srgszeti Tanulmnyok / Prehistoric Studies

Moments in Time

srgszeti Tanulmnyok / Prehistoric Studies

Series Editors
Alexandra Anders, Gbor Kalla, Viktria Kiss,
Gabriella Kulcsr and Gbor V. Szab

Moments in Time
Papers Presented to Pl Raczky
on His 60th Birthday

Edited by
Alexandra Anders and Gabriella Kulcsr
with
Gbor Kalla, Viktria Kiss and Gbor V. Szab

srgszeti Trsasg / Prehistoric Society

Etvs Lornd University
LHarmattan
Budapest 2013

English and German text revised by

Lszl Bartosiewicz, Alice M. Choyke, Judith A. Rasson and Magdalna Seleanu (English)
Ulf Morche and va Pvai (German)

The publication of this volume was generously supported by

Etvs Lornd University, Faculty of Humanities
Deutsches Archologisches Institut, Eurasien-Abteilung
srgszeti Trsasg / Prehistoric Society
Nra 97 Kft.
Archeodata 1998 Bt.
satrs Kft.

The Authors, 2013

LHarmattan Kiad, 2013

ISBN 978-963-236-346-2
ISSN 2063-8930

Typography by
Zsolt Gembela
Cover design
Gbor Vczi and Zsolt Gembela
Printed in Hungary by Robinco Kft.
Director: Pter Kecskemthy

Contents
Editorial / A szerkesztk elszava...................................................................................................................14
Publications of Pl Raczky . ............................................................................................................................16
Walter Meier-Arendt
Pl Raczky zum 60. Geburtstag. Ein Vor- und Gruwort......................................................................... 27

The Early Neolithic The First Moments

Krum Bacvarov
Malak Preslavets Revisited: The Early Neolithic Burials...................................................................... 29
Eszter Bnffy
On Neolithic Frontiers in the Carpathian Basin................................................................................... 35
Paolo Biagi Elisabetta Starnini
Pre-Balkan Platform Flint in the Early Neolithic Sites
of the Carpathian Basin: Its Occurrence and Significance.................................................................. 47
Mihael Budja
Potters and Pots in the MesolithicNeolithic Transformation
in Southeastern Europe..............................................................................................................................61
Ivan Gatsov
Lithic Assemblages from the Area of the North-Western Pontic
from the 9th7th Millennia......................................................................................................................... 85

The Middle Neolithic The Time of the LBK

Piroska Csengeri
Figural Representations from the Initial Phase of the Alfld Linear
Pottery Culture from Novajidrny (Hernd Valley, Northeast Hungary).........................................91
Ferenc Horvth Florin Draovean
Remarks on the Connections between the Banat and the Great
Hungarian Plain at the Beginning of the Middle Neolithic
(SatchinezAlfld Linear PotteryEsztrVina).................................................................................113
Gbor Ilon
The Transdanubian Linear Pottery Culture in County Vas:
Recent Finds and Findings.......................................................................................................................133
Eva Lenneis
Beobachtungen zu frhneolithischen Schlitzgruben...........................................................................147

Contents
Tibor Marton
LBK Households in Transdanubia: A Case Study............................................................................... 159
Zsolt Mester Jacques Tixier
Pot lames: The Neolithic Blade Depot from Boldogkvralja
(Northeast Hungary)................................................................................................................................173
Krisztin Oross
Regional Traits in the LBK Architecture of Transdanubia.................................................................187
Tibor Paluch
Maroslele-Panaht, Legel: Data to the Middle Neolithic
Anthropomorphic Vessel........................................................................................................................ 203
Juraj Pavk Zdenk Farka
Beitrag zur Gliederung der lteren Linearkeramik .............................................................................213
Jrg Petrasch
Standardisierung versus Individualitt?
Das Wesen der jungsteinzeitlichen Bestattungssitten......................................................................... 237
Katalin Sebk
Two Ceramic-Covered Burials from the Middle Neolithic
of the Carpathian Basin........................................................................................................................... 249
Peter Stadler Nadezdha Kotova
The Early LBK Site at Brunn am Gebirge, Wolfholz (56705100 BC):
Locally Established or Founded by Immigrants from the Starevo Territory?............................... 259
Gerhard Trnka
Ein bemerkenswerter Klingenkern aus Szentgl-Radiolarit
von Gro-Schollach im westlichen Niedersterreich ........................................................................ 277
Zsuzsanna M. Virg
On the Anthropomorphic Representations of TLPC in Connection
with Some Recent Finds from Budapest (Figurines and Vessels with Facial
Representations)....................................................................................................................................... 289

The Late Neolithic Polgr-Csszhalom and Its World

Judit P. Barna
A Miniature Anthropomorphic Vessel from the Early Lengyel Culture
Site at Sorms-Trk-fldek in Southwestern Hungary......................................................................311
John Chapman
From Varna to Brittany via Csszhalom Was There a Varna Effect? . .................................... 323
Alice M. Choyke Zsuzsanna Tth
Practice Makes Perfect: Quartered Metapodial Awls
in the Late Neolithic of Hungary........................................................................................................... 337

Contents
Magorzata Kaczanowska Janusz K. Kozowski
The Transition from the Neolithic to the Copper Age Lithic Industries
in the Northern Carpathian Basin......................................................................................................... 353
Nndor Kalicz
Siedlungsstruktur und Bestattungen mit Prestigeobjekten
des Fundplatzes Tp-Leb (sdliches Theigebiet, Ungarn)............................................................ 365
Katalin Kovcs
Late Neolithic Exchange Networks in the Carpathian Basin............................................................ 385
Kitti Khler
Ergebnisse der anthropologischen Untersuchungen zweier
sptneolithischer Bestattungen in Alsnyk........................................................................................ 401
Johannes Mller Robert Hofmann Nils Mller-Scheeel Knut Rassmann
Neolithische Arbeitsteilung: Spezialisierung in einem Tell um 4900 v. Chr................................... 407
Zsuzsanna Siklsi
Traces of Social Inequality and Ritual in the Late Neolithic
of the Great Hungarian Plain................................................................................................................. 421
Krisztina Somogyi Zsolt Gallina
Besonderes anthropomorphes Gef der Lengyel-Kultur mit doppelter
Gesichts- und Menschendarstellung in Alsnyk (SW-Ungarn)...................................................... 437
Alasdair Whittle
Enclosures in the Making: Knowledge, Creativity and Temporality................................................ 457
Istvn Zalai-Gal
Totenhaltung als Indikator relativer Chronologie
im transdanubischen Sptneolithikum?............................................................................................... 467

