by, 471
the

Temple

ff.\

celebration of

opening of

ff.\

by, 463; reign of, 462

sickness of. 490/.; wealth of,

491.

Hezron, 84, 86/., 92.

Hezronites, 86.
High places, 367/., 500.
Hilkiah, 502 jf.

Hinnom,

Jehoshaphat, 10/., 236, 416; army

alliance with Ahab,
of) 393 ./;
395 ff-! fleet of, 412; judiciary of,
402J/".; prayer of, 406/.; reign of,
391/.; victory of, 404/.
Jehoram (Joram), 11; reign of, 413
/
Jehu, 411, 421/.
Jerahmeel, 82, 87, 93, 272, 274.
Jerahmeelites, families of, 93/.
Jeremoth, 266.

valley of, 456.

(artisan), 322, 334.

Hittites, 64, 319.

Hivites, 64.
place, the most, 326.
Horses, 319.
Host of heaven, worship of, 495.
Huldah, 509/.
Hur, 90, 92, 105/.

Jericho, 238, 459.

Jeroboam, 123, 373, 377; army of,
374Jerusalem, 207, 208, 239, 372, 512,
519, 521; destruction of, 522 ff.;
inhabitants of, i6jff.; judiciary of,

403/

Holy

Huram,

Jehoahaz, 519, 522.

Jehoiachin, 100^.; reign of, 521 Jf.
Jehoiakim, reign of, 520/.
Jehoiada, 190, 201, 290, 295, 422,
428, 430, 433; covenant of, 431.

Jehu (prophet), 401.

Hiram, 321/., 355; answer of, 322;

exchange of cities with, 351 /.;
Solomon's message to, 320.

Hiram

531

Jesse, family of, 88.

Jeush, 74/., 264, 369.

Joab, 88, 109, 185, 236, 239/., 247

/., 287,

294.

Joash, 11; apostasy of, 437 jf.; coronation of, 424; reign of, 423^.

321.

Huram-abi, 322.

Joktan, 68.

IDDO, 360/., 372, 378.

Images, 503.

Jorkeam,

Insignia of royalty, 428.

Isaac, 71, 74Isaiah, vision of, 22, 493; writing of,
22, 453Ishbaal, 165, 290.

Ishbosheth, 165.
Ishmael, 71, 166.
Israel, 74; sons of, 81/.
Issachar, 202, 475;
genealogy

of,

96.

Josiah, 12, 100; accession, 503; celebration of the Passover, 512 jf.;
law-book discovered, 508^.; reformation of, 503 ff.; repair of

Temple, 505/.
Jotham, 123; reign of, 454.
Judah, genealogies of, ^2 ff., 104 ff.;
recruits
immigration to, 367;
from, 198; sons of, 84/.
Judges, appointment of, 402^

144/
Kedar,
Jabez, 98, 107.
Jabneh, 449.
Jacob, 74; descendants

71.

Kcdesh, 142.
Kehath, 128, 211, 263, 264; sons
80/.

of,

Kenan,

Jair, 91.

Japheth, 60; descendants of 60/., 69.

,

Jared, 58.
Jattir, 138.

J a van, 60/.
Jebusites, 64, 185, 251.
Jeduthun, 220, 225, 276, 281, 339;
sons of, 277.

of,

408.
58.

Kenites, 98.
Keturah, 71 /.
Kiriath-jearim, 97, 204, 205.
Kittim, 61
Korah, 74/., 95, 282; sons of, 408.
Korahites, 196, 282/.

Koz, 107.

INDEX

532

Moab, Moabites,

Lachish, 366, 447, 487.

Ladan, 263; sons of, 286.
Lahmi, 13, 243.
Lamcch, 59.

La vers, 331/.
Law, book

of,

393; teaching, 393.

of, 508; read-

Law-book, discovery
ing of, 511.
Levi, genealogy

and geography

126/.; high priests of, 127

sons of, 128, 129/., 272^.

of,

heads
Jf.;

port

26^ J'.;
organisation of,
of, 261,

140 ff-, 204;

lists of 272
sup478;
,

479/-

of,

Lotan, 75.

Lubim, 371, 389.

Lud, 63.
Ludim, 63.

Maacah,

96, 151/., 292, 369, 374,

386.
60.

Mahalalel, 58.

Mahanaim,

143.

Mahli, 265, 274.

Malchiel, 155.

Manasseh

(tribe),

genealogy
cruits from, 199.
504;

123/., 471, 475>

of, 150 /.; re-

(king), captivity and restoration of, 497/.; idolatry of, 495;

Manasseh

reign of,

Maon,

494/-

96.

128,

263;

sons

of,

506.

