SocialmechanismofHindunationalism

EmergenceofHindunationalistmovementcontributedtotheformulationandconsolidationof
communalandgenderidentitieswhichreinterpretedcertainpracticesandvaluesincludingthenotions
ofpurityandpollutionwhicharecentralparametersindifferentiatingthenonHinduotherfromthe
Hinduself.Thepoliticsofidentityassertionintheculturalrealmtookshapewiththeinventionof
particular ideals which in function fictionalised the everyday aspects of private and public life to
legitimatethefundamentalsofHindunationalistcurrent.Theperceptionofcontemporarylifewasin
respecttothenotionofamythicalpastanditroutinisedbyvariousengagementsinthepublicand
privatelife.Alongwiththespiritualcontentofreligiouslife,profaneelementsofdailylifesuchas
bathing, eating and sexuality were converted to the folder of Hindu narrative and control over
individualsandcommunitiesbecamepartofthecompoundagendaofHindunationalism.Thecontrol
overcommunalandpersonalaspectsweresointensetotheextendthatthedominationoffemalebody
and social behaviour of women folk were specifically underlined in the moral code of Hindu
nationalismtopreventanyadvancefromthenonHinduother,whichwasoftentheMuslimmale.
Abhorrencetotheotherwassublimatedtothecommonsensewheretheconceptualisationmasculinity
andfemininityplayedcrucialroletodefinetheidentitiesandlocatetheminfavourofHindunationalist
uprising.Thefearofenemywasarticulatedandestablishedintheformofcomparingsuperiorand
inferiormasculinities.TheloseofHinduprideandsuperioritywasperceivedaseffeminacyofHindu
malesandtheinvasionofMuslimmasculinity.
Hindunationalistmovementandsimultaneousidentityassertionswerestructuredintheevery
daysociallifethroughvariousengagementsandactivitiesofdailylife.Inventionandinterpretationof
Hinduismasawayoflifeandamonolithicreligiousperspectivewasaccompaniedwiththeurgefora
nationallanguageforHindusculminatedintheformationofHindiasthenationallanguage.Material

changesprovidedbycolonialism,introductionofprintedmedia,roleofeducatedleadersaspioneers
were significant in the making of national identity. At the same time, cultural components and
identitieswhichactedasthefundamentalsofHindunationalismwerenotjustagenciesofeffective
communicationandpropagationofnationalistsentimentbutthestructuralfoundationsfromwherethe
nationalistinterestandcommunalsentimentsoriginated.
Theculturalelementsandideologicalcomplexitiesofvariousidentitiesweresoabsurdtothe
extendthateventhe'secular'nationalistmovementsalsobecameinstrumentaltothecultivationof
Hindunationalistsentiments.Theleadersandmovementswhichwerenotaffiliatedtoanyreligious
identities also made use of the existing public spaces for effective communication like religious
gatherings,festivals,pilgrimcentersandpopularsymbolsthusbecameunintentionallythesubjectsof
Hindunationalism.AlongwiththeHindunationalists,othernationalistmovementseventheleftwing
ofCongressalsousedpopularidiomsandrhetoricsformassmobilisation.Forexample,on7April
1930, GaneshVidyarthi, aCongress leader from Kanpurand then president of the UP Provincial
Congress,madeaspeechinwhichhenotedthatthePuranas taughthow,whenevermensuffered
oppression,agreatchangeoccurred(Gould2005:71).
InventionofHinduIdentity
The idea of Hinduism was invented during the colonial period as a reaction and identity
assertionofcertaineducatedsectionsofBrahminandotheruppercastesections. Attemptsmadeto
givemonolithicidentitytodiversepracticesandunifytheminthenameofHindureligion.Allthese
attempts were emerged in a context where the traditional aspects met challenge from modernity
(Dalmia 2010: 4). AS Paul Hacker observed, the peculiarities of neoHinduism made religion
subservienttonationalismandassertedHinduismasaspiritualunity(HackercitedinDalmia2010:6).
Intheprocessbuildinganationalistmovement,thenineteenthcenturysocialandreligiousleadership

developeddeliberatelyantiquarianvocabularytodesignatetheprioritiesandpreferencesofsanatana
dharmaandsetitofffromthemodern.
TheformationofHindureligionasanidentitytoovercomethehumiliationfelttotheBritish
wasanattemptwhichsatisfythepopular'Hindu'psychbyofferingtheselectivememoriesofaglorious
past.TheconstructionofnonHinduotherandprioritisingtheMuslimastheprimeenemyhadreasons
intheeverydayaspectsoflife.Theperceptionofcolonialismasaculturalinvasionandconsidering
theMuslimsasthemajor'others'whowerethefirstforeigninvadersandthusthecauseoftheHindu
misery points to the complexity of cultural elements of Hindu nationalism. Due to its appeal to
religiousandspiritualelementsHindunationalismappearsasindependentofeconomicandpolitical
aspectsandenablestomobilisethosewhoarereluctanttoparticipateinpoliticalactivities.
Theinventionofreligionforidentityassertion,emulationandstigmatisationof'theother'were
emphasisedonparticularvocabularywhichappearedasindigenous.Hindunationalistintelligentsia
developedtheirownterminologyandculturalcomponentsasacrucialpartofnationalistmovement.
According to Vasudha Dalmia, Hindu tradition was formed in the process of negotiating the
relationshiptopastidiomsandclassicaltextsinthelightofthepresentneedsandclaimsinorderto
presentitselfasacoherentandhomogeneousentity(Dalmia2010:15).Inthatprocessthespokesmen
of the Indian tradition bypassed the Muslim tradition and sought deliberately to establish the
Dharmasastrasasreferencepoint.
TheformationofaHindureligiousidentitywasanattemptcontrasttotheMuslimidentityand
thecolonialsuperiority,butatthesametimeitencompasseddiversesectsandpracticesandmadean
endtothediversityofregionalvarietiesof'Hindus'andthenewlyencompassedsects.Notonlythe
dominanttraditionsofVaishnavasansSaktasbuttheJainsandBhudhistswereincorporatedtothefold
ofHinduism.TheinventionofHindiasanationallanguagewasalsoapartofthiseffortasHindusasa