Neolithic Spiritual Life

Lszl Domborczki
Neolithic Cult Objects and Their Symbolism ..................................................................................... 487
Gheorghe Lazarovici Cornelia-Magda Lazarovici
Sacred house and Their Importance for the Reconstruction
of Architecture, Inner Furnishings and Spiritual Life........................................................................ 503

The Early Copper Age Between Change and Tradition

Attila Gyucha William A. Parkinson
Archaeological Cultures and the Study of Social Interaction:
The Emergence of the Early Copper Age Tiszapolgr Culture...........................................................521

Contents
Svend Hansen
Figurinen aus Stein und Bein in der sdosteuropischen Kupferzeit . ............................................ 539
Judit Regenye
Surviving Neolithic The Early Copper Age in Transdanubia,
North of Lake Balaton............................................................................................................................. 557
Wolfram Schier
An Antiquarians Grave? Early Tiszapolgr Burials
in the Late Vina Tell Site of Uivar (Romania) ................................................................................... 569

The Middle Copper Age Time of Axes

Attila Lszl Sndor Jzsef Sztncsuj
Vessels with Handles with Discoid Attachments Discovered
in the AriudCucuteni Area and Some Problems in the Development and
Chronology of the Ariud (Ersd) Culture in Southeastern Transylvania...................................... 579
Ildik Szathmri
Kupferhammeraxt mit Spuren eines Holzschaftrestes
vom Donauufer bei Szentendre ............................................................................................................. 595

From the Late Copper Age to the Beginning of the Bronze Age Transitions
Mria Bondr
Utilitarian, Artistic, Ritual or Prestige Articles? The Possible Function
of an Enigmatic Artefact ........................................................................................................................ 605
Szilvia Fbin
A Preliminary Analysis of Intrasite Patterns at Balatonkeresztr-Rti-dl,
a Late Copper Age Site on the Southern Shore of Lake Balaton in Hungary...................................613
Lszl Gyrgy
Late Copper Age Animal Burials in the Carpathian Basin .............................................................. 627
Gabriella Kulcsr
Glimpses of the Third Millenium BC in the Carpathian Basin ....................................................... 643
Vajk Szevernyi
The Earliest Copper Shaft-Hole Axes in the Carpathian Basin:
Interaction, Chronology and Transformations of Meaning ............................................................. 661

The Early Bronze Age The Rise of a New Age

Jnos Dani Viktria Kisjuhsz
Bestattungen der Mak-Kultur in Berettyjfalu, Nagy Bcs-dl................................................. 671

Contents
Anna Endrdi
Recent Data on the Settlement History and Contact System of the Bell
BeakerCsepel group............................................................................................................................... 693

The Middle Bronze Age Tells and Metals

Marietta Csnyi Judit Trnoki
A Dinner Set from a Bronze Age House
in Level 2 of the Trkeve-Terehalom Settlement................................................................................. 707
Klra P. Fischl Lszl Remnyi
Interpretation Possibilites of the Bronze Age Tell Sites
in the Carpathian Basin.......................................................................................................................... 725
Szilvia Honti Viktria Kiss
The Bronze Hoard from Zalaszabar. New Data on the Study
of the Tolnanmedi Horizon Part 2.................................................................................................... 739
Magdolna Vicze
Middle Bronze Age Households at Szzhalombatta-Fldvr............................................................. 757

The Late Bronze Age Rituals of Power

Judit Kos
Sptbronzezeitliche Grube mit besonderer Bestimmung
aus Oszlr-Nyrfaszg (Nordostungarn).............................................................................................. 771
Gbor V. Szab
Late Bronze Age Stolen. New Data on the Illegal Acquisition
and Trade of Bronze Age Artefacts in the Carpathian Basin............................................................ 793
Gbor Vczi
Burial of the Late TumulusEarly Urnfield Period
from the Vicinity of Nadap, Hungary....................................................................................................817

The Iron Age End of the (Pre)history

Istvn Fodor
A Scythian Mirror from Hajdnns, Hungary...................................................................................831
Mikls Szab
Livre celte de la puszta hongroise......................................................................................................... 839

Contents

Interdisciplinary Archaeology
Lszl Bartosiewicz Erika Gl Zsfia Eszter Kovcs
Domesticating Mathematics: Taxonomic Diversity
in Archaeozoological Assemblages........................................................................................................ 853
Katalin T. Bir
More on How Much?............................................................................................................................ 863
Zoltn Czajlik Andrs Bdcs
The Effectiveness of Aerial Archaeological Research
An Approach from the GIS Perspective................................................................................................ 873
Ferenc Gyulai
Archaeobotanical Research of the Neolithic Sites in the Polgr Area.............................................. 885
Pl Smegi Sndor Gulys Gerg Persaits
The Geoarchaeological Evolution of the Loess-Covered Alluvial Island
of Polgr and Its Role in Shaping Human Settlement Strategies....................................................... 901
Zsuzsanna K. Zoffmann
Significant Biostatistical Connections between Late Neolithic
Ethnic Groups from the Carpathian Basin and Bronze Age Populations
from Territories beyond the Carpathians..............................................................................................913

10

Traces of Social Inequality and Ritual

in the Late Neolithic
of the Great Hungarian Plain
Zsuzsanna Siklsi

Etvs Lornd University

Institute of Archaeological Sciences
H1088 Budapest, Mzeum krt 4/B
siklosi.zsuzsanna@btk.elte.hu

Archaeologists usually study social inequality and ritual practices independently, although these aspects
are often firmly interwoven. I will discuss this issue by means of the complex contextual analysis of set
tlement types (tell and horizontal settlement), place of burials, customs of grave good offering, and demo
graphic composition of burial groups as well as through the investigation of the role of material culture
in the expression of social inequality during the Late Neolithic of the Great Hungarian Plain. The results
suggest that the usage of prestige goods was different on tells and at horizontal settlements. A particular
group of ritual activities was firmly associated with tells, and these rituals and the manifestation of social
inequality might have been strongly related to the material culture. Competition for prestige among the
families or lineages at horizontal settlements primarily took place in funerary customs while on tells the
communal and ritual ceremonies constituted the major social arena of competition.
Az skori trsadalmi egyenltlensgeket s a ritulis jelensgeket tbbnyire egymstl fggetlenl vizsgl
jk a rgszek, holott ezek gyakran szorosan sszefondnak. A kvetkezkben az alfldi ks neolitikum
komplex kontextulis elemzsvel igyekszem bemutatni, hogy milyen sszefggs volt a teleplsek tpusa
(tell s horizontlis telepls), a temetkezs helye, a mellkletads szoksa s a srcsoportok demogrfiai
sszettele kztt, s az anyagi kultra milyen szerepet jtszott a trsadalmi egyenltlensg kifejezsben.
Ezek sszefggse arra utal, hogy a presztzstrgyak felhasznlsi terlete ms volt a telleken s a hori
zontlis teleplseken. A ritulis jelensgek egy csoportja szorosan kapcsoldik a tellekhez s szoros kap
csolat lehetett e rtusok s a trsadalmi egyenltlensg anyagi kultrban val megjelense kztt is. Ezek
alapjn a csaldok, leszrmazsi gak kzti versengs elsdleges sznterei a horizontlis teleplseken a
temetkezsek voltak, mg a telleken a versengs elssorban a kzssgi s/vagy vallsi rtusok keretben
jelent meg.