Meri-baal, 165.

Merodach-baladan, 492.
Meshech, 60, 67.
Methushelah, 59.

Meunim,

15,

117, 405, 449.

Micaiah, prophecy of, 397/.

Michael, 122.
Midian, 73.
Midrash, 22/., 378, 449, 458.

Milcom,

242.

Millo, 185, 487.

Miriam,

iii.

468.

Nahor,

520, 523.

70.

Naphtali, genealogy of, 150.

Nathan, 226/., 257, 308, 360, 468.
Nebaioth, 71/.

Nebuchadnezzar, 520J/".
Neco, 5i6jf.
Nethinim, 170.
Netophah, 173.
Nimrod, 63.
Noah, 59; descendants of,

Obal, 69.
Obed-edom,

77.

206, 215, 217, 219,

13,

Obil, 29^.
Oded, 384, 385, 45S.
Offerings, burnt, 467/., 514; drink,
freewill, 482;
holy, 514;
470;
public, 478; sin, 467 /.; thank,
469.

Ohel, 102.

Omri, 146, 292, 419.

Onan, 84.
Ono, 160/., 163.
Ophel, 454.
Ophir, 68/., 355, 359.

Oman,

251/., 324.
Othniel, 108/., 290.

Mareshah, 95, 366, 383, 413.

Mattan, 431.
Megiddo, battle of, 517/.
Merari,

/f.

225, 283, 285.

Machir, 91, 151.

Magog,

405

Musicians, see Singers.

Muzri, 319.

Nabopolassar,

Temple,

jf.,

jf.;

Levites, 172, 219/., 376, 435, 469/,

5i2jf.; appointed for service, 225;
teachers, 393, 5 1 2/. guards of the

425; cities of,

113, 232

Moriah, 324.
Moses, 130, 136, 265; tax of, 435.
Mt. Gilboa, battle of, 180/.
Mushi, 274; sons of, 266.
Musical instruments, 215 Jf., 276,

274,

P.almyra, 353Parbar, 285.

Parwaim, 325.
Passover, 470 jf., S^-ffPatriarchs, antediluvian, 58
Pedaiah, loi, 103, 292.
Pelatiah, 102.

ff.

Peleg, 68, 70.

Pelet, 96, 196.

Peleth, 94.
Philistines,

63

champions
Pillars, 381;
/.;

sun

/.,

of,

209,

417,

449;

243.

before the Temple, 328

pillars, 382, 504.

INDEX
Priests, cities of, 137 #.; courses of,
269 jf.; in Jerusalem, 171/.; list

127 ff., 137; organisation

269, 478; support of, A19ff-

of,

of,

Princes, tribal, 291 /.

Prophets, 13, 397.
Prophetess, 510.

71, 82, 87, 93.

Ramoth-gilead, 396.
98.

Rehoboam,

cities of,

10;

suaded from attacking

family

Reuben,
Reuel,

368/.; reign
123/.

of,

366/.; disIsrael, 365;

362 _^.

of,

74/

Sabtah,

61.

Salt,

human,

covenant

457.

of,

375;

Valley

of,

235, 443-

Samuel, 184, 308, 515.

Sarah, 71/.
Satan, 246, 398.
Saul, 195, 199, 287; death of, 181^.;
genealog)' of, 165, 179.
Scorpions, 363.
Sea, the brazen, 331, 334.
Seer, 13, 308.

Segub, 91.
Seir, 74/., 405.

Semites, 65/.
Sennacherib, invasion of, 485 jf.
Servant of the king, 509.
Seth, 58.

made
the

king, 261;
354;

altar,

prom-

Queen

of,

356

sons

of,

Shephelah, 293.
105,

Table-land,

113;

descendants

of, ()Sff.,

69.

Shenazzar, loi, 103.

Sheshan, 94.
Shields, 372, 382, 400, 492.

Shishak, invasion of, syof.

Shobal, 75, 97: sons of, 105.

450.

Tables, 333, 336; in the ark, 338.

Tadmor, 352/.
Tarshish, 61, 146, 148, 412/.
Tekoa, 92, 106, 366; wilderness of,

Temple, age

Shaphan, 122, 502, 505, 508.

Shelah, 67, 70,

112/.

457/

409.

75, 88.

Shealtiel, loi, 103.

Sheba, 63, 68, 73, 122;

Gibeon, 315; sacrifices of,

348; trade at Ophir, 355; vision
of, 349.
Sorcery, 496.
Spear, 201.
Sukkiyim, 371.
Sycomore-trees, 293, 318.
Syria, 319, 461; invasion from, 438,

Tema, 72.
Teman, 74.

Shallum, 100, 510.