nation need their own language. The fabrication of Hindi as a national language made the local
varietiesofHindavi,Brajbhasaetc.andcontrastedagainstUruduwhichwasportrayedasaMuslim
language(Dalmia2010).
ThefearpsychosisofHindunationalismwasfunctionaltoextendthatcommunalcolourwas
assignedtoalanguageandanartificiallanguagewasmadepopularinthenameofnationalcauseofthe
Hindus.'Hindu,Hindi,Hindustani'wasraisedastheslogantounifymajorculturalcomponentsof
proposed Hinduism and to evoke the community sentiments of 'Hindus'(Dalmia 2010: 27). The
establishingprocessofHinduismandHindunationalismwasattendedtothedimensionsofspaceand
timeandpresentedthroughthechannelofadistinguishinglanguage.TheterritoriallimitsofHindu
nation was invoked with respect to the glory of mythical past and articulated through the divine
languageandspiritualcontentsensemblewithcultureandtradition.
Nationalisation of traditions was an integral component of the identity assertion of Hindu
nationalism.ToestablishHinduismasapanIndianreligion,therewasaneedtoprovetherootsof
diversepracticesinacommontradition.Toprovetheexistenceofacontinuoustraditionfromancient
times,theintellectualleadershipofHinduismfromBaradenduHarischandratotheArySamajand
BrahmaSamajleadershipmanipulatedthehistoryandbypassedtheMughalruleanddiversityofIndian
traditionsandassertedahomogeneousHinduismasIndiantradition(Dalmia2010:31).Thoughthese
intellectual leadership was emerged through the interaction with Christianity and western thought
Harischandramaintainedthatitwasdesaandkala(spaceandtime)whichfinallydeterminedwhatwas
appropriate.Allattemptsoftheintellectualleadershipwasinparwiththeemergenceofnewmiddle
classandpublicspheretookshapeastheeffectofcolonialrule.Thepossibilityofprintmediaand
literaryclasswaswascrucialinthethematisationofissuesandthebuildingofpublicopinion.
1.Nationalisationof'Hindu'traditions

It was the economic and racial cultural humiliation suffered at the hands of the British
administratorsandcivilianswhichinstigatednationalistsentiments.Colonialrulewasinstrumentalto
providenewidentityandunifyingsentimenttothecolonisedthat'allthosebornintoHindustanare
Hindus'. The ambiguity inherited in the definition and interpretation of the word 'Hindu' gave
opportunityforseveralconnotationsforthemeaningof'Hindu'whichinvokedthecommoncultural
andhistoricalheritageofthesubjectpopulation(Dalmia2010:36).
EmphasisoncommoncultureandheritageofHindusinthewakeofcolonialdestructionof
memory and disconnection of the past accelerated the Aryan theory to legitimise the cultural
superiority of Hindu tradition and blaming the 'other' for the present misery. The Muslims were
consideredasthefirstinvaderstotheHinduland;Bharatvarsa.TheMuslimsinIndiawereadaptedto
theIndiantraditionsandtheyincorporatedmanynonbrahminicalpracticesaspartoftheirlife.The
MuslimsweremoreaccommodativetodiverseIndianpracticesotherthanthebrahminicalviews,but
retaineddistancefromthebrahminicaltraditions(Dalmia2010:40).TheHindunationalistmovement
emerged out of the brahmin middle class interest was keen to point them as the mlecha 'others'
otherwise the definition of Hindu identity and tradition became impossible for the Hindu cultural
nationalism.
Nationalisationoftraditionsandpresentationofvariouspracticesaspartofasinglecosmic
orderwasintegraltotheinventionofHinduismashomogeneousentity.Variouspuranicdeitiesand
relatedpractices weremergedintoasingleunityandportrayedas Hinduism. Inthisprocessthe
dominationofVaisnavasectsoverSaivasandlowerordersectslikeyaksas.HolycitieslikeBanaras
playedsignificantroleinthecreationandmaintenanceof Hindupublicarenas.Publicarenaswere
functionaltoconductreligiousfestivalsandpopularfairsandtopromotethespiritofHinduismasa
monolithicreligion.

1.A.HinduPublicarenasintheHolycityofBanaras
Banarasisatypicalexampletoseethecommoninterestofpoliticalelites,economicclassesand
spiritualleadershipmetonasinglepointinthepursuitofaHinduidentityandpanIndiansentiments
basedonculturalheritage,traditionandcertainnotionsofspirituality.
Dalmia, by giving the example of Banaras, explain how the religious and spiritual aspects
intertwinedwitheconomicandpoliticalaspectscontributedtotheinventionofamonolithicreligious
orderandthepropagationofapanIndiansentimentsbasedonthebasisofcultureandtradition.Inthe
caseofBanaras,itwasreligiouscitywiththepresenceofvarioussectsandpractices,Banarashada
Hindumaharaja,andaHindumerchantclass(2010:60).ThepublicarenasofBenaraswasareference
pointfortheHindupublicsphereemergedduringthecolonialperiod.The brahminformationsin
Banaraswassostronglydominatedtheculturalscenesandgenerouslysupportedbytherajaandthe
merchants.ThemerchantclassemergedasthenewmiddleclasssoughttochannelisetheHinduculture
alongwiththeactivitiesofthemaharajasandthepandits(ibid:64).
TherajasofBanarashadgreatsymbolicpowerintheirhandsandthissymbolicpowerand
hierarchyhadamajorroleintheestablishmentofnewculturalorderandinventionofHinduism.The
politicalconsolidationofHindulandowninggroupinBanaraswasbeganduringthelateMughal
period.TherapidcollapseoftheserviceandlandholdingelitesofMuslimrulewasmatchedbythe
growingwealthofHinduclasses.Thesymbolicpowerofrajaswasassociatedwiththeparticipationin
variouscelebrationsofRamlilasconductedinBanarascity.Thepresenceofrajaontheocccasionof
Ramlilacontributestothemaintenanceofthesymbolicpowerassociatedwithhisidentity.Thepuranic
heritageofBanarasanditsritualconventionswerebuiltuponbytherajasandtheycreatedatraditional
representationalpublicarenainthefestiveoccasionswhichinturnformedthereferencepointofHindu
publicsphereemergedinthenineteenthcentury(Dalmia2010:82).ThereligiousauthorityofBanaras

