The Effects of The Crisis On Occupational Segregation of Skilled Migrants From Latin America and The Caribbean in The United States, 2006-2012

POPULATION, SPACE AND PLACE
Popul. Space Place (2015)

Published online in Wiley Online Library
(wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/psp.1909
The Effects of the Crisis on Occupational

Segregation of Skilled Migrants from Latin
America and the Caribbean in the United
States, 20062012
Luciana Gandini1,* and Fernando Lozano-Ascencio2
Instituto de Investigaciones Jurdicas, Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico, Mxico D.F., Mxico
2
Centro Regional de Investigaciones Multidisciplinarias, Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico, Cuernavaca, Mxico
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the
effect of the 20072008 economic and nancial
crisis on the levels of employment and
unemployment of skilled migrants from Latin
America and the Caribbean (LAC), as well as
their conditions of labour insertion and levels
of income, in order to identify patterns of
occupational segregation and wage inequality
according to their participation in the US labour
market. This analysis was developed using a
comparative perspective in two ways: on the
one hand, comparing skilled migrants from
LAC to the skilled migrant population from other
regions of the world and to the native skilled
population and, on the other hand, by analysing
these indicators pre-crisis and post-crisis. The
information source employed in this study was
the March supplements of the Current
Population Survey 20062012. Our ndings
indicate that the crisis affected the entire skilled
population in the USA and particularly the
migrant population. This impact is stronger
among LAC women because they are the ones
at greatest disadvantage, a situation that
worsened following the crisis. Skilled migrants
from LAC are substantially more segregated on
the occupational structure than other migrants,
and they increased its concentration in mediumskilled occupations. The study also found that
skilled migrants from LAC are underrepresented
in professional occupations. Copyright 2015
John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
*Correspondence to: Luciana Gandini, Instituto de Investigaciones
Jurdicas de la UNAM, Circuito Maestro Mario de la Cueva
s/n, Ciudad Universitaria, CP 04510, Mxico, D.F., Mxico.
E-mail: lgandini@gmail.com
Accepted 7 October 2014
Keywords: skilled migration; crisis and

migration; occupational segregation; wage
differentials; migration to the USA; Latin
America and the Caribbean
INTRODUCTION
ollowing the 20072008 global economic

and nancial downfall centred in the United
States, national governments, international
organisations, and academic bodies expressed increasing interest in understanding the impact of
this phenomenon on migrants in general and on
skilled migrants in particular. Different studies
have demonstrated the effects of this global crisis
on international migration: a reduction in the ow
of international migrants, increased unemployment rates among migrant populations, reduced
remittance ows, and an increase in migrant return
rates, among other issues (Papademetriou &
Terrazas, 2009; Castles & Miller, 2010; MartnezPizarro, 2010; Skeldon, 2010; Moser & Horn, 2013).
While these effects were more evident among
medium and low-skilled migrants particularly
workers linked to economic sectors such as construction we should ask how this crisis affected
skilled migrants, especially those from Latin
America and the Caribbean (LAC), the migrant
population that grew the most, compared with
other regions of the world, grew the most in the
recent years, compared with migrants from other
regions of the world.
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the
effect of the 20072008 economic and nancial crisis
on the levels of employment and unemployment of
Copyright 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
L. Gandini and F. Lozano-Ascencio

skilled migrants from LAC, as well as their conditions of labour insertion and levels of income, in order to identify patterns of occupational segregation
and wage inequality according to their participation
in the US labour market. This analysis was developed using a comparative perspective in two ways:
on the one hand, comparing skilled migrants from
LAC to skilled migrant population from other
regions of the world and to the native skilled population and, on the other hand, by analysing these
indicators pre-crisis and post-crisis.
Literature addressing the impact of the economic crisis on international migration is broad
and diverse and characterised by three general
features. First of all, there is a great deal of hypothetical or speculative work regarding the possible impacts of the global economic crisis on
international migration, which is explained by the
short period of time that has transpired in order
to have sufcient empirical evidence to be able to
demonstrate changes in international migration
associated with the crisis. A second feature is the
scant publications regarding the impact of the
crisis specically upon skilled migrants and an
abundant amount of literature about the crisis
effects upon migration in general. A third feature
is that a good part of the literature on this topic is
focused on the effects of the crisis in receiving
countries of migrants, with very little emphasis
on what happens in sending countries, particularly
in the LAC region.
What kind of crisis are we talking about? The
rst symptoms of the arrival of the crisis were felt
in 2007 when the nancial system weakened in
the face of difculties of the mortgage market in
meeting high-risk (subprime) payments in the
United States. The following year, the investment
bank was the one with problems: Some banks
failed and were bailed out by the government,
and others who failed to have the same luck
were taken over or simply disappeared. The implementation of unregulated subprime nancial
instruments, monetary and expansionary scal
policy in the United States, and excess liquidity
resulting from the huge inux of capital to the
United States despite low interest rates are
key elements for explaining the crisis (Ochoa,
2013). To the extent that what began as strictly a
crisis of the real estate sector in the United States
in 2007, rapidly developed into a serious global
nancial crisis in 2008 that spread to the real
economy (Marichal, 2010; Keeley & Love, 2011).
In terms of the consequences for labour markets,