Moments in Time Budapest 2013

421

Zsuzsanna Siklsi
Introduction
Acquiring higher social rank is possible in different ways based on four main sources of power (economic, military, ideological, and political or family social power) (Feinman 1995; Hayden 1995;
Earle 1997). These are not mutually exclusive categories by any means; leaders or chiefs can generally use them in combination (Mann 1986; Earle
1997, 68). Namely, a complex system of social inequality with power of different origins can exist
in a society. In spite of this, archaeologists usually
concentrate only on the economic or political way
of obtaining power, neglecting the role of religion,
rituals or ideology when they analyse prehistoric social inequalities. In analysing archaeological
finds they usually treat presumed or real ritual artefacts or features absolutely independently from
this secular power, although these are often
firmly interconnected. This has two main reasons:
first, according to the processual approach, social
structure and the religion/belief system are each
independent subsystems of the archaeological culture (Clarke 1968, Fig. 23; Renfrew 1972, 1544,
440504). Secondly, they consider the sacred and
profane as universal dichotomies (Eliade 1994;
Durkheim 2003). However, evidence frequently
suggests that this dichotomy does not equally exist in many societies by all means, nor is there a
separation of ritual from everyday life or actions
(Goody 1961; Brck 1999; Bradley 2005; Kyriakidis 2007). Not every culture separates sharply
practical from symbolic acts, and the same act may
have practical and symbolic meanings at the same
time. The logical positivism of modern science has
penetrated so deeply into every part of our life that
it is often difficult to imagine that other ways of
thinking can be relevant. Ritual acts can be logical
in a different way of thinking, which may seem irrational to us (Brck 1999, 320321).
Mainly with the spread of the postprocessual
and cognitive processual approaches, more and
more studies have appeared which analyse the role
of religion and ideology in emerging complex societies (Hodder 1982; MillerTilley 1984; RenfrewZubrow 1994). These approaches do not
treat cosmology, religion, and ritual as a subsystem of a past society because they recognise that
they fundamentally determine the identity of the
self, of the community, and their way of thinking. Namely, they can influence every aspect of

422

life. Every culture has a theory of the universe and

for many cultures there is a strong relationship
between cosmology and religion/belief system.
The structure of the cosmos affects both religion
and ideology. Every religion includes a belief system which answers profound, existential questions both at the individual and community levels.
Most religions provide guiding ethical principles,
guidance on how one can live in harmony with
the world and how one can influence the events of
world positively. Religion is a shared belief system;
it is also a social and cultural phenomenon (Renfrew 1994, 47; FlanneryMarcus 1996, 352
353). Thus, religion or ritual should not be treated
as a closed, clearly outlined, separate system from
everyday life in a culture or society, but it should
be seen as a system itself, as a whole (Insoll 2004).
This means not only that ritual penetrates every
segment of life, but it is a realization and an acceptance that prehistoric people had a fundamentally
different knowledge about the world than we do,
which might have meant a basically different way
of thinking, explanation, and world-view. This can
influence even elements of subsistence strategies
(e.g., food taboos, preferred plants and animals)
or social structure (e.g., social relations, choice of
residence, maintaining and manipulating social
inequalities), etc.
Ritual knowledge was often the source of political power, which meant not only that leaders who
had already come to power used religion or ritual
to legitimate or strengthen their position, but it
also meant that the people who possessed knowledge or skill at keeping in contact with the ancestors or other transcendent powers could easily use
this to support their own social rise. At the same
time, this would by no means have been condemnable or negative in the eyes of other members of
the community because they were respected community members who had used their knowledge
or skill to secure prosperity for the community.
It is probable that success in communication and
keeping in contact with ancestors or other transcendent powers influenced social respect and
prestige.
Social inequalities can be analysed archaeologically (mainly in prehistory) only in cases where
they left traces in material culture or archaeological
features. Social inequality can be manifest in several segments of life, therefore only a complex analysis which takes into consideration every segment of

Traces of Social Inequality and Ritual in the Late Neolithic of the Great Hungarian Plain
life can provide a reliable picture of the presence or
absence of prehistoric social inequality.
Burials are good starting points for an analysis of
social inequality because a variety of items of material culture and archaeological features in them can
be the most clearly connected to individuals and
their narrower social groups. Social inequalities can
be manifest variously in burial customs, e.g., differences in energy expenditure, in rites, quantitative
or qualitative differences in grave goods, or choice
of burial place (Tainter 1975; 1978; Wason 1994,
67102). Several authors have already examined
the possibilities of mortuary analysis and its methodological pitfalls. In spite of this, burials constitute
primary sources for the analysis of social inequality in prehistoric archaeology even nowadays, although they are not the sole sources (Ucko 1969;
ChapmanKinnesRansborg 1981; McHugh
1999; Parker Pearson 1999).
The reason for this is, first of all, that burials can
reflect social rank only through ritual expression,
through the distorting mirror of ideology. Since a
burial happens in a ritual and social context it not
only reflects the deceaseds and/or his/her social
groups social position, but it also plays an active
role in the living society; it influences the use and
distribution of power and it mediates socially accepted values while it is one of the most important
rites of passage. Differences in the abundance of
grave goods appear as well, because ancestors and
gods or other transcendent powers are important
channels of legitimizing power. This is one way of
competition among the living which does not incur debts to each other; it does, however, create
prestige differences and it entails obligations. Gifts
intended for the deceased can be important parts
of the mechanism on which social status is based
(Parker Pearson 1984, 6364).
Social inequalities reflected in material culture,
mainly status and prestige goods, are strongly connected to this field. Their presence unambiguously
signals status and prestige differences in a particular society, but their recognition in find material is
not without problems (Siklsi 2004, 8). First of all,
these appear in social contexts which have great
importance in the life of community and/or individual, mainly in the case of rites of passage (e.g.,
initiation, funeral) or communal ceremonies or
feasts.
Communal ceremonies and rituals are important areas of competition for political power which