anddevelopmentofthetraditionalistHinduresponsetomodernHinduismwererelatedtotherole
playedbytherajas.
The'Hindu'merchantsnotonlysupportedthepublicarenasorganisedbytherajasandpandits
buttheycreatedtheirownpublicspheressuchasclubsandvernacularpresswhichhadmajorrolein
thepropagationofHinduismandreligiousnationalism.Theseneweliteswererootedinlocalculture
andpossessedtheneedsofaneweconomicclass.TheroleofBanarasascomercialandfinancialcross
roadsforthewholesubcontinentprovidedvitalintermediarypositionsfortheHindumerchantsas
financialanddiplomaticguaranteestothevariouslocalchiefsandzamindars(Dalmia2010:85,86).
TheprofessionaltradersandmerchantsofnorthIndiawerebynomeansahomogeneouscommunity,
butthenationalistmovementandinventionofHinduismgavethempoliticalandsocialvoice.
Thechallengefacedonthetraditionalbrahminauthorityledthemintothefrontofareligious
nationalismandtheinventionofHinduismwasbasedonthefundamentalsofbrahminicalprinciples.
The portrayal of colonialism as cultural invasion and the revivalist and reformist tendencies were
emergedoutofthebrahminvalues.Theproposednotionsofcultureandtraditionswererootedin
brahminicalimaginationsandthenotionsofavedicreligionandculturalheritage.Thepublicarenas
andpossibilitiesofprintandvernacularpresswereusedtoaddresseducatedclassandnewlycreated
publicspherestoassertthelegitimacyofHinduismandtheHindutradition.
1.B.HindiasthenationallanguageofHindus
TheperceptionofHinduismasahomogeneousentityandthenotionsthatHindureligionhadits
ownpeculiarculturedistinctfrothatoftheMuslimsinstigatedthenecessityofnationallanguagefor
HinduswhichreflectstheculturalandtraditionalaspectsofHinduism.TheinventionofHindiasa
languagewasessentialpartofHindunationalistassertionanditwasadevelopmentmorereligio
cultural than linguistic(Dalmia 2010: 151). The administrative purpose of the British also needed

differentlanguageforHindusandMuslims.TheBritishwantedthecolonialsubjectstobetrainedin
thevernacularlanguageandforthemtheHindusandMuslimsaretworacesandtwonationssothey
aredifferentinreligiousandculturalaspects(ibid:161).
HindunationalismasamovementprojectedMuslimsas'other'wasinsearchofalanguage
distinctfromUrdu,whichwasconceivedasaMuslimlanguagebytheHindunationalistsandthe
colonialadministrators.ThustheattemptinthemakingofHindiasanationallanguagewastoseparate
anddevelopcertainregionallanguagevarietiesfromUrdu. AppropriationofDevanagriscriptand
inclusionofSanskritwordswerepartoftheHinduisationofHindi.Aspartofthestandardisationof
new language, grammars, dictionaries and school textbooks were introduced. Along with the
standardisationandhistoricisation,mythsandgenealogiesconcerningtheoriginanddevelopmentof
Hindiwerecreated(Dalmia2010:148).
TheinstitutionalisationofHindiasaseparatelanguageofHindushadtwodistinctaspects;the
creationofinternalcohesionandthemarkingexternalcohesion.Theinternalcohesionwasachieved
throughthedevelopmentofuniformorthographyandgrammaralongwithastandardliteraryidiom.
TheprocessofexternalcohesionwasmadebydemarcatingHindiasaryaorsadhubhasa,thelanguage
oftheHindusfromUrdu,thelanguageoftheMuslims.AnexclusiveHindulanguagewasderivedby
systematicallyexcludingtheMuslimvocabularyandliteraryproductionbyMuslimwriters(Dalmia
2010:162).Thisprojecthadanotheragendaofrestrictingtheculturalorbitofthenewlanguagetothe
Hindusalone(ibid:167).
Culturalmechanismofcommunalpoliticsengagesinthedemarcationofboundariesin
several aspect of social life. Notions of gender identity, purity and pollution, masculinity and
femininityarecrucialaspectswherethedistinctionofselfandotheroftentakesplaceinthecultural
realm.Duringthecolonialperiod,theemergenceofnationalismcontributedtothedevelopmentand