this nancial crisis evolved into an employment
crisis (Papademetriou & Terrazas, 2009; Castles &
Miller, 2010; Moser & Horn, 2013). By the end of
2008, the crisis brought about a huge decline in
international commerce, the loss of jobs, and the
collapse of economic growth rates within the context of a generalised global recession. According
to the International Labour Organization, in 2009,
approximately 61 million people lost their jobs as
a consequence of the economic crisis (Alexander,
2010). In addition to spreading unemployment, a
broad ensemble of groups and categories of
workers faced inappropriate working conditions,
although some groups were more affected than
others. Castles and Miller (2010) maintain that
during its initial stages, the nancial crisis had a
strong impact on highly skilled workers, including
employees in the banking sector, information and
technology, and specialised services, who lost their
jobs or underwent heavy salary cuts. At the same
time, lower skilled workers were even more
affected by the collapse of the real estate sector
and the drop in the goods and services market.
According to these authors, when the nancial
crisis developed into an employment crisis,
migrant workers were the most vulnerable to the
crisis and the most seriously affected (Castles &
Miller, 2010: 3). However, given the heterogeneity
of migrant workers, we know very little about
who was struck the hardest, which sectors were
most affected, and how each specic group has
adjusted to the situation. In other words, it is necessary for us to develop more in-depth analysis of
the characteristics of the vulnerability of the
migrant population in the face of the crisis.
Undoubtedly, the crisis that crippled the US
economy has affected possibilities for labour insertion for all workers, as well as conditions for labour
insertion, particularly among the migrant population. However, over the past few decades, the
United States has experienced signicant changes
in its occupational structure and in the distribution
of the workforce in the labour market as a result of
globalisation and economic restructuring, giving
way to increasing polarisation and employment
segmentation associated with skill and wage levels
and types of labour insertion. Within these processes, there is an increasing demand for a skilled
workforce to occupy competitive spaces in the labour market, a demand that calls for a contingent
of unskilled workers situated in secondary sectors
DOI: 10.1002/psp
Crisis Effects on Occupational Segregation of Skilled Migrants

(industry and construction) and personal services,
contributing to increasing inequality and inequity
(Sassen, 1988, 2003). For the previously mentioned
reasons, it is important to note that while the objective of this work is to evaluate the impact of the
global economic crisis, many of the ndings and interpretations do not necessarily or exclusively refer
to the circumstances of the crisis. Rather, some of
these account for long-term structural changes that
instead of being products of the crisis are changes
that accelerated or became more entrenched with
the crisis.
Before moving on to the next section, we would
like to clarify a series of details in regard to the population that we are referring to here, as well as the
spatial and temporal dimensions of the study.
Given that this analysis focuses on the skilled migrant population, we selected a population of
25 years and older because one of the assumptions
is that by this age, most migrants have concluded
their undergraduate studies and are also at the
stage of insertion into the labour market (for a
broader discussion about this age range, refer to
Docquier et al., 2008; Lozano & Gandini, 2010).
As an analytical strategy, we divided this skilled
population into three main groups, according to
place of birth, for systematic comparison: (a) the
population born in the United States, which we
will refer to as the native population; (b) the migrant
population that was born in other regions of the
world than LAC, which we will call migrants from
other regions; and (c) the migrant population that
was born in the LAC region that we will call LAC
migrants. In this document, the skilled population
refers to individuals with an undergraduate,
masters, or doctorate degree or diploma and the
unskilled population as those workers with lower
levels of schooling.
The methodological strategy employed consists
of comparing the general characteristics of the
labour insertion of these migrants prior to and after
the 20072008 crisis, so that this comparison points
to the pre-crisis and post-crisis changes in their
labour situation. Thus, we take into consideration
the 2006 to 2012 period, having identied the
pre-crisis period from 2006 to 2009, whereas the
20092012 period is theoretically reecting a
post-crisis situation, without assuming that it
necessarily refers to recovery or a nal exit from
the crisis. Different sociodemographic, economic,
and labour indicators point to 2009 as the year in
which the conditions of the crisis that engulfed
the United States economy and society were most

clearly expressed. Hence, we are using these two periods as references in order to document whether or
not there were differences in the dynamics of skilled
emigration in the United States and especially in the
conditions of labour insertion and income levels
for migrants originally from the LAC region.
The information source employed for this
study is the March supplements of the Current
Population Survey (CPS) 20062012. We selected
this database for two reasons: rst of all, because
it contains an important selection of labour variables and, secondly, because at the time of our
analysis, the CPS 2012 database was available,
whereas the American Community Survey (ACS)
database was not. Nevertheless, as authors of this
study, one of our concerns was sample size
because the CPS sample is considerably smaller
than the ACS sample. In order to lend greater
certainty to the results of this paper, we carried out
a thorough exploration of the indicators used, and
we were able to conclude that we were arriving at
the same tendencies using both sources of information and thus the same ndings.
This work is composed of the following parts:
After this introduction, the second section is dedicated to an examination of the tendencies of
population growth in the United States and particularly the behaviour of skilled migrants from LAC
pre-crisis and post-crisis. In the third section, we
present an analysis of the levels of economic
activity and unemployment for the period under
study. In the fourth section, we carry out an
analysis of occupational segregation and salary
differentiation, followed by our conclusions.
THE DYNAMICS OF NATIVE AND MIGRANT
SKILLED POPULATION IN THE UNITED
STATES PRE-CRISIS AND POST-CRISIS
One of the effects expected from the economic
nancial crisis upon population dynamics in the
United States is a reduced ow of migrants into
the country. With the decrease in the demand
for jobs, disinvestment, and increased unemployment rates in certain economic sectors, both a
reduction in the ow of migrants and the return
of part of this population to its place of origin were
foreseeable (Skeldon, 2010). In fact, the crisis,
together with the deportation and containment
policy on the northern Mexican border, the
Mexican and Central American population clearly
DOI: 10.1002/psp