can leave archaeological traces in material culture

(e.g., the presence of certain object types, remains
of ceremonial feasts or offerings), in the internal
structure of settlements (e.g., communal buildings,
open places), and in the settlement system (e.g.,
communal places, ritual/sacred places). In these
cases communal and ritual functions inseparably
interweave.
Individuals or groups who host communal ceremonies may gain prestige and influence based on
the lavishness of the feast, the elaborateness and
appropriateness of the celebration, and the quantity of social valuables mobilized (Spielmann 2002,
195).
However, society also controls the opportunities for raising status, which can happen in practice only with the approval of the community (van
Velzen 1973).
To gain a complete picture of the social structure, burial data must be compared to settlement
data. Differences in the inner structure of the settlement (larger, more richly decorated buildings)
and the presence of a settlement hierarchy or monumental buildings can also refer to the presence of
social inequalities (Wason 1994, 127152). One of
the most difficult questions is how one can decide
whether a building had a communal/ritual function or whether differences in size or wealth can
be attributed to the higher social status of its inhabitants, or both. In the following, I will show,
by a contextual analysis of Late Neolithic burials
and prestige goods on the Great Hungarian Plain
that traces of social inequalities appear, in which
aspects, and how and to what degree they are connected to ritual phenomena.1
Traces of social inequality in Late
Neolithic burials on the Great
Hungarian Plain
Late Neolithic burials on the Great Hungarian
Plain are known only from settlements (Fig. 1).
Burials found on tells do not provide a demographically representative sample, from which
one can conclude that other members of the community were buried elsewhere or according to a
1
Here I cannot undertake a whole reconstruction of the Late
Neolithic belief system, therefore I will concentrate only on those
phenomena where there seem to be connections between rituals
and social inequality.

423

Zsuzsanna Siklsi

Fig. 1. Late Neolithic sites mentioned in the text

Tells on which men and/or children burials were overrepresented with few or no grave-goods 1: Bks-Povd, 2:
Berettyjfalu-Herply, 3: Szeghalom-Kovcshalom, 4: Szegvr-Tzkves, 5: Vszt-Mgor;
Tell-like or horizontal settlements on which the quantity and quality of grave-goods were more varied and the
demographic picture of burials was more balanced 6: Bodrogkeresztr-Kutyasor, 7: Bodrogzsadny-Akasztszer, 8:
Hdmezvsrhely-Kknydomb, 9: Kenzl-Szrskert, 10: Kiskre-Gt, 11: csd-Kovshalom;
Tells on which grave-goods had great variety 12: Tp-Leb, 13: Hdmezvsrhely-Gorzsa (?), 14: oka/CskaKremenyk;
Settlements on which grave-goods had great variety 15: Aszd-Papi fldek, 16: Polgr-Csszhalom

burial rite which did not leave any archaeologically visible traces (AcsdiNemeskri 1970,
2627, 5760, 66, 237238; Chamberlain 1997,
249). Namely, the right or opportunity to be buried on a tell itself was culturally regulated. In the
majority of cases, men and children were buried on the Polgr-Csszhalom tell, while burials
found on the horizontal settlement next to the
tell represent a demographically more balanced
sample with a higher proportion of female burials (RaczkyAnders 2006, 25; AndersNagy
2007, 89; BnffyBognr-Kutzin 2007, 195
205, 216218). A similar situation is visible on the
Berettyjfalu-Herply tell, where childrens burials formed the overwhelming majority. Most of
these burials were under the floors of houses or

424

in the postholes, so they can be considered foundation offerings. A horizontal settlement was also
associated with this tell, where some adult burials
were found (KaliczRaczky 1984, 135; 1987b,
121122; Kalicz et al. 2011, 70). Burials on the
Vszt-Mgor tell were similar to those found on
Polgr-Csszhalom in the high proportion of men
burials and the underrepresented proportions
of women and children (Farkas 1974). Graves
on the Szegvr-Tzkves tell also show an overrepresented proportion of men and underrepresented proportion of women, but the proportion
of children approaches the expected more closely
(K. Zoffmann 1986; Farkas 1994, 144). In contrast, adult female graves predominated on the
csd-Kovshalom site, similarly to the Aszd-

Traces of Social Inequality and Ritual in the Late Neolithic of the Great Hungarian Plain
Papi fldek site (Siklsi 2007, 194195). From a
demographic point of view, burials found on horizontal settlements present a much more balanced
sample, among which only the number of graves
at Kiskre-Gt (except for the horizontal settlement of Polgr-Csszhalom) was high enough
for mortuary analysis.2 Here, the proportion of
the two sexes is roughly equal among adults, but
children graves were fewer than expected (Korek
1989, 3945).
A rite of extended inhumation appeared on
some sites, mainly in North-eastern Hungary, beside a rite of contracted inhumation. This occurred
both on the tell (BnffyBognr-Kutzi-n 2007,
195205) and the horizontal settlement at PolgrCsszhalom (RaczkyAnders 2006, 2829); it
was general practice at Kiskre-Gt and Bodrogkeresztr-Kutyasor (Korek 1989, 3945), therefore it could not itself have played a role in expressing social inequality. This is the same situation in
the case of the rite of cremation, which occurred
only at csd-Kovshalom and Aszd-Papi fldek
sites in eastern Hungary and was clearly connected to a small group of women and children there
(Siklsi 2007, 189).
Southeastnorthwest or eastwest orientations of graves were general at sites on the Great
Hungarian Plain. It seems that this was a uniform custom in the region and did not play a role
in the expression of social differences. Altering
the dominance of lying on the right or the left
side at settlements was a characteristic feature of
Lengyel culture burials in South-eastern Transdanubia. Such sites have been found only in the
north-eastern region of Hungary, which may be
explained because this region had strong cultural
contacts with the region of the Lengyel culture.
Owing to the small number of excavated graves it
is uncertain how far this can be seen as a general
practice Aszd-Papi fldek (Siklsi 2007, 189)
and Mrgy-Tzkdomb (Zalai-Gal 2002, 41)
right, Zengvrkony (Dombay 1939, 31; 1960, 72
155) left side dominant.
Placing the deceased on their right or left side,
which was general practice at Polgr-Csszhalom
(RaczkyAnders 2006, 27), and the connection
The number of graves excavated on other horizontal sites is
low or their anthropological analysis is not available, so that demographic conclusions cannot be drawn from them (e.g., Bodrogkeresztr-Kutyasor, Szerencs-Taktafldvr, Kenzl-Szrskert:
Patay 1957; Korek 1989, 4546).
2