59, 70;

Soco, III, 366, 460.

Sojourners, 255/.
Solomon, 9, 14, 99/., 244/., 260/.,
256/., 296/., 300, 313, 513; accession, 306/.; acts, 351^.; address
of, 340^.; appointments of, 354;
bondservants of, 353; cities built

ise at

'

Shem,

116/.

prayer of dedication, 342/.;

62.

Shammah,

levies of, 322/.;

ministrations at

Sabteca, 63.
Sacrifice,

150, 152.

Simeon, 385, 504; conquests of 116

jf.; genealogy of, ii^ff.; princes

by, 352/.; cities exchanged with

Hiram, 351/.; history of, 313/.;

ii&ff.;

Rodanim,

Shuppim,

of,

Pul, 125.

Rechab,

Shubael, 265, 272, 277/.

as
Singers, 5, 133 /., 339, 506;
scholars, 279; before the ark, 215
/., 220; courses of, 275/., 281;
families of, 276 ff.

Psalteries, 21=;/.

Ram,

533

for service in,

266/.;

building of, 244, 320; cleansing

of, 465/.; completion of, 355; cost
of, 258; courts of, 335; date of,
324; dimensions of, 324^.; furniture of, 330 /., 335 /; guard of,
424 ff.; material for, 258; oversight

by

324;
298;

plans,

262; place of,

given to Solomon,
before the, 328 /.;

I-evites,

pillars

for, by David, 255 /.;

by Solomon, 320 ff.; renewal of
worship in, 467 /.; reopening of,
463 /.; repairs of, 434 /., 505;

preparations

servants
258.

of,

245;

workmen

of,

INDEX

534
Terah,

Virgin's Spring, 486.

70.

Tiglath-pileser, 119, 124, 126, 459/.,

473-

Togarmah,

Yahweh, angel of, 488; camp of, 478.

61.

Tola, 144/.

Zadok, 128/.,

Trumpets, 216, 339, 465.

Zebulun,

201, 213, 454, 480.

473,

475;

genealogy

145/Zedekiah, reign
Zemarites, 65.

Uz, 67.

68/

Uzal,

Uzza, 206.
Uzziah, 12, 448; accession of, 447;
death of, 453; leprosy of, 452;
prosperity of, 449; sons of, 274.
Uzziel, 213, 215, 277, 466.

V>rn:

459-

Sv^tTN,

nS,

158,

165,

isb'n, 219.

187.

ah

224.

aS sSa, 203.

n^'^'ya,

99.

Ziklag, IIS, 195. 199Zoreah, 366.

Sbj,

323-

V!?, 37-

481.

r^^'j'^,

njirxianS,
214.
T
T -

^IJ?,

^^^i, 379nS, 262.

^''c';'^.

'

^\'

jJD,

lis, 303-

'rsS^xn,

262.
Sa-i3c,

njx,

219.

HNn, 308.

mSpn, 358.

P?TT-. 235.
n-iB'nxn,

O^rNI, 200.

106.

166.

ptfa>Dr,
0'ti>2yr;, 395.

222.

15.:i,

453-

np'i,

nipn, Nipc, 319.

S>'3

nin, 308.

i^D

Sicn, 86.

'?.v'><

D'll!?'?,

niu'Dn, 453.

awo,

|nsn, 86.

N^33,

nis^xn, 69.

o^nSsn
nv:.,
J7JJ,

mn'>,

255.

107.

niph, 474-

I?F'?.

477-

303.

308.

o'Daj, 317.

ninyj,

nnj:,

124.
106.

474-

a'?'^,

nn, 165.

"cn?. 303-

Spa ano, 165.

pSn, 461.

201.

mbo-^, 323.

440.

-iy.xp,

npr,

nn, 298, 300.

323.

'i.?>:2,

106.

hn'^h,

108.

201.

o^jxvx, 328.

m;ji?, 380.

D^7a^, 401,

211.

S^,

i^V, 477-

317-

i'7'?.

PJ, 399-

203.

201.

niSpa, 196.
p'^'i^i,

199.

"20, 364.

199.

r-ip nn-;ria,

Zerubbabel, loi/.

also pages 28-36.)

(Compare

*??,

522/.

HEBREW

II.

n^Sn, 99.

of,

Zerah (clan), 75, 84, 170.

Zerah the Cushite, 382/.

47-

I'J^V'

133-

3|n

>-!r,

279.

no'-nr, 477.
E'^?',

303-

naVr, 286.
DnDj?C',
P'-jan,

124.

298, 300.

nDNjSs pjSn, 121.

of,

Curtis, E. L.
Books of Chronicles.

BS
^91
.16

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