reduced their growth rate which does not mean
an absolute reduction of these migrant populations
(Papademetriou & Terrazas, 2009). Although these
cases of deceleration and return occurred among
certain groups of migrants, in general, the global
economic crisis did not affect the stock of
migrants in receiving countries, although it did
affect the ow of new migrants, particularly
undocumented migrants (Castles & Miller, 2010).
Let us see what happened to the population of
25 years of age and older in the United States, according to their condition as natives or migrants,
between 2006 and 2012. One initial gure is that
the total population within this age range in the
United States grew by 6.6%, from 191.9 million
to 204.6 million people. The percentage of growth
of the native population was 4.8 compared with
the migrant populations growth of 17.0 over
the course of this 6-year period (Table 1). This
growth among the native population was
basically because of the incorporation of people
born in the United States into the group of people
25 years or older, who were 19 to 24 in 2006. On

the other hand, the growth of the stock of
migrant population corresponds to the incorporation of these cohorts, as well as to the arrival of
people coming from abroad.
Having said that, not only did the migrant
population of 25 years and older cease to stop
growing during the pre-crisis period but also it
grew at a signicantly greater rate in the postcrisis period. Although, as we previously mentioned, the stock of migrant population in the
United States did not decrease in absolute terms
between 2006 and 2012, it presented clear deceleration in its annual growth rates between 2006 and
2009 (6.7%), achieving recovery during the 2009
2012 period (9.7%). This behaviour could be
reected by the effects of the economic crisis on
emigration dynamics towards the United States.
In Table 1, we observe that while the native
skilled population grew 17% from 2006 to 2012,
the skilled migrant population grew by 22.4%.
We have observed this tendency of greater
Table 1. Total and skilled population of 25 years and older by place of birth, 20062012.
Total population
Natives
Male workers
Female workers
Migrants
Male workers
Female workers
Skilled population
Natives
Male workers
Female workers
Migrants
Male workers
Female workers
Skilled migrants
LAC migrants
Mexico
Central America
The Caribbean
Andean Region
South America
Migrants from other regions
Europe, Canada, and Oceania
Asia
Africa
2006
2009
2012
20062009
20092012
20062012
191,884
162,678
77,641
85,038
29,206
14,614
14,592
53,720
45,597
22,768
22,829
8,123
4,141
3,981
8,123
1,821
440
222
600
370
190
6,301
1,878
3,999
424
198,285
167,133
80,144
86,989
31,152
15,374
15,777
58,574
49,663
24,174
25,489
8,911
4,532
4,379
8,911
1,992
546
226
674
333
213
6,919
1,869
4,604
446
204,579
170,418
81,516
88,902
34,162
16,604
17,558
63,291
53,348
25,866
27,481
9,943
4,900
5,043
9,943
2,314
593
272
778
434
236
7,628
2,092
4,939
598
3.3
2.7
3.2
2.3
6.7
5.2
8.1
9.0
8.9
6.2
11.7
9.7
9.4
10.0
9.7
9.4
24.2
1.8
12.4
-9.9
12.0
9.8
-0.5
15.1
5.1
3.2
2.0
1.7
2.2
9.7
8.0
11.3
8.1
7.4
7.0
7.8
11.6
8.1
15.2
11.6
16.2
8.6
20.4
15.5
30.4
11.2
10.3
11.9
7.3
34.0
6.6
4.8
5.0
4.5
17.0
13.6
20.3
17.8
17.0
13.6
20.4
22.4
18.3
26.7
22.4
27.1
34.9
22.6
29.7
17.4
24.5
21.1
11.4
23.5
40.9
Source: Authors calculations using CPS 20062012.

Population by thousands and percentage growth per period.

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intensity of growth among the skilled migrant
population in other studies as well (Lozano &
Gandini, 2010), and it constitutes one of the main
results of this work. This is a structural tendency
that transcends the effects of the crisis because it
reects the persistent, positive selectivity of the
North American labour market in regard to a
migrant population with higher levels of schooling. The contribution of women to the growth of
the skilled population is remarkable; although
the presence of women is important in the migrant population in general, it seems to have even
greater incidence among the skilled population.
In regard to the region of origin of skilled migrant populations, we can appreciate that natives
from LAC grew the most (27.1%) compared with
migrants from other regions of the world (21.1%),
a difference that is particularly sustained during
the post-crisis period (Table 1).
TRENDS OF LABOUR ACTIVITY AND
UNEMPLOYMENT AMONG THE SKILLED
MIGRANT POPULATION FROM LATIN
AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN IN THE
UNITED STATES
An analysis of economic activity and unemployment rates, for both migrant and native populations by sex, provides an initial exploration of
the impact of the crisis on the labour market

between 2006 and 2012.
In this sense, we can observe that in 2012,
activity rates did not undergo signicant variations in regard to 2006 (Fig. 1). In general, upon
comparing the 20062012 period, participation
rates are sustained at similar levels, with a slight
tendency towards a reduction. With the exception
of male migrants from other regions, the rest of
the groups presented lower levels of participation
in 2012 than in 2006, although the differences
uctuate between 0.7 and 1.8 percentage points.
An examination of the rates of economic activity
shows different behaviours between migrant
and native skilled populations of women and
men. A review of the beginning and end of the
period shows that migrant men faced the fewest
changes, and on the contrary, native men are the
ones who most reduced their level of labour
participation.
The activity levels of male migrants remained
consistently above the level of native men, as a
reection of greater selectivity, even among this
population group that is already selective in
terms of schooling. Nevertheless, this pattern is
not repeated in the case of women migrants
who, with the exception of the year 2008, always
showed lower levels of participation in comparison with native women. The rates of LAC women
Figure 1. Rate of economic activity of the skilled population 25 years and older residing in the United States, with an
undergraduate degree or more, by region of origin and sex, 20062012 (rates in percentages).