of this practice with the sex of the deceased was

not universal at Late Neolithic sites in the Southern Great Hungarian Plain. Dominant placement
of men on their right sides and women on their left
sides can be documented at Bks-Povd, csdKovshalom, and Vszt-Mgor, but this was never exclusive. A statistically significant connection
could be seen, however, except at csd-Kovshalom (Hegeds 1977, 54145; Makkay 2004, 90
92; Trogmayer 1962, 920). Gyula Farkas did
not publish anthropological data from SzegvrTzkves as graves, but one can conclude from
the similar proportions of men/women and right/
left side positions that the situation was similar to
that at other sites (Korek 1973, 295306; Farkas
1994, 144). Graves at Tp-Leb differ strongly,
because the proportion of individuals placed on
their left side was higher here, but no anthropological analysis is available (Korek 1958, 134
143; Bognr-Kutzin 1963, 412; Korek 1973,
276290).
Traces of grave construction were noted in an
adult grave at Hdmezvsrhely-Kknydomb
and in a child grave at Hdmezvsrhely-Gorzsa
(Horvth 1992). This practice was found in graves
of both genders at the Alsnyk-Kanizsa-dl
site, which Istvn Zalai-Gal considers to be high
ranking burials on the basis of grave building and
their grave goods (Zalai-Gal 2008, 51; ZalaiGalOszts 2009a, 247, 253, Fig. 1.8, 2.28;
2009b, 113114, 129131, Fig. 1213, 1517; Gallina et al. 2010, 19, 2325, 8083, pl. 2932).
Three main groups can be defined on the basis of the custom of grave offering. Graves on tells
are mostly without grave goods or they are poor in
grave goods. These examples are concentrated in
the region of the Krs and Beretty rivers (e.g.,
Szegvr-Tzkves: Korek 1973, 294306; VsztMgor: Hegeds 1977; Makkay 2004, 9092;
Bks-Povd: Trogmayer 1962, 920; SzeghalomKovcshalom: Bakay 1969, 135). Few graves stand
out by the relative wealth of grave goods on these
tells.3 Graves at Tp-Leb differ basically from
this; the wealth in grave goods is generally similar to those observed at Polgr-Csszhalom and
3
Some copper beads were in one grave, red deer canines were
in another, and marble/limestone beads were in five graves at the
site of Szegvr-Tzkves. Marble beads were only in four graves
at Vszt-Mgor (the burials of two adult men and two children).
No Spondylus beads were found in graves (Korek 1973, 295306;
Hegeds 1977, 54145; Makkay 2004, 9092).

425

Zsuzsanna Siklsi
Aszd-Papi fldek4 (Korek 1958; Bognr-Kutzi
n 1963, 412). Roughly half of the graves either on
tell-like or horizontal settlements contained grave
goods and the variability in grave goods was also
higher than on tells (e.g., Kiskre-Gt: Korek
1989, 3945; csd-Kovshalom: Siklsi 2010,
190199; Hdmezvsrhely-Kknydomb: Banner 1930; BannerFoltiny 1945; BannerKorek 1949; Banner 1951).
Finds formerly determined as status or prestige
goods (such as Spondylus and copper ornaments,
red deer canines, wild boar tusk pendants, wild
boar mandibles, stone maceheads, perhaps stone
axes) occurred variously as grave goods (Siklsi
2004). Spondylus ornaments (beads and V-perforated buttons) were found as grave goods in greater numbers only at Tp-Leb (and a few of them
at oka/Cska-Kremenyk) among the tell sites,
but this is far fewer than the quantity of Spondylus
ornaments found in Transdanubian Lengyel culture burials or on the site Aszd-Papi fldek. Only
marble/limestone beads were in the graves on the
other tells. Copper beads were found in a grave at
each Tp-Leb (Bognr-Kutzin 1963, 412) and
Szegvr-Tzkves (Korek 1973, 276290) respectively, and a copper bracelet was in a grave at the
site of Hdmezvsrhely-Gorzsa (Gazdapusztai
1963, 27; Horvth 1987, 43, Fig. 38). In contrast,
the variety of Spondylus grave goods reflects social
inequalities among the deceased on tell-like and
horizontal settlements (e. g., Kiskre-Gt: Korek
1989, 3945; Kenzl-Szrskert: Banner 1930;
Hdmezvsrhely-Kknydomb: BannerFol
tiny 1945; BannerKorek 1949; Banner 1951).
Occurrences of red deer canines, which are present
in greater quantity in North-eastern Hungary (e.g.,
Polgr-Csszhalom: Bognr-Kutzin 1963, 415;
1970; AndersNagy 2007, 86; BodrogzsadnyAkasztszer: Bnffy 2008), are even rarer in the
Southern Great Hungarian Plain. A few pieces were
found in graves at the sites of Szegvr-Tzkves and
Tp-Leb (Korek 1973, 276290, 294306) and in
4
The custom of grave offering in burials found by Gyula Gazdapusztai at Hdmezvsrhely-Gorzsa is similar to this, which is not
surprising because of the geographical proximity of the two sites
(Gazdapusztai 1963, 2730). This picture may be significantly
modified by recently excavated and so-far-unpublished graves;
therefore I will disregard this site from further analysis. Graves at
Tp-Leb are even more problematic because Ida Bognr-Kutzin
and Jzsef Korek determined the chronological position of graves
based on grave goods, therefore graves without grave goods are
missing from their evaluation.