legitimationofotheringthe'nonIndian',nonHinduelementsintheculturalrealmandthuspavedthe
way to certain 'structures of sense' embedded in the common sense. Various understandings and
recognitionsofcommonsociallifeareappearasthesensewhichdirectthesocialbeingtoactin
accordance to the communal affiliation and group engagement. But these understandings and
recognitionsarenotfreefromtheindoctrinatedculturalvaluesandpredilectionswhichareimbibedin
thecommonsenseandindividualpsycheintheformofcertainstructuresandexecutedthroughcertain
activitiesandengagements.
2.Sexuality,obscenityandengagementsinsociallifeforcommunalpolarisation
EmergenceofHinduidentitywasalsoattentivetotheroleofsexualityandnotionsofobscenity
insociallifewheredifferentculturalgroupsinteractsindailylife.ThespiritofHindunationalism
made boundaries for social and communal life of Hindus and Muslims as different and mutually
exclusive.Thenotionsofselfandotherdividedsocialinteractionstotwoexclusivecategories.All
existingpracticeswereevaluatedwithrespecttotheframeworkofimaginationsofvedicpast. This
appreciation ofHindupastwasselectivelydonetoincludethephilosophicalabstractionsof'Hindu'
religionandtoexcludethelowerandpopularformsofsociallifepracticed(Gupta2008:34).
TheassertionofanationalistHinduidentitybecameassociatedwiththeformationofsharednotionsof
moralityandrespectability.Intheprocess,traditionwasredefinedtoworkoutanewmodernity.Therewasa
deliberate distancing from the 'uncomfortable' traditions of the past, and attempt was made to establish a
monolithic,hightextualculturalnorm(Gupta2008:40).

Thenewlyemergedmiddleclassappreciatedstandardisedandsanitised literarynorms to
assertanewnationalidentity.Printingpress madethecommunicationofproposedideals andthe
projectionofnewidentity.Thenewlycreatedpublicspherewasengaginginnationalidentitymaking
processbyattemptsthroughtheprintmedia.Uppercastereformersattemptedto'improve'thepopular
culturalpracticesofthelowercastesandwomentoupliftandcleansethemofperceivedevilsandlax
moralstandards(Gupta2008:26).Aspartofthisprocess,elitist,brahminicaldimensionwasprojected
astheidealHindustandardanditbecameusefulinthecreationofunityandhomogeneousidentity.

ThechangingcharacterofcasteanditsexperiencesintensifiestheHinduMuslimantagonism
andleadstotheriseofHindunationalism.Oneaspectoftheseworksbydeepeningtheuncertaintiesof
the'Hindu'moralorder.OrnitShanigivestheexampleofGujratandlooksontheconsolidationof
ethnicHindu identityinpolitics(Shani2008:135).TheprojectionofacohesiveHinducommunity
identityhadtonegotiateconstantlywithothercollectiveidentities,suchascasteandclass.Lowerand
intermediarycastesadoptedseveralHighcastepracticestoachieveupwardmobilityandtheysought
Hinduidentityasameasureforthis.Toshowpurityoftheirbloodandovercometheirvulnerability,
several Shudras adopted the language ofHindu masculinity and claimed to Kshatriyahood (Gupta
2008:23).
Aspartofthehomogenisationprocessandthe interpretationofvaluesinpursuitofanew
identity,variousfactsofeverydaylifebecamecontentious.Aspectsoffood,bathing,marriageetc
werebecamepartofthis.Theambitionsandinsecuritiesbecamecentraltothegrowthofreformism
andrevivalisation.VaishnavareformsarticulatedmoreaggressiveHinduisminthistieandprovided
higherstatustomanylowercastes(Gupta2008:21).
Restrictionsonwomenwasacrucialelementintheassertionofnewidentity.Lowercastes
imposedrestrictionsovertheirwomentoimprovetheirsocialstatusandstrengthenclaimsforupward
mobility.Thisisbecausethecasteandgenderidentitiesreinforceeachotherinparticularways.The
imageofwomenbecametheeffectivesymboltoholdthebrahminicalvalues.Controlofwomeninthe
thebrahminpatriarchalpracticeswasadoptedbytheintermediaryalowercasteswhosoughtupward
mobilityandnewidentity.
Inthisrespect,thereorderingofhouseholdandconjugality,theimagesofanidealisedpativrata
imbuedwithreformistendeavour,andtheincreasingsexualdiscipliningandcontroloverthewomen's
socialmovementshelpedtomaintenanceofsocialboundaries(Gupta2008:24).

Imaginationofanewcommunalidentityandnotionsonfemalesexualitywerecenteredaround
theMuslimidentityandMuslimmalesexuality.ThefearofMuslimmasculinityanditsperceived
superiorityoverHindumasculinityresultedintherestrictionoffemalesexualitybyinventingnewroles
andimagesinfemaleidentity.Womenweretreatedascommunalandsexualpropertiesratherthanfree
individuals. Women became crucial in the forging of a modern Hindu identity and replenishing
patriarchy(Gupta2008:28).
Hindunationalistmovementreconstitutedconservativesexualmoralitiestoassertrespectability
andcivilisednationalidentityandtheregulationofHinduwomen'ssexualitybecamecrucialaspectsof
publicandprivatelife.Itwasextendedtotherealmsofdomestic,marriage,law,educationandhealth
etc.TheiconofmotherwasusedasaneffectivesymbolbytheHindunationalistsandusedinmultiple
narrativeofnation,language,andcowtoinvokenostalgiaandmobilisepolitically(Gupta2008:29).in
the background of several movements like shudhi and sangathan, women were considered as the
markertoshapedifferenceswithMuslimsandthefearofHindumaletowardstheMuslimmaleoften
producedthefantasiesofpossiblerelationsbetweenHinduwomenandMuslimmen(ibid:29).
The fantasies of Hindu men about possible relations of Hindu women with Muslim men
generated the need of disciplining women along with the protection assured the custodians of
communalinterests.Exerciseofsymbolicpowerwasessentialinthediscipliningoffemalebodyand
mindtoempowerthecommunalidentityandtocheckthepossiblethreatfromtheMuslimother(Gupta
2008:29).Inthisprocessrestrictingsexualityandimposinggenderroleswerecrucial.
TherewereattemptstoconstructafullbodiedmasculineHindumalesothattheHinduman
couldstrengthencommunityidentityandundertakeamilitantnationaliststruggle(Gupta2008:222).
The Hindu women was a resource for the aggressive Hindu nationalist campaign and became