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migrants are very close to native women,
whereas the rates of women born in other regions
of the world are considerably lower. This clearly
differential gender pattern suggests that a different kind of selection is at play for skilled women
and that they are less willing to participate in the
labour market than their male peers. In other
words, differential behaviour by gender in the
labour market does not exclude migrant women
with higher levels of schooling.
A different situation occurs in the case of
unemployment, which showed a substantial
increase during this period, for both natives and
migrants (Fig. 2). The impact of the crisis is
clearly reected in the generalised difculty of
nding or holding down a job. The increase in
unemployment began to reveal itself in 2008,
showing a notable, increasing tendency through
2010 and even up to 2011 for the male migrant
population from LAC. In 2012, a decrease in the
rates of unemployment occurred, which could
be interpreted as a budding sign of economic
recovery. However, although the general tendency is to recognise a possible improvement at
the end of the period, the levels of unemployment
prior to the crisis have not yet recovered.
The skilled migrant population, particularly
women, was the most affected. Levels of unemployment among the male workforce show
important increases across the board, sustaining

a pattern of the highest rates among migrant
men compared with their native peers. Nevertheless, whereas in 2006, the differences between the
two groups were small, in 2012, LAC migrants
showed rates 57% higher than natives. In the case
of women migrants, unlike the behaviour shown
by US women who, despite an increase, registered the lowest rates during the entire period,
foreign women have faced most difculties in
the labour market. Unemployment rates for migrant women from other regions in 2012 are more
than double the rate in 2006. LAC women show a
drastic decrease in unemployment in 2012
although it is impossible to know if they will
sustain these levels but, through 2011, their
levels of unemployment were 150% higher than
the levels of 2006.
An analysis of the rates of labour participation and unemployment provides a few initial
results about the situation of the skilled resident
population in the United States. Although
skilled migrants constitute a select population
not only in educational terms but also in regard
to bearing other types of capitals their behaviour in the labour market is different than the
native population and demonstrates gender
differentials similar to those shown by the
general population.
Figure 2. Unemployment rate of the skilled population 25 years and older residing in the United States, with an
undergraduate degree or more, by region of origin and sex, 20062012 (rates in percentages).

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An array of studies have shown interest in
documenting the effects of the economic crisis in
the United States on the migrant population
in general, nding that this population has been
particularly affected in terms of possibilities for
employment and working conditions (Castles &
Vezzoli, 2009; Orrenius & Zavodny, 2009;
Papademetriou & Terrazas, 2009; Duncan &
Waldorf, 2010; Green & Winters, 2010; Skeldon,
2010). The analysis presented here allows us to
conclude that migrants with higher levels of
education have not been exempt from the effects
of the economic situation and its repercussions
in terms of increasing unemployment, even to a
greater degree than the native population. In
keeping with the ndings of other studies, we
can argue that although education grants greater
opportunities for insertion to the labour market,
it does not completely excuse skilled migrant
workers from the potential impact of the crisis
(Brdan, 2012a, 2012b).
The levels of unemployment of skilled migrants at beginning and end of the period were
at higher rates than the rates of natives, although this gap tends to expand depending
on gender specics and region of origin. These
tendencies show that while it is possible to
identify conjunctural effects upon the labour
market after the crisis, that situation exacerbated the existence of more persistent patterns
(Terrazas, in Pizarro, 2011). In short, the crisis
aggravated structural tendencies, doubly so in
the case of skilled migrant women.
OCCUPATIONAL SEGREGATION AND WAGE
DIFFERENTIATION: A PRE-CRISIS AND
POST-CRISIS EXPLORATION
An analysis of occupational segregation and
wage differentiation constitutes two possible
ways to approach the inequalities that are manifested in the United States labour market for the
migrant and native population.
Analysis of Occupational Segregation
Occupational segregation is a phenomenon that
expresses the concentration of certain population
groups in determined sectors or occupations and
constitutes one of the most important and persistent characteristics of labour markets the world
over (Anker, 1997). In general, it is an indicator
used to analyse the location of men and women

in the occupational structure, on the understanding that gender operates as a criterion that generates socially different and hierarchical labour
spaces (de Oliveira & Ariza, 2000). Generically
speaking, this term refers to how labour opportunities are distributed to a minority group compared with a majority group. From this
perspective, we are interested in enquiring how
a persons condition as a migrant in the United
States becomes a premise for social differentiation
that also operates as a factor for structuring the
labour force. In this case, occupational segregation causes migrants to fail to have access to the
same opportunities as the native population, limiting the range of available alternatives for employment and leading to overrepresentation in
certain economic activities.1
Although this analytical approach refers specically to the labour market structure, one of
the points of interest of this work is to learn if
the economic crisis has had an effect on the concentration of the population employed in certain
occupations, thus encouraging structural labour
transformation that is important in productive
terms and, in this sense, generating changes in labour segregation by origin and gender (Luque,
2010). While the analysis from previous sections
shows that the crisis has demonstrated a generalised effect on the resident population in the
United States, we are interested in knowing if it
has affected migrants and natives in different
ways, as well as men and women, according to
the space that they occupy in the US labour
market.
Occupational segregation analysis focused
specically on the population with higher levels
of schooling is also a way to broaden the analysis
of underutilisation based on peoples skill level.
In addition to knowing other characteristics of labour insertion, we are interested in knowing if
the incorporation into the labour market of this
population group allows them to make use of
their abilities. The lack of correspondence
between the level of education and the skill level
required by an occupation is an expression of
wastage or formative waste called brain waste
in specialised literature (Salt, 1997; Mattoo et al.,
2005; zden, 2005; Lozano & Gandini, 2010).
For the analysis presented in this section and
in the following section, we grouped occupations
using a categorisation that recognises the
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occupational structure. The criterion for determining these categories was based on skill levels
associated with the types of occupations and the
economic sector. In this way, we dened seven
different groups of occupations. The rst category, which is located at the top of the structure,
considers professional activities (independent of
the economic sector) that call for higher skill
levels. Non-manual-labour activities from the tertiary sector are found in categories 2 (technical
services and medium-skilled jobs) and 3 (sales
and administrative support), whereas nonmanual occupations from the secondary sector
(skilled workers and specialised trades) are in
category 4. These categories constitute the middle
part of the occupational structure. Finally, categories 5, 6, and 7 group together manual activities
that require lower skill levels, constituting the
lower part of the structure: Category 5 corresponds to occupations in the tertiary sector
(low-skilled service workers), 6 is for low-skilled
secondary sector workers, and 7 is for primary
sector activities (farmers and farmworkers).
Table 2, shows the occupational concentration index (OCI) that indicates the percentage of native
and migrant employment for each occupational
group, in regard to each groups total. This perspective allows us to assess what percentage of
the skilled population is employed in professional occupations and, moreover, where natives
and migrants are actually working, in order to establish differences in the occupational structure
and in the case of any differences if there are
changes during the period of study.
Skilled migrants from LAC are underrepresented in professional occupations: Only 39.5%
of these migrants were working in an occupation
of this kind in 2006, a percentage that reached
40.2% in 2009 and decreased to 39.0% in 2012,
whereas, in their case, the percentages of both
the native and migrant population from other regions are higher than 50%. In particular, women
from LAC are at a greater disadvantage because,
upon concluding the period under study, the proportion of occupied professional spaces is lower
(39.9% in 2006 and 36.5% in 2012).
In this way, Latin Americans and Caribbean
workers present a great decit and demonstrate
an important lack of correspondence between
their level of schooling and the type of skill required by their current occupation, a situation
that was identied more than a decade ago and
that has been corroborated in other pieces of