426

four graves at Hdmezvsrhely-Kknydomb

(Banner 1930, Fig. 3. 89). They were found only
in greater numbers at Kiskre-Gt (Korek 1989,
3945). It is still a question, how far all these can be
explained by fine chronological differences, but it
seems clear that the usage of Spondylus ornaments
decreased continuously synchronously with the appearance and spread of stone beads and copper ornaments (SiklsiCsengeri 2011). It is improbable
that the absence of Spondylus ornaments in graves
on tells would mean that those who were buried
here had no access to these ornaments, as, e.g., the
biggest Spondylus hoards were found at the okaKremenyk tell (Banner 1960; Raczky 1994), and
Spondylus ornaments are also known from find
materials of settlement features on other tells. Likewise, a picture drawn of copper usage on the basis
of burials must be completed by findings from settlement features, since the most Late Neolithic copper finds on the Great Hungarian Plain were found
at Berettyjfalu-Herply (KaliczRaczky 1984,
128131, 134135) and Polgr-Csszhalom in settlement features (Raczky et al. 1996), although
they were not in graves at all or only in low numbers on these sites. All this rather indicates the different ways and scope of usage than lack of access.
Wild boar tusk pendants and wild boar mandibles, which were used as grave goods in high-ranking men burials in North-eastern Hungary and
Transdanubia, are almost entirely missing from
the find materials of the Southern Great Hungarian Plain. Only one grave contained a wild boar
tusk pendant, found at the horizontal settlement
next to the Berettyjfalu-Herply tell (N. Kalicz
pers. comm.), and a grave at Szegvr-Tzkves
tell contained a wild boar mandible (Korek 1973,
295306). Something else would have represented
the position of a communitys male leaders in the
Southern Great Hungarian Plain. Certain types of
polished stone axes may be considered here, but
this question needs even further analysis (what
kind of raw material was used, whether there are
traces of use, etc.).
Traces of rituals and their
relation to social inequality
A building is often called a sanctuary on the basis
of the concentration of anthropomorphic figurines
and face pots, but the find context of most figurines

Traces of Social Inequality and Ritual in the Late Neolithic of the Great Hungarian Plain

Fig. 2. Late Neolithic sites of sitting, anthropomorphic statuettes or pots on which representations of Spondylus or copper
bracelets can be seen 4: Szegvr-Tzkves, 5: Vszt-Mgor, 11: csd-Kovshalom, 13: Hdmezvsrhely-Gorzsa, 16:
Polgr-Csszhalom

is unknown. The works of Marija Gimbutas have

had a great impact up to now on the interpretation
of figurines; she considered them as the representations of a Mother Goddess, accessories of a fertility
cult (Gimbutas 1974). The study of Neolithic anthropomorphic figurines has been revived by the
spread of cognitive and postprocessual approaches.
New interpretations have appeared; among them
some have questioned their sacral function (Bailey 1994; Biehl 1996). The stylistic uniformity of
figurines, the fixed system of decoration, and their
deliberate destruction suggest that they mediated
some specific message. They contradict the idea
that one could interpret them only as toys and rather suggest that these figurines were part of a ritual
system and played an important role in controlling social relations. They played roles in a complex
communication and belief system, day may have
multi-purposed use (Hansen 2001, 4245; 2007,
331369; Biehl 2003, 375376).
Several kinds of anthropomorphic representations existed simultaneously in the Carpathian
Basin during the Late Neolithic which probably

played different roles. Tiny, strongly stylized anthropomorphic figurines were much rarer than
in the former period (e.g., BannerKorek 1949,
Pl. 15. 2; Gazdapusztai 1963, Fig. 1; Hegeds
Makkay 1987, Fig. 30; KaliczRaczky 1987a,
4244; Korek 1987, Figs 17, 2526; Raczky 1987,
Figs 3637, 39, 4044). Use of face pots continued,
although their forms changed slightly (Kalicz
Raczky 1987a, Figs 68; Korek 1987, Figs 1821).
Besides these types, new, taller (2025 cm high),
more realistic representations of sitting humans
appeared (Fig. 2).
The way certain prestige goods, such as Spond
ylus and copper ornaments, were worn can be well
reconstructed on the basis of burials. Spondylus
bracelets were usually found on the upper arm of
the deceased, e.g., at Kiskre-Gt graves nos 4, 21,
36 (Korek 1989, 40, 42, 44), at Aszd-Papi fldek
Graves 101, 164 (Kalicz 1985, 24). Copper bracelets have always been found on the wrist, e.g., at
Zengvrkony graves nos 113, 115, 230, 286 (Dombay 1960, 8688, 123, 136), at HdmezvsrhelyGorzsa grave no. 2 (Gazdapusztai 1963, 27).

427

Zsuzsanna Siklsi
It is probable that representations of broad
bracelets above the elbow shown on anthropomorphic statuettes of Tisza culture represent such
Spondylus ornaments (KaliczG. Sznszky
2001, 45), e.g., the Hdmezvsrhely-Kknydomb Venus I (KaliczRaczky 1987a, Fig. 2), the
Szegvr-Tzkves statuette IV (Korek 1987, Fig.
15), the csd-Kovshalom sitting, anthropomorphic pot (Raczky 1987, Fig. 32), similar to convex
bracelets on the arms of face pots and figurines
of the Szaklht culture, e.g., Battonya-Gdrsk
(Goldman 1978, Taf. 1. 42, Taf. 24), BattonyaParzstanya (G. Sznszky 1977, 219), Szszberek (Korek 1960, 20), Szentes-Ilonapart (KaliczMakkay 1977, Taf. 189. 7), Tszeg-Paldics
puszta (Korek 1960, 22), Vina-Belo Brdo (Vasi
1936, sl. 6263, 6668). Spondylus bracelets were
almost exclusively part of womens costume during the Late Neolithic (except for, e.g., Kiskre-Gt
graves nos 9, 36: Korek 1989, 41, 44). Representations of Late Neolithic statuettes also support this
assumption: broad bracelets represented on the
upper arm can be seen only on female statuettes
(e.g., the Hdmezvsrhely-Kknydomb Venus I: KaliczRaczky 1987a, 14, Fig. 2; PolgrCsszhalom: Raczky 2002, Fig. 3).
Multiple incisions around the wrists of statuettes may represent copper spiral bracelets, e.g.,
at Hdmezvsrhely-Kknydomb Venus I and
III (KaliczRaczky 1987a, 2, Fig. 4), SzegvrTzkves statuette I, IV (Korek 1987, Fig. 14, Fig.
16) and V (Trogmayer 1992, 57), Vszt-Mgor
(HegedsMakkay 1987, Fig. 9).
The find contexts of these objects confirm that
ritual and secular life were not so clearly separated from each other in time and in space during
the Late Neolithic compared to nowadays. Fragments of Szaklht-style face pots were always
found on settlements, in pits that archaeologists
have often considered ritual pits just because of
the presence of the face pot, although other finds
or features did not differ from those of other pits.
On the basis of this, one can hardly consider the
ritual function of these structures validated. At
the same time, one cannot neglect the fact that
all of them were fragments, so their find contexts may provide information only about the last
phase of their life, about the circumstances of interment after their deliberate or accidental breakage, but they do not refer to the circumstances of
their use.

