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TABLE OF CONTENTS
viii
Table of Contents
Meaning and
ix
xii
Meaning and
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Pl. 36. Jointing and paring marks. Butchery marks on bone. A) Fine slices
as a result of skinning and B) scoop marks as a result of paring. From
Seetah 2011, Figures 3.6 and 3.9
Pl. 37. Burning on bones as a result of roasting. 1) end of tibia and 2)
cracking of cranium.
From Lloveras et al. 2009, 190.
Pl. 38. Case-skinning a fox.
After Andersson and Paulssen 1993: 47. Jgarens skinn och hudar
Pl. 39. Belyaev and tame silver foxes.
From Trut 2009, Figure 1, pg 161.
Pl. 40. Map of Near Eastern Neolithic sites with Vulpes evidence.
Map by Erica Hughes
Pl. 41. Vulpes vulpes 1st phalanx with cut marks. Late Natufian el-Wad.
From Yeshurun et al. 2009, Figure 7.
Pl. 42. Pillar from Gbekli tepe showing fox-skin loincloth.
Photo by Lind Moulton Howe, 2010.
Pl. 43. Arctic Fox tooth beads. Arctic Fox tooth necklace from Dolni
Vestonice.
From Jelinek 1975.
Pl. 44. Fox remains in graves from Uyun al Hammam.
From Maher et al. 2011. Figure 3 and 4.
Pl. 45. Incised shaft straightener with fox image, from Jerf el-Ahmar.
From Stordeur 2000: 52.
Pl. 46. Hallan emi incised stone bowl. Canid with curling tail.
Photo by Michael Rosenberg.
Pl. 47. Fox with rolled tail after several generations of taming.
From Trut 1999: Figure 8.
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
EGYPTIAN BARQUE SHRINES
AND THE COMPLEXITY OF MINIATURIZED
SACRED SPACE
DAVID FALK
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Chapter Fifteen
187
coming (Sethe 1908: 1267-1273). All Egyptian gods had a good and a
bad personality. For example, the goddess Sekhmet was said to cure
disease but only because she could inflict disease, and thus, she cured
malady by withdrawing the sickness she inflicts. Hapy, god of the Nile
inundation, brought produce to the field but also caused strife and danger
and forced farmers to relocate on an annual basis (De Buck 1948: 13).
Similarly, the uraeus had a good manifestation that protected sacred
space and a bad manifestation that indiscriminately blasted out fire
(Pyramid Text 256). Thus, Egyptian deities that are seen as "apotropaic"
are actually dualistic deities that have their aspects properly oriented. For
our purposes then, the use of the uraeus frieze provides a convenient
boundary that can define a unit of a sacred space.
Friezes can convey a sense of architecture even when used on smaller
structures and objects. An example of an object that has architectural
attributes though functions neither as a structure nor temple is a pavilion.
Such objects can have multiple friezes, and the use of concentric pavilions
and friezes is a common feature in the New Kingdom (Ritner 1993: 224).
For example, multiple friezes and pavilions are depicted in the Amarnaperiod anonymous tomb, Theban Tomb 226 (Davis and Gardiner 1933: pl.
41). This scene contains a total of three concentric pavilions and five rows
of uraei, and even the platform of the middle canopy, upon which
Akhenaton is sitting, had a frieze demarcating it as sacred space (Vandier
1969: fig. 302).
Moreover, by using one uraeus frieze within another, we see that the
Egyptians had the capacity to define ever smaller units of ritual space.
Additionally, ritual spaces were not limited to architectural units but also
onto non-architectural objects such as coffins and furniture. We also come
to understand that for the Egyptians, not all sacred space is the same.
There are rings of holiness where the inner rings are zones that have the
greatest holiness by reason of the cumulative effects of iconographic
intensification. I hope to show that these concentric divisions of sacred
space extended beyond architectural elements to the cultic furniture within
temples. To do so, I will first describe the spaces of a new kingdom
temple, then the spaces within the barque shrine, and finally consider the
ways in which these spaces resemble each other physically and
iconographically in order to draw conclusions about the rules and patterns
of the delineation of sacred space.
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Temple of Khonsu
Much research has been done on the organization of temple sacred
space (McClain 2007: 85-95). In order to outline the partitions of sacred
space in New Kingdom temples, I have chosen one exemplar so that we
can later discuss the recapitulation of these partitions in sacred barques.
Temples of the New Kingdom, despite variations in size and layout,
had a common language of sacred space that became a consistent religious
convention until the Ptolemaic period. For the purposes of illustration, we
will use a three dimensional visualization taken from the schematic of the
Temple of Khonsu to demonstrate the divisions of sacred space (Plate 27)
(Wente 1979: Ground Plan of the Temple of Khonsu). The Temple of
Khonsu has typical partitions of sacred space without the extravagancies
that are found in more elaborate temples (such as the Temple of Amun)
that nonetheless follow the same religious conventions of other New
Kingdom temples. While the selection of the Temple of Khonsu is
somewhat arbitrary and no two Egyptian temples are identical in layout,
the features of the Temple of Khonsu are analogous to what is found in
most contemporary temples of the period and are simple enough for spatial
analysis which can easily be extrapolated to the more extravagant temples.