work (Lozano & Gandini, 2010; Gandini &
Lozano, 2012). Results from this study demonstrate that skilled migrant women from LAC
have increased their concentration in technical
services and medium-skilled occupations (moving from a concentration of 11.8% in 2006 to
14.0% in 2009 and 17.1% in 2012) and in sales
and administrative support activities (20.5, 20.9,
and 28.4 respectively). In the case of men from
LAC, in addition to slightly increasing their concentration in professional activities, they also increased their presence, similar to their women
peers, in technical services and medium-skilled
jobs (20.6%, 24.0%, and 26.0%).
What happened to occupational concentration among other population groups studied?
In the case of migrants from other regions, there
have been fewer changes in occupational structure. The concentration of women has increased
in professional activities in low-to-mid-range occupations, whereas men achieved greater concentration in medium-skilled activities, similar
to women and male migrants from LAC. Natives
presented some more polarised results. Women
increased their concentration in professional
occupations and in the lower part of the structure, which would require lower skill levels.
Men sustained their concentration in professional and technical activities and increased
their participation in some medium and lowskilled occupations.
Finally, Table 2 also presents a global segregation
index that, using a single gure, allows us to summarise the differences in occupational concentration between native and migrant populations. In
each case, it uses the concentration index of the
native population as a reference and indicates
the proportion of the migrant population that differs from the native occupational structure.2 Our
results show that there are notable differences between the indexes of segregation of migrants
from other regions and those who come from
LAC, compared with native residents. The former
adopted values of 6.3%, 6.5%, and 5.3% in the
3 years of analysis, whereas the level of segregation of skilled migrants from LAC moves from
19.9%, to 19.7% and then to 15.6%. These results
point to two situations: huge disparity in the
levels of segregation by migrant population
groups, in which LAC migrants are clearly more
segregated, and, despite the differences in the
DOI: 10.1002/psp
45.3
25.7
22.6
0.6
4.9
0.6
0.2
55.2
25.1
8.3
3.1
4.6
2.9
0.7
Female workers
Professionals, ofcials, and executives
Technical services and medium-skilled occupations
Sales and administrative support
Skilled labourers and specialised trades
Low-skilled service workers
Low-skilled workers in the secondary sector
Farmers and farmworkers
Global segregation index
Male workers
50.5
25.4
15.1
1.9
4.8
1.8
0.5
Total population
Natives
57.0
26.0
4.4
5.8
3.5
3.3
0.1
5.66
48.2
15.5
24.4
0.6
9.3
1.7
0.3
10.31
53.2
21.4
13.1
3.6
6.0
2.6
0.2
6.32
Other regions
Migrants
2006
39.1
20.6
7.3
8.1
10.0
11.9
3.0
21.65
39.9
11.8
25.5
1.4
18.3
3.0
0.2
19.30
39.5
16.5
15.8
5.0
13.9
7.7
1.7
19.93
LAC
55.3
25.5
8.6
3.0
4.6
2.4
0.6
46.1
27.2
20.3
0.5
5.2
0.4
0.2
50.8
26.3
14.4
1.8
4.9
1.4
0.4
Natives
55.3
27.3
5.2
4.9
4.8
2.4
0.2
3.94
50.5
16.8
20.3
1.3
9.7
1.1
0.3
10.44
53.2
22.7
11.7
3.3
6.9
1.8
0.2
6.45
Other regions
Migrants
2009
38.5
24.0
4.6
8.3
10.4
11.3
2.9
22.27
42.1
14.0
20.9
0.9
18.8
2.7
0.6
17.25
40.2
19.3
12.2
4.8
14.4
7.3
1.8
19.73
LAC
55.0
25.2
7.7
3.1
5.2
2.4
1.3
48.2
24.1
20.7
0.6
5.1
0.7
0.5
51.6
24.7
14.2
1.9
5.2
1.6
0.9
Natives
54.5
27.5
5.0
5.3
5.2
2.4
0.1
4.4
50.4
14.5
22.3
1.2
9.9
1.5
0.2
10.0
52.7
21.8
12.6
3.5
7.3
2.0
0.1
5.3
Other regions
Migrants
2012
41.4
26.0
5.5
6.8
8.0
10.7
1.6
15.8
36.5
17.1
28.4
0.5
12.1
4.3
1.0
18.8
39.0
21.7
16.7
3.7
10.0
7.6
1.3
15.6
LAC
Table 2. Occupational concentration index for the skilled population of 25 years and older residing in the United States, by place of origin, type of occupation,
and sex.