428

The find contexts of Tisza culture sitting statuettes are more informative. These have been found
exclusively on tell or tell-like settlements which
are an important aspect of the find context in
themselves. In the known cases, statuettes were either among the ruins of a burnt house or in a pit
with the remains of a burnt house, e.g., SzegvrTzkves statuette I5 (Csalog 1959, 2425). Both
contexts carry several kinds of supplementary information about the type of objects they were originally used with. Besides everyday objects, several
associated object types are considered ritual finds
because of their unusual character.
Offering assemblages, hoards, and traces of ceremonial feasting can be signs of ritual activities.
There are Late Neolithic hoards consisting of stone
tools, raw materials, and different ornaments, elements of costume. The two biggest Spondylus
hoards were both found in amphoras at the okaKremenyk site at the beginning of the 20th century during Ferenc Mras excavation, therefore all
that is known about their find contexts is that they
were in pits (Banner 1960, 18). Additional Spond
ylus hoards were found at the sites of Kozluda
(GellertGarscha 1930, 270) and epin (imi
2007), but their find contexts are almost unknown.
Hoards containing Spondylus and copper objects
dated to the very end of the Late Neolithic or the
beginning of the Early Copper Age came to light at
Hrova, Ariud/Ersd, and Omurtag. All of them
were in pots on tells (Lszl 1911, 224, Fig. 6, Fig.
92. 3, 5, 7, Figs 9394; Coma 1973, 6667, Fig. 4;
Sztncsuj 2007; Gaydarska et al. 2004).
Spondylus and copper ornaments also appear in
offering contexts. A bracelet, the single Spondylus
find at the site Bran/Berencs, was found in a posthole of a house (VladrLichardus 1968, 266,
269, Fig. 72). A necklace consisting of copper and
bone beads were discovered in a ritual pit below a
house in the central part of the Polgr-Csszhalom
tell (Raczky et al. 1996, 1819). Several clay and
marble figurines and a Spondylus bracelet lay in
the same ritual pit at the site of Trtria/Alstatrlaka in which the well-known tablets with incised
motifs were also recovered (Vlassa 1963, 490, Fig.
6. 4).
5
Szegvr-Tzkves statuette V was a stray find (Trogmayer
1992). Ferenc Horvth mentions a triangular clay head, a fragment of leg and fragments of a throne from HdmezvsrhelyGorzsa. He did not write about their find contexts (Horvth
2005, 56).

Traces of Social Inequality and Ritual in the Late Neolithic of the Great Hungarian Plain
Few data from the Late Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin refer to ceremonial activities. The
most obvious evidence derives from the PolgrCsszhalom tell, where a huge amount of animal
bones were revealed that far exceeded the estimated meat consumption of the inhabitants based on
the dimensions of the tell. Moreover, the proportion of wild animal bones was exceptionally high
(Vrs 1987; Raczky et al. 2002, 853856). It
cannot be ruled out that hoards and offering assemblages representing particularly remarkable
value were encountered here.
Conclusions
It is apparent, solely on the basis of the demographic data of burials excavated on tells, that in
themselves they cannot represent a demographically stable population; men and/or children are
strongly overrepresented on every tell (except for
Tp-Leb). A close relationship can be seen between settlement type, the demographic picture
of burials, and the custom of grave offering. Three
main groups can be identified: 1. Tells where men
and/or children burials are overrepresented and
burials are generally without grave goods or are
very poor in them. 2. Burials found on tell-like or
horizontal settlements showing a demographically
more balanced picture, where there are great differences in the quality and quantity of grave goods.
3. Tp-Leb forms an independent group so far
(Hdmezvsrhely-Gorzsa might be ranked
here), because the variety of grave goods on the
tell is similar to Csszhalom and Lengyel culture
sites, but it is difficult to interpret due to a lack of
anthropological data. It seems that the primary
scene of prestige/status expression and manipulation was grave goods and costume on the horizontal settlements. On the contrary, this played a
minor role on tells or another ideology was behind
it. It is probable that the right or opportunity to be
buried on tell was restricted and expressed the deceaseds social position.
It clearly seems from the find material of tells
(various raw materials representing remote locations, e.g., copper, Spondylus, imported objects)
that these settlements maintained extensive relationships, they provided a place for communal
ceremonies, and in all probability, they had several different functions at the same time (Kalicz

Raczky 1987b, 107112; Raczky et al. 1994,

233; 1997, 35; Horvth 2005, 54). The present-day
known hoards and offering assemblages containing prestige goods were discovered exclusively on
tells. Sitting anthropomorphic statuettes on which
representation of Spondylus or copper bracelets
can be seen were also found solely on tells or telllike settlements. It seems clear from the contextual
analysis of prestige goods that they occur in graves
on horizontal and tell-like settlements, while they
tend to be recovered from settlement features (in
houses, in hoards, in offering assemblages) and in
anthropomorphic representations on tells, even at
settlements where they have never been found in
graves. All of this suggests that the way of using
these objects was basically different on these different types of sites.
Construction offerings usually preceded the
building of houses on tells. They were generally
placed into a posthole or under the floor, and may
have been represented by skulls or horns of aurochs, stone tools, copper objects, or children burials, e.g., in House 2 at Hdmezvsrhely-Gorzsa
(Horvth 1987, 44; 2005, 57), in House 9 at PolgrCsszhalom (Raczky et al. 1996, 1819), and at
Berettyjfalu-Herply (KaliczRaczky 1984,
135). Data concerning the measurements, furnishing, and decoration of houses originate almost exclusively from tells (except for the horizontal settlement of Polgr-Csszhalom) (KaliczRaczky
1987a, 1819; Horvth 1989; Bnffy 1991; Raczky et al. 1996; 1997, 38; RaczkyAnders 2008,
4143), therefore it is a question whether these
observations can be generalized to the buildings
at smaller, horizontal settlements. Find materials of buildings on tells suggest that they were also
places of communal and ritual activity, while they
also provide huge numbers of find materials which
represent everyday life (HegedsMakkay 1987,
97103; Horvth 1987, 40; 1989, 29; Raczky et
al. 1996; RaczkyAnders 2008, 4143; 2010). It
is difficult to tell whether these finds are traces of
ritualized activities, or how much they differ from
the find materials recovered at smaller, horizontal
settlements. Finally, deliberate burning seems to
have ended the use of buildings (RaczkyDomborczkiHajd 2007, 58; RaczkyAnders
2010, 149), so rituals can also be connected to every stage of the life of a building.
The study of tell sites recently revived all over
Europe. The reason is that research in earlier dec-

