Eurozone leaders will hold an emergency summit in Brussels on July 7 to discuss the fallout from Greek voters' defiant "No" to further austerity measures. Greek case is highly instructive from the point of view of the close observer of international politics and economics. What would the Greek authorities have to offer their public instead of this tough economic reforms regime?
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Human Rights, ‘Structural Adjustment’ and World ‘Disorder’
Eurozone leaders will hold an emergency summit in Brussels on July 7 to discuss the fallout from Greek voters' defiant "No" to further austerity measures. Greek case is highly instructive from the point of view of the close observer of international politics and economics. What would the Greek authorities have to offer their public instead of this tough economic reforms regime?
Eurozone leaders will hold an emergency summit in Brussels on July 7 to discuss the fallout from Greek voters' defiant "No" to further austerity measures. Greek case is highly instructive from the point of view of the close observer of international politics and economics. What would the Greek authorities have to offer their public instead of this tough economic reforms regime?
An EU flag waves in front of the ancient temple of Parthenon atop the Acropolis hill in Athens on July 7, 2015. Eurozone leaders will hold an emergency summit in Brussels on July 7 to discuss the fallout from Greek voters defiant "No" to further austerity measures, with the countrys Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras set to unveil new proposals for talks. AFP The Greek case is highly instructive from the point of view of the close observer of international politics and economics because it is a country which was well within the Western bloc for decades, but is now, seemingly, initiating a series of paradigm shifts in the structuring of its economy as well as of its international political relations. The massive No vote from the Greeks to the EU austerity measures indicates that they have suffered considerable hardships over the years under the relevant structural adjustment programmes, but from now on what would the Greek authorities have to offer their public instead of this tough economic reforms regime? What, in short, is awaiting the Greeks by way of a suitable alternative economic development model? While the knee-jerk reaction of even some progressive sections of world opinion is to enthusiastically welcome the No vote in the recently conducted referendum in Greece over its economic woes, the issue to be addressed by the latter, sooner rather later, is how it intends to fend for itself, now that it has refused the bail-out package offered by the EU and other relevant quarters. Greece would need to sustain itself with the dignity expected of a sovereign state and this would emerge as a core issue for the country in the days ahead.
Socialist-leaning Greek Prime Minister Alexis
Tsipras has already earned some glowing accolades from mainly socialist countries of Latin America for his refusal to accept a further austerity-oriented reforms package from the EU for continued financial assistance by the latter but where would Greece go from here? If Greece is to remain within the EU, it would need to accept the austerity measures spelt out for it by the EU and IMF and thereby go further along the thorny path of economic structural adjustment, but if it refuses to do so, Greece would have no choice but to part company with the EU and pursue an independent development path. Is Greece sufficiently prepared for this course of action? This too is a challenge of considerable magnitude. The Greek case is highly instructive from the point of view of the close observer of international politics and economics because it is a country which was well within the Western bloc for decades, but is now, seemingly, initiating a series of paradigm shifts in the structuring of its economy as well as of its international political relations. The massive No vote from the Greeks to the EU austerity measures indicates that they have suffered considerable hardships over the years under the relevant structural adjustment programmes, but from now on what would the Greek authorities have to offer their public instead of this tough economic reforms regime? What, in short, is awaiting the Greeks by way of a suitable alternative economic development model? Fortunately, some thought-provoking inputs to this dilemma have come from the UN and other quarters which are perceptive of the issues at hand. They are quite right when they say that structural adjustment and connected austerity measures cannot come at the cost of human rights. This has been pointed out to the EU. And the EU has been also reminded of its democratic and humanism heritage by no less a quarter than the Greeks themselves. For instance, an euphoric No vote advocate was quoted as saying: This is a victory for the Greek people, a chance for Europe.... Spain and then Portugal should follow this path. Were for a Europe of the people. These concerns of the UN have been heightened by the news that over the past few months the Greek public has been severely affected by scarcities of essentials, such as, food and medicine, as a result of the austerity measures Greece has been subjected to. Accordingly, the vital interests of the people could in no way be compromised, regardless of the policy
measures adopted to meet the current economic crisis.
It follows that the EU cannot advocate too austere an economic reforms programme for Greece if the latter wishes to negotiate with the EU and chooses to stay within its fold. On the other hand, if Greece prefers to initiate a development programme entirely of its own with a socialist bent, it would need to be deeply sensitive to the requirement for strengthening human rights, coupled with progressively ushering peoples empowerment. Under either dispensation, what is seen as development cannot be at the expense of human rights and human needs. Greece could, perhaps, take a leaf from Argentina which defaulted on its international debts but pursued an independent growth path. Today, Argentina could be mentioned alongside Brazil as a Latin American country which has emerged as a veritable epitome of vibrant growth of the global South. But these emergent economies of Latin America would need to ensure that human rights and peoples empowerment are not compromised in the growth process. The Greek crisis comes at a time when the global South could be seen as increasingly flexing its economic muscle against the backdrop of a materially weakening global North. There is the launching of the Chineseled Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, for example, which is seen as posing a major challenge to the IMF and World Bank, which have been the basis of the West-inspired world financial system since the ending of World War Two. May be, cash-strapped countries, such as Greece, would now opt to deal more with the AIIS and other financial institutions of the South and increasingly link with the emergent economies of that part of the world, thereby seeking to lessen their dependence on the global North for their economic and security needs. As mentioned, Greece has won the backing of some socialist countries of Latin America, but in the absence of the South coming together on a development path and policy crafted on socialist lines, countries of the developing world, including crisis-hit economies, such as Greece, would need to link-up with the global South on the basis of economic pragmatism. And it is economic pragmatism and not rigidly defined economic ideologies which are triggering the material successes of economic blocs such as BRICS. That is, economic liberalization and not socialist planning is mainly at the root of our current economic success stories, such as BRICS. Accordingly, there is no question of the world seeing a resurgence of sorts
of socialism, although it is socialism and not capitalism which has the
greater potential of ushering equity. It is market liberalization which is accounting for the bulk of global economic growth and those countries which are desirous of traversing the path of prosperity are expected by the WTO and its allied institutions to open their economies and see the capturing of markets abroad as holding one of the main keys to development. However, sections of the international community are right in seeing the sustenance of human rights as integral to development. Without that all important human rights component development would only trigger inequities which in turn would help in perpetrating conflict and war which are the stuff and substance of anarchy and world disorder. Posted by Thavam
Comparative Civil Service Systems in The 21st Century (2015, Palgrave Macmillan UK) Frits M. Van Der Meer, Jos C. N. Raadschelders, Theo A. J. Toonen (Eds.) PDF