instrumentsinpropagatingsentimentsagainsttheMuslimother.Fearandangermobilisedagainstthe
MuslimmalefunctionedasthelegitimatingfactorfortheHindupatriarchalandcasteexclusiveties.
Sympathy for the downtrodden and victimised Hindu women was constantly evoked and
Hinduism and Hindu society urged to change its ways and accept them (Gupta 2008: 250). the
Muslims,andsometimestheChristianswereportrayedasthosewerereadytoconvertandabsorb
Hinduwomenaswellastoabusethemsexuallytosatisfythelustfuldesire.Theportrayalofotheras
lustfulandbrutalbeastwaseffectivelysanctionedonthelinesofinventednotionsofsexualityand
obscenity.TheMuslimotherwasdemarcatedasanobjectandcauseofpollutionwhichmaypollutethe
Hinduwomenbycontact.
SangathanandshudhimovementsaswellstheAryaSamajplayedcrucialroleintheanti
Muslim campaign based on the purity of Hindu woman and pollution of Muslim male. These
movementswereproposedastheattemptstopromotespiritualityandreligiousvaluesbutinreality
theyweremotivatedbystrongantiMuslimsentiments(Gupta2008:229).Thefigureofwomanwas
invokedasamarkerofdefense,safetyandhonourforthecommunityandHinduwomen'spurityand
chastityshouldbesafeguardedbyHindumen(ibid:238239).Alongwiththisanotherattemptwasto
empowerwomenbyenablingthemtotakearmsfortheirownsafety.Onthelinesofthisargument,
HinduwomenwereportrayedbytheHindunationalistsasviranganasandreferredassistersinarms.
This'empowerment'of womensubjectedthemtothepatriarchalchauvinismbyconstraining
themintothemalestandardsofculturalbehaviour(Gupta2008:239).Thetwoidentitiesawardedto
womenbyHindunationalismwerelinkedtothepreservationofwomen'schastityandcommunity
honour.ThustheidentityassertionsofHindunationalismlimitedthespaceofwomenintotwo;the
victimsandtheagentsofcommunityhonour.
Along with the fear of Muslim masculinity and sexuality of Hindu women the Hindu

nationalistspossessedthefantasyofunionwithMuslimwomen.ThetreatmentofMuslimwomenasa
commoditytosatisfythesexualneedsandthepleasureofwinningtheheartofMuslimwomen,the
communalpropertyoftheMuslimmenintheviewsofHindunationalistswerearticulatedinseveral
nationalistnarrations.TheincidentsofwinningtheMuslimwomen'sheartbyHindupatriotswere
valourisedalongwiththecondemnationofHinduwomen'srelationswithMuslimmen.
The Hindu nationalist intellectual kept ambivalent attitudes on issues like purdah and they
restructuredthepracticesofregionalcelebrationslikeHolytocleanseitfromthemarksofobscenity
and gave communal colour to use as an effective tool against the anti Muslim campaign. The
restructuredfestivalslikeHoliwereinterpretedentirelyfreefromthefactsrelatedtotheoriginofthat
practicesandthennationalisedtomobilisethepanIndiansentimentsandantiMuslimintereststo
legitimisethecauseofHindunationalism.
Thesocialevilspresentedin'Hindu'societysuchasthepurdahsystemandchildmarriagewere
justifiedasadefenseagainsttheMuslim. TheMuslimotherwasportrayedasthereasonforthe
patriarchalpracticesinHindusocietyandwhenthesepracticeswerequestionedbyanysectionofthe
educated,thecustodiansofthesepracticespresentedtheMuslimthreatandtheneedforthesepractices
tobecontinued.CharuGuptagivesexamplesforthepublicistsroletoprotectthepatriarchalpractices
andforthepurposeoftamingwomenandblamingtheseagainsttheMuslims.Onearticlepublishedin
StriDarpan,September1923says:
ThehabitofkeepingwomeninpurdahhadbasisinthelustfulMuslim.Theevilsystemofchild
marriagebeganbecauseitwasbettertogivegirlstoaHindu,sothattheirchastitycouldbeprotected,thanto
waitforthemtoflourishintoyouth,asasheerglimpseoftheirbeautywouldresultinthembecomingapreyof
theevilandcruelyavan(Gupta2008:245246).

The Hindu publicists used inflammatory languages to propagate stories and rumors about

Muslimbrutalitiessuchasabductions,sexualabuse,conversionandforcedmarriageofHinduwomen.
The Hindu nationalist publicists achieved two goals by these activities taming of women and
antagonising the Muslim other. Along with these process sanitising women's social spaces and
reinterpretingseveralpracticestocleansethelowercasteandwomenwerepartofconstitutinganatinal
identity.AryaSamajandotherintellectualleadershipofHindunationalismplayedmajorroleinthe
reinterpretingofcelebrationslikeHoliandtouplifttothecivilisationalstandards(Gupta2008:102).
TheinteresttogainrespectabilityfromtheEnglishrulingclasswasalsopartofthisstandardisation.
TherestructuringofHoliincludedthecompositionofHolisongstoaffirmrefinedmannersofhigh
culture.HolywassubstitutedwithpavitraHoliandthemythofHolirelatedtoHolikawasreplaced
withbrahminicalnotionsandthestoryofPrahlad(Gupta2008:101).
3.HinduisingtheDalitsbyevokingculturalmemory
Hindu nationalism adopted several methods to attain public support and incorporate non
brahminswithintheHindureligiousidentitytomakethereligiousidentityandnationalistmovement
success. As part of this project, Hindu nationalist ideologues developed various strategies and
assignednewrolesandidentitiestononbrahminicalgroups.Thequestforupwardmobilisationandthe
feelingofrecognitionbybrahminsmadetheDalitsandlowercastestobecomethepartofHindu
religion and often Hindu nationalist movement. This was not an isolated phenomenon during the
colonialperiod,butpersistinginthecontemporaryperiodthroughnovelchannelsofidentityassertion.
Aspartofthisprocessupwardmobilityseekinggroupsassertingkshatriastatusandidentifying
theirroleinthetraditionandpastbyinterpretingepicsandmythsinfavouroftheirkshatriyastatus.
TheSanghParivarespeciallyitspoliticalwing,BharathiyaJanathaParty(BJP)andVishwaHindu
Parishad(VHP)effectivelymadeuseofthesocialbackwardnessandquestforidentityamongDalits.
Hindunationalismasanidentityassertionincorporatedanotherkindofidentitypoliticsintoitsfoldto