DOI: 10.1002/psp

levels of segregation, both groups witnessed a
decline between 2009 and 2012.
The indexes are also presented for women and
men, and at least three facts from the analysis are
worth mentioning. First of all, the index of female
and male segregation particularly for Latin
Americans and Caribbean workers is lower in
2012 than in 2006, although they had different
tendencies in 2009. Secondly, the levels of male
segregation from LAC are almost three times as
high as the levels of segregation of migrants from
other regions compared with the native population whereas in the case of women, this difference is double the index in 2006 and tends to
decline. The reason why men from LAC have
higher levels of segregation (compared with the
native population) than the levels of other
migrants can be explained by the fact that the former spread out their employment across different
occupations throughout the structure more so
than natives and migrants from other regions.3
This behaviour tends to appear among the male
workforce in general both skilled and unskilled
compared with the female workforce, which
tends to have greater concentrations within the
service sector (Luque, 2010). Womens participation in the service sector, with different skill
levels, is concentrated mainly in low-skilled
activities such as housekeeping and restaurant service workers, personal care and related workers,
for example, childcare, and other personal service
workers. Their participation in this type of job
reduces the probability of having labour ascender
mobility, in comparison with men migrants or
native women (Rubin et al., 2008).
With the information displayed thus far, it could
appear contradictory to observe a reduction in
levels of segregation of the skilled migrant population in a period of analysis with a watershed event,
such as the crisis. How can this be explained? Some
explanations can be tested. As can be seen, the OCI
has been changing over the years observed, showing dissimilar behaviour between native and
migrant skilled populations. The former increased
its concentration in a polarised fashion during this
period: in professional occupations and in the lowto-middle range of the structure. In the meantime,
the same index for the migrant population from
LAC shifted, particularly because of an increase
in medium-skilled occupations, although female
participation in professional spaces worsened and
male participation grew slightly. This behaviour
is also related to the increasing participation of

the male and female native skilled population
in the middle-to-lower occupational spaces of
the structure.
Everything seems to indicate that the crisis has
had a greater impact on some occupations that
had a greater concentration of the native population than of migrants, generating a redistribution
of the employed native workforce. This nally
led to in an increased concentration of activities
of workers and specialised trades and services,
producing a smaller differentiation with migrants
in the remaining occupational spaces (this is
demonstrated by a comparison between columns
Natives and LAC (female and male), in 2006
and 2012, from Table 2).
One way to support these changes is by calculating the populational growth that each type of
occupation underwent by group of analysis. This
analysis strengthened the statement from the previous paragraph: During the period of analysis,
the types of occupations that underwent greater
growth for migrants from LAC are concentrated
in medium skilled (or, in some cases, highly
skilled) occupations, whereas the highest growth
of the native population is observed in medium
and low-skilled occupations.4
The ndings described thus far can be
complemented with the analysis on the partial segregation index, a summary measure that indicated
the relative weight of the migrant population in
each type of occupation, thus neutralising
differences that exist in absolute terms between
the different occupations (Blau et al., 1998; Castao
et al., 1999). If the value is positive, it means that
segregation benets the skilled migrant population, and on the contrary, if it is negative, it
indicates a greater concentration of skilled natives
than skilled migrants (Luque, 2010). The value of
the index demonstrates the magnitude of a larger
or smaller quantity of skilled migrants existing in
each occupation (under the assumption of
complete equality with the skilled native population). Table 3 illustrates this point. A quick look at
the indexes that adopt a negative value allows us
to appreciate the results derived from the
aforementioned information: The skilled migrant
population from LAC is particularly segregated
in activities higher up on the structure, a situation
that is sustained during the 3 years that were
analysed. In terms of magnitude, the segregation
of professional activities is greater in 2012 than in
DOI: 10.1002/psp

2006, an index that is affected by the situation of
women, who are the ones who lost presence in
these occupations: in 2006, there were 88 Latin
American and Caribbean skilled women in
professional occupations for every 100 skilled
native women; in 2012, there are 76 women from
LAC for every 100 native women. The positive
values reveal occupations with large concentrations of the migrant population. In 2012, LAC
women occupied 4.6 times more spaces in
occupations in the low-skilled secondary sector
than their native peers, a much higher concentration than that held in 2006 (3.8 times).
We have two additional comments before concluding this section. First, we should not lose
sight of the fact that the occupational segregation
analysis presented here refers exclusively to the
skilled population. That is to say, it is a specic
population that shares similar skill levels, which

should, in principle, situate it on a plane of equal
opportunities. This is important because, beyond
the existence of different mechanisms that
produce segregation ethnicracial or cultural
discrimination, social stereotypes, international
division of labour, and so on other explanatory
characteristics also come into play in the studies
on occupational segregation, such as different
skill levels (high, medium, and low), that are
not present here. The second, but no less important, comment is that the segregation analysis
presented reveals changes in the distribution
and concentration of population groups in the
different types of occupations at different moments in time but without observing possible
changes in the occupational structure that can
be because of innovation or technological change
Table 3. Partial segregation index of the skilled migrant population of 25 years and older residing in the United
States, by region of origin, type of occupation and sex.
2006
Other
regions
2009
LAC
Other
regions
2012
LAC
Other
regions
LAC
Total population
0.053
0.157
0.133
0.827
0.253
0.450
0.647
0.218
0.352
0.045
1.549
1.904
3.306
2.445
0.048
0.137
0.185
0.894
0.411
0.277
0.442
0.208
0.266
0.150
1.718
1.926
4.138
3.298
0.02
0.12
0.11
0.84
0.40
0.30
0.85
0.24
0.12
0.18
0.96
0.94
3.90
0.40
Female workers
0.064
0.399
0.083
0.087
0.876
1.803
0.363
0.118
0.542
0.130
1.120
2.695
3.799
0.025
0.097
0.382
0.002
1.518
0.854
1.747
0.076
0.087
0.487
0.030
0.662
2.605
5.793
1.660
0.05
0.40
0.08
0.89
0.93
1.34
0.67
0.24
0.29
0.37
0.23
1.36
5.61
0.87
Male workers
0.032
0.033
0.465
0.855
0.249
0.138
0.898
0.292
0.181
0.117
1.582
1.169
3.141
3.041
0.001
0.071
0.401
0.648
0.044
0.021
0.636
0.303
0.056
0.470
1.781
1.265
3.698
3.753
0.01
0.09
0.36
0.69
0.00
0.01
0.91
0.25
0.03
0.29
1.17
0.54
3.41
0.21