I will describe the spaces within the Temple of Khonsu in order of
ascending holiness.
189
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Chapter Fifteen
Sacred Barques
The sacred barque was a specific type of model boat used for
transporting the votive images of the gods. As Egypt was a river nation and
the boat was the preeminent form of travel, it is no surprise that even the
gods travelled by boat. The sacred barque included in temple worship had
several standardized attributes. First, attendants stood upon the decks of
the sacred barque, acting as proxies that serve the god in the barque. This
is similar to the function of shabti figures that were placed in tombs to
serve the deceased in the afterlife. The kinds of figures that were used on
the decks of the ritual barques included human navigators, worshippers,
and offering bearers but also included supernatural beings such as
sphinxes. It is important to note that the servants on the decks of the
barque are not commoners but are manifestations of kings (Plate 29)
as they are depicted wearing the xAt crown and the white crown of
Upper Egypt (Goebs 2001: 323-324). Even the sphinx is a symbol of
royal sovereignty and power. The tradition of kings serving on the
barques of gods goes back to the Old Kingdom with kings serving
Re on the solar barque (Pyramid Texts 252, 262, 267, 309). The deck
is the least sacred portion of the barque but still represents the
intersection between functionaries and divine benefactors.
191
Box Shrine
If the veil is removed, the wooden cabinet that contains the image of
the god, or box shrine, can be seen in its entirety. It has a pair of doors on
the front and back, and the doors include a double bolt locking system that
was probably used on larger doorways. The box shrine is covered on the
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outside with djed pillars, and ankhs and often has a uraeus frieze on the
top of the box shrine, pointing outwards.
Winged Goddesses
When the double doors are opened, the image of the god is flanked by
a pair of winged goddesses whose function it is to sanctify the holiest part
of the barque. In the 18th Dynasty, craftsmen begin to show the interior of
the barque shrines in the lowest register of the barque reliefs as if they
were visible through both the veil and side of the box shrine, as a result
there is little evidence suggesting the decoration of the lower exterior
portion of the box shrine. Nevertheless, the artists were conveying what
was important to them, which was the presence of the god.
When the interior of the shrine is revealed, it is always in the presence
of two minor goddesses. In the case of the barque of Amun-Re, these
goddesses are manifestations of Maat. With the Khonsu barque, the two
goddesses are lunar deities (Plate 31). These goddesses are always winged
purifying the most holy area of sacred space, and the main god is always
between their wings.
The Throne
Between the goddesses sat the image of the god. The god was shown
seated upon a throne, pedestal, or symbol. The image of the god is thought
to be quite small and made of electrum and precious stones. Despite its
diminutive size, especially when compared to other votive statues,
theologically it was maintained that in this location dwelled the abiding
presence of the deity. The materials of the image are subsumed by the
deity and transfigured into the deity without compromising or limiting the
abilities of the divinity (Shafer 1997: 6).
Discussion
We have seen thus far a progression of concentric zones of different
kinds of sacred space (Plate 32). Within the divine temple of the New
Kingdom, there is a progression of sacred space from the outer courts and
pillared halls, to the inner court, and into the Great Seat.
Within the barque itself, these functional units of sacred space as
found in temple sacred space are miniaturized and recapitulated from
columns of priests carrying the barque, to the deck, to the box shrine and
dual winged goddesses. The recapitulation of the outer courts and pillared
193
References
Arnold, D. 1997. Royal Cult Complexes of the Old and Middle
Kingdoms. Temples of Ancient Egypt, edited by B. Shafer, 31-85.
London: I. B. Taurus Publishers.
Averbeck, R. E. 2003. Myth, Ritual, and Order in Enki and the World
Order. Journal of the American Oriental Society 123: 757-771.
Baines, J. 1976. Temple Symbolism Royal Anthropological Institute
Newsletter 15: 10-15.
Bell, L. 1997. The New Kingdom Divine Temple: The Example of
Luxor. In Temples of Ancient Egypt, edited by B. E. Shafer, 127-184.
Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Brand, P. J. 2007. Veils, Votives, and Marginalia: The Use of Sacred
Space at Karnak and Luxor. In Sacred Space and Sacred Function in
Ancient Thebes, edited by P. F. Dorman and B. M. Bryan, 51-83.
Chicago: University of Chicago.
Brovarski, E. 1976. "Senenu, High Priest of Am n at Deir El-Ba ri," JEA
62: 57-73.
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