expandthesocialbaseanddistributionoflabourwithintheHindunationalistagenda.
DalitsandHindunationalistshavedifferentreasonstoassertidentity.Dalitshavethehistorical
reasonofbeingoppressedbytheBrahminsanduppercastesandfortheHindunationaliststheidentity
assertionbasedontheimaginationofanancientpastanditslostglory.ThecauseoftheDalitshasits
reasoninthehistoricalandmaterialrealitywhiletheHindunationalists'causeofHinduprideand
identityisbasedondistortedperceptionofmaterialrealityandthefearpsychosispointedtowardsan
imaginationofenemy.
DisappointmentandfrustrationofDalitsfacedfromtheirsocialbackwardnessbeingareason
forthemtobepartofalargeridentitynarrationwhichappearasliberatingandprosperous.Atthesame
timetheHindunationalismisanidentitypoliticsforgedtoregainthesuperiorsocialstatusofthe
brahminswhichisunderthreatinfrontofthesocialandpoliticalchangebroughtbycolonialismand
modernity.HindunationalismcanaccommodateDalitidentityassertionwithoutlosingitscoreagenda
ofbrahminicalsupremacyandculturalaspects.ThisisdonebylimitingtheDalitpoliticstothelevelof
identityassertionandusingitagainsttheantiMusliminterestofHindunationalism.
AspartofthisprocesskshatriyaidentityisgrantedtoseveralDalitsandlowercastesections
andmobilisingthemforthesakeofHindunationalismbyevokingthesentimentsagainstMuslimsand
convincingtheDalitsthattheirdutyaskshatriyaswastowagewaragainsttheculturalinvasionfrom
Muslims. To meet this goal Hindu nationalists fabricated myths and stories as well as provided
manipulatedinterpretationofexistingmythstolinktheDalitshistorywithmythicalpast.Alongwith
thislocalstoriesandincidentsweredistortedandmadecommunalcolourtopolarisetheDalitsandthe
Muslims into two different categories and use the latter as the foot soldiers of Hindu nationalist
communalagenda.
Badri Narayan gives examples from UP where BJP mobilised Dalit communities by using

strategiesthatsuititspoliticalagendaandgivingcommunalinterpretationstothemythsandlegendsof
Dalitsandtherebycreatingadividebetweenthemandothercommunities(Narayan2009:12).Hindu
nationalists,byappropriatingthemythsandlegendsofsomeDalitcastesandlinkingthemwiththe
metanarrativeofaunifiedHinduculturalnationwithLordRamaasthesymbolofHindunation
successfullymobilisetheDalitsfortheHinducause.
ItwastoincludeDalitsinitspoliticalfoldthatBJPpropagatedtheconceptof Ramarajya in
whichupperandlowercasteslivetogetherwithharmony(Narayan2009:30).Ramaand Ramayana
wereprojectedassymbolsofunityamongDalitsanduppercastesbyemphasisinghowRamawas
linkedwiththedeprivedpeopleandhowthe Ramayana centeredonthem.Accordingtotheidea
circulatedbyBJP,theDalitswerethearmyofmonkeyswhohelpedRamtowinthebattleinLanka.By
circulatingstoriesandmanipulatingmythsinthismannertheRSSandBJPprojectedtheDalitsasthe
militiaandsaviorswhomadeupthearmyoftheprotectorsofHindudharma(ibid;31).
Inthe1980sand1990stheBJPadoptedthestrategyofmobilisingtheDalitsasahomogeneous
category,butithadtoshiftthestrategytomobiliseeachcasteindividuallybyevokingthecasteidentity
asthefirststrategywasafailure(Narayan2009:33).TheBJPappealstothecollectivememoryofthe
castegrouptoestablishtheconnectionwiththeirimaginationofthepastandtheconstructednotionsof
myths.
When political parties and community leaders use myths as a technology for creating a
communityself,itinfluencesthesubjectivisationofthecommunityandtheformationofacommunity
self,identityandmemory(Narayan2009:36).Therelationshipswithdifferentversionsofthismyths,
whichwasearlieronlysocioculturalturnsaspoliticalandthusthesemythsareusedasinstrumentsfor
attainingpoliticalpower.
As a part of the Hinduisation of Dalits, traditional Ramayana and Ramanavami fairs are