DOI: 10.1002/psp
5.182
3.964
4.495
2.565
4.202
2.391
2.191
4.602
Male workers
Total

2006, 2009, and 2012 (at 2006 prices).
1
In these cells, the amount of cases is not statistically signicant.
4.048
3.141
3.053
2.105
2.373
0.872
701
3.485
Female workers
Total
Natives
5.228
4.251
3.514
2.073
2.492
1.0591
4.507
3.945
2.464
2.163
1.768
0.957
1.184
3.118
Other regions
Migrants
4.838
2.103
1.6171
3.1201
3.2281
1.8761
2.409
3.331
3.591
3.337
2.2121
3.0101
1.491
1.6171
3.056
LAC
5.238
4.061
4.900
4.083
4.311
3.450
1.832
4.765
4.380
3.064
2.125
2.282
2.313
1.2241
0.8061
3.592
Natives
5.126
4.251
2.0901
3.801
2.761
1.873
4.471
4.150
2.932
2.109
1.339
1.622
2.0331
3.292
Other regions
Migrants
5.278
4.159
2.9681
2.8391
1.107
1.2461
1.7691
3.746
4.372
3.523
1.969
3.014
2.3641
3.488
LAC
5.458
4.203
4.614
3.415
3.652
2.818
0.960
4.752
4.380
3.064
2.125
2.282
2.313
1.2241
0.8061
3.592
Natives
5.150
4.103
1.523
1.491
2.570
2.087
4.452
4.150
2.932
2.109
1.339
1.622
2.0331
3.292
Other regions
Migrants
5.709
3.907
0.8911
1.4861
2.4901
2.2991
4.168
4.372
3.523
1.969
3.014
2.3641
3.488
LAC
Table 4. Average monthly wage of the skilled population of 25 years and older residing in the United States, by region of origin, type of occupation and sex.

DOI: 10.1002/psp

which would also affect segregation. Thus,
while the decrease in levels of segregation has
been, in part, explained by changes in importance
relative to the different populations, their growth,
and relocation in the structure, the effect of the
crisis could have also generated changes in the
occupational structure that are not identiable.
Wage Differentiation
Previous analysis showed different forms of occupational segmentation and segregation of the migrant population that exist in the labour world.
Nevertheless, processes of labour segregation
also have implications on wage discrimination,
another expression of labour inequality. In other
words, a manifestation of inequality occurs
when, given equal levels of preparation, migrants
receive lower pay than the native population that
performs the same type of occupation. Table 4
shows the average monthly wage at 2006 prices.
This allows us to appreciate how the widespread
situation of disadvantage of the LAC migrant
population in terms of occupational segregation
affects their wages. Over the 3 years analysed,
their average wage lies below the native populations wage, as well as below the average wage
of migrants from other regions. A cross-section
look between occupational structure and gender
once again demonstrates that skilled women from
LAC are the most affected. Unlike their male peers,
they earned less in 2012 ($2,742) than in 2006
($3,056), as calculated at deated 2006 prices. Furthermore, their wages are lower even in the highest
category of occupation (professionals).
The information presented here shows that the
skilled migrant population of the LAC origin faces
a considerable disadvantage, for women even
more so, compared with their migrant peers from
other regions and with the native population with
the same levels of preparation. This situation
existed prior to the crisis. After the crisis, in terms
of labour segregation, there appears to be an
improvement in possibilities for placement in the
occupational structure, although this relative improvement is better explained by a recomposition
of other groups in the occupational structure. This
ever persistent segregation has repercussions on
wage discrimination. Skilled women from LAC
do not only have fewer possibilities of entering
occupational spaces that correspond to their level
of education but also, both in general terms and
specically referring to the people who hold those

spaces, their wages are substantially lower not
only than those of their female native peers but also
than their migrant peers from other regions of the
world. So, segregation patterns in migration contexts
reinforce gender segregation, which increases the
disadvantages for skilled migrant women.
CONCLUSIONS
Following the arrival and expansion of the global
economic crisis, many voices were raised in a
variety of fashions talking or asking about repercussions on the arena of international migration.
Will the crisis be a turning point or simply a stop
along the way? The temporal proximity of the
crisis makes it difcult to give rm answers to
this type of question in a non-speculative terrain.
Nevertheless, an analysis of the empirical evidence as presented here allows us to propose a
few suggestions for interpretation and further
reection.
Growth of the migrant population with tertiary
or higher education in the United States is a growing and persistent tendency. This emigration has
revealed a greater increase than medium and
low-skilled emigration, a tendency that, contrary
to what one might think, did not change following
the 20072008 global economic crisis. The demand
for highly skilled labour continues, even in times of
economic and labour crises. This fact accounts for a
structural tendency: Skilled emigration is becoming a dominant pattern of international migration
and one of the most important expressions of
globalisation (Docquier & Rapoport, 2012).
The crisis has had a generalised effect on the
resident population in the United States, including the native and foreign population. However,
this work offers some clues about how the crisis
affected the entire skilled population in that
country and particularly the migrant population:
This study found that skilled migrants from LAC
are underrepresented in professional occupations
because only 39.5% were placed in an occupation
of this kind in 2006, a percentage that rose to
40.2% in 2009 and declined to 39.0% in 2012. This
tendency mainly affects women from LAC: They
are the ones at greatest disadvantage, a situation
that worsened following the crisis.
In spite of the signicant growth of skilled
migrant women from LAC in the contemporary
migration ows, our ndings show the increasing
DOI: 10.1002/psp