429

Zsuzsanna Siklsi
ades concentrated on tells disregarding the settlement pattern around them, including the directly
connected horizontal settlements. The results of
recent research have shown that a symbiosis of
tell and horizontal settlements is not unique at all
(KaliczRaczky 1987a, 17), e.g., in the Great
Hungarian Plain at sites such as BerettyjfaluHerply, Szegvr-Tzkves, Szarvas-Kovcshalom,
Bks-Povd, Szeghalom-Kovcshalom (Korek
1987, 49; Horvth 1989, 28; Raczky 1995, 80;
GyuchaParkinson 2008, 85). This highlights
the necessity of reinterpretation of the roles of tells.
Ideological and ritual explanations play an increasing role in this reinterpretation besides the previously emphasized economic functions. Construction of social space, a strong relationship with the
ancestors, commemorating and respecting the residence of the ancestors, and maintaining as well as
expressing social continuity played equally important roles in the emergence of this settlement type
(Bailey 1990; Chapman 1997; RaczkyAnders
2008; Schier 2008, 54; RaczkyAnders 2010).
At tell settlement, people constructed their
houses (whatever functions they had) in a regulated system at the same place where their ancestors
houses had stood, and therefore these places were
suitable for expressing long-term continuity. Every
aspect of these settlements stresses the importance
of the relationship with ancestors. The long-term
continuity expressed on tells may have been the basis of social rank based on lineage.
In house-based societies the handing down of
rights to build and use a house in a particular place,
the handing down of heirlooms, ancestral objects
and bones all guaranteed rights of access to people,
things and land associated with the house. More
elaborate buildings invested more in the maintenance of memory in that they show more evidence
of continuity and burial. This suggests that differences in power were closely related to the ability
to construct long-term memories (Hodder 2005,
136137).
In a society where maintaining relationships
with ancestors and the expression of continuity
with ancestors were so important, ancestors may
have become the basis of increased status and competition for prestige.
Prestige goods only appear in a restricted realm
of ritual phenomena; at the same time several other
kinds of objects were used which may have been
ritual symbols but do not suggest the connection

430

between social inequality and rituals (e.g., bucra

nia, altars, certain figurines). Ritual symbols occurred in every house, which supports the idea that
ritual was an inseparable, organic part of everyday
life (Bnffy 1991). It seems that social groups who
used prestige goods did not control the access to
the sacral sphere for other members of the society,
but the statuettes on which representations of prestige goods can be seen may have played a role in
expressing continuity with the ancestors; they may
have been canonized, symbolic representations of
real or mythical ancestors. In contrast, competition for prestige also occurred in fields (burials,
feasting) where prestige goods became inaccessible
for further usage, thereby helping to preserve the
value of objects or to prevent other members of society from gaining access to them. Offering assemblages and hoards containing prestige goods only
occur on tells, which could mean that they hint
at ancestors. It is conceivable that people who had
skill or knowledge of how to keep in contact with
the ancestors or transcendent powers were respected members of the society, who could easily make
good use of their knowledge to gain economic and
political power or influence. The quantity of find
materials in hoards usually represents greater value
than burial finds, so it will be a further question
whether these assemblages were the properties of
an individual, a family, a lineage, or a wider social
group.
Usually ditches also indicate the separation between tells and horizontal settlements (Banner
1960, Fig. 4; KaliczRaczky 1987a, 17; 1987b, 107
108; Raczky 1987, 6768; Horvth 1988, 144146;
2005, 55). Single ditches are known in the southern
section of the Great Hungarian Plain, but a multiple concentric ditch system such as that found at
Polgr-Csszhalom is hardly known in this region6
(Raczky et al. 1994; 1996; 1997; 2002). On the
one hand, ditches are important because of their
boundary role, on the other hand, the organization
and quantity of work needed for their construction
may be indicative of social inequality. Taking into
consideration the measurements of known ditches, the construction of the Polgr-Csszhalom,
Berettyjfalu-Herply and HajdbszrmnyPrdihalom ditch systems might have required
considerable organization.
6
The multiple concentric ditch system was built in at least three
periods (Raczky-DomborczkiHajd 2007).

Traces of Social Inequality and Ritual in the Late Neolithic of the Great Hungarian Plain
In summary, it seems clear that the expression of social inequality and ritual were really inseparably interwoven in ritual and everyday life.
At the same time, our knowledge about the Late
Neolithic on the Great Hungarian Plain is strongly distorted due to the tell research projects of the
second half of the 20 th century. Reconstruction
of Late Neolithic society is strongly limited and
our knowledge is biased by the fact that we know
about the existence of smaller settlements beside
and between tells but we know almost nothing
about them because of the lack of excavations. The
only Late Neolithic tell where large-scale excavations were also conducted on the horizontal settlement next to the tell is Polgr-Csszhalom (Racz
ky et al. 1994; 2002). Microregional research
supported the earlier interpretations of settlement
integration and the central role of tells based on
small-scale excavations and archaeological topographic works (Korek 1973, 127130; Makkay
1982, 128129; Parkinson 2002; Horvth 2005,
5455). It is even more obvious that one cannot
generalize conclusions drawn from tells to smaller flat sites. Therefore, we can only gain an overall picture about past societies if excavations are
conducted on smaller settlements in the proximity
and around tells. It seems clear that a relationship
with the ancestors and an expression of lineage
was really important in the life of past communities. The frequency of children graves on tells
may be a sign of ascribed status, but it might mean
solely an emphasis on the importance of the next

generation. Diverse grave goods, traces of offerings

and feasts refer to competition among families or
lineages. If we compare burials between sites, we
can see that burials recovered at horizontal settlements are much closer to a demographically stable
population, and the primary focus of competition
was the burials themselves. In contrast, only a distinguished section of the past community could
be buried on tells and grave offering played a relatively insignificant role. Prestige goods appear in a
different role at tells (hoards, offerings, deliberately deposited or lost pieces) which suggests that tells
were places of communal and ritual ceremonies
(RaczkyAnders 2010) in which the competition
between families or lineages appeared. In this latter case, the socially cohesive function of rituals
certainly played a role. We will be able to answer
the question of whether this close intertwining of
ritual and social inequality was present only by
following excavations at smaller settlements.

Acknowledgement

This study formed a part of my PhD dissertation

(Siklsi 2010). I would like to express my thanks
to Nndor Kalicz and especially Pl Raczky for
making this analysis possible. The project is supported by the European Union and co-financed by
the European Social Fund (TMOP-4.2.1./B-09/1/
KMR-2010-0003). For comments on earlier drafts
of the paper I would like to thank Alexandra Anders, Eszter Bnffy, Pter Csippn, Attila
Gyucha and Gbor Kalla.

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