organisedinseveralpartsofIndiaatthetimeofDussehra(Narayan2009:63).Duringthesefairs10
daylongRamlilaisstaged.Ramanisationoflocalheroesalsoestablishedthroughseveralprocesses
includingthesefestivals.Ramanisationoflocalheroesis theprocessoflinkingthestoryoflocal
heroes\withRamayanaandestablishingrelationsoflocalheroeswithRamaaswellasinterpreting
somecharactersofRamayanaaslinkedtothelocalcastegroup.InthiswaySanghParivarestablished
theMythofGuhyainRamayanaasrelatedtotheNishadcaseofAllahabad(Narayan2009:21).
TheintentionoforganisingRamayanaandRamanavamifestivalistocommunalisethespaces
ofsocialexchangesandinterminglingofvariouscrosssectionsofthepopulation.Throughthisprocess
appropriationofthememoriesandritualsaroundthesespacesareconditionedforpoliticaluse.Along
thiswaytheSanghParivarcommunalisethenautankis,vilagesportsandPublicspacesaccessibleto
them(Narayan2009).TheSanghParivarmakesuseofeventheDalitnarrativesforthecommunal
mobilisation.WhilenarratingthestoriesofDalitleaderslikePhule,theParivarrepeatedlyhighlight
theirreligiousityandloveforculture(ibid:76).
The Sangh Parivar produce caste histories, kul kathas (caste legends), and vanshavalis
(geneologies) to establish the connection local castes and tribes with the myths like Ramayana
(Narayan2009:126).TheSanghParivarstoriesselectivelyappropriatetheoralnarrativesanduseitfor
legitimacyoftheiragenda.InthecaseofNishadcommunitytheParivarestablishedconnectionof
NishadswithRamaandRamayana.
ThemajordifferencewiththeoralhistoryandHindunationalistnarrativesisthatthelatter
arguetheNishadsasthefoundersofIndusvalleyCivilisation,buttheOralnarrativesdonothave
anythingregardingthatfact.Thesenarrationsandcastehistorieslinkedthemheavilywithsymbolsof
RamathroughNishadrajGuhyaandpopularisedvarioussanskritisedrituals,symbols,rites,beliefs,and
valuesamongtheNishadstocooptthemintoHinduidentity(ibid:127).

4.Engagementaspoliticsofeverydaylife
Hindunationalismabletodiffuseitsideologyamongpeopleandmobiliseacrossvariouscaste
andclasssectionnotduetotheattractivenessofreligiousnationalistideologybuttheaccessibilityof
itsproposalsamongvarioussectionsofpopulationandthewayitpresentedamongthem.Assigning
identityandincorporatingvarioussectionstothefoldofSanghParivarenabletoappearasflexibleand
democraticinnature.ApartfromthistheideologyofHindunationalismspreadamongthediverse
sectionsof'Hindu'religionthroughtheeffortsofRSSswayamsevaksandmembersofSanghParivar
organisationsandinstitutions.
SanghParivarorganisationsandinstitutionsplaykeyroleintheexpansionofHindunationalist
agenda by acquiring mass support by conducting community service and charities along with
missionarykindofactivities.AtthesametimethehardcoreantiMuslimethnicnationalistbelongsto
theSanghParivarisalsoacceptableinthepublicspaceandabletoinfluencetheordinarypeopledueto
the peculiarities ofevery daylife andthe ordinariness ofswayamsevaks in thelocalsocialspace
(Mathur2008:10,32).
MathurarguesthatthelogicofHindunationalismisnottobefoundinthesphereofeconomics
orpolitics,butofculture.ThesuccessofHindurightisnotthepronouncementonreligion,nationhood,
identity,andhatredtowardsreligiousminorities,butthefacttheseideasarealreadyavailableinthe
sociallifeineverydayaspectsoflifeasrepeatedbygrandmothers,schoolchildren,entrepreneurs,
wage labourers, farmers, bank tellers, urban middle class and tribal villagers, journalists and
academiciansetc.(Mathur2008:6). TheSanghParivarissuccessfully transformingtheeveryday
meaningandpractices.SanghParivargivinganationalthrustandancientimagerytotheexisting
ritualsandmeaningsofeverydaylife.
It is through appeals to culture, rather than to political oreconomic needs, that the Sangh

ParivarcandefineaHindunationwhichincludesmarginalgroupslikeSCs,OBCs,womenandtribals,
butexcludesthefollowersofreligionslikeIslamandChristianity(Mathur2008:41).Theunifying
factorfortheHindurightisnottheideologicalcontentbutahatredofreligiousminorities.According
toArvindRajagopal,Hindunationalismworkedontwolevels,ontheonehandofferingthecultural
andideologicalaccompanimenttoliberalizationformiddleandupperclasses,andatthesametime
translatingitintoareligiousmythicnarrativethatwouldwinpopularconsent(Rajagopalquotedin
Mathur2008:41).
SanghParivarmakesuseofsymbolsandritualstolegitimiseitsideologyandtoinstitutionalise
itspractices.TheHindunationalistmovementtransformedolderculturalpractices andmeaningsto
shapenewmeaningsandconflictsaroundthem(Mathur2008:84).theordinarinessofSanghParivar
activistsandactivitiesmakeitmoreacceptabletotheordinarypeople.AccordingtoMathur:
'IntheworldoftheHinduRight,theprimaryemphasisisonwords,whicharerepeatedconstantly
without ever losing their significance. RSS and even VHP worlds are unremarkable lower middleclass
neighbourhoods.RSSandVHPworkersandmemberstreattheirsymbolsinaremarkablycasualfashion;even
thesaffronflaggetsonlyacasualnodatthebeginningofeachshakhaandispackedawayatitsendingwithless
ceremonythanNCCflags'(Mathur2008:110).

TheordinarinessofSanghParivaractivitiesenablestoinvolvefamiliesandneighbourhoodsin
the every day activities of Hindu nationalism. The religiois celebrations and festivals are used to
providemeansandpointofidentificationwiththenationandthesecelebrationsandparticipationsare
transformed into redemptive nationalist violence (Mathur 2008: 114). Thus the RSS ritual cycle,
festivalssuchas Rakshabandhan and Vijayadashmi, domesticandneighbourhoodcelebrations,are
turnedintomomentsofnationalistsolidarity.
MorethanthecontentSanghParivarritualsandcelebrationsaremeanttothepoliticalmeaning
itconvey.EachcelebrationandritualhasacontemporaryrelevanceandtheSanghParivarritualcycle
fulfilsthefunctionofboundarycreationandboundarymaintenance.Inallcelebrationsandritualsthe

'other'isblamedanddemonisedandpopularemotionissecuredforHindunationalistmobilisations.
Politicalopponentsarecomparedtothedemonsandvillainsinthemyths.Forexample,in1991,onthe
occasion of Vijayadashmi celebrations, Mulayam Singh Yadhav, a political opponent of BJP was
comparedtoRavana(Mathur2008:116).
TheSanghParivarfestivalsthatarecelebratedindomesticandfamilialsettingsalsolinkedto
politicalconflictsandhighpointofeachcelebration,thestorytellingwhichcarriesthemoralstobe
learnt,comestoserveasthecarrierofthediscourseofHindutvaonthenationanditsenemies,and
howthoseenemiesaretobedealtwith(Mathur2008:120).
5.MeaningofsymbolsinHindunationalistdiscourses
TheunderstandingofHinduismasamonolithictraditionandidentifyingitasahomogeneous
religionisproblematicinseveralaspects.ThedefinitionofHinduismandHindureligionasintegral
part of Indian culture and other religious aspects as alien often strengthen the Hindu nationalist
ideologybymobilising thoseoutsidethe SanghParivar inthenameofcultureand tradition.The
perception that Hindu is the Indian religion and Hinduism is the Indian culture influenced many
nationalistswhoappearedassecularinthepoliticalreal,butwerenotfreefromthenonsecularaspects
ofculturalnationalism.
WilliamGouldgiveexamples oftheCongressleaders andactivistsofcolonialperiodwho
consideredHinduismasauniversalsystemandwhichintegratingdifferentfaithsandgivingpolitical
legitimacyfornationalistovement(Gould2005:8).Thelanguages,symbolsandexamplesusedbythe
HinduCongressleaderswerereligiousandderivedfromthe mythsandepicslikeRamayanaand
Mahabharatha. To mobilise people they extensively used Hindu folk myths under the notion that
Hinduismwasholisticwaywhichincludeoverallconceptionsofthenation.

Inallchannelsofsociallife,likeeducation,press,methodsofmobilisationanddenonstrations
ofviolencetheHinduimagerywasthedominant(Gould2005:32).thelanguageofpolititionsalways
mixedwithreligiousidioms.EventhesocalledsecularleadersbelongstotheCongressLeftalsomade
religious appealsasitwaswritteninthepuranasthatgreatchangeswouldbeoccuedwhenmen
sufferingoppression(ibid:71).Congresssecularistswereengagedinreligiousrhetoricsandsocialists
are identified with positions more akin to the Hindu right(ibid:11). Religious particularism of
CongressmenoftencreatedcommunaldivideandindifferenceoftheMuslimsespeciallytheMuslim
LeaguetowardsCongress.
The usage of these symbols were mainly as the available for mass mobilisation and the
Congresswasmakeuseofwhatwaspopular.Tomobilisethemassesagainstaforeignpowertheylike
theHindunationalists,madeuseofsupernaturalistimageriesandthenationalsymbolismrequiredthe
inventionoftheschemaoftraditionsandmyths(Gould2005:36).LiketheHindunationaliststhe
CongressalsomadeuseoftheavailablesymbolsandidiomspertainingtoIndia'sphysicalfeatures
drawnuponepics,legendsandfolkloreoftheHindibelt.
Such as the case of Asmita1 of Gujrat, nationality, territory, religion, language and culture
coalescewithintheformulationofnationalismandnationalistmovements.Inbothcasethehistories
reterritorialisethenationwithinamythicohystoricalHinduspace.ForthenorthIndiannationalists,
the myth of original Indian nation was linked to the physical characteristics of the land. The
Geographical features of Ganga and Sangam of Allahabad where emphasised with high spiritual
significance(Gould2005:37).
Drawinguponpopularpracticesandbrahminicalideas,theuseofmetaphorswhichdescribed

1 AsmitaistheconceptoftheprideofGujratinrelationtoreligion,regionandtraditionwhichiseffectively
communalisedandusedbytheHindunationalistsduringthecontemporaryperiodsforcommunalandpoliticalinterests.
(Ibrabim:2009).

thereligiousdutiesandpracticesaswellastheHinduepicsweretransformedtothepoliticalsphereof
nationalistmovement(Gould2005:37).
Conceivingthenationinreligiousthemesgavetheadvantageofdramatisingtheeventsand
describethesupremacyofIndiannationbyusingtheemotiveanddivineactivitiesoftheheroesofthe
epics.InstitutionalandconceptualframeworkofreligioninIndiaprovidedestablishedframeworkfor
the nationalists to make popular appeals and temples like physical spaces were instrumental in
nationalistpropaganda.
Todemonisetheforeignrulers,religiousimageryandemphasisonnation'sspiritualitywere
widelyused(Gould2005:40).Toovercomethehumiliationanddisempowerment,the'continuity'
ancientculturewasemphasised.Religiousimagerywasmanytimesnothingmorethananinstrument
for factual information and mobilisation, but the dialogue between the dialogue between national,
provincialandlocaltraditionwasimpliedinit(ibid:46).AlongwiththistheCongressusedtheritual
notion of purity and pollution to discipline the followers. This was evident in the issue of cow
slaughteringandclothboycottingpropaganda(ibid:47).Theusageofholymenlikesadhusaspublic
figuresandusingtheircharismainmobilisationsalsogaveHindufacetotheCongressamongthe
Muslimsandcolonialrulers.
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Dalmia,Vasudha.2010.TheNationalisationofHinduTraditions,Permanentblack.
Gould,William. 2005. Hindu Nationalism and the Language of Politics in Late Colonial India,
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Gupta,Charu.2008. Obscenity,Sexuality,Community:Women,Muslims,andtheHinduPublicin
ColonialIndia,Permanentblack.
Mathur, Shubh. 2008. The Everyday Life of Hindu Nationalism: An Ethnographic Account, Three

EssaysCollective.
Narayan,Badri.2009.FascinatingHindutva:SaffronPoliticsandDalitMobilisation,Sage.
Shani,Onit.2007.Communalism,CasteandHinduNationalism:theViolenceinGujrat,Cambridge.