difculties that they faced in their insertion in the labour market which includes the underutilisation
of their skills. This is because, in part, of their being
underrepresented in the top professional occupations of the global labour market such as business
administration, engineering, and information technology. On the contrary, skilled migrant women
have a higher presence in occupations related to
social reproduction, such as health, education, and
culture. Those occupations are less valued in the labour market and also have transferability problems
between countries (IOM, 2012).
At the same time, recruitment and admission
policies in receiving countries tend to favour individuals with business, engineering, information
technology, and physics studies skills, elds with
high presence of men (Rubin et al., 2008). The difculties that skilled migrant women from LAC
face in nding occupations where they use their
abilities and skills could be related to the discriminatory practices against women in sending
countries (Rubin et al., 2008; IOM, 2012).
Some studies have found that non-economic
reasons, but mainly family motives, are strongly
related to the female skilled migration. This is
also linked to the aforementioned admission
policies, combined with some traditional gender
roles (Kofman & Raghuram, 2009). The lessening
in labour activity of skilled women and the absence of support structures in the receiving countries (i.e. the family and the housekeeping help)
have led to a process of feminisation or (re)domestication of skilled migrant women (Ho,
2006; Liversage, 2009), that is, an increase in their
role as mothers and wives and a decrease in their
role as income providers (Meares, 2010).
The literature on skilled migration with gender
perspective is currently scarce, and it contains
many preconceived notions about the prole of
less skilled women, with an essentialist view that
reduces them to a homogeneous group, with a
dominant economic perspective and not related
to other life elds (Kofman, 2000). Literature on
skilled migration has centred its approach in the
industry and economic activities based on knowledge, such as the information technology sector,
dominated by men, with scant attention to
activities or sectors with higher female presence
(Raghuram, 2009).
Skilled migrants from LAC are substantially
more segregated in the occupational structure
than other migrants. Following 2009, there was
a decline in levels of segregation, both for men

and women. Nevertheless, this drop in occupational segregation should not be interpreted as
equalisation of the conditions of labour occupation of the skilled LAC population with the
native population. The latter increased its concentration in professional occupations and in the
middle-to-low range of the structure from 2006
to 2012. Meanwhile, the Latin American and Caribbean skilled population increased its concentration in medium-skilled occupations. In this
way, the decline in segregation levels of this
population can, in part, be explained by the
relative improvement in these occupations
although womens opportunities worsened for
occupying professional spaces and mens improved slightly but also because the native
male and female population increased its concentration in occupational spaces in the middle
and lower part of the structure. Other possible
changes in the occupational structure perhaps
stimulated by a crisis scenario could also be
affecting and explaining the changes in occupational segregation.
The place that a worker holds in the occupational structure is an indicator, particularly in
the skilled population, of the appropriateness
of his/her labour insertion to his/her level of
preparation. The higher the skilled population
is placed in the structure, the greater the correspondence. Nevertheless, this indicator does
not reect the conditions and quality of the occupations. An exploration of wage differences offers clues, particularly for Latin American and
Caribbean women, that suggest that they are less
compensated in terms of wages, even in the
higher spaces of the structure. Moreover, this
situation worsened after the crisis. That is to
say, the permanence and increase of the
skilled migrant population from LAC in
medium-skilled spaces in the occupational structure could be explained by the existence of
greater conditions of precariousness, possibly
stimulated by the crisis. The native population
avoided these precarious labour spaces and
sought insertion in other spaces of the occupational structure. The condition of being a
migrant could possibly motivate people to withstand the effects of the crisis in less than
favourable labour conditions, to a greater degree
than for the native population (Castles &
Vezzoli, 2009).
DOI: 10.1002/psp

NOTES
(1) Occupational segregation and concentration have been
researched widely in connection with both gender
and racial/ethnic inequalities in the labour force.
The concept of segregation in the labour market is
usually used to refer to the tendency for men and
women to be employed in different occupations
from each other. Concentration refers to the tendency of different groups in the labour force to be
represented in higher proportions than others in
certain types of occupations or sectors of
employment.
(2) It is important to point out that the global segregation
index for skilled migrants from other regions and
from the LAC region did not consider the other
group of migrants. This means that each index is
calculated independently of the occupational structure of the other group of migrants or under the assumption that only the analysed group of migrants
and the native population are employed in the labour market. This is why interpretation is always
carried out in regard to the native population as a
group of reference.
(3) We can see that in 2006, 80.6% of the native male
workforce was concentrated in two types of occupations (professionals and medium skilled service
jobs), and 83% of migrants from other regions were
also concentrated in these occupations, whereas
only 59.6% of Latin Americans were occupying
these labor spaces. On the contrary, almost three
of every four migrants from LAC were distributed
among the three types of occupations in the lower
part of the structure, whereas only 8.2% of native
populations held these occupations and 6.9% of migrants from other regions.
(4) The information that supports these arguments was
not included in the article.
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DOI: 10.1002/psp

The Effects of The Crisis On Occupational Segregation of Skilled Migrants From Latin America and The Caribbean in The United States, 2006